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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 12 Mar 1964

Vol. 208 No. 6

Committee on Finance. - Vote 46—External Affairs.

Tairgim:

Go ndeonófar suim nach mó ná £415,900 chun slánaithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31ú lá de Mhárta, 1965, le haghaidh Tuarastail agus Costais Oifig an Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha, agus Seirbhísí áirithe atá faoi riaradh na hOifige sin, lena n-áirítear Deontas-i-gCabhair.

Le cead an Cheann Chomhairle agus do réir an chleachtais a bhí ann 'sna blianta roimhe seo, tá fúm an Meastachán le haghaidh Gnóthaí Eachtracha agus an Meastachán le haghaidh Comhair Idirnáisiúnta a thógaint le chéile.

'Sé an méid atá san Mheastachán le haghaidh Gnóthaí Eachtracha ná £623,800 agus is méadú glan de £29,700 é seo ar Vóta na bliana 1963/64. Sé an príomh-chúis atá leis an méadú seo ná soláthar breise le haghaidh tuarastal, pá agus liúntas, £23,150, le haghaidh taistil agus fo-chostas, £5,800, agus le haghaidh seirbhísí áirithe ó'n Roinn Poist agus Telegrafa gur gá íoc asta do'n chéad uair. Mar pháirtchúiteamh éigin 'sna méadaithe seo tá laghdú de £6,000 sa tsuim a bheidh ag teastáil le haghaidh Seirbhísí Faisnéise. Níl aon athrú sa tsoláthar le haghaidh Deontas i gcabhair Comhair Cultúra ná san cheann le haghaidh Aíochta Oifigiúla a sheasann ag £14,000 agus £19,000 faoi seach.

Sé is mó cúis leis an méadú sa tsoláthar le haghaidh tuarastal, pá agus liúntas ná bunú misin taidhleoireachta i nDelhi Nua na nInde agus tuilleadh fóirne 'san Ambasáid i Washington, go mór-mhór Comhairleach (Eacnamaíochta) a bheidh i mbun gnóthaí talmhaíochta 'san áit sin. Mar an gcéanna is é an misean i nDelhi Nua is cúis leis an mhéadú san tsoláthar le haghaidh taistil agus fo-chostas.

£160,300 atá san Mheastachán um Chomhar Idirnáisiúnta agus is laghdú é seo de £61,870 ar an mhéid a votáladh i gcóir na bliana 1963/64. San tsuim a votáladh i gcóir na bliana san, áfach, bhí Meastachán Foirlíontach de £69,270, ina raibh ranníocaí de £60,000, na deonfar arís, do Chiste Traenála Daoine ó Thíortha thar lear agus do'n bhFundúireacht Mheireaceánach-Éireannach.

I have already mentioned the establishment of a Diplomatic Mission at New Delhi and the decision to open such a Mission will, I am sure, be welcomed by all. Deputies are aware of the vital position of India in international affairs and of the historic ties and reciprocal sympathy which exist between India and this country. For many years India has maintained diplomatic representation in Ireland which has not been reciprocated until now.

This Mission will be the only one we have in Asia and its establishment will enable us to obtain first-hand information on India and Asia and on the prospects for developing trade in that area.

In regard to our Embassy at Washington I have strengthened the staff there by the addition of an Agricultural Counsellor in view of the growing importance of the United States market for Irish agricultural produce.

Provision of £24,000 is being made under Subhead E in respect of the activities of the Information Section of my Department. This sum is £6,000 less than that provided for in last year's Estimate. Of the total of £24,000, £18,000 is required for the commissioning of films and the publication of the Department's Weekly Bulletin and a further £2,500 is for the purchase of copies of films on Ireland for use by our Missions abroad.

I regret that the commissioning of the two films on modern Ireland to which I have referred on previous occasions, has not yet been brought to a successful conclusion. It was intended that one film would deal with economic progress and the second with social progress. Unfortunately the partnership with which my Department was in negotiation for the economic progress film dissolved and an effort subsequently made with one of the partners for the production of a suitable film has proved unsuccessful. My Department is now considering what further action it should take in this matter.

As regards the second film, that on social progress, my Department following protracted negotiations with an Irish organisation, had hoped to sign a contract for the making of the film during 1963. In May last, however, the organisation informed my Department that the cost would be substantially greater than had been envisaged. A revised estimate for the making of the film was furnished and following examination of a break down of both the original and the revised estimates, my Department informed the organisation in February last that it was willing to sign a contract for this film. The concurrence of the Irish group is awaited but I should like to express the earnest hope that it will be possible to make the film this year. The film is to be in colour and will be of about 30 minutes duration.

The Weekly Bulletin continues to be one of the most important media available to my Department in the carrying out of its information functions abroad. It has a circulation of over 11,000 copies. It is distributed abroad to numerous newspapers and journalists, libraries and Universities, Government officials, people in public life and friends of Ireland, and enables them to keep abreast of significant developments here. I am satisfied that over the years the Bulletin has contributed greatly to the dissemination abroad of a more accurate picture of Ireland and of our economic, social and cultural achievements. During the year several issues of the Bulletin had to be reprinted because of demand from abroad and many of the features and items appearing in the Bulletin were used in foreign newspapers and magazines.

The remainder of the money being provided under Subhead E is to service the many aspects of information work of my Department. The growing interest abroad in Ireland and Irish affairs is reflected in the increasing number of foreign journalists, radio, TV and film publicists who visit Ireland and on whose behalf the Information Section of my Department, in co-operation with the Government Information Bureau and other Government Departments and the State-sponsored bodies, makes arrangements and supplies material to facilitate them in carrying out their assignments. I might mention that our present information is that six important foreign television groups plan to produce programmes on Ireland this year.

In the past year the number of foreign personalities visiting Ireland continued to be at the same high level we have been experiencing in recent years. We are glad, of course, that so many public figures, including world and European statesmen, are nowadays visiting our shores. These visits stimulate abroad an interest in our country and foster understanding between our peoples. We also welcome the increasing number of international groups who are selecting Ireland as the venue for their congresses and conventions. This is a desirable development as apart from promoting a wider general knowledge of Ireland in foreign spheres, the congresses also, of course, constitute a useful economic asset for our trade and tourism. I expect activity in this sector in the coming year to be at about the same level as last year and we are thus making provision for the same figure, £19,000, for this subhead in the Estimate for the current year.

Among the conferences and conventions scheduled to take place in Ireland this year, I might mention the following: European Ministers for Justice Conference, International Railwaymen's Conference, UNICEF Conference, Symposium on Organic Reaction Mechanisms, International Congress on Aviation and Space Medicine, Interflora Conference.

For centuries the law of the sea has been perhaps the most complex of the subjects that fall to be classed as international law. It has undoubtedly been one of the most fruitful sources of dissension and difference between otherwise friendly States. The divergence of interests of States, whether they be economic or strategic, has more than once resulted in actual conflict.

Over the years many attempts have been made to resolve differences concerning this topic on a bilateral or a multilateral basis. No overall agreement, however, was achieved and in The Hague in 1930 a large majority of countries of those attending expressed their preference for a three mile breadth territorial sea. Since then events have moved rapidly and the question of the law of the sea was taken up for intensive study by the International Law Commission. For some ten years the International Law Commission studied the problem at their annual meetings and their great researches were the subject of discussion in the appropriate committee of the United Nations.

At the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1956, the Canadian Delegation put forward for the first time the proposal that the question of exclusive fishery limits should be divorced from that of the territorial seas so that the problem could be approached from the economic rather than the strategic angle. This suggestion was immediately supported by the Irish Delegation.

The work of the International Law Commission while extremely successful in all other spheres did not resolve the question of the permitted breadth under international law of the territorial seas but the work accomplished by the Commission was so successful otherwise that it was decided to hold a conference of plenipotentiaries to draw up a world wide convention on the law of the sea. This conference was held in the spring of 1958 and agreement was achieved in nearly all aspects of the law of the sea save the one already mentioned, namely, the breadth of territorial sea and fishery limits. At that conference the Canadian suggestion for the division of fishery limits from territorial seas was put forward and achieved a considerable measure of success. It was supported by the Irish Delegation.

So far as concerns this country, a great deal of confusion existed as to precisely what was our area of exclusive fishing jurisdiction. While the Constitution laid claim to our territorial seas, the breadth of those seas had never been defined but, in practice, an exclusive fishing limit of three miles measured from the coastline was enforced. In 1959 the ambiguous situation around our coast was resolved with the passing of the Maritime Jurisdiction Act.

That Act enabled us to take advantage of the decision of the International Court of Justice in the Anglo-Norwegian fisheries case which laid down that in certain parts of the coast which are deeply indented and cut into, straight baselines can be employed from which to measure the breadth of the territorial sea. By the making of the Maritime Jurisdiction Act (Straight Baselines) Order, 1959, which came into operation on the 1st January, 1960, a considerable additional area was added to Ireland's exclusive fishing jurisdiction.

The failure of the 1958 United Nations Conference on the law of the sea was discouraging but it had gone so near to success regarding the most difficult problem that it was decided to hold a further conference in an effort to achieve agreement. Accordingly, a second conference was arranged and held in Geneva in the spring of 1960. Deputies will be aware that following an intensive period of negotiation and activity in Geneva, a joint Canadian-US proposal for a six-mile territorial sea plus six further miles of exclusive fishing jurisdiction which would be subject to historic rights for a phased-out period failed to achieve the necessary ?rds majority by only one vote.

Following the failure of the second United Nations Conference, we endeavoured to have the matter raised in OEEC with a view to achieving at least a regional arrangement. This move did not meet with the requisite support at the time.

In 1961 talks were held in The Hague between the North Sea countries with a view to completing a regional agreement. Ireland was represented at these talks. Once again they ended in failure.

On the initiative of the British and Canadian Governments, a suggestion was then made that a convention based on the Canadian-US proposal at Geneva should be opened for signature. We declared our support for this suggestion and various soundings throughout the world were made. However, the proposal was not proceeded with.

Since that time we have been active in making representations to several Governments regarding the possibility of holding another United Nations conference on the law of the sea. These efforts were not received with great enthusiasm by the Governments we approached.

Finally, over a year ago, the British Government indicated that they proposed to extend their exclusive fishery limits and they took the necessary steps to denounce certain agreements to which they were parties which might have prevented them from so doing. In this context they suggested convening an international conference for a further effort to see if agreement could be reached in this field. Our best thanks are due to them for their initiative and for their unstinting efforts to make the conference a success. The result of that conference has been as we all know to produce the draft convention and other documents which were completed at London on March 2nd last.

While for us we can say that the draft agreement enables us to extend our limits with the approval of the other countries concerned, nevertheless it is clear that for other countries a considerable sacrifice has been made in reaching agreement. We would, of course, have liked a worldwide agreement which would have established a universal rule of law but I think we can feel satisfied that after many years' intensive efforts, we have at last succeeded in achieving even a regional agreement with our European neighbours which is no small accomplishment in this very vexed field.

I feel a good measure of credit for these negotiations over the years and for the success achieved is due to the officers of the Department of External Affairs and the Department of Fisheries.

During the past year the practical aims of the Statute of the Council of Europe were furthered in the fields of legal, technical and cultural co-operation, and Ireland has been able to play a full role in this development.

The membership of the organisation was increased by the formal admission, on 6th May, 1963, of Switzerland. Seventeen countries have now signed the Statute.

Legal activities have for more than a year been co-ordinated by the ad hoc Committee on Legal Co-operation, established by the Committee of Ministers in December, 1962, to examine proposals for expanding the Legal Programme of the Council of Europe and to establish a list of fields in which international legal co-operation could suitably be developed. Agreement has now been reached on a legal programme to be operated by a committee of a consultative and technical character to be known as the European Committee on Legal Co-operation. The new body will be charged with implementing, under the Committee of Ministers, the agreed legal programme by consulting such sub-committees of experts as may be set up, and, in co-operation with other international organisations where necessary, may draw up Conventions for signature by member Governments. Deputies will be glad to learn of this promising development, in which our representatives on the Legal Committee have played a full part.

The Government have invited the Ministers of Justice of the Council of Europe member countries to hold their Third Conference in Dublin, and preparations are well advanced for the opening of the Conference on 26th May next. The Conference will afford an opportunity for a further harmonisation of views on international legal co-operation at the highest level.

In the social field, the work of the Council of Europe has gone ahead successfully. A new and interesting development is a scheme to provide fellowships for pupil-instructors and trainee-instructors in vocational education. Initially the fields of mechanics, building construction and the hotel trade will be catered for. Courses are now being organised by the Italian Government on behalf of the Council of Europe, and it is hoped that two Irish candidates will participate in the scheme later this year.

