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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 21 May 1964

Vol. 209 No. 13

Transport Bill, 1964—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: That the Bill be now read a Second Time.

Before the adjournment of the debate last night, I had been dealing with notable pronouncements by the Taoiseach on the subject of transport made in this House on 16th February, 1961, when the Taoiseach dealt at length with the transport system and, in particular, with the railway system. At that time the Taoiseach had no doubt whatsoever that the railway system was detrimental to the advancement of the nation and, in so far as some areas were concerned, that the removal of the system would help them to advance industrially and otherwise. Last night I mentioned that the logical result of that statement would be that the railway system should be abolished, or very nearly so. If the Taoiseach believed today what he believed in February, 1961, that the railway system was a hindrance to productivity, instead of this Bill asking for a subvention of £2 million, we should have a Bill for the abolition of the railway system in the greater part of the country.

At the time of the abolition of the West Cork system, the subvention, according to the statistics provided by CIE, to keep the West Cork railway line in operation was in the region of £600 per mile. The figure was £59,000 and the mileage of the West Cork line was 95 miles. The Minister for Transport and Power and the Taoiseach told us that there was no justification whatsoever for asking public funds to bear £59,000 annually for the purpose of keeping an uneconomic line such as the West Cork line in operation and, consequently, the recommendation of the Board of CIE to close the line was approved by the Minister.

This is 21st May, 1964. The Minister has changed his mind. Three years and four months can bring about big changes and, undoubtedly, so far as the Minister is concerned, that time has brought about big changes in his mind so far as the railway system is concerned. He told us yesterday that we must maintain the railway system, even at heavy cost to the Exchequer. He made it quite clear that he does not intend in the foreseeable future to close down any further railway lines and that the only way they can be maintained and kept in operation is at heavy cost to the taxpayer.

What brought about this change in his viewpoint from late 1960 to the present time? According to the Minister's statement, there are 750 miles of railway that are wholly unprofitable. That means they are in a position similar to the position of the West Cork line which in 1960 was deemed to be wholly unprofitable because the subvention towards it was in the region of £600 per mile.

I should like to know now what subvention from the State will be necessary to keep in operation the 750 miles of railway which are wholly unprofitable at the present time; how much of the £2 million this House is being asked to vote will go towards keeping 750 miles of wholly unprofitable lines in operation.

In view of the Minister's many statements in regard to the railway system and his adverse statements in regard to the need to maintain the railway system, would it not be consistent for him to ask the House to agree with him in a proposal to abolish the entire 750 miles of railway lines? Of course, the Minister has changed his point of view. He has found that, if main lines are to be made profitable, they must be fed by branch lines. He made special reference to that in his speech.

In 1960 we had a solution for our transport problems. In the 1958 Bill it was felt that CIE could be made pay its way or at least break even. The time allowed for that was up to 31st March this year. Now we are told there is no facile solution to the problem and that we must continue to pay subventions. If the Taoiseach were to tell the House when introducing the 1958 Bill: "I am asking you for a subvention of £1 million for five years up to March, 1964, for the running of CIE and I am asking you to write off a total of £16.6 million, making a total of £32 million of public funds towards subsidising CIE, but at the end of that period, the position will be that my successor in charge of transport will come into the House for a further £2 million and ask you to write off a further £1 million of CIE liabilities," what would the House say? But is that not the actual position? Public funds will be supporting CIE to the tune of £33 million.

What do the public get for that? As far as the Minister is concerned, if we ask him a question as to how this huge amount of money is to be spent or how a particular sum is to be spent, we are told it is none of our business. The Minister wants a blank cheque for this inefficient body. It has proved itself to be incompetent and inefficient. As soon as we pass the money there is to be no further question as to how it is utilised. The Minister becomes quite indignant when he is asked questions on the running of CIE.

Deputy Casey said it was efficiently run.

I am speaking for myself. I am quite satisfied it is inefficiently managed, just as the Minister is inefficiently managing his Department. Did the Minister hear the other things Deputy Casey said? Did he hear him quoting statements the Minister made? I have them here. What did the Minister think about subsidising transport over the past few years? Is it not a clear indication that he is inefficient and should not be responsible for public transport here? He said he would forecast the unlikelihood of any general subsidy for CIE, and added that subsidies breed inefficiency and indifference. In 1960, 1961, 1962 and 1963, he said that CIE must pay its way, that it would not be subsidised from the State. Yet in May, 1964, he has to bring in a Bill asking that the subsidy be increased to a greater extent than ever before.

I want to make it clear that if we vote £2 million to CIE, it should be given only on condition that CIE, through the Minister, will be responsible to this House as to how that money is expended. In 1958, when the then Minister constituted the Board of CIE, he told us that they were the most capable that could be got, that they knew their business and that, given a subvention over five years, undoubtedly they would break even. "Give them unfettered responsibility; do not ask them any questions and do not give the public the right to interfere with them in any way". Surely, when all these prophecies are proved to be incorrect, the time is at hand to reconstitute the Board of CIE? It got its five years and it has failed in its undertakings. The position is now worse than it was at any time.

I repeat that a new section should be written into this Bill imposing on the Minister the obligation to give Deputies, as the representatives of the people, any relevant information they may wish to get on the administration of CIE. I do not think that is interfering with them. They are not a private company. When they are getting a subvention of £33 million over ten years, they should be answerable, through Deputies, to the public generally for the way they are managing their affairs.

I want to deal with the pronouncements of the Taoiseach on the advantages that would accrue to west Cork if the railway was abandoned. Let me recall, three years afterwards, how his prophecies have been fulfilled. The Taoiseach told us that as soon as it was definitely known that the West Cork railway was abolished, industry would flow into the area. He said three were ready to start straight away and four more were coming up. Never in the history of the country would any area see such an industrial movement as west Cork as soon as the railway system was abolished. As soon as industrialists knew that west Cork was free from the hindrance of an obsolete railway, they would be passing each other out in an effort to establish industry there. What industries have been established in west Cork? Where are the industries the Taoiseach said in February, 1961, would flow into west Cork? That was before a general election. Unfortunately, the position is that the prophecies of the Taoiseach have not been realised. Worse than that, however, is the fact that the only industry which set up in west Cork, as a result of the Taoiseach's pronouncements, is built on the most sandy foundation possible——

That does not arise on the Transport Bill. Where the industry is built does not arise.

The Taoiseach never advocated the closing of railway lines in order to bring industry to the country; he never advocated anything of the kind.

I shall quote for the Minister.

The Deputy has already quoted. He has quoted several times.

It is very seldom I bring any of these volumes into the House. I shall quote from volume 186, column 603 of the Official Report.

This was already quoted, a Cheann Comhairle.

This is the Taoiseach speaking:

The railways, far from being essential to the area's development, have been an impediment to it. They generated a sort of Maginot Line mentality, which had to be cured before the economic potentialities of the area could be fully developed. Now the development of west Cork will proceed.

He said the railways were obsolete; they should be wiped out and the area would be developed only when they were wiped out. Now, if that is true in relation to west Cork, surely it should be equally true for the remainder of the country. If we are to advance industrially, according to the statement of the Taoiseach, we should abolish the 700 miles of wholly unprofitable lines in the country.

Would the Chair like to hear now how the prophecies of the Taoiseach were realised so far as industries in west Cork are concerned? It was most unfortunate that the Taoiseach should have made these statements because they received a good deal of publicity and they created a very false impression in west Cork at the time. They created the impression that we were to get seven fully fledged industries in the areas which had been served by the railway—Skibbereen, Bantry, Clonakilty areas. The only industry we got there is the one at Bantry which, as I said, is unfortunately standing on a very shaky foundation. I understand the man who got the grant to establish that industry——

What is happening the industry does not arise on this.

I am entitled to disprove in retrospect the statement of the Taoiseach and show that the closing of the railway did not help west Cork industrially.

The Deputy has stated that already.

I believe the retention of a railway system is essential. But the Taoiseach did not believe that in 1961 and he said that, if the railways were closed down, that closure would promote the industrial development of west Cork and he would see to it that that industrial development would take place. We know how he saw to it. Only in one case did the Government make a grant for industrial development in west Cork and I understand the person who got that grant is now one of Her Majesty's guests——

That does not arise on this Bill.

It arises in the context of the statement the Taoiseach made, the statement that the first step towards industrial development in rural areas was to wipe out a system that was no longer serviceable.

Scrap the railways.

What industries did west Cork get when the railways were in operation there?

Unfortunately, for the benefit of the Minister, while Fianna Fáil are in office west Cork never gets fair play. We have got little or no help towards industrial development. Eight applications were made for grants in 1962-63; seven were refused and one is under examination.

The Deputies from west Cork can discuss the industrial development of west Cork on some other occasion, but not on this occasion.

They do it more peacefully here.

Probably the Deputy has experience there.

We are also asked in this Bill to give a subvention of £100 to CIE in respect of each employee. That is a reasonably big subvention for a company enjoying a virtual monopoly of public transport. I know that CIE services in some districts need to be subsidised but, in my opinion, it is quite out of place that a body that has almost complete control of the transport of the country should be given a subvention of £100 per head per employee. I believe if we had efficient management at the top and good public relations, with CIE doing its job efficiently, there would be no need for this particular subvention.

I notice the Minister is not exactly satisfied with the way CIE is working. He informed us that he has admonished them repeatedly. He stated in his speech:

I should state here quite unequivocally that I have at repeated intervals pressed the Board of CIE to improve their publicity and advertising, both in order to get more business and make known to the public the tremendous campaign of reorganisation and the closer liaison with the public effected through sales market research staff.

Apparently, of late, the Minister has been satisfied CIE is not working efficiently; otherwise, there would be no need for him to admonish them at repeated intervals to do their job. We find now that CIE is not the smooth-running, efficient body the Minister pretended it was to the House during the past five years. At repeated intervals he has had to press them to do their job more effectively and more efficiently. Surely the obvious answer to all that is the reconstitution of the Board.

I am not dealing with this purely on a constituency basis. I think transport should be dealt with on a national basis, but one must naturally refer to what happens in the constituency one represents. The railways have been wiped out in west Cork. The decision taken cannot be revoked. The lines have been removed. Presumably they were sold to some foreign State. The justification for doing that was that it cost £600 per mile to subsidise them and there was no justification for asking the State to pay that subsidy. Though the railways have ceased to exist in west Cork and, though CIE have cut themselves away from uneconomic areas, particularly in one parish, we are not, unfortunately, cut away from subscribing our share to this £2 million.

It would be grand if the Minister said that now, since west Cork is cut adrift from CIE, the railway having been abolished and its being proposed now to abolish bus services in uneconomic districts, west Cork no longer had any responsibility for public transport. But that is not what the Minister says: he says west Cork must pay its contribution towards the big subvention for which the House is asked to ensure the continuance of CIE. We were told in west Cork that, when the railways were abolished, an effective road service would be introduced, a service that would meet the people's needs and requirements.

I live in Schull and a bus operates from Schull to Cork at the present time. Up to a few months ago, that bus operated as far as Goleen, the parish next to Schull. A few months ago, that service was withdrawn because CIE maintained that the service from Schull to Goleen was not justified on the ground that its loss totalled some £7 weekly. Accordingly, the service was reduced. It must be borne in mind that CIE is now determined, so far as west Cork is concerned, to cut out any uneconomic sections. They have started already with the parish of Goleen and completely removed the bus service there on the ground that over a period it showed a loss of £7 weekly.

I am doubtful that such figures are correct, but they are CIE figures. Why should the people of Goleen be asked to subsidise CIE or pay their proportion of the subsidy when CIE services for them are cut off because of a loss of £7 weekly? In the parish of Goleen, which is the parish farthest away from this House, the people will have no service in future because it will cost CIE £7 weekly to subsidise that service. As against that, the country as a whole will have a CIE service at a cost of £2 million. I think when CIE have the monopoly of the passenger services in a particular area, they should cater for one uneconomic section of it just as they cater for the sections which are remunerative.

The people of west Cork were not using the service.

I do not know whether Deputy Meaney reads the newspapers, but he could have read what his Lordship the Bishop of Cork had to say about the cutting off of the Goleen service and how this parish was treated, during his recent visit to the area. He can also read what the secretary of the Fianna Fáil Party felt about the cutting off of the Goleen service.

I am interested in what the Deputy has to say on the Transport Bill.

I am interested in what Deputy Meaney has to say about the Goleen service.

Thank you.