With regard to the Council of Europe Medical Fellowships, Deputies will remember that fourteen fellowships were awarded to Irish applicants last year. Irish specialists continue to play a large part in the scheme, and have been granted for the year 1964 eight awards and two reserve fellowships.

The scheme of fellowships for personnel in social welfare work has also attracted applications from Ireland, and Deputies will be pleased to learn that six of these fellowships have been awarded to Irish men and women, who will thus be enabled to benefit from a period of study and research in various European countries.

I hope the Deputies opposite will benefit from the little research they have been doing this last ten minutes.

Deputies may recall the very successful study group on Community Development held at Gormanston in 1962 under the European Social Welfare Programme and organised jointly by the United Nations and Muintir na Tíre. The European Social Welfare Programme covers problems of social welfare for special groups and the planning and development of national and regional social welfare programmes. It devotes a high degree of priority to the social aspects of rural and urban community development, in which there is considerable interest in this country. An officer of the Department recently attended at Geneva a Conference to draw up a long-term plan for the European Social Welfare Programme in the years 1965-67.

Under the direction of the Council for Cultural Co-operation a large programme of cultural activity is in operation. The Council, acting through its sub-committee on General and Technical Education, held its Third Conference on the Revision of Geography Text-books in Bray, County Wicklow, from 1st to 12th October, 1963. The special subject of this most successful conference was "The Geography of Atlantic Europe". Following the accession of the Holy See to the European Cultural Convention, which I mentioned last year, invitations have been extended to Finland and Portugal to attend as observers the meetings of the Permanent Committee on Higher Education and Research, an important organ of the Council.

In addition to the organisation of cultural exchanges and of travelling exhibitions the Council has conducted studies on applied linguistics and on possible means of harmonising higher education courses and diplomas in all the essential subjects and of providing universities with machinery for international co-operation. In this connection I should mention that Ireland has signed the European Convention on the Academic Recognition of University Qualifications, which has now been signed by all but four of the member-countries of the Council of Europe.

In connection with human rights, Deputies will be interested to know that during the year we signed three additional protocols to the Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. One of these Protocols deals with certain civil and political rights which were not covered in the original Convention or in the first Protocol. A further Protocol deals with the right of the Judges of the European Court of Human Rights to give advisory opinions on the Convention and matters arising out of it. The third Protocol deals with certain desirable amendments to the original Convention, relating principally to the procedure before the Commission of Human Rights. The latter two Protocols, namely those on the advisory jurisdiction of the Court and on the amendments to the original Convention, have also been ratified.

The Council continued its useful work in the fields of copyright and patents, broadcasting and television and industrial arbitration. An eventual harmonisation of law and practice in these matters as between European countries is to be anticipated as a result of the Council's labours.

Last May, it was resolved to use the biannual meetings of the Ministers' Committee as an opportunity to hold comprehensive discussions on the problems of European unification. At its meeting in December, 1963, the Committee of Ministers had an exchange of views on co-operation between Europe and North America, the political aspects of European economic integration and the approach to the forthcoming negotiations in the GATT.

A Convention on Consular Relations was concluded at Vienna in April of last year. This Convention is a very comprehensive document and deals with the whole scope of consular relations between States. The Convention is complementary to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations signed on behalf of the Government in 1961. My Department is currently considering legislation to give effect to these two Conventions. We were also represented at meetings in Strasbourg in connection with a proposed European Convention on Consular Relations, and the discussions on this subject are still continuing although the field of the Convention has been very much lessened.

There was also signed in Copenhagen in February this year a comprehensive Double Taxation Agreement with Denmark. The Convention will be welcomed as affording double taxation relief to residents of Ireland and also as a factor encouraging the development of trade and other relations between the two countries. I am hopeful also that the Double Taxation Convention with the Federal Republic of Germany will be ratified within the next few weeks. A number of double taxation conventions with other countries is currently under negotiation. Their effect will, in general, be similar to that of the Conventions with Denmark and Germany and those concluded and already in force between this country and Great Britain, the United States, Canada and Sweden.

We are continuing to play a very full part in the activities of the OECD. A significant development last year was the inauguration, in co-operation with the OECD Scientific Research Committee, of a study of scientific and research activities in Ireland. The aim of the study which is at present being carried out by a team of Irish professional economists with financial assistance and advice from OECD is to formulate recommendations for the balanced development of the national research effort over the next 15 years in relation to economic growth. This project is distinct from the OECD study on the long-term needs for educational resources which was started in 1962, though both project teams have the same chairman, Mr. Patrick Lynch, Chairman of Aer Lingus.

Another important event last year was the holding of the First OECD Conference of Ministers of Science, which was attended by the Minister for Education. This extends to four the number of groups within the OECD which meet regularly at Ministerial level. The other groups are, of course, the Council at Ministerial level—which I attended in November last—the Committee for Agriculture at Ministerial level, and the European Conference of Ministers of Transport.

Deputies will recall that, when moving a Supplementary Estimate for International Co-operation recently, I reviewed at some length Ireland's assistance to developing countries. My Department continues to co-operate with the United Nations and the OECD in providing, firstly, facilities for nationals of developing countries to study administration, management and technical skills here and, secondly, experts to serve in these countries.

On a direct bilateral basis, the main development in the last year has been the acceptance here for training in central and local administration of a group of Northern Rhodesians. The setting up of the Overseas Trainee Fund will enable us to finance, either by way of grants or loans, schemes for developing countries which might not otherwise have been able to afford them.

The Institute of Public Administration are co-operating in this work. The United Nations has expressed interest in and appreciation of what we are doing in these fields and is prepared to assist the Institute in training instructors for the proposed Graduate School of Public Administration and in building up a library. I understand that the Institute propose to associate the division which deals with the training of nationals of developing countries with the name of Dag Hammarskjold. In this way a fitting memorial to the late Secretary-General of the United Nations will be provided in Ireland.

Since this Estimate was debated here last year the world has moved away from those conditions of crisis and hazard which gave rise to very justifiable concern for the maintenance of peaceful relations between the major powers. The easing of tension which grew out of the resolution of the Cuban crisis was a most welcome development. It gave almost universal satisfaction that the nuclear powers saw their way to avail themselves of this improved climate to explore with a common purpose the possibilities of halting the arms race and of putting an end to the danger of radioactive fallout. These efforts culminated in the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty signed in Moscow on 5th August, 1963. Ireland signed the Treaty without delay and in December our instruments of ratification were deposited in the capitals of the three original parties. This Treaty was rightly acclaimed as the first significant step towards removing prime causes of tension in the world and was made possible by the realisation of the major powers concerned of the catastrophic potentialities of the spread and development of nuclear armaments.

The spirit of dêtente which the Treaty generated between East and West was reflected in the 18th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations which expressed satisfaction at the conclusion of the Treaty and urged its general acceptance. The Treaty undoubtedly helped to prepare the way for the almost unanimous adoption of resolutions aimed at ending all nuclear tests, and for unanimous decisions on banning the orbiting of nuclear weapons in outer space and on legal principles for the peaceful use of outer space. The most important items considered by the Assembly during the session might be grouped under the headings of disarmament, decolonisation and development. During his official visit to the United States last October the Taoiseach addressed the General Assembly and chose these three topics as the main themes of his address.

The road to the realisation of the ideal of disarmament is a long and difficult one. The measures which offer most promise are those which help to build mutual confidence between nations and those which help to regulate and contain national armaments. Valuable work in these directions has been carried out by the Eighteen Nation Disarmament Committee which last month resumed its sittings at Geneva. I hope that progress can be made on at least some of the important measures which the Committee has been considering. It is our intention to support in every way open to us the endeavours of the Committee in this regard and in particular their efforts to negotiate an international agreement to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons on the lines of the Irish resolution which was unanimously adopted by the General Assembly in its 16th session.

During the past year relative calm has prevailed in the Congo and the United Nations has largely fulfilled its mandate under the Security Council's resolutions which were to maintain the territorial integrity and political independence of the country; to help the Central Government to restore law and order; to prevent civil war; to secure the withdrawal and evacuations of all military, para military and advisory personnel not under United Nations auspices, and all mercenaries; and to provide technical assistance to the newly independent State.

The retraining and modernisation of the Congolese National Army and of the police is of vital importance for the future stability of the country and, while much progress has been made, it may take some time to achieve the compete effectiveness of the programmes undertaken with these objectives in view. The gradual improvement of the situation is, however, best exemplified by the fact that the Secretary-General was able to reduce the size of the United Nations Force from 20,000 officers and men to the present figure of just over 5,000, including the Irish contingent of 355. I should like to pay a tribute again to the high standards of honour and conduct which our troops in the Congo have continued to maintain and for their loyal devotion to their duty. They have been warmly welcomed by the local population wherever they went and we may be justly proud of them. During his visit to Dublin last summer, Mr. Adoula, the Prime Minister of the Congo, expressed deep appreciation on behalf of his Government and people for all our contributions to efforts of the United Nations in his country.

The main responsibility for law and order throughout the Congo now rests with the Congolese Army and police with guidance and assistance from the United Nations force particularly for rescue work. The General Assembly has appropriated funds to maintain the military operation until 30th June next but there is no guarantee that the Congolese Government, in the increasingly difficult internal political situation which they face, will not find it necessary again to request that the operation be extended. Meanwhile, one of the main tasks of the United Nations and its Specialised Agencies in the Congo is the provision of economic and technical assistance to enable the country to meet its unprecedented needs and train its people to manage their own affairs.

On the subject of economic development, the discussions at the eighteenth Session of the General Assembly concentrated on the Conference on Trade and Development which will open in Geneva on 23rd March. That Conference will deal with the basic problem of the ever widening gap between the living standards of the developed and the less developed countries. It is hoped that the Conference will lead to improved terms for international trade and to better opportunities for economic growth, particularly for developing countries. The Conference has important implications for our country and we are sending a delegation to it.

We continue to support projects connected with the United Nations Development Decade including the World Food Programme and Freedom from Hunger Campaign and have maintained, and where possible increased, our voluntary assistance and pre-investment funds to its humanitarian and refugee programmes. Great thanks are due to the Red Cross and to the Chairman and the efficient Committee for their magnificent work in collecting funds for the under-developed countries.

In the debate on the recent Supplementary Estimate for International Co-operation I dwelt at some length on the financial problems faced by the Organisation as a result of the failure of a number of Member States to contribute towards the cost of the peace-keeping in the Congo and the Middle East. Peace-keeping operations are costly and are dependent on the financial viability of the Organisation. We continue to take a very active interest in seeing that the principle of the collective responsibility of members for the financing of these operations prevails and is in fact acknowledged by all. The defaulting members will ultimately lose their votes in the General Assembly under Article 19 of the Charter when their arrears equal or exceed two full years of their contributions to the expenses of the organisation. I hope that agreement can be reached on the payment of all arrears of contributions before Member States begin to lose their votes.

Ireland continues to be represented on the Statistical Commission of the Economic and Social Council and on the Committee for International Co-operation Year. We have also been elected to serve on the committee set up under a unanimously adopted Irish resolution to promote the teaching, study, dissemination and wider application of international law. The Irish representative has been nominated Rapporteur of the Committee.

I come now to the two motions which are being debated with these Estimates and I am glad to see that the Leader of the Opposition sent out for the books to which I referred in this speech, copies of which they got before I started to speak three-quarters of an hour ago.

The descriptive general information handbook "Facts about Ireland" was published at a cost of approximately £9,700 for 56,000 copies. The figure for costs covers the printing, design, photographic and other work. The handbook was entirely written and edited in my Department, other Departments being consulted on the various sections with which they were concerned. Therefore no fees were paid for writing or editing it or any section of it.

I may say that the need for a descriptive general information handbook of this kind has been keenly felt at home and abroad for many years. Indeed last May we had to print what was in fact a non-illustrated and abbreviated version of the handbook to cater for the demand for some information on Ireland from journalists and others at the time of the late President Kennedy's visit. The demand for the handbook has been much beyond our expectations and already 14,000 copies have been sold. In addition, just over 1,000 complimentary copies have been distributed in Ireland to members of the Oireachtas, newspapers and periodicals, foreign Embassies, Government Departments and universities and libraries, and 1,500 copies have been sent to our Missions abroad for free distribution. In order to effect the widest possible distribution abroad, our Missions have been instructed to promote its sale commercially. Arrangements for the sale of the handbook in the United States and in Britain are already well advanced.

I want to deal at this point with some of the allegations and criticisms that have been made to justify the motions which we are now debating in connection with this Estimate calling for the withdrawal of the handbook.