The secretary of the Fianna Fáil Party had a letter in the Cork Examiner recently condemning——

What the secretary of the Fianna Fáil Party or any other Party said is not relevant.

The west Cork people want to get something for nothing.

The west Cork people should discuss that somewhere else.

All the people want is fair play. I appeal to the Minister to reconsider the position so far as Goleen——

That has nothing to do with this Bill.

It has something to do with this Bill and there is no use in the Minister putting it to the House that it has nothing to do with the Bill. This is a Bill asking us to subsidise a company that cannot stand on its own feet.

The Deputy made that point before.

I have told the Minister the Bill has to do with Goleen because the people of Goleen are paying their share towards keeping CIE in operation. They are contributing a certain amount of money, and at the same time, the bus services are taken from them.

The Deputy should pass from that point; it is adequately clear.

If £2 million are paid to keep CIE in operation in the remainder of the country, Goleen should be worth £7 a week.

That is fair enough, and it is very relevant, too.

Having made a number of comments, I appreciate that CIE are labouring under some difficulties The main one is that they have priced themselves out of the market so far as transport is concerned. With the continuous increase in charges, many people find it difficult to avail of CIE services. They were given to understand that when the rail services ceased to operate in the districts from which they were withdrawn, prices would decrease, road charges would decrease to the level of the rail charges. We find that is not being realised. As a result, on long distance runs when people congregate at the bus stop, they often decide to hire a private car, which is cheaper for people travelling a long distance. That is taking traffic from CIE, but, in any case, it is a difficulty of their own creation. I think CIE made a mistake in increasing their fares on these long distance runs. I understand the return fare from Schull to Cork is in the region of 38/- to 39/-, which is a substantial sum for that journey.

That is not relevant to this Bill.

It is relevant because it is by virtue of the loss of such traffic that the Bill is before the House today. The people have to pay for CIE losses by way of subventions voted in this House. The Minister has mentioned here something which he decried away back in 1960 and 1961. He states that CIE employed more than 20,000 workers and that is something which deserves recognition. I agree entirely. But when we put up a similar case during the debate on the west Cork railway line that a large number would be unemployed, the Minister laughed at us and said that this type of unproductive employment was useless, so far as the national good was concerned. If the men employed on the west Cork railway line were in what the Minister described as unproductive employment, not conducive to the national good, surely it is a fact that all CIE employees are in similar employment?

We are told that so far as CIE employees are concerned the Bill takes a special interest in their welfare. We got similar assurances in west Cork and I am sorry to say no board of management in this country, public or private, would treat their employees in the way CIE treated theirs—with callous indifference. A number of them could not possibly, because of family commitments, leave the area and go to other centres where alternative employment was offered to them. They had to leave the service of CIE without any gratuity and CIE went out of their way to put difficulties in the way of those employees in order to compel them to leave.

If the Minister looks up his files he will find that a number of workers in west Cork left the service without any redundancy money, any compensation. Now he tells us CIE have been outstanding in the treatment of their workers. I feel I must make it quite clear, as one of the public representatives for west Cork, that I am thoroughly dissatisfied and disgusted with the manner in which CIE met their obligations to their workers who, because of circumstances outside their control, could not change their abode from west Cork to other centres where alternative employment opportunities were offered. There was little or no employment available for them because of conditions in the area at that time. All they could get was work of a casual nature. I should mention here what happened in so far as CIE houses in west Cork are concerned. The Board owned a number of houses——

That surely would not come into this.

It can, Sir.

I am the authority on whether it can or not.

This relates to the financial policy of CIE.

It does not arise on this Bill. I will not allow the Deputy——

Excuse me; there are a couple of sections in this Bill which deal with employees of CIE.

I will not allow the Deputy——

I am talking——

I will not allow the Deputy to discuss how CIE dispose of their property.

On a point of order——

It has no bearing on this Bill.

——are we then to come in here, consent to the subsidising of CIE to the tune of £2 million annually and not be allowed discuss the affairs of CIE?

The Deputy is not adding to the order of the House. I will not allow him——

May I make a submission? Section 11, which deals specifically with powers of property, states:

(2) The Board may, in particular——

(a) retain any part of its land which is not required by it for the discharge of its duties and develop it for use by other persons, and

(b) where the use of its land for the discharge of its duties can be combined with its use for other purposes, develop the land by constructing or adapting buildings for use wholly or partly by other persons,

with a view to selling, letting or otherwise disposing of any right or interest in the land or any part of the land after the development is carried out.

The Deputy said he was proposing to deal with how CIE proposed to dispose of their houses.

How they have treated some of their former employees who happened to reside in CIE houses. Is that in order?

I will hear the Deputy on how he proposes to deal with the subject.

I wish to protest against the manner in which CIE have dealt with former employees in my area.

That is peculiarly administration by CIE.

But I am making a case for discussion of administration on a Bill of this kind. We have too much of this type of thing in the House—that nobody may ask questions about public bodies which have been costing the public so much money. CIE have cost the public millions in the past few years——

If the Deputy will insist on continuing the discussion along this line, I shall ask him to resume his seat.

For ten years, public funds have been going to CIE and every aspect of their activities——

The Deputy may not hang every aspect of every action and of every piece of administration by CIE on this measure. The Deputy is endeavouring to do that. He has been dealt with leniently up to this and I now ask him to pass from this line of discussion. Otherwise, I must ask him to——

Perhaps I am misinterpreting the rules of the House, but I understood that on a Bill such as this, we were at liberty to discuss every aspect——

Every aspect of what is in the Bill.

And could be in the Bill.

Within the scope of the Bill.

And what we believe should be in the Bill but is not in the Bill.

I shall not argue further with the Deputy.

I should like to mention again how some of the people in west Cork were treated so disgracefully. They were asked for prices for their houses and were told that unless those prices were forthcoming——

The Deputy is again attempting to deal with a subject I have ruled out of order.

With respect, Sir, will you not permit us to discuss the provision of section 11 which, dealing with property, goes on:

with a view to selling, letting or otherwise disposing of any right or interest in the land or any part of the land?

That is property which is at present in the possession of CIE. The Deputy has been endeavouring to deal with property they have disposed of and with how they have disposed of it.

And which they are in the process of disposing of.

And how they disposed of their workers.

It is only right to mention on this Bill that a number of workers were disgracefully treated. Some of the workers had resided in CIE houses for a number of years. They got written demands from CIE that, irrespective of how they found the money, unless certain sums of money were made available for the purchase of the houses, the houses would be sold over their heads at public sales and they would be dispossessed. That was the parting shot of CIE to their old, faithful employees in west Cork. They were threatened that unless they paid CIE certain sums of money they would be dispossessed of those houses.

I must insist on the Deputy passing from that.

Now, Sir, I shall pass from that. I must ask the Minister again, before I leave the railway side of this Bill, to indicate clearly how he can justify retaining in operation 750 miles of railway line, wholly unprofitable, in view of his many statements on the desirability of wiping out unprofitable railway lines and of his statements on the closing of the west Cork line. How does he reconcile with those he made yesterday? When a railway is deemed unprofitable, could the Minister tell us, or would he tell us, what the average annual loss per mile on the 750 miles of unprofitable railway would be? That is a matter of great interest to the people of west Cork.

I will now pass to other points of the Bill. The Minister was full of enthusiasm in February, 1961, about the future of CIE. He was delighted with it and he refuted arguments from this side of the House. He spoke of the many satisfactory developments in CIE during 1960 and 1961. One of the important developments, of course, was the wiping out of the branch lines which, strangely, he is seeking to retain today. He said CIE were about to eliminate losses and that this process would be completed by 31st March, 1964. He said that more modern management methods, re-equipment and so on would bring about efficiency and economies which would mean that CIE would be making a profit by 1964. I think he should refer in detail to the causes of his change of viewpoint so far as the operation of the railway system in the country is concerned.

I should like to refer to a matter mentioned last night about the recruitment of CIE staff and where this change is brought about in the system of recruitment. Now, it can be by written and oral examination and interview and any other test or tests the Board consider appropriate. Many members of this House, particularly members of the Labour Party, have striven down through the years to have a system of competitive examination for the recruitment of the staff of different Departments and State-sponsored bodies. We feel it is the best and most effective system of recruiting staff and that any other system would lend itself to abuse. That was enshrined in the Great Southern Railways Bill in 1934. I understand that, up to the present, CIE personnel are recruited on a competitive basis. Now, they can be recruited on any basis. The likelihood is that they will be recruited on a political basis. That statement is soundly based.

Where the State has a free hand in the recruitment of employees, be they judges, postmasters or any other such employees, they are recruited on a political basis. There is no doubt about that. Everyone is agreed upon that. Now, the CIE staff are to be brought in line with that system. If this Bill goes through and if this section stands we shall have a number of applicants moving around to get at the Minister for Transport and Power or at the Board of CIE to give them a soft job on the company's staff. Surely we are not to move back to that system and to deprive people who have the necessary qualifications from getting a post to which their talents entitle them?

The Deputy has not read the Bill, apparently.

Of course, I have.

There is nothing to suggest that there will not be competition——

——only for some.

"Any other test or tests the Board considers appropriate." Will the Minister define that? That would be a political test, in the same way as if a man were to approach a Minister of State about a parcel of land in the possession of the Land Commission. The first question he is asked is whether he is a Party member. I suppose applicants for CIE jobs would be asked the same question.

It is not correct.

It is a complete and absolute libel on the Land Commission inspectors.

I must ask west Cork to discuss these matters somewhere else.

It is not west Cork. What is the need to put this section in the Bill? What faults have been found with the system that obtains at the present time? Why should any relatively small group of people find themselves in the position that they have the handing out of what could be termed very good jobs in this country and, I believe, on a non-competitive basis? I believe that power should not be given to the Minister, the Board or to any delegates of the Board to hand out, on such a basis as any test which they may decide, jobs which are subsidised from public funds.

Unfortunately, most of my statement had to be of a critical nature. As Deputies know, the west Cork people could not be said to be lovers of CIE in view of the treatment they got from them down through the years. They were terribly annoyed that the Board, the Minister and the Taoiseach were too busy to receive them and to hear their complaints and discuss any of the traffic problems in the area with them. It is only natural, in view of the public relations system that prevails in the Board of CIE towards the general public. One would think the Board would be anxious to meet the delegates to discuss important matters. One cannot consider that such behaviour indicates an effort to create a good public image for the Board.

I believe that there should be a complete review of the position so far as transport in this country is concerned. There should be a review of the system which operates at present which gives to CIE and private hauliers the monopoly of transport. I think also that the House should be much more informed than it has been in the past of the activities of CIE. I want to stress as forcibly as I possibly can that I believe a section should be retained in this Bill making it mandatory on the Minister to give to Deputies relevant information which they may require on the activities of the CIE Board.

It is too important a business and too costly a business so far as the State is concerned that once CIE get money here they are no longer responsible to this House as to how they use it. I need only quote the Minister's remarks in support of that. He said that subsidies breed inefficiencies. He spoke of outmoded techniques. CIE know that whether they make a loss or a gain on their business it does not matter as the salaries and jobs and everything are secure because the State will pay the balance. In the five statements the Minister made in 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963 and 1964 we were told that subsidies breed inefficiency, and so on. The Minister spoke also of outmoded techniques. Whether or not we should describe them as outmoded techniques, I do not know, but in view of the fact that the people will pay, it is essential the general public should get up to date information on the activities of CIE.

The Minister and CIE adopt a peculiar attitude. I would again refer to what happened in Goleen. In addition to withdrawing a service, the Minister refused to give a private applicant a licence to operate a passenger service.

That is purely administration.

That is what is happening all the time. Everything that CIE has to do is administration. What business have we in coming up here at all, then, if we are not to be allowed to put forward——

I shall not argue the point with the Deputy. He may not discuss that.

If CIE through the Minister, withdraw a service, surely they should not stand in the way if the local people try to provide an alternative service. I do not see any justification for their action——

That is a matter of administration and it may not be discussed on this Bill.

That is my contribution. The main reason I spoke on this was to endeavour to bring about a situation whereby CIE and other public bodies, but particularly CIE, will be responsible to this House for their activities and answerable as to how they expend the big sums of money given by way of subsidy.

I remember when the Taoiseach introduced his last Transport Bill, in which I think CIE were given a further five years to make good, I met him on the way out of the House and I said: "I think it is extremely likely that at the end of five years CIE will be looking for more money than ever." He replied: "I would not like to say you are wrong." At least that was truthful and straightforward.