First of all, let us be clear about the purpose and nature of the handbook—about what it is and what it is not. It is not a history of Ireland and makes no pretence at being so. There are only about 1,400 words in the chapter in the first half of the handbook which gives a sketch of Irish history from ancient to modern times and only about 340 words in the brief section devoted to the period from 1916 to the end of the Civil War. No producer of a handbook of this type, which is designed to attract the foreigner, who has little or no desire to learn Irish history, and to arouse in him an interest in modern Ireland, would attempt to feed him forcibly with lengthy chapters on Irish history or a detailed account of our Civil War. As is appropriate in a general information publication of this kind, the main emphasis and space is devoted to explaining the constitutional organisation of the State and to describing the social, economic and cultural life and structure of Ireland today.

It is interesting to note that in the somewhat similar productions, namely, the "Saorstát Éireann Official Handbook"—the Leader of the Opposition sent out for it—here it is, produced by the Cumann na nGaedheal Government, and here is "Ireland an Introduction" published by the first Coalition Government in 1950——

The Minister speaks like a typical Kingstown Republican.

——and it is interesting to note that these productions also treat the period 1916 to the end of the Civil War in a very condensed form. In the Coalition publication "Ireland an Introduction" the only reference to Michael Collins in the fairly lengthy section dealing with Irish history up to 1950, is contained in the following sentence:

Under the authority of Dáil Éireann, and supported by the people, the Volunteers—now the Irish Republican Army—carried on an armed guerilla struggle led by Michael Collins and Cathal Brugha against the British.

I should like to point out to Deputy Corish that though he was a Minister at the time, there was no reference of any kind in the handbook "Ireland an Introduction" to James Larkin or to the great struggle of the workers in 1913 or to the tremendous contribution of the trade unions to the well-being of the nation although it is stated in his motion before the Dáil that the absence of such reference in the "Facts about Ireland" is a gross offence to large numbers of our people.

And it will be restated in a few moments.

In the Cumann na nGaedheal publication, the "Saorstát Éireann Official Handbook", there was no mention of Michael Collins at all in the chapter dealing with Irish history up to and including the passing of the Treaty.

One of the allegations upon which the call for the withdrawal of "Facts about Ireland" was based is that I cut out of a draft submitted to me the name of Michael Collins. There is no truth or shadow of truth in this allegation. Neither is it true that his name was omitted from the 344 words devoted to the period from 1916 to the end of the Civil War because of any personal or political bias or hatred.

Surely no one will say that it was bias or hatred of Collins that led the Cumann na nGaedheal Government and the Coalition Government to treat the 1916-Civil War period in their handbooks in the way they did. Indeed, much more reason could be found in those handbooks "Saorstát Éireann Official Handbook" and "Ireland an Introduction", to justify that allegation of bias and hatred than could be found in the handbook "Facts about Ireland" for the latter contains a list of books on Ireland which includes at least 15 histories and biographies dealing with all the leaders of 1916 and the War of Independence including, of course, Connolly, Griffith and Collins. That is the list of books. In the "Saorstát Éireann Official Handbook" there was no reference to any of these gentlemen.

Concluding my remarks on "Facts about Ireland", I wish to say that I am very proud of the work of the officers of my Department who produced it and am very grateful to them and to all who assisted in its preparation. The handbook has been widely admired as a brilliant example of modern design and printing and as containing the right balance of information material coupled with a high standard of readability and attractiveness. The handbook, I believe, is calculated to hold the attention of the not too interested foreigner and perhaps induce him to read a few of the books listed in the bibliography which would give him a wider know- ledge of Irish history, literature and art and of the evolution and development of modern Ireland.

Votes 46 and 47 will be taken together.

I move:

That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration.

I do so by arrangement with Deputy D. Costello. I am taking that course so that I may deal with the subject matter of the motion, which our rules of Order require me formally to move at the end of the debate. The terms of that motion are:

That Dáil Éireann calls for the immediate withdrawal of the Department of External Affairs publication entitled "Facts about Ireland", produced at public expense, on the grounds that its contents are politically biased, and present a grossly distorted picture of the evolution of modern Ireland.

I suppose, Sir, all of us preserve our illusions. It struck me very forcibly when, on the occasion of the late President Kennedy's visit here, we all combined to do him honour and he entered this Chamber to address the Oireachtas, supported by the Taoiseach, Deputy Corish and myself, that that occasion represented in some sense a new departure, a departure in which our close association to do honour to a distinguished guest seemed to me to emphasise the closing of a chapter and its relegation to the hands of the historians for the evaluation we had no reason either to fear or apprehend. I felt that sentiment was confirmed by the remarkable occurrence which marked the entry of the venerable figure of Mr. Liam T. Cosgrave, who honoured the occasion with his presence and who was received in this House by all sides and all members, with the applause and respect his distinguished contribution to the history of this country and the State so highly merited. I cannot but feel that the high hopes of that occasion have been very much qualified by the action of the Government in offering this booklet as being the facts about Ireland. We believe that in its suppression of truths and distortion of facts it represents anything but a fair evaluation of modern Ireland and is politically biased and offers a false picture.

When the Minister was introducing his Estimate, it struck me, until he reached that part of his statement dealing with this matter, that his accents were measured, and then there crept into his voice that raucous note of acrimony which I thought his own conscience imposed upon him when he sought to defend himself and his publication by comparison with previous publications, taking particular care in one paragraph which he quoted from the publication entitled "Ireland an Introduction" published by the Department of External Affairs in Dublin, 1950, during the term of office of the first inter-Party Government. The passage he chose to quote from that publication is:

Under the authority of Dáil Éireann, supported by the people, the Volunteers—now the Irish Republican Army—carried on an armed guerilla struggle led by Michael Collins and Cathal Brugha against the British.

I should invite the Minister to compare the solicitous and delicate care employed in the drafting of that paragraph to ensure that there would be no implied denial of credit for what those not among our Government had contributed to the common cause of the struggle for Irish Independence. If a corresponding generosity had characterised this publication it would have been a pleasure to declare it, as I think the publication of 1950 was declared, to be an eminently acceptable document designed to give a fair, factual and condensed picture of the essential facts about Ireland.

I could proceed to point to a wide variety of suppressions of the truth, of distortions of the known facts and other defects but I should like to direct the attention of the House to page 45 where it is stated:

In 1923 Ireland joined the League of Nations. Éamon de Valera, the Irish Head of Government at the time, was President of the Council of the League in 1932 and President of the Assembly of the League in 1938, and another Irishman, Seán Lester, served as the last Secretary-General of the League until its dissolution in 1946.

Would it have been unseemly to record the fact that Mr. Liam T. Cosgrave led Ireland into the League of Nations? Or would it have been more accurate to record that instead of to record the extract I have just read? Again I quote:

Ireland also joined the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 1923 and Mr. Seán Lemass, who was then Minister for Industry and Commerce, was President of the Conference of the Organisation in 1937. Mr. John Lynch, Minister for Industry and Commerce, was also elected President of the ILO Conference in 1962.

Does that faithfully reproduce the true picture of Ireland's entry either into the League of Nations or the International Labour Office? I cannot feel that many will believe it is a true and unbiased version of those significant events to which it is thought reasonable to refer specifically in this booklet. On the same page appears this paragraph:

Seeing in the Charter of the United Nations renewed hope of a world rule of law, Ireland applied for membership of the Organisation in 1946. A cold war deadlock over the admission of new members developed, however, and the Irish application, with others, was vetoed by the Soviet Union. Nine years later the deadlock was resolved and in December, 1955, Ireland was admitted to membership.

Am I unreasonable if I say it calls for considerable verbal and intellectual dexterity to exclude from those two short paragraphs the very striking coincidence that Ireland was led into the League of Nations by Mr. Liam T. Cosgrave and into the United Nations by his son, Mr. Liam T. Cosgrave, who is today a member of this front bench?

I do not want to go into detail. I simply want to record this fact, that we cannot feel that the story of the evolution of this State, however condensed, however succinct the circumstances have made its unfolding to be, is accurately told if from it are deleted the names of Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins. Griffith played a vital part in the foundation of this State and launched it on the life that has led us to this day. Collins was the first Commander-in-Chief of the Irish Army and every time a soldier appears anywhere in the world in the uniform of that Army, the memory of Collins must be green. It is strange that it should not be mentioned within the covers of this booklet.

Is it appropriate—I ask no more than that—in telling of the facts of Ireland we should record the verdict of the Treaty and then substantially nothing until the entry of the Fianna Fáil Party into Dáil Éireann? That does not seem to be as significant an event in the history of this country as the establishment of Oireachtas Éireann, the establishment of the Army of the State, the establishment of the Garda Síochána, the laying of the foundations of the life, social and economic, in which we are now all participants, which were done by the Cumann na nGaedheal Government and the Parliamentary Labour Party which constituted the Government and Opposition of Dáil Éireann in those ten critical years during which the institutions in which we now are participants were all formulated, founded and established.

I suggest, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, that this booklet renews the futile effort to pervert the truth, to falsify history and, worst of all, to corrupt the minds of the young with falsehood expressed not only in the suppression of facts but in the falsification of the record. I deplore the fact that such a publication is to go forth with the emphatic dissent of every section of this House except the Government Party. It is a piece of unseemly and improper Fianna Fáil propaganda.

I do not take the grave view that propaganda activity of this kind, offensive as it may be to contemporaries, has any enduring effect upon the verdict of history because, in the long run, the historians will find the truth and they will reveal it. But, in the meantime, surely it is in the interests of us all that acrimony and ill-will should not be perennially revived amongst us in relation to a chapter of our country's history which is now substantially closed and which can be only fruitfully opened by those concerned, with detachment, to record historical fact? Is it not desirable that, if we are to deal with matters of this kind such as are dealt with in "Facts about Ireland", such as were dealt with in the publication of 1950, that we should be solicitous to tell the story with due concern for the legitimate feelings of every section of our people? Is it not desirable that, if we put our hand to that task, we should question ourselves as to whether there may be anything here which would give legitimate offence and seek within the bounds of reason to bring such a publication into conformity with the broadest possible common denominator of exactness?

I think the publication from which the Minister has himself quoted in his speech goes far to meet that requirement. I suggest to him that as far as this publication manifestly does not and seeks to exalt one political Party at the expense of every other section of the community, it ought to be withdrawn. If it were, these paragraphs which give legitimate offence and which we repudiate emphatically could be suitably amended. If that is done, this handbook can be freely sold and distributed with the consent and approbation of us all. If that is not done then I fix the Minister with notice that we regard this as a cheap political broadsheet and, in due course, if this Government do not withdraw it, their successors certainly will.

Deputy Dillon is somewhat optimistic in his expression of belief that history and historians eventually can determine facts. Buonaparte had not that view. I recall that he said, "What is history but a fable agreed upon?". Therein is the keynote to which we wish to address ourselves—the fable agreed upon. We do not want to have it thought that the Labour Party accepted this booklet, which is a remarkable achievement in omissions of important historical facts. We do not want to have it thought that we agreed that this fable should be perpetuated and carried on and placed on record without protest.

There have been efforts made here, let me say at the outset, to try to turn discussion of this booklet on the Civil War. We of the Labour Party have no desire or no intention of entering into any discussion of that period. We are concerned with that portion of the booklet which is labelled "History" and we are concerned with the omissions which we have outlined briefly in the motion which is on the Order Paper in my name and in the names of Deputies Corish and Tully.

The people of this country are aware, if certain politicians are not, that the most significant social event and the most historic social event that occurred here in the last half-century was the Great Strike of Dublin workers in 1913. There was a veritable colossus of a man, James Larkin, looming over that situation and by his side his great comrade, James Connolly. You look in vain in this booklet, which professes to represent a compression of that period, for any mention whatsoever of James Larkin. You will find a very casual reference, if you examine it minutely, to James Connolly. You will find throughout the whole booklet an obvious effort to create the impression that there never was, in this State, any Party, or any group of individuals, of much importance outside the crowd composing the present Government and their immediate predecessors.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

With regard to photographs, on page 17, we have a picture of the first President of the Irish Republic, Pádraig Pearse, may the light of heaven shine on him. On the opposite side, in exact transposition, we have President de Valera. What other photographs have we of our great men? We have the Taoiseach in black and white, and further on, on page 47, in glorious technicolour, we have the Minister for External Affairs. These are all the photographs we have of the personages who are concerned with the history of this country in the past 50 years. That compression may be made a legitimate excuse in some circumstances.

It is not easy, one appreciates, to write a history or to compile a document which foreigners or outsiders will readily absorb, or will wish to read. But no matter how hard it is there exists an obligation upon those who handle the finances of this State—the finances of this State are being contributed by all people in the State, not merely those who support the Fianna Fáil Party—to ensure that when a document of this kind is produced that it is objective, that it tells the truth and that it does not lie by omission.