We have before us a Bill in which the Minister for Transport and Power admits, as should have been admitted long ago, that our public transport is not a solvent concern. The story he told us yesterday was a sorry one. CIE is a bankrupt concern and has been losing more and more money all the time. They have been treated very generously by this House. Originally their debts were liquidated and they were allowed to start afresh. They were allowed complete control, entirely free from Parliamentary question, to carry out their policy. One must accept that they have been nothing but a dismal failure from the start. Now the Minister introduces this Bill and, as far as I can gather from it and from his statement, CIE are to be subsidised to the extent of £2 million each year without any restriction or any strings attached.

I should like the Minister to indicate if, at the end of the first financial year after CIE have received £2 million which, according to the Bill is to be presented to them on the 1st April each year, CIE say that they are £2 million in debt, what attitude the Minister will take. The situation is slightly different from what it was in the last Bill in which they were given a definite sum and told they could have flexibility with that money to function over the five years; that they could lose more in one year, perhaps, than another but so long as the overall balance was correct everything was all right. The only difference now is that it will be £2 million per year and the Minister tells CIE: "You must confine your activities within that sum." I think that is a fair résumé of what he said.

If possible, less.

The Minister knows as well as I do that it may possibly be more.

It is more likely to be more.

I am asking the Minister to tell the House if at the end of 12 months CIE debt is £3 million or £4 million what would he and the Government do about it. If he gives a clear reply at this stage it will greatly help us on the Committee Stage. My question is not an empty one: it seems CIE are being given a blank cheque and are being told: "Carry on running public transport but do it within the confines of the £2 million that we give you. We are giving you a blank cheque to start again. We are placing our confidence in you as a Board to carry on our public transport. There are absolutely no strings and no control." I notice this is not a fully wide-open debate in which you can discuss freely the administration of CIE. It is fair to say that I and the others who spoke and will speak have a function as elected representatives to try to advise and direct the public transport policy of the country but when we sit down after the Fifth Stage of this Bill has passed we have no further say in the matter. We can watch the debt growing until it becomes perhaps £5 million but there is nothing we can say or do.

If I ask a Parliamentary question because I am concerned that CIE are going to lose more money than is permitted under this measure I shall be asked to wait until the accounts come out. I shall not be asked by the Minister to say on what lines CIE are going wrong or what economies could be made. If that was the case and if we had power to say that one would feel more inclined to consent to this Bill than one feels at present.

As a responsible Opposition we must accept the fact that the public transport of the country should be maintained. We have certain responsibilities to those who sent us here for the moneys we vote for any Act but we are powerless in this case. The Minister says simply that he wants £2 million. I do not question that but the situation should not have arisen in which a sum as big as that is required. Accepting the fact that public transport presents tremendous difficulties, while railways perhaps present more difficulties than in the past, it is rather begging the question to bring in a Bill like this under which we must vote this money and we are told if we do not it is the end of organised transport in this country. There are to be no restrictions and no control.

I submit—I think Deputy McGilligan made this point on behalf of Fine Gael last night—that CIE should be placed under Parliamentary control. If the Minister has any doubts and if he were to discuss the administration of CIE with the ordinary general employees, whether rail or bus, he would find it is the considered opinion of 90 per cent of them that CIE should be under Parliamentary control. They feel the present unhappy state of affairs has arisen because Parliament has no say in CIE. This is a negation of democracy. Our function is to see that the State moneys that we deal with are spent as profitably as possible but we have no say in regard to CIE.

I should like the Minister to give the House, if possible, a reasonable explanation as to why there should not be Parliamentary control of public transport since it depends on public funds. If he does that it will make our task easier on the Committee Stage. Probably this is largely a Committee Stage Bill and all one can do on the Second Stage is to express the view one gets from every section of employees in the company.

I agree with the Minister that preservation of the railways is necessary, because, first, the railways are a great national asset and, secondly, in time of emergency they are extremely desirable. Thirdly, in rush periods I shudder to think what the state of the roads would be if we had not got the railways. Even that part of the railway on the east coast which serves Wexford, in summer periods does fairly well. I do not know what the overall position is, whether it is a paying concern or not, but I should rather imagine that it is not, particularly as the railways appear to run in competition with the buses, as they have been doing over the years. The bus leaves Dublin and travels much the same route as the railway to Gorey and on to Wexford. The railways and the buses run in competition with ways carry a tremendous volume of each other. At peak periods the rail-traffic which the roads would be unable to deal with.

There are many occasions when the railways are of inestimable value, such as the occasions of hurling matches in Dublin and national pilgrimages. In the tourist season the railways show a considerable profit. There is also the consideration that the railways are a transport link between areas.

It is true to say that railways in practically every country are not profitable. There is only one European railway, namely, the Dutch railway, which is a solvent concern. I do not know the reason for that. It may be due to the fact that the routes are so circuitous that it is almost impossible to travel by road.

In his opening statement the Minister did not indicate any very definite transport policy. On a Transport Bill the Minister who is responsible for transport should have given the House an overall outline of the transport policy. He gave many statistics dealing with railways and bus services but he did not give any indication as to what the future of public transport is to be. Everybody in the country desires to know what the transport policy is for the present and for the future, whether railways will be allowed to continue, whether bus services will be allowed to continue.

I would ask the Minister to explain the position in regard to one matter in respect of which there is a section in the Bill. It is the question of the future of the Rosslare-Fishguard service. Section 14 provides that the directors of the Fishguard and Rosslare Railways and Harbours Company are appointed by the Board, not by the Minister. I understand that the position is that they are appointed by the Board of CIE and that the company is a combination of CIE and British Railways, that it is a unit that is embodied in CIE in that it is a joint company; that there are portions of the company that belong to various sections of CIE. I mean that the harbour on this side is owned by the directors appointed by CIE for that purpose and that part on the other side and the ships are owned by British Railways. I think I am right in saying that.

There is considerable public misapprehension in the area where I live in regard to this matter. There is considerable employment involved. The farmers and railway workers living in Rosslare Harbour are entirely dependent on the development of this company and the facilities provided there. My information is that the British Railways part of the company is producing a steamer which can bring more traffic into the country, thereby creating more work for the railways. There is a useful link with the railways from the harbour and a connection with Waterford, Cork and Dublin. In other words. it is a useful amenity from a revenue producing point of view for CIE and may contribute considerably to offsetting the heavy losses that the company is meeting.

In fact, I think I am right in saying that the Fishguard and Rosslare Railways and Harbours Company is a solvent concern but I would suggest to the Minister that its financial position can be improved and it rests entirely with CIE. Section 14 would indicate that the directors are appointed by CIE and that they need not necessarily be members of the Board of CIE. I am not very clear as to what the Minister's functions are in the matter.

I am raising this matter because I have been trying to discover for some time past who exactly is responsible for giving a direction so that the improved facilities, the proposals for which have been submitted to the Minister and to CIE, can be provided. I want to know who is in a position to give a direction in that matter. I would ask the Minister to tell the House if he is empowered to give a direction or if it is a matter for the Board and, if so, if it is necessary for the Board to submit proposals to the Minister for sanction?

I am dealing at such length with this matter because I am informed that there is a scheme already drawn up, the implementation of which would greatly improve the revenue of the area and the revenue of CIE as a whole. I am further informed—if my information is not correct perhaps the Minister will tell me so — that the decision rests with the Minister for Transport and Power or, if not, with CIE.

I am bringing this matter up now because it is the only opportunity I have. I cannot bring it up at any other time because I may be told that it is a matter of day to day administration. I would ask the Minister to clarify the position. I can assure him that it means a great deal to the area. It involves not only full-time employment but a considerable amount of part-time employment. If the people in the locality lose this part-time employment there may be further emigration. Some of the persons concerned are very small farmers who get a supplemental income from work in connection with this company. I would submit to the Minister that there is a very good case for going ahead with the scheme in question immediately.

I have many letters and representations with regard to the subject. The reason I deal with it extensively is that I have seen so much correspondence in the papers with regard to the establishment of a rival concern in the Dublin area. We are an old existing company since the beginning of the century, and surely it is within the power of somebody, either the Minister or CIE, to put the matter right? I would ask the Minister to give a full and comprehensive report so that he may clarify the position and let everybody in the area vitally interested know what he is going to do.

I am interested in this Bill because of the contribution made to CIE by Dublin city. We are told that 65 per cent of their road passenger income comes from Dublin. In 1961-62 Dublin alone contributed £380,000 to CIE in profit. In spite of the fact that it is Dublin which saves such an important concern, employing 20,000 people with a pay bill of £13½ million a year, the people of Dublin get very few concessions. We are told we cannot refer to administration. I agree, but we can go too far in that. There are complaints that throughout the year Deputies cannot ask any questions. At least, when the Bill comes before the House, we should be given a little latitude.

I want to refer to the Minister's statement. He said that the basic fares are comparable with those elsewhere. He added that the Board had thoroughly investigated this question and say that the present cheap fares, excursion fares, special train journey fares, children's fares and rambler ticket rates represent the maximum they can do without increasing the deficit. There is not a word there about a certain class of person to whom I want to refer. Elsewhere old people get concessions. In many cases they get a half fare concession. The Minister should use his good offices to see that they get that concession, if not in the should use his good offices to see that they get that concession, if not in the whole country, at least in Dublin. There are two classes of old age pensioner. Contributory pensioners may get a pension and still have means, but the non-contributory pensioner cannot get a pension if he has means.

This is a matter of detail.

I shall depart from that now. The Minister referred to conditions elsewhere. Elsewhere they give concessions to the old age pensioner. Those people cannot afford to travel as it is. If they got half fare, they could travel more. On the rounds, I do not think CIE would lose very much.

In regard to Parliamentary control, I have no faith in any numbers controlling anything. Where numbers control, things are done not to suit the whole but to suit the individual. We heard a rumpus about certain railway lines being closed down. If we had Parliamentary control, every Deputy would see to it no line in his area would be closed down, and CIE would be in a worse position. There is an old saying that one battered general is better than two good ones. That applies to this. I am satisfied that somebody like Dr. Andrews should do all the running, but what he does should be subject to debate here at least once a year. I believe that would be in the interests of all. I have often heard it suggested that the Housing Department should give out houses. That would be a bad day's work. I accept the control of some responsible individual.

The Minister was right in closing down those ghost railways. I would agree with him in closing down more. But if he thinks in the national interest railways not paying should be kept open, I am prepared to go along with him. If we accept that position, we must be prepared to accept losses; and losses with CIE mean taxation. Do not grumble whenever you hear of taxation when, at the same time, you want ghost lines kept open. I believe CIE are doing a good job. Buses must be kept running. If they are not, there are complaints from people who want to know how they are to get in and out, even though only a few may be using the service. We have to leave it to CIE to make all the economies possible. We have CIE doing their best running excursions and so on, and we have hooligans interfering with them. It is not too easy and we should sympathise with the management of CIE. Some of Dublin's large contribution to CIE should be given back in the form of concessions to the class of people I mention. I certainly support the Bill.

On the Order of Business this morning, I asked the Taoiseach if he would agree to take the motion relating to transport which I put down on the Order Paper last week. He indicated he was willing. The motion states:

That Dáil Éireann condemns the habitual evasion of responsibility by the Minister for Transport and Power in the matter of Dublin city and county bus services, and considers that the Minister's repeated refusals to answer Dáil questions on urgent subjects such as the unsatisfactory running of Ballyfermot services, constitute contempt of the Dáil; and, further, that Dáil Éireann is of opinion that this method of avoiding public discussion of the people's grievances, and of effectively gagging members of the Dáil, is a denial of the fundamental rights and privileges of members.

The Chair has no knowledge, Deputy, that the House agreed to debate the Deputy's motion along with the Transport Bill.

It has not agreed and the motion has nothing to do with this Bill.

I put it to you, Sir, that I raised this matter this morning on the Order of Business and the Taoiseach indicated he saw no objection to my motion being taken with this Bill.

He said quite clearly the Transport Bill was a general matter and he did not agree to the discussion, which would have to be agreed to by the whole House on the Order of Business, of the Deputy's motion.

That is quite wrong. The Taoiseach indicated to me that he had no objection to this motion being debated in conjunction with this Bill.

The Deputy's motion relates to matters of administration which would be ruled out in discussion on the Bill.