The only Party mentioned, apart from Fianna Fáil—Fianna Fáil are mentioned in the booklet—and again in a very casual and very peculiar way are Sinn Féin. It would appear to me from reading it, that it is an attempt to denigrate Sinn Féin, by reason of its modern connotations. Fianna Fáil are the Party mentioned. The Labour Party—no mention of them.

The Labour Party was founded before Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael were ever dreamed of. The Labour Party was founded in 1912 at Clonmel, on the proposition of James Connolly, seconded by James Larkin. It is the oldest Party in the State. Other groupings have come and gone. Other political combinations have occurred and broken up, gone their different ways. The Labour Party have remained the Labour Party all the time, representing the working people, but they are not mentioned in this booklet. The contribution they have made in the parliamentary sense to the present condition of things has been remarkable. Men like Johnson in the 1920's——

Deputies

Hear, hear.

——and others too numerous to mention, should be remembered. They are worthy of mention, but no. It is quite obvious that the gentlemen, or ladies and gentlemen, whoever they were, who compiled this so-called history, were motivated by a desire to serve their masters and to write what would be pleasing, to exclude what might not be beneficial to that Party. The whole savours of what is happening in other parts of the world, where the tendency is towards the One-Party State: the Ein Reich, ein Fuhrer idea. This is one Party which will never “Sieg Heil” that concept.

There is a lot of talk throughout the country about this booklet and invariably the question of the non-mention of Michael Collins has been the subject of comment. I am not going to say anything about that because he was before my generation. It did seem to me utterly inexplicable, as it must seem to everybody, no matter what side of the House he is on, whether they agreed with Collins or not, that anybody could write a history of this country without mentioning his name.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Leaving the strictly political side alone and recalling what Lalor said—that political rights are but parchment, it is the social constitution which determines the condition of the people—we can think of the trade union movement. If we look around today in this House, or outside this House, even those who might not like it, or to whom the thought may be gall, the standard of living which we have, each and every one of us, the standard of living which the people have today, is due in a large measure to the Irish trade union movement. Is there any mention of that contribution here? None whatsoever. There is no mention of the important things, but a very obvious effort is made to create the illusion that nothing has existed in this country other than Fianna Fáil.

We believe that men such as Larkin, who was called the forerunner by one of his biographers, were the real fundamental motivating forces that brought about what could be described as the Irish revolution. There was very little stir on the stagnant waters of Irish political life until Larkin struck the first blow in 1913. That blow gave courage to others to strike other blows but Larkin, in his greatness, did not go out into the streets, armed with anything more than his voice, his genius, his sincerity and his beliefs in mankind. He succeeded, through his efforts, in making a start in the breaking of the chain of poverty and degradation in which the workers of Dublin and the workers of Ireland were bound at that time. His inspiration, his genius and his divine fire had a very big effect on what happened in the years that followed.

Today, as we walk through the streets of Dublin and see the Georgian tenements being knocked down and demolished and see the beautiful new flats being erected in various parts of the city, we can see Larkin. Everywhere we look we can see the face and the mind and the thought and the genius of Larkin. Wherever we see children well-clothed, we can see that great man's figure as well. Many thousands of people in this city recall the awful misery the workers of Dublin had to endure until the arrival of Larkin from Belfast. And what he did here affected the lives of every man, woman and child throughout the length and breadth of the country and very many people who never had a good word to say about Larkin owe a great part of their standard of living to the man because of the principles he enunciated and the work he did.

Not alone was that true here in Ireland but in every part of the known earth wherever the English language was spoken, men stood up from their labour when they heard of Dublin and Larkin and felt a little better because there was hope on the horizon. Something was happening somewhere; men were beginning to shake off the shackles and feel a little freer and Larkin and Dublin meant that to them. All over the world, in England and on the continent of Europe and in America, people knew of the 1913 strike, the Irish trade union movement and James Larkin.

One would have thought that any decent person writing a history of this country, no matter how compressed it had to be, could not but have mentioned Larkin and the great strike which affected the lives and well-being of every single one of us. This booklet was written, I am satisfied, as I am sure will anybody be who reads it, for the one purpose of the glorification of the Fianna Fáil Party. The Fianna Fáil Party are quite entitled to issue pamphlets or booklets at their own expense or to propagandise whatever way they wish as every Party may do. What they are not entitled to do is to use public money for that purpose and that is what is being done here and that is what we object to.

The Minister referred in his speech to some publication of the inter-Party Government of 14 years ago. I was a supporter of that Government at that time. I cannot recollect the document and I have not had a chance of looking at it, but seeing it in the Minister's hand and comparing its size with this, I do not think it could contain anything like the material which is embraced in the 99 pages of "Facts about Ireland". So whatever argument the Minister makes for compression in respect of this must necessarily apply even more forcibly in regard to the publication to which he refers as having been issued 14 years ago. But that is not material because 14 years is a long time and what we are dealing with today is the production which is being circulated throughout the world. Willy-nilly we are contributing to obtaining a bigger circulation for this production by our discussion here. However, it is important, no matter what the effect of this discussion will be, that the truth should be told and that is very simple. The truth is that the important fact, so far as we are concerned, of the contribution of the trade union movement to the history of Ireland has been completely eliminated. This is not alone unjust; it is mean and petty. It has offered offence to many people throughout the country. It will be seen by the people for what it is, a political manoeuvre to gain an advantage for the Party in power. It reflects the utmost discredit on the minds that conceived it.

Ba mhaith liom comhgháirdeachas a dhéanamh leis an Aire agus leis an Roinn as ucht a bhfuil deanta acu thar lear ar son na tíre. Tá bród go leir go bhfuil duine mar an Aire ins an phost seo chun tuairimí ár muintir a nochtadh i UNO, Strasbourg agus áit ar bith eile. I dteannta le gach rud eile, is Gaedheal é an tAire agus is mór an pribhléid é do mhuintir na hÉireann go bhfuil a leithéid againn.

I wish to congratulate the Minister and his Department on the excellent work they have been doing abroad on behalf of Ireland. It is well known that the Minister is an outstanding international figure in the United Nations and also at the Council of Europe in Strasbourg. On many occasions he has put forward excellent proposals which may not have been appreciated at the time but which the lapse of time has vindicated. The late President Kennedy actually referred to him when he was here delivering his now-famous address in this House. He paid the Minister a much better tribute than anybody here could pay. That bears testimony to the esteem in which the people abroad hold our Minister and the healthy respect they have for the sound proposals which he puts forward at international conferences.

I listened to some of the Opposition speakers in this debate and their remarks more or less centred round the little booklet "Facts about Ireland". They seem to have a grievance because the booklet did not contain a write up of the Fine Gael Party and their associates down the years. If it is true— and it is—that the names of Éamon de Valera, Seán Lemass and Prionsías Mac Aodhgáin are names known all over the world, the Fine Gael Party cannot blame us. These people have made an outstanding contribution to the foundation of our State and have given international service also.

And Griffith never did!

(Interruptions.)

Previous speakers were not interrupted and Deputy Dolan might be allowed to make his speech.

It may be all right for people to try to convince themselves that what they want to believe is true. The average person abroad may know very little about our nation but there is one thing you can bet he has heard, that is, the name of Éamon de Valera.

In connection with executions and hunger strikes.

On a point of order, since the institution of the office of the President, it has been the practice not to refer to that personage in the House. Is that to be followed still and if not, is this to be a new line we are to follow in the discussion?

Previous speakers have mentioned the personage.

Only in relation to his inclusion in the context as a political leader.

I distinctly remember the last speaker referring to photographs in this booklet. He did mention of name of our President. I was submitting to the House that in the history of our country since 1900, irrespective of what anybody may try to put across, there is no doubt that the name of our President, Éamon de Valera, has been a shining beacon. He was a leader in 1916 and has continued to be the outstanding leader and champion of our people ever since.

Facts are stubborn things with which many people may not like to be confronted but I could not help thinking today, when the Leader of the main Opposition Party was crying his crocodile tears about certain people not being included, particularly Griffith and Collins, the respect he had for those people during those difficult times. In my younger days, I often heard of the tremendous fight there was in Cavan to get Griffith elected as Sinn Féin candidate for the constituency and of the opposition carried on by the supporters of the present Leader of the main Opposition Party to ensure that Griffith would not be victorious, to ensure we would not get Griffith elected.

Who are "we"?

We are the Fianna Fáil Party.

They were not in it at the time.

I am sorry about the conversion in the Deputy's Party since. Their Leader has been struggling in the wilderness. We know where he was when we were faced with the dangers and problems of the early 1940's. Of course the Fine Gael Party would not have him then. He was not fit to be a member of it. They threw him out and they had better throw him out again if they are to make any progress.

The Deputy is worried about them.

Not in the least, but I do not want them to put across in this House that we are biased, that we are trying to write history to suit ourselves. If there never had been a Fianna Fáil Party, history is there and those names will shine forth, whether they like it or not. One Deputy spoke about the progress made by the workers in this country. Does he forget that all the social legislation successfully piloted through this House was introduced by this side?

Wages standstill orders.

Year after year since 1932——

What happened prior to 1937?

Remember when you batoned the teachers?

Deputies must allow Deputy Dolan to continue his statement without interruption. If members do not wish to listen to him, they have a remedy. Otherwise, the Chair will have to take action.

I thought I heard Deputy Lynch buckling on his sword to join in.

Deputy Lynch's sword is always ready. I threw away the scabard a long time ago.

It is true, and it is on record, that this Party introduced all the legislation providing for improved conditions and standards for the working people of this country.

You blew up the houses, too.

Deputy Coogan must cease these interruptions.

If they are looking for the History of the Fianna Fáil organisation, they will see it written in new roads, new houses, improved services, all provided for and paid for under legislation introduced by the Fianna Fáil Party.

Tammany Hall is breaking out.

I am sorry if the facts are annoying the Opposition. I cannot be blamed for that. I shall not go into the personalities in this booklet. I shall not discuss Michael Collins or any of the other persons mentioned in the debate so far. They gave good service as good soldiers, and the most distasteful thing to me is the clamour those people make about them. I know quite well the attitude they adopted to those men during difficult and trying times.

They were great friends.

It is quite all right for them to cry, now that the fight is over. Of course, all this is a new gimmick of the Opposition to try to drown their sorrows over Kildare and Cork. The bottom has fallen out of the debate already because they have been unable to put forward any concrete condemnation or repudiation of the facts in this excellent document.

I congratulate the Minister on the work he has been doing as Minister for External Affairs. I also congratulate his Department. I am quite sure that as long as he is in charge of foreign affairs, the name of our country and the ambitions and hopes of our people will be kept to the forefront abroad and will result in even greater progress for our nation. The Minister has played his part down through the difficult years and he is still playing a vital rôle in publicising our aims and ambitions abroad.

Gabham comhgháirdeachas leis an Aire agus fáilte roimh an foilseachán breá seo.

Notwithstanding the views expressed by the last speaker, it is true to say that the past year has not been, apart from the booklet, a particularly spectacular one from the point of view of the Minister for External Affairs. As far as I have been able to ascertain, he made one speech in the General Assembly of the United Nations. I presume he attended the Ministers' meeting of the Council of Europe and was also present on one or two occasions at the Council of Ministers of OECD and at Brussels. If he said anything there, it has not been recorded. It is true to say, therefore, that it has been a year of considerable inactivity on his part in the field of foreign affairs. I know it is quite a tenable view that one should not criticise this inactivity in the light of what occurred in the past. But in one respect at any rate, in respect of European affairs, to which I shall refer later, he is to be severely criticised for his inactivity.

It is worth recalling what occurred in the field of foreign affairs during the Minister's tenure of office. We recall these facts to point out the importance of foreign affairs, not just as an academic discussion in this Parliament but also for the economic life of the State. It is not very long since this Government took office again in 1957 and the Minister took on his present responsibilities. We can remember there was then abroad the idea that in some way this country could become a neutralist, uncommitted State. The idea was put abroad that in some way we could become the leader of a third force. It was suggested that while, of course, we denied we were in any way a Communist country and while we had no great love for the activities of either of the big power blocs, we could act as an honest broker between the great powers concerned. There were those who did not like this particular method of approach. The theory was then suggested—a theory which could be called the Trojan horse theory—that while supporting the west we could pretend to be neutralist and uncommitted and use our influence with the Afro-Asian powers to bring them towards solutions favourable to western interests.

This venture into foreign affairs by the Minister and his colleagues came to an abrupt end with the visit of the British Minister for Food in the early months of 1961, when it was announced the British were going to join the European Economic Community and it became clear we were going to do so also. The change was highlighted in a dramatic way when the uncommitted nations in the United Nations, led by President Sukarno and President Tito, decided to hold a meeting of uncommitted nations in Yugoslavia in that year. We recall how President Sukarno, who was on a visit to Vienna and was to go from there to Moscow, decided Dublin was on his way and dropped in for a short visit. The Minister did not make known what the purpose of this visit was, but it was clear to everybody it was to ask Ireland to attend the meeting of uncommitted nations in Yugoslavia in the autumn of that year. That invitation was turned down. We did not attend. It seemed that that marked a significant change in our foreign policy, a change brought about as a result of the decision by Great Britain to join the European Economic Community.

It was, of course, obvious to everybody that a change in foreign policy would have to occur when we took this decision. The Taoiseach was guilty of an understatement when he said on the 14th February, 1962, that the position of this country in the United Nations might be affected to some degree by membership of the European Economic Community. That was an understatement in view of the many statements he and some of his colleagues made. I know there were very few by the Minister for External Affairs but the Taoiseach and his colleagues were enthusiastic pro-Europeans at this time and made statements that they accepted in full the political implications of the EEC and, indeed the defence commitments involved in their application.

There was some danger that the more healthy development in our foreign policy which had occurred since 1961 might change as a result of the breakdown in the negotiations at the beginning of last year. The inactivity of the Minister in the field of foreign affairs is, for this reason, to be welcomed and the fact that he has not reverted to the trend of policy he had adopted in the early part of the period since he took office. While this aspect of the Minister's conduct of his office is something we can welcome, the inactivity on the European front is something which must be deplored and criticised. On every debate we have had on this Department I have raised, and others have raised, the importance of having a proper European policy, the importance of watching carefully the developments in Europe, the importance of taking part in these developments to the utmost of our ability—and this not merely for ideological reasons.

I have on many occasions expressed agreement with the desire and aim of trying to bring about greater unity in Europe. From purely selfish economic reasons it was obviously in our interest to see that the developments taking place in Europe would not in any way harm us and that we could take part in them in so far as they would benefit us. These facts are startingly outlined in the Government's Second Programme for Economic Expansion. Our dependance on Europe is something accepted by the Government in that programme. The delicate balance of assumptions contained in the programme depends to a very considerable extent on our membership of EEC. Let me quote from page 10 of the Blue Book, where it states:

For the purpose of this Programme it is assumed Ireland will be in the Community before 1970.

And, dealing with agriculture, at paragraph 29, where the modest growth rate for agriculture is given as 2.7 per cent per annum, it is stated this target figure is based on the assumption that in the second half of the 1960s international marketing arrangements for our agricultural produce will be considerably improved as a result, inter alia, of our being admitted to membership of EEC.

The whole agricultural policy contained in the Second Programme is based on the assumption that we will be members of the EEC in the second half of the 1960s. As I say, the whole basis of the Second Programme, not just for our agricultural policy but also for our industrial policy, is that we will be in the EEC before 1970. Does anybody in this House believe that? Does anyone believe we are going to be a member of the EEC in the second half of the 1960s? It is one of these things about which any reasonable person, looking forward and applying reasonable standards of judgment and experience, would say: "It is most unlikely." Yet this is the basis of the Government's economic programme. The whole programme is based on a series of delicate assumptions. If one of them collapses, the whole programme collapses.

One of the most important of these assumptions is the assumption, particularly for agriculture, that we are going to be in the EEC and going to benefit by the agricultural policies of the EEC, not in 1970, but in the second half of the 1960s. Any reasonable person looking at the position would say it would be foolish, indeed, to plan our economic future on the basis that we would be in the EEC in the middle of the 1960s. But that is what the Government are doing.

This brings me to what the Government are not doing. If, in fact, it is our policy to get into the EEC in the middle of the 1960s, what have we been doing about it? I know these matters are to a considerable extent outside our control. I say "to a considerable extent" but they are not completely outside our control. The EEC countries have nothing to fear from Ireland in this. If we get into their area we are not going to present any great hazard to their manufacturing industry or their farmers. The only reason why they will not bother with this country is that they think we are not interested in European political affairs or political unity. Judging by the activities of the Minister they are right. The Minister has never addressed the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe since he became Minister except once, and then he had to on behalf of the Committee of Ministers.

Deputies who have been to Strasbourg know very well the type of discussions that take place there. They know very well the importance which delegates attach to the people who are sent to Strasbourg, the importance that is attached by these European politicians and Statesmen, who go there to support the goodwill that is evidenced at Strasbourg, first of all, by the type of delegates there and secondly, by the speeches made. Of course, it has not escaped attention that our Minister has never gone to the Consultative Assembly except when he had to, as a member of the Committee of Ministers. In recent years the practice of sending a Minister as head of the delegation has been dropped, and we now send a back bench Deputy as head of our delegation. Again, other countries notice this and notice our lack of interest in European affairs.

I know as well as the Minister and other Deputies who have attended at Strasbourg the limitations on that assembly. I know also that it is inclined now to be relegated to a less important place than it originally had. It is practically the only European Parliamentary Assembly of which we are members. We are in very few European Parliamentary Assemblies and we should make full use of our position there to build up that type of goodwill which will make it possible for us to get the trading arrangements which we so badly need.

It would be possible for this country to become an associate member of the European Economic Community if, in fact, the right policy were adopted. It would be possible for this country to enter favourable trading arrangements with the European Economic Community if we had built up the goodwill and sympathy towards us which we could have obtained. I want to say this without any disrespect to the Icelanders: In Europe we are just about as important as Iceland. People have very little interest in us, because they know we have very little interest in them.

I recall the discussions during the time when our European Economic Community application and the applications of Great Britain and Norway were pending. I recall that one prominent member of the European Economic Community said: "The question we will ask is why do you want to come in? If it is for economic benefit we do not want you, but if it is to share in political ideals you are welcome." That is where the Government have fallen down, to the economic detriment of our people.

I want to refer briefly to a very considerable omission from the Minister's statement this morning, namely, our attitude towards the crisis in Cyprus.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I know it is a very difficult and complex situation. I know the Minister is in touch with the Secretary General of the United Nations, but we are an adult assembly, and surely we should be told what is going on. Surely this deliberative assembly should know what is the attitude of the Government. Perhaps some of these matters are confidential, but we should know, and the country in general should know, what their attitude is. They treat this Dáil like a crowd of schoolboys, and they tell the Dáil through a statement to the Press what their position is. This is where those statements should be made, and we should discuss them here.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I presume we will have an opportunity to discuss the situation by way of motion if the Government decide to send troops to Cyprus, but the decision will then have been taken. We are entitled to know, and the public are entitled to know, the issues involved at present. We know these are delicate matters, and matters of diplomatic exchanges between the Government and the Secretary General of the United Nations, but we and the public should know in a general way what the position is.

The situation in Cyprus is obviously one of hourly increasing tension. It is a highly critical situation. If the Government can help by participation in a peace-keeping force, obviously the country should participate. While that is a general principle, we should be very clear on what is involved before any active participation is undertaken. We should get two clear statements from the Government before there is any participation in a peace-keeping force in Cyprus. We should be told first what are the political ends for which that force will be used. We must know clearly what the force may be used for before it is engaged. Secondly, we must be satisfied that our troops go out properly equipped for whatever rôle they may be required to play. It would be very wrong indeed if our force went out not properly equipped for the tasks which they may have to face.

As I say, this is a highly critical situation in which the lives of literally hundreds of people are involved. If we can help by participation in a United Nations peace-keeping force we should do so, but we should know what the conditions are before we undertake that participation. The Minister should keep the House very carefully informed on the negotiations and on our obligations before any final decision is taken.

There is one other aspect of the affairs of this Department to which I want to refer. It is an aspect which is discussed year in and year out, but it has assumed more urgency in recent weeks. I refer to the way in which we treat our obligations to our emigrants in England. Between 1951 and 1961, 410,000 persons emigrated to the United Kingdom. There are now over one million people in England and Wales who were born in the Republic of Ireland.

We do not know what the rate of emigration is at the moment. When the figures for net passenger movement by sea and air are favourable, the Government say those figures are reliable and emigration is down. When the figures are not favourable the Government say we cannot rely on those figures and must wait for the census report. At the moment, the figures for net passenger movement by sea and air are favourable, but they still show emigration at the rate of 21,000 per annum. Do not let us cod ourselves that we have solved the problem of emigration because the number in industrial employment has gone up by 8,000 in the past year or so. The figures given yesterday by Deputy Corish in the Dáil show that employment is lower each year and that emigration is still a very real problem.

This is one of the things in which people become very emotionally involved. When the conditions of the Irish in England, and particularly in the English cities, are discussed, people take sides. If the dreadful social conditions are mentioned and their results, namely, an increase in crime, prostitution and illegitimacy, it is said that those people are anti-Irish and that such criticisms are not true. On the other hand, there are those who want to blacken the Irish and will say anything about the Irishman abroad to his detriment and the detriment of the country.

We should try to look at this problem as dispassionately as possible. I commend to the House figures which were produced last year, and are to be published shortly, by Professor Russell of Trinity College. He gave startling figures about what is happening to the Irish in England. Eight and a half per cent of the total prison population in England is comprised of persons who were born in Ireland. Yet those persons are only 2 per cent of the population.

I would ask the members of this House to read some of the figures that were given last Friday in the Evening Herald in a letter from a lady who works in a Catholic welfare organisation in London. She quoted the Paddington medical officer who stated that there were 600 births in the previous year to unmarried mothers from Ireland. These are the appalling facts of the situation of our Irish in England. Anybody with any knowledge knows the appalling housing conditions and the degrading social circumstances in which they find themselves. These pose a matter of principle: do we owe any obligation to our Irish abroad? Do we, as a nation, owe any obligation to those who have emigrated and, if we do, how are we to fulfil it? This matter has been discussed from time to time in this House and I perceive a change in the Minister's attitude towards it.

On 11th July, 1961, in replying to the debate, the Minister pointed out that it was an impossible task to assist the Irish in England. In dealing with the suggestion that we could not control the young people leaving this country, he said there was no legal way of preventing them and he said we cannot help them financially. That is a point of view.

It is a point of view I do not accept but it is a point of view that we are a poor country, that we have to help our people at home and that we cannot afford to help them abroad. Recently, the attitude of the Minister seems to have changed. In replies last year on the debate on the Estimate for his Department and more recently in replies to questions in the Dáil the Minister seemed to take the line that if persons emigrated to England it was their own misfortune. On 5th March of this year, he said that if they were prepared to stay here or to come back the Government would give them equal treatment. That is very handsome of the Government to give equal treatment to these unfortunate people who are forced through economic necessity to leave this country.

I do not accept the view that is thrown out here or implied that emigrants now go because they have a good job here but can get a better one in England. The majority of our emigrants are young people who cannot get work or money and leave or people who cannot get work here and have to leave. I know of families that are split up. I know of married ladies who are living here with their children but whose husbands are living in England because they cannot get work in this so-called affluent society. These are the facts of the situation.

If we owe these people a duty, and I believe we do, we should fulfil it to the best of our ability. Our resources are, of course, limited. If we can afford £50,000 towards aiding underdeveloped areas—and it is a contribution which I welcome—I think we can afford assistance to our Irish in England. How that assistance is to be given, I am not in a position to say because we have not the facts.

It may or may not be right to give £200,000 to the Irish Centre in London, as has been suggested. That may or may not be the right way of spending money but to say that there are many charitable organisations in London and elsewhere in England dealing with this matter and because there are so many we cannot help any of them is absolute nonsense.

There are many organisations in Ireland dealing with the Irish language and we manage to help them. The fact that there are disparate groups does not deter us from helping them through our Embassies or in whatever way it can be organised to the best advantage. These are matters to which we, as a people, should give careful consideration in order to see where our responsibility lies and to try to fulfil it if we can.

I want to say a few words about the booklet that has been produced by the Minister's Department. It is wrong to say that the object of this motion is to re-fight the Civil War. Persons listening to the debate today and reading it subsequently will see how the debate was conducted. They will see that, in fact, it was not when any Opposition spokesman was speaking that the debate degenerated into what might be regarded as unseemly behaviour. The object of this debate is not to rehearse the bitternesses and troubles that are now past.

In putting down this motion, we are concerned to see that certain standards in public affairs are maintained. Every country has its national heroes. Griffith and Collins are among the greatest heroes in our proud history. We do not ask the Government to share these sentiments. We do not ask them to pass any judgments on these men. We do not ask them to assess the facts: we ask them not to suppress them. We do not expect generosity from the Fianna Fáil Party but I think we and the country are entitled to expect that the truth will be respected and that history will not be distorted.