It only relates to administration in a very general way. I did not propose to particularise so far as administration is concerned. Like other members, I want to say— we do not get the opportunity very often—that I am pretty well fed-up and disgusted with putting in Parliamentary questions in relation to CIE, affecting the vital interests of the people who sent me here to represent them, for answer by the Minister for Transport and Power and invariably getting back the reply, through the office of the Ceann Comhairle, that the Minister has indicated that he has no responsibility in the matter. I describe that as an evasion of responsibility. In the last sentence of his introductory speech the same evasion is evident. The sentence reads "Success in justification of the Bill lies squarely on the Board and the staff." Surely that is a Pilate-like washing of the hands in so far as CIE is concerned. CIE is a national transport undertaking. It is something which concerns and touches the life of every man, woman and child in the country. We are sent here by the people to speak their minds for them, to make inquiries for them, to try to get information and better standards for them. What happens when we do that? We are told to shut up and leave the running of CIE to what is largely—there is one exception, the gentleman who is the head of it—an anonymous body, answerable not to us and answerable, it would seem, not even to the Minister, certainly not to this Minister because he does not seem to want to have them answerable to him. It suits his purpose better to shuffle off responsibility and say it is a matter for the Board or it is a matter of administration. How, then, can I get a remedy for the people of Ballyfermot when I get a complaint?

The Deputy may put down a motion.

I have a motion down and the Taoiseach was agreeable here this morning that it should be discussed.

The Chair has no information as to that.

That is a mechanical fault of the House. Surely it was not my function to tell the Chair.

The Deputy's motion relates to matters of administration and matters of administration are out of order on this Bill.

You say, Sir, you have no information. The motion was not ordered by the House. I trust you will confirm that.

The signal is against Deputy Dunne.

He will have to change the points.

We will see if we can get round it some way. Here we have a Bill which proposes that we should impose a tax of £2 million on the people. The largest concentration of working-class people in this city live in Ballyfermot. They have to travel out of that area to work. Many of them have to travel considerable distances across the city out to south County Dublin. Every one of the workers there has to make use of at least two buses. Yet the service provided for them is so chaotic and useless, these people who will be asked to pay this £2 million, that those who live in the middle of the Ballyfermot scheme must go up to the terminus in order to get a bus into town.

I cannot allow the Deputy to discuss Ballyfermot's transport difficulties on this Bill.

I give it merely as an example of inefficient service.

If all Deputies were allowed to discuss local transport difficulties in their own areas there would be no end to the debate.

I do not think they should be, but we have a good deal of it. I use Ballyfermot merely as an example of the inefficient manner in which CIE runs its business.

A very fair argument.

It is a matter of administration and it does not arise on the Bill.

This sum of £2 million is part of a sum of £33 million, as mentioned by a previous speaker, provided over ten years by this House to CIE by way of subsidy and it is a remarkable commentary that even the Chair seems to consider — has considered, in fact—that we have no right to discuss in any great detail how this money will be spent.

It was the House decided that particular matter, Deputy, and not the Chair.

On what occasion? Surely this is a separate Bill which stands on its own. Surely the terms of reference are not the terms of reference laid down in relation to previous Bills. This is a new measure, something we can discuss, if not in absolute detail, certainly in fairly general detail. Otherwise, we shall be talking in meaningless phrases. We must get down to the lives of the ordinary people and the problems that beset them. We are well used, particularly over the last few years, to the Minister's after dinner speeches and his allusions to the old 19th century concept of making business pay and the essential nature of profitability in any semi-State undertaking. He has often stated, and so have other members of the Government, that that is the test which must be applied to semi-State bodies, whether or not they can pay their way. We, in the Labour Party, and others in this House have for many years indicated that we firmly believe that the provision of public transport should not ever have been put to the test of ordinary, capitalistic, commercial adventurism. Public transport is in the nature of a social service in the same way as hospitals are.

The Deputy voted against the tax for the CIE service. However, we will leave that.

Public transport is a service that must be provided for the people. The so-called principle that it should be put on the same basis as an ordinary business, that uneconomic parts should be cut off and dropped, was made part of the fundamental Fianna Fáil policy and propaganda. It was propounded here as a kind of gospel. Here, in this Bill, we have a complete reversal of that and an acceptance by the Minister in his speech of the fact—this was pointed out in scores of speeches here over the years—that one cannot ask railways to pay and that it is completely wrong to put a public transport system to the test of profit with the profit motive the sole determinant of the continued existence or the death of any particular branch or service.

We have always held the view that public transport is something which should be and must be maintained. What has been the result in all those years during which £33 million have been raised by means of taxation to help CIE? What has been the result of the Minister's policy? The result has been that political consideration have always been taken into account by CIE in their manipulation of fares and in their determination as to how they will place the burden of increased expenses. It is an indisputable fact that the people of this city, principally the working-class people who are forced to avail of public transport, have carried CIE to a very large extent while other elements in the community, far better able to pay, have been afforded relatively cheap transport for the transportation of cattle and goods. That has been done by imposing severe hardships in the form of high fares on the people of Ballyfermot, and not alone high but exorbitant. No chance has been lost in the past several years by CIE to increase the fares paid by Dublin city and county workers.

That has been a very considerable hardship on the working people and has contributed to the increase in the cost in living, has contributed to wage demands and has contributed in a large measure to the very obvious inflationary trend we see today. I know of many people who are earning something in the neighbourhood of £10 to £12 a week who have to pay 25/- in bus fares to get to their work. All this flows from the policy of the Government in insisting that CIE should be made pay its way and show a profit, which is ridiculous. The only method by which CIE could be made pay its way is by holding a Webley revolver to the temple of the people of Dublin and say to them—unless you pay these higher fares you will be without public transport.

We are advancing towards the point of diminishing returns because more and more people are finding it more economic to obtain alternative means of transport. We see the roads crowded with auto-cycles and mopeds, second-hand motor cars and all kinds of vehicular traffic. All that, I submit, is a result of the policy of the Minister and the policy of the Government in making the use of public transport outrageously high and putting it out of the reach of a great proportion of the workers.