I wonder if I could recall to the Minister and his colleagues a well-known quotation from Edmund Burke who said that magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom and that a great empire and little minds go ill together. That is true today. It is true of small countries as well as of great empires. Perhaps the Government may come to realise that by the publication of this booklet they have lost votes and perhaps they may come to realise that this type of behaviour is not politically wise. If they do, may be then some good may come from this shabby episode.

I have listened very carefully to the statements made by the Opposition this morning and I shall deal just with the last subject the previous speaker dealt with. I do not think a Minister was ever born or will be born to fulfil the office of Minister for External Affairs and be responsible for bringing out a pamphlet on the History of Ireland that will please everybody. As a matter of fact, if we started to go back in history and to refer in the book to all the people who contributed their share over the seven centuries this country was fighting for its freedom it would be utterly impossible to bring out a book that a foreigner or a visitor or a tourist could just glance over who would want to know briefly, something about the history of our country. That is really all they are interested in. It would be quite impossible to publish a factual booklet containing every detail of our history over the past 700 years in order to tell the world what a wonderful nation we are. It would be impossible to introduce every historian and every great leader both in the field and in the political arena.

It is the easiest thing in the world to critise adversity; it is the easiest thing in the world to misrepresent. We have the greatest possible respect for the Minister for External Affairs and his officials. They have upheld the dignity of this nation in international spheres. I waited patiently to hear if there was any point the Opposition could make with regard to the omission of certain names. Apparently they think every name should be put in, even the names of those who spoke here this morning. That is the impression I have got at any rate. We should go back to Finn McCool and Brian Boru. One can see the utter impossibility of trying to publish a book that would meet with the wishes of everybody. That is the position the Department of External Affairs finds itself in.

I have come to one conclusion: the greatest possible Minister for External Affairs could not bring out a book that would please everybody. What was aimed at was a short factual history. As our leader rightly said, none of us want to discuss the Civil War period. We want to look forward, not back. Our country has a great future. We want to look forward. Great advances have been made since this State was founded. If we are petty enough now to pick out one or two things just because John Jones and Pat Murphy were not mentioned, we will never see an end. It would be utterly impossible for any Department to include every outstanding character. That is the only criticism I want to offer on that matter.

Deputy Costello stated that the Minister for External Affairs did not speak so often in foreign parts. The Minister is a diplomat. He has done wonderful work in organising Missions abroad. His stand at the United Nations was commented upon here by the late President Kennedy; he said that he was proud of Ireland's stand at the United Nations. He said Ireland had contributed something worthwhile to international peace by her stand at the United Nations. That stand was taken by the Minister for External Affairs on the advice of the Government. Possibly he took an unpopular stand, an independent stand. He appreciated it was no use being the tail of some other country.

We are a small country with a great tradition. It is right that we should take an independent stand in international politics and policies. The Minister for External Affairs upheld the dignity of this great nation. Great advances have been made under his administration. The country is respected internationally and nationally. Nationalists of other countries respect us because of the independence shown by the Minister at international conferences.

Red China!

We have in the Minister a man whom we can hold in high esteem, a man who is respected internationally. He has upheld the dignity of this nation second to no other Minister. That is not to say we have not had other good Ministers. Far be it from me to slight anybody. I merely support my own colleague in the things he stood for.

Including neutrality.

He has brought great credit to our country. Missions abroad have been carried out under his guidance. He has succeeded in doing things vitally necessary to ensure proper recognition of our country.

Such as?

Such as finding markets abroad for our surplus products. Nations with centuries of experience behind them are trying to find markets for their surplus products. What the Minister has done for us reflects great credit on him and his Department.

Deputy Costello spoke about emigration. I regret that any child or adult should leave this country. Every Deputy regrets it. Some people leave under no compulsion; some already have good jobs here. Some emigrate, I admit, through economic necessity. Deputy Costello is a very fine speaker, but I like a man to be a bit practical. He spoke about the need for £200,000 to do something for our emigrants. What are other nations doing for their emigrants?

Taking a political view now, things have definitely improved very much in the last four or five years under Fianna Fáil. There is good employment as compared with 1955, 1956 and 1957.

Codology.

At that time in the city of Dublin there were 1,800 houses lying idle. As a matter of fact, that is what stopped the Corporation from building more houses. However, I do not intend to go back over that in detail. We are trying to do what we can as a Party to create more employment for our people, to improve living standards and make Ireland a worthwhile place in which to live.

I do not propose to say much about the booklet which has been under discussion. Let me say, however, I do not believe the Government are behind the Minister for External Affairs on this matter. My belief is that this booklet is the product of an element in the Fianna Fáil Party led by the Minister for External Affairs. I am satisfied that the Taoiseach is gnashing his teeth at being walked into the embarrassing situation which has arisen through this production.

We know that over the past few years the Taoiseach was impatient, champing at the bit, to get rid of the then Taoiseach and place him in the Park. The Fianna Fáil Party were saying novenas that he would relinquish the leadership of the Party. I am satisfied that the Taoiseach had no hand, act or part in the production of this booklet but I am sure that loyalty to his colleague, Deputy Aiken, will force him to take sides with him on it. It is significant that since this debate started this morning, not a member of the Fianna Fáil Front Bench has appeared, with the exception of the Minister for Social Welfare who is part of the Aiken clique opposed to the Taoiseach in the Cabinet. There is not the slightest doubt that the remainder of the Cabinet have run away from Deputy Aiken and have no intention of intervening here unless they are dragged out of their lairs and forced to say whether or not they approve of this publication.

There are items in this booklet dealing with education for the enlightenment of foreigners which are completely inaccurate, seeking to suggest that first-class educational facilities are available for the majority of the youth of this country. That is completely untrue. Only a limited section of young people in Ireland can get a higher education. If I wanted to, I could deal with the booklet on its inaccuracies in the social and economic spheres but I do not think it will be read by too many people abroad; I hope not at any rate, and I expect that those who will read it will treat it like many governmental documents are treated which are issued by various countries—I get them in the post as I am sure other Deputies do—stating what a wonderful Government there is in such-and-such a country. I put them in the wastepaper basket because there is always bias as far as these Governments are concerned, playing up their own angle. It is too bad that the public have to pay for this.

The Minister for External Affairs and his Department, in their activities over the past year, will best be remembered, not for their activities in the international sphere or for their work as regards helping Ireland's trade position abroad or indeed in Ireland, or for their actions in the United Nations or elsewhere, but for the production of this booklet to which I have referred. Indeed that is a very poor cause for remembrance of any Party or Government Department.

Deputy Declan Costello spoke very well here today. I listened carefully to what he had to say and it was very encouraging to hear such an approach from Deputy Costello on a number of matters that are of vital importance to this country. It is time we had more straight thinking and frank expressions on our position in the international field and indeed on Ireland's emigrant problems.

A major problem, which is an immediate one, facing the Government is what this country intends to do about the request made to it by U Thant, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the sending of troops to Cyprus. This Government were in a desperate hurry to send Irish troops to the Congo. They went out of their way to co-operate with the United Nations Security Council on that issue. I do not notice the same enthusiasm for keeping the peace internationally on this occasion when Ireland's services in Cyprus are in question. I have a very grave suspicion that the Government are not being frank either with this House or with the United Nations authorities on the problem as to whether Ireland should or should not help in Cyprus.

This House must be consulted before troops are sent to Cyprus. What I cannot understand is the haste shown by this Government in adjourning the Dáil today until 7th April. I believe the Government are most anxious to have this House adjourned so that they can offer that as an excuse for any further delay that may take place before a decision is given by this Government on the request for troops. I believe the abrupt adjournment means that the Government intend to say that the decision cannot be taken until the Dáil resumes on 7th April.

Last night the Government's representative in the United Nations was called in and briefed on the situation in Cyprus. I am satisfied that he was requested urgently to get in touch with the Irish Government in the hope that this Government would make its decision known and that this House would be consulted before it adjourned its business until 7th April. I am satisfied that the Government have already received the communication from the United Nations Headquarters as a result of last night's communication with the Irish representative in UNO, and that the Government could make their decision today before 3 o'clock and that this House could be made aware of the Government's decision before we adjourn.

I think this Government are out to shelve their responsibilities on this occasion as far as this very serious issue is concerned. That is my belief. I may be wrong in suggesting that the Government are anxious to evade the issue.

I do not think that whatever action or decision the Government take will have to be one based on a guarantee that Irish troops, if sent to Cyprus, will not be used for the purpose of helping to cement the partition of that island, that in no circumstances will Irish troops be used or appear to be used for the purpose of allowing a situation which is developing further to develop in the sense that partition will be regarded as a solution to the problem of the serious clash taking place there at the moment.

We have a major problem in Ireland facing this Government and which has faced other Governments over the past 40 years. It is the problem of Partition. There would be nothing more tragic than to find that, unwittingly, through the incompetence or the stupidity of a Government here, Irish troops could in any fashion be used outside the State for the purpose of bringing about the partition of any other State.

That is the first thing on which this Government will have to satisfy the people of this country because there is a terrible danger that, if there is a decision to help the United Nations in its efforts to bring about world peace, Irish lives would be sacrificed through, shall we say, a misunderstanding or a misuse of the troops made available in a genuine fashion, in the hope that by making them available peace would be held in certain parts of the world.

In other words, you think the Government should seek certain guarantees before sending troops?

The Government have been given notice on half a dozen occasions in the last fortnight and have been consulted but this House has not been told about it. When the Minister is questioned about it he clams up and we get no information. I am satisfied that the Government have got the latest possible information within the past 24 hours from U Thant on this matter and they should be in a position now to tell this House.

How do you know they should?

I am expressing my view. Deputy Seán Flanagan can express his.

If they are not satisfied, do you think that is shelving responsibility?

The Deputy was not here when I said that I believe the Government are hoping that they will not have to make a decision until this House adjourns.

I think I heard that.

You believe that?

I said I think I heard what you said.

I think you believe it, too.

I did not say that.

There is one other point I should like to mention on the issue of Cyprus. I do not know how true it is at the moment but it has been suggested that the only situation in which Irish troops, or whatever troops were sent to Cyprus, would use force or would be allowed to use their weapons would be self-defence. There again, the Government will have to clarify their minds as to what exactly that means in the context of the situation there at the moment.

There is a third point which could give the Government some food for thought, that is, the cost of this peace-keeping force in Cyprus. Up to yesterday it was expected that whatever countries would send troops there would be responsible for the financial implications but I understand now that a decision has been made by the British and American Governments to put up £1 million towards the cost of the operations in Cyprus.

Let us be clear on this, again, that we are not to be used as tools by either of these two nations, because we know how hypocritical the approach of some of these nations, one of them, in particular, is, when Ireland's problem of Partition is mentioned. Only last week-end we had a statement from Sir Alec Douglas-Home to the effect that partition as a solution for Cyprus was to be abhorred. The same gentleman and the same Government abhor the partition of Germany. But we have never heard a word from the same gentleman or the same Government abhorring the idea of Partition in Ireland.

I rather think he made one of these statements in partitioned Ireland.

Yes, that is true. I believe that when a statement is made such as I have referred to, over the weekend, by the British Premier, that is the time for an Irish Government to rebut the statement. It is no use making a milk and water statement about six months afterwards. The time to deal with it was when it was hot news. Immediately after the statement was made the Irish Government here should have cleared the air with regard to the position in the Six Counties and show up the hypocrisy of a Government who abhor partition in Germany, abhor partition in Cyprus and, as Deputy Flanagan agrees, uses the partitioned part of Ireland in which to make a statement to that effect. There is never a word from our Government in criticism of this action on the part of the British Premier.

As far as my experience goes, over the years the Irish people have shown a lack of interest in the question of demanding of the Government in power that every possible effort be made by such Government to bring about an end to Partition. It is tragic that the problem of Partition has to be discussed on such an Estimate as the Estimate for External Affairs because, in fact, it should not be an external affair in the accepted sense of the word. This whole question of Partition should be the responsibility of a special section of the Government, or a special Government Department should be charged with examining every aspect of it. No opportunity should be lost to spotlight the evils of Partition and the handicap which Partition means to this island as a whole. Instead of that, Partition crops up only as has happened so far as the Department of External Affairs is concerned. In fact, if I refer again to this booklet, the question of Partition is not even mentioned in it. People outside Ireland when they have read this expensive booklet, will find not even a sentence, one long sentence, portraying the evils of Partition in Ireland. They will not have a clue as to what the problems are here as far as Partition is concerned.

This Government can undoubtedly be charged with neglecting their responsibility as to the last major issue of dispute between us and our next-door neighbour. I feel very annoyed when I allow my mind to go back over the years and think of the pronouncements on Partition made in pre-recorded speeches by the Taoiseach for delivery in America on St. Patrick's Day. I cannot understand the neck of a Government who direct their appeal, and their talk on Partition, solely to Irish-Americans, the majority of whom do not give a damn about it. We hear it on St. Patrick's Day, and from the very same Ministers when they go to the Irish Embassy in London, or the NUI Club, or the Irish Club in London, where there are some of the Irish professional people who are over there earning a living. Partition may be mentioned there on St. Patrick's Day in a sad and soulful way, but, outside of that, this Government are quite satisfied to push Partition under the carpet and forget about it.

Let us not forget that this is the very same Government who over the years sought to attract the younger voters of this country on the basis that Fianna Fáil were the only Party with a solution for Partition. Their activity in that regard, and their incitement on this question of the solution of Partition, was responsible for all the troubles which took place across the Border in the last few years. As you sow, so shall you reap, and the people who did the sowing and who incited and were responsible in the background for all the incidents that took place in the past ten years are the Fianna Fáil Party. Their example is there before them and, in addition, their speeches are before them. Anyone who reads the speeches of the leaders of the Fianna Fáil Party today would not, or could not, be shocked by the fact that the younger people and, shall I say, the naïve and innocent youth, follow and try to emulate what has been suggested in the speeches made by their elders over the past 25 or 30 years.

I do not think this Government are serious about the issue of Partition. In the past few months, we have had in the Six Counties a stirring up of interest, because the Nationalist Party in the Six Counties, which is an unofficial wing of the Fianna Fáil Party down here, sought to make capital for the coming election in the North out of the serious problem of discrimination. Discrimination has been there over the years and, like this Fianna Fáil Government who sought to make capital at the time of election, their pals in the Six Counties sought to do it when the general election was looming up there. I do not think they did a service to an excellent case which they had. Discrimination exists there and no proper efforts are being made by an Irish Government to bring it to light in the international field.

Nobody denies that Ireland's name in the United Nations stands high, because of our excellent representatives—and I am certainly not referring to the Minister for External Affairs now. I am speaking about the excellent representatives of the permanent Civil Service who represent Ireland at United Nations headquarters. As a result of their activities, there is great regard for Ireland. We have spoken on the rights of people. We have sought to end injustices, to spotlight them, and we have voted courageously at times in the United Nations. Why is it that we are prepared to shelve our own problems? There is nothing wrong in any country saying: "We are against injustice in every other country but we are also against it in our own." The trouble is if we preach too much to other nations about their problems, they will begin to suspect our motives if they know, as many of them do, that we have a highly embarrassing situation here in Ireland, first, regarding Partition and, second, regarding the major problem of emigration.

I do not see anything wrong—and I do not think any other Deputy here can see anything wrong—with Ireland pursuing a vigorous policy in the councils of the United Nations on this issue of Partition. I do not subscribe at all to the view expressed here in this House some years ago, that we would not become a sore thumb in the United Nations over Partition. We certainly cannot be accused of doing that. The number of times Partition was mentioned since Ireland became a member in 1955 or 1956, can be counted on the fingers of one hand. We never sought, at any stage, through the use of diplomatic channels to embarrass the people who are responsible for Partition or to bring pressure to bear on them to withdraw their forces from the Six Counties.

What I cannot understand is this Government's belief that by saying nothing about Partition and by lying low, they feel Partition will solve itself. How many generations do the Government expect will live and die before that day comes? Or, are we to expect that the Government's hope for an end to the Border lies in our application for admission to EEC? Is it the hope of the Fianna Fáil Party that this application will result in our membership of EEC in the second half of the sixties, and that membership will be the solution for our economic ills, our agricultural problems and Partition? If so, that is a very shaky rock on which to build. I think nobody who gives any thought to the matter in this House believes—what I have been saying for the past four years is now endorsed publicly—that we are going to be members of EEC by 1970. I doubt very much if we shall ever be members of what is known as EEC. Yet, we must listen to people outside the House falling for the propaganda of Fianna Fáil, that if we get into the Common Market, Partition will go. They are never short of a gimmick and that is the latest. Meantime, they are not prepared to take any concrete steps to bring pressure to bear on the British Government and on the group that control affairs in the Six Counties to see that an end to discrimination is brought about and an end to the injustices which are perpetrated under it.

Without the slightest doubt, discrimination and injustice on a large scale are practised in the Six Counties. I asked the Taoiseach—in case anybody does not accept my word—in the past month if he was aware of the injustice and discrimination and if he believed them to exist and his answer was: yes, very definitely, he was aware of them. On further questioning, he admitted that the Government had satisfactory proof that this discrimination took place. What was he doing with it—leaving this proof in the files in the Department of External Affairs while the Minister trotted round in his green trousers. I think this is a major issue; it is the biggest issue between us and our neighbour and yet the Government show so little interest in it that to me it is hard to credit.

Suggestions have been put forward from time to time about methods of dealing with Partition by which this House and this part of the country could help. The suggestion was made that we should allow the elected representatives of the northern counties to take their seats in an all-Irish Parliament and invite them to come in here. That invitation should be an open one to all—it does not matter what their views are—and whoever came should be given the right of audience here or in the Seanad. Fianna Fáil rejected that, although some of these people were elected in the Six Counties on the pledge that, if elected, they would come down and take their seats here if the Irish Government in Dublin would allow them to sit. We were not prepared to do that because we would cause embarrassment. Where? In London? It would appear that is the reason.

Why is it that on the occasion when the late President Kennedy visited here, we sent invitations to the Nationalists only in the Six Counties? We did send invitations to the Lemass friends in the Six Counties and we therefore practised a form of discrimination and we brought them down and allowed them into this Chamber on an historic occasion. If we could do it on that occasion, why not on more frequent occasions and ask them all to come? I am not naïve enough to suggest that will bring about the end of Partition but unless we keep hammering at this problem, it will remain insoluble.

I am amazed when I find the Taoiseach traipsing around West Germany, entertained by the West German Government and then brought by Willi Brandt to have a look at the Berlin Wall and to hear the sentiments expressed by the Leader of our Government—how much they sympathise with Germany and how much they are prepared to back Germany in solving the partition problems there. Yet, there is no comparison, when it comes to a question of injustice, between the West German problem and ours. I am afraid it is the old story with this Government of the man looking into a neighbour's garden and giving him expert advice on how to till it, what seeds to sow and how to get rid of the weeds—actually criticising him—and then leaving his own back garden chocked with weeds. The man who is given advice in such circumstances is inclined to become annoyed more than anything else and that is the position we shall reach if we do not put our own house in order.

Another major problem that may be discussed in this debate is emigration and the situation in which a number of our emigrants find themselves in London and other English cities. I have spoken on this problem for about ten years here and have asked the Government what steps they propose to take to bring about an improvement in the situation. I have been told I was misrepresenting the Irish people abroad, that I was exaggerating, that things were not half as bad as I painted them. Now many people here have come around to admit that the picture is as I painted it some seven years ago and that a high percentage of the people who have to leave this country for economic reasons do get into trouble abroad. Again, that is a problem that has been pushed under the carpet by this Government. The only thing they did about it was attend a function in London and get some information from the Irish Ambassador and his staff. No further action was taken.

The real solution, the obvious one, to the problems of Irish emigrants is to give them an opportunity to work here at home at decent wages and with some security. However, that does not seem to be any nearer now than at any time during the past 20 years. What then must we do for a start? If there is money to be made available to help in this sad problem of our emigrants, how should it be spent? What should the order of priorities be?

The most important priority in this is the education and training of our people. If we have to accept that situation under this type of private enterprise Government, under which only the rich and the fit can survive in this economic jungle and those who are weak must emigrate, we must provide education facilities, training in a profession, trade or craft, for those who must still emigrate.

If we look at the percentage of those who get into trouble outside the country and who are in the unfortunate category of not being responsible citizens, we will find that the majority come from homes in Ireland which did not give them opportunities for proper education, proper training. I do not hear in England much criticism of the Irish people there who have got a good standard of education or who have had vocational training: I do not hear much criticism of the girls there who have been sufficiently educated to take jobs as nurses and so forth. It is the unfortunate section who have been deprived here in Ireland of the opportunity to better themselves by proper education facilities——

Surely the question of education is the responsibility of another Minister.

The sum of £200,000 has been mentioned for the purpose of providing advice and aid to Irish emigrants in England, for the setting up of a centre. I am talking here of the list of priorities the Government should establish if there is money available and if they are serious about helping our people who have to emigrate. I should like to see more money spent here in Ireland on equipping the people who must go in present circumstances. I do not accept it is right that they should have to go, but while they must go I submit they should not be let out of here without knowing the facts of life.

Having driven them out at the age of 15, 16 or 17 years, there is nothing as sad as to see three or four missioners, within three or four months, preaching to them in London or elsewhere after the damage has been done. We must endeavour to equip them before they leave, if they are to survive in the vastly different social structure. Let us re-examine the whole system here with regard to training. We cannot continue to let our boys and girls live in the hothouse society we have, because if they must leave that hothouse society and come face to face with a type of society about which they know nothing, they are bound to wither, or at least alter their views. There is only one way to equip them for integration and that is through education and training here at home.

One thing I abhor above all is the idea of a group of voluntary shepherds chasing after our people in England, some of them busybodies poking their noses into the affairs of people who have become disillusioned and cynical about their treatment here in Ireland. It is no use sending out a peace corps to deal with the problems of our emigrants in England. In fact, there is no surer way of antagonising them than by acting the do-gooder in that way. I do not believe in this sort of charitable performance at all. That type of charity demeans both the receiver and the person giving it. Let us allow our people to hold their heads up. Let us allow them to find a sense of equality with those against whom they must compete abroad. Only training, educa- tion and skill will bring our emigrants to such a level that they will not let their country down.

One other matter I should like to refer to is the use of our Embassies as key centres for helping to expand Irish exports. Criticisms have been levelled at the Department by exporters here who said they have not been getting the co-operation necessary from the Embassies. I shall not add coal to the fire of that criticism, but I should like to make it clear that Irish industrialists in the past have not themselves been too lively in the matter of securing overseas markets.

We must at this stage think less of the prestige aspect of our external establishments and more about their practical value in improving Irish economics. If those in charge of our foreign affairs in Britain were more concerned with trade, commerce and the sale of our agricultural goods there, they would be helping to create a more prosperous Ireland at home, in which circumstance there would not be such a need for so many of our people to emigrate. The Department of External Affairs should help direct attention to Irish goods and ensure that no opportunity is missed of bringing home to importers in Britain and elsewhere how much Ireland has to offer in its produce.

Over the years the Government and the Minister for External Affairs have sought to suggest that in our Embassies abroad priority is given to the furtherance of the sales of Irish goods abroad. That is not true. In a reply given to me in 1957 I was told we had twelve representatives in the luxury Embassy we then had in Paris. This was at a time when Irish lamb was being exported to France, but yet not one person in that Embassy was engaged in furthering sales of our agricultural products to France. They were all cultural experts. Not one man was seconded from the Department of Agriculture or invited from some export organisation to advise on how to keep this market in France.

In the same year we had around 26 people in the Embassy in London— another fairly expensive establishment. I asked a similar question as to how many in the London Embassy were engaged solely in procuring markets for Irish goods, particularly agricultural produce. The answer was the usual "blah-blah" that every member of the Embassy staff did whatever he could to help the export of Irish goods, but it turned out that only one man was engaged in furthering our sales in that market—and he had been seconded from the Department of Agriculture. That one individual was supposed to give dinners for importers, to go around the country showing Irish goods to consumers and to do everything possible to secure a market for them. He had not sufficient money to bring him on the tube from where he lived to the Embassy. He had no money for entertainment purposes. That situation has not improved to any significant extent since.

Evidently the Government's idea has been to ape those countries which are wealthy. If the British set up luxury embassies abroad, they did so for prestige purposes and in order to have "listening posts" in various parts of the world because the British had an empire. These establishments spent fantastic sums tricking around spying and so forth. But why should we try to emulate the example of these wealthy countries? I am all in favour of having our representatives abroad, but there should be a list of priorities as to what their functions should be.

The Minister said in the course of his statement in regard to our Embassy in Washington:

I have strengthened the staff there by the addition of an agricultural counsellor in view of the importance of the United States market for Irish agricultural produce.

In 1964, after so much pushing and dragging, the Government have at last decided to put in an agricultural counsellor there in view of the importance of the US market. I do not suggest that market is not important, but can it be of any significant importance in comparison with the untapped market available in Britain?

I am in favour of a complete shakeup in the Department of External Affairs as far as its trade sections are concerned. I have not the slightest doubt but that we could have increased our exports of processed agricultural goods to Britain over the past ten years if the representatives in our Embassies were men trained in trade. I do not want to be taken as saying a word personally against these highly-intelligent and highly-educated men. You would not expect a professor from Trinity or UCD to sell bacon in a shop in O'Connell Street or send him to London to increase the sales of our agricultural goods. That is not his line. Neither can we expect the men in External Affairs, most of whom are trained in the arts and literature and who have only a scrappy knowledge of trade matters, to get export markets for Irish goods. To the limit of their knowledge, they have done their best. Nobody is disputing that. But that is not enough. A complete change in outlook is needed as far as our Embassies are concerned. We are not interested in "listening posts" abroad for prestige purposes. We are interested in listening posts if it means that by listening we can learn where there are trade possibilities for Irish goods. I hope that the step taken in regard to Washington is one that will be followed as far as our other Embassies are concerned.

I was somewhat surprised that the Minister in the course of his speech did not deal with the request which has come from the Secretary-General of the United Nations for an Irish contingent of troops to participate in the proposed United Nations Peace Force in Cyprus. There are few international questions which are more difficult or complex than the present situation in Cyprus.

Having said that, it is well to reflect on the fact that the United Nations were not established to deal with simple and easy solutions. They were not established to look after mothers' meetings. They were established to deal with international affairs as they exist, in the hope that, as a result of the deliberations of the United Nations, the most optimistic expectations of the members of that organisation would be realised with international co-operation and goodwill.

The situation in Cyprus is much more complex and involved than the situation which faced this country in the Congo. I should be interested to hear from the Minister the terms on which the Secretary-General of the United Nations envisages that troops under United Nations control would operate in Cyprus, and the precise functions and duties which it is expected these troops would discharge. I take it their main duties would be of a peace-keeping nature, and that no part of their duties would be to enforce any solution to the problem other than a solution which would be acceptable to the inhabitants of Cyprus.

This situation, because of its difficult and complex nature, and because of the whole history of Cyprus before and after gaining independence, will undoubtedly tax the diplomatic and other resources of the United Nations to the utmost. Before this country accepts any invitation to provide a battalion, or other unit of Irish troops, we must be quite clear on what terms the troops will operate, and our attitude to those terms must be explicitly understood and accepted. If our attitude is made quite clear, with an explicit understanding and acceptance of whatever terms we agree to, I believe this country, as a member of the United Nations, can effectively discharge a useful international role in a situation such as that which exists in Cyprus.

While that is so, it is obvious that a very difficult situation exists there which will not merely tax the resources of the United Nations to the utmost, but will involve serious consideration for this country and other countries prepared to participate in whatever forces may be sent there. The whole history of the situation there, the rapid changes that are taking place from day to day and, indeed, the apparent deterioration of the position, all indicate that the problem facing United Nations units there will be serious.

In that connection, it is well to try to get some information from the United Nations and the Government on the extent to which small countries are expected to shoulder not merely physical but also financial obligations while, at the same time, member States of the United Nations organisation are heavily in arrears with their annual subscriptions. That problem appears to exist perennially. Certainly we should endeavour to get support among the smaller and less well-off nations, if possible backed by other countries who are up-to-date with their subscriptions, for some form of sanctions against those who are in arrears, and who, because of the fact that they are in arrears, may possibly jeopardise the work which the organisation is obliged to undertake.

There is one other sphere to which I think the Minister might have adverted, that is, the Sudan. I believe we have a duty to make the most emphatic protest against the very objectionable, unchristian, and undemocratic activities which are being carried out by the Government of the Sudan against missionaries, both priests and nuns. I understood from a reply the Minister gave last week that representations had been made by the Government, through the Minister's Department, in regard to the persecution of missionaries in the Sudan.

The right to freedom has its duties and responsibilities. Those duties and responsibilities involve proper treatment and fair dealing for all who obey the law. Fundamental human rights are being, and have been, denied to missionaries, including priests and nuns, in the Sudan. Ireland and the Irish people welcomed the advent of the Sudan to the Committee of Nations. Our history, our tradition, and our outlook, all combine in making us appreciate the value of the growth and development of the emergent nations. Because of our own history and our active interest in, and sympathy for, the emergent nations we regret, deplore and condemn the persecution which is being carried out at present in the Sudan. It is contrary to the aims and aspirations which we and other countries had for the emergent nations. It is contrary to the standards which we expect from those countries. In the past we have always vigorously rejected colonialism and all it implies. In this case a colonial power has been removed, but the evils which were associated with colonialism in the past are apparently continuing under a native administration.

One of the matters that has been the subject of comment in the course of this debate is the question of Irish people in Britain, and particularly Irish people in Britain who are less fortunate than others. We have an inescapable duty to express our concern for the circumstances of many of our less fortunate people who for one reason or another live in unsuitable conditions in Britain. This question undoubtedly evokes a good deal of strong feeling. That feeling may be expressed in views held firmly by many people who comment on the problem, or who advert to the difficulties that exist.

It is relatively easy to talk about that problem, but it is not so easy to propound a practical solution or remedy for some of the difficulties which beset those people and some of the conditions under which they live. We are all anxious to help and assist them and to alleviate their conditions.

We cannot, I believe, assist financially those people in Britain from this country in need of financial assistance. This would involve commitments far beyond our resources. But we can at least do two things which would materially assist the Irish in Britain. We can establish advice and guidance bureaux in principal cities and towns there to advise and direct Irish emigrants. The cost involved in establishing these bureaux would not be excessive. We could have Irish civil servants available to work in co-operation with the welfare organisations in Britain, particularly the Irish organisations in Britain which have done such magnificent work for Irish people there.

If we established in certain cities, particularly the larger cities and the cities where there are large centres of Irish population, advice and guidance bureaux which would be manned if necessary jointly by officials from the Department of External Affairs, from voluntary organisations in Britain and the Department of Social Welfare and those in a position to lend their services for the very important work of advising and guiding Irish people in seeking employment, particularly in seeking accommodation, and generally in directing them into the proper channels, a good deal of the difficulties which have arisen would be obviated. Much of the suffering and the misery that has attended Irish people who have got into difficulties in Britain has been due to a lack of guidance, a lack of direction and a lack of adequate information on the circumstances which exist and on the conditions which for many of them are entirely new and are conditions which they have not previously experienced.

The second thing is that some control should be exercised on the age at which boys and particularly girls are allowed to leave this country when not under parental or other control in loco parentis. Control would or should operate to prevent boys and girls of relative immaturity from being allowed to go to Britain without anyone to look after them. It is surprising the extent to which relatively young boys and girls go to Britain without proper supervision and without being directed or being under the control or guidance of somebody in authority, somebody capable of advising them and directing them on the proper lines.

These two suggestions would materially assist in meeting the circumstances and in guiding those of our people who go to Britain and who for one reason or another get into difficulties or find themselves in conditions entirely different from those to which they are used at home. One of the facts which is not sufficiently realised about this problem is that a great deal of the emigration from this country is from rural areas or from small towns and villages. Some of it undoubtedly is from larger towns and villages. However, when people who are not used to the environment of large cities come fresh from the relative tranquillity of the Irish countryside or small village or town and find themselves in the circumstances which we associate with the modern highly-developed busy city and urban existence it is easy to see how simple it is for many of them to get into difficulties. From their point of view, a new aspect of life appears to them which none of them experienced in the past.

If, therefore, we establish advice and guidance bureaux, a step will be taken materially to assist in the direction and guidance of our people who go to large cities in Britain and who seek for guidance and information. On the other hand, it is essential that a measure of control be exercised on the age at which boys and girls, particularly girls, are allowed to leave this country who are not under the direction or guidance of a parent, guardian or some other person acting in loco parentis.

A matter that has been the subject of comment here over the years in considering the application of this country to join the EEC—it has been adverted to in all our discussions even since the application was suspended— has been the trading position of this country vis-à-vis the EEC countries and also our trade with the EFTA countries other than Britain. Nearly all the trade agreements which are at present in operation here have now been in operation for a considerable number of years. Most of them were negotiated either immediately after the war or in 1949-50 or certainly over ten years ago. These bilateral agreements have been initialled for further periods or renewed for further periods in a number of cases. The pattern which emerges from an examination of the trading returns would indicate that we have, with those countries, a trade which is heavily adverse. Because of the length of time these trade agreements have been in operation, because circumstances have now altered considerably, because competition is very much ignored in European and continental markets compared with when these agreements were initiated and because we sought to join the EEC Organisation we ought to consider afresh the trading conditions.

I believe the time has now been reached when these agreements should be reviewed and, where possible, revised. The trade statistics for the 11 months January to November, 1963, which are the latest available, would indicate that we imported from the member countries of EEC in round figures £43 millions worth of goods, and that we exported to these EEC countries £13 millions worth. From the EFTA countries, other than Great Britain we imported £11,600,000 worth and we exported to them £2,100,000 worth. For the 11 months, therefore, taking the EEC countries and the EFTA countries, other than Britain, we have an adverse trade balance making a total import excess of just £40 millions. That, I believe, represents the pattern of trade which has existed over a number of years; certainly over the past four or five years that has been the pattern. There may have been an increase in volume but, approximately, we import from these continental countries, taking them as a whole, about four times what they buy from us.

In our experience as members of OECD and the old OEEC, its predecessor, we subscribed not only in theory but in practice to the wide liberalisation measures adopted by the OEEC, measures which have been reaffirmed and continued by the OECD. So did a number of other countries in theory but, in practice, we find these countries operated, by administrative or other devices, systems, or a system, under which it was possible to discriminate against countries such as ourselves. We found in certain circumstances that, although we had these liberalisation arrangements, some of these other countries operated contrary to the actual terms of these agreements. We, once we signed any of these agreements, implemented in practice what we accepted in theory.

I believe the time has now come when these trade agreements should be revised, if on no other basis, certainly on a bilateral basis. We had hoped that, under the auspices of EEC, or under some international body which would provide for a multilateral arrangement in respect of trade, such as GATT, or a combination of any of these organisations, it would be possible to get agreement on general trading conditions. It would now appear that the prospects of admission to the EEC have receded for the present, at any rate, if not for a considerable time. In those circumstances, I believe we have got to review in a critical and careful fashion the existing trade agreements to see what revision and alterations are necessary. It is quite obvious that some of the commodities imported from these countries are commodities which we cannot and will not be able to get elsewhere. On the other hand, there is a whole range of goods which we import from these countries and we have available goods which we could sell to them, but, for one reason or another, our terms of trade have remained somewhat like the pattern disclosed by the trade figures for the 11 months up to November of last year.

I want to say only a few words on the booklet produced by the Department of External Affairs and circulated last week. The booklet from the point of view of design, format, and layout is quite attractive. It is a well-produced document. I consider nothing could be, or is, more futile than a debate or discussion on the past. The past may be safely left to historians. We have enough problems now and will have enough in the future to engage all our attention and absorb all our energies without indulging in the luxury of a discussion on past policies and events.

Hear, hear.

We should try to profit by our own mistakes and the mistakes of others rather than debating them. For that reason, I was impressed by a few remarks made by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance last night; he thought it was as well to concentrate on the present and the future. I consider, however, that any booklet which contains historical data at this stage in our history cannot adequately, in a thumbnail sketch, convey a correct picture of the events of the past 40 or 50 years without mentioning, and mentioning adequately, the work and achievements of Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins.

It appears to me a great deal of play has been made with this booklet. I quite agree there are several omissions. Whether the omissions are omissions of fact or fiction is another matter. Many of the matters often recorded as facts here, or which people try to put across as facts, are pure fiction. I have read the booklet. I have seen nothing wrong in it. In fact, I thought it was a pretty brilliant idea to leave out those people who settled with England, just for the sake of getting power themselves, by selling a quarter of our country to the British. I do not see anything particularly wrong in omitting that. I think the people who took that decision took it just for the sake of getting into power by any means, even at the expense of selling a portion of their country to their enemies, and I do not think they merit mention in any booklet issued for perusal by foreigners and the youth of today.

The Deputy is even disgusting the Minister.

Order. Deputy Leneghan should be allowed to speak.

I do not see anything wrong with this booklet. After all, if all the facts were to be put in, then why not put in the fact that 77 of the best Irishmen this country ever produced were executed at the hands of the gentle men who are interrupting me now? If that had been put in. I wonder what would have been said. There would be another outcry to have it taken out. The booklet contains too many facts. Is that not the position? After all, I do not believe for a moment this booklet was issued as an historical document of any great significance. It has been issued, and I think rightly, and I do not see anything wrong with it.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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