On many occasions the Minister was eloquent on the question of subsidies. It is an extraordinary thing when the question of subsidies is talked about in relation to workers, like, for instance, subsidising the CIE transport or that workers and old age pensioners will have fares at reduced rates, the word "subsidy" becomes a dirty word. It might be described as a malodorous weed, but when it is talked about in relation to the agricultural community, as distinct from those who live in the cities and towns, the word "subsidy" becomes a thing of beauty and a joy forever. The agricultural community enjoy subsidies of all kinds. Of course, the bulk of the votes lie with the farmers. Therefore, they must be courted and cossetted by the party who wants to remain in power.

You think it is a lot of bull.

It is a political fact. The people least able to meet the cost of these subsidies are the working people in the suburban areas of this city and in the county of Dublin. They do not begrudge the farmers any help they can get. The farmers find it hard enough to keep up their payments on their Mercedes, and so on, but the burden of justice lies on the side of those who have to work.

The entire profit on the Dublin city service is just over one-third of a penny per journey.

One-third of a penny is a lot.

I would not say it is staggering, but it is, of course, a matter of opinion.

Does any other branch of CIE pay at all?

Would it not be nice if we had it for the whole service?

The profit is determined in relation to all the charges that must be paid apart from the charges of the workers' wages. The wages of the workers are usually blamed for increases in the bus fares. That is totally wrong and is produced as a snare and delusion to the community so that they will blame the workers for looking for improvements in their conditions. The reason is the hierarchy of officials in CIE, who must, indeed, cost the country a great deal. It would, in fact, be interesting to know how many there are on supervising duties, and other duties of that type, in proportion to the number of workers actually producing. How many are looking at the workers? I have heard of teams in this latest gimmick — time and motion — armed with stop watches, biro pens and note books standing for hours watching men working. These men are sweating on the job and are engaged on hard work jobs. The watchers get £50 a week for watching these men work. These are things which would bear investigation in order to know how much of this £2 million would find its way into the pockets of these gentlemen.

This happens all over the country.

It is done with the assistance and co-operation of the National Productivity Committee, on which the trade unions are represented. They are giving lectures all over the country. Workers are able to produce more, but they are happy and it is an excellent thing. I do not know what the Deputy is talking about.

I am talking for the people of Dublin who sent me here. I know what they tell me and their comments on it.

Do they go where the ordinary labourers are or do they spend a lot of time in the offices?

Sometimes they are out in the air watching the men. There has been a lot of talk recently about going to the left. Before long, the Labour Party will be the only Party for labour in the country. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael will break their ribs at this standing over things. It all shows how time brings changes.

It is the middle of the road.

It is an acceptance, in a kind of way, of the principle which should have dawned on the Minister, that you just cannot make public transport pay, that it has to be subsidised.

Another point I want to mention is that which has already been referred to by Deputy Murphy. There is provision in the Bill for the recruitment of CIE staff in the future, at least to some extent, by means of interview. Hitherto, it was by means of competitive examination. Now, the Bill proposes to enable the Board to arrange for the employment of clerical staff by means of interview instead of public examination. This is wholly undesirable and should be resisted. The obvious possible abuses were pointed out by Deputy Murphy. It would be impossible for any group in this country who had the dispensation of posts such as this to escape from the pressures of personal approaches, representations and all these things which go to make up the background of our lives.

Five other State companies manage it.

What kind of name have they with the people?

A very excellent name.

I do not think so. However, I do not wish to go into details on that because I would be ruled out of order. There are places for friends, relations——

Even their brothers.

Even their brothers are brought up from the country. Of course, it is highly undesirable; it is corrupt. Human nature is not perfect, but surely we should not change the law to make it possible for such things to happen. Surely we should have in existence, and retain at all costs, a system of open competitive examination. We have it. Thank God we have it, but let us maintain it. Instead, we are setting about changing that and opening the door to mass canvassing. persecution and all the attendant evils with which public representatives are so well acquainted in relation to the filling of jobs otherwise than by public examination. It is a backward step and the Minister should have no hesitation in taking that provision out of the Bill.

One point has been suggested to me by the efforts of the Congress of Irish Unions, who are anxious to have a section in the Bill which would not preclude CIE from manufacturing goods in their workshops for outside customers. That suggestion is worthy of consideration and I would recommend it to the Minister for his views, at least. Principally, my attitude to this Bill has been indicated in the motion I have put down.

The motion is not before the House. It is not being discussed with the Bill.

That has been said several times. I was about to say that my attitude has been made clear by the motion which I read out and which the Taoiseach said he was quite agreeable to have discussed with the Bill. However, this very strong rearguard action is being fought for the Minister for Transport and Power and once again we shall not have an opportunity to speak on transport and power until, perhaps, another Bill comes in. Whether we are here or not——

The Deputy will be there.

Deputies will have an opportunity of raising these matters on the Estimate for the Department.

Still we shall be gagged and silenced——

And shunted into sidings.

There is always a very free discussion on the Estimate.

Any Freedom there has been was brought about by the insistence of Deputies that their rights should not be interfered with, but I would not say that liberty has been encouraged from other parts of the House. However, the fact remains the people of this city, the people of Ballyfermot, must still put up with bad bus services, high and exorbitant fares and, on top of it all, increased taxation, while we, who are alleged to represent them, may not open our mouths to say a word about it.

The important section of this Bill is section 6 subsection (1), under which CIE will in future be paid annually a subsidy of £2 million. In addition, under subsection (4) of the same section, the Board are permitted loans up to a maximum of £6 million for capital expenditure purposes. There is no time limit in respect of the repayment of these loans. The £6 million may be spent in one year or spread over several years.

These provisions allowing subsidies and loans to CIE represent a complete reversal of Government policy. It is an ordinary, democratic, parliamentary convention that when the policy of a Minister has obviously failed, when the house of cards he has assidously built collapses about him, good sense would demand and expect his resignation. To my mind, the Minister for Transport and Power, who comes into this House with a Bill of this kind and who is not in a position to say he is tendering his resignation, is a person who is not facing up to what is expected of a man in his position.

On the subject of CIE during recent years, we have had much evidence of ministerial madness. In every part of the country little villages and towns and outlying areas have been cut off ruthlessly from rail communication because of a dedication to the transport policy contained in the Transport Act of 1958. Time and again the Minister for Transport and Power in this House has withstood criticisms of the closing of branch lines because, we were told, the policy of making CIE pay their way by 1965 was something inviolate.

It did not matter that small farmers, whole sections of our rural community, were so ruthlessly affected by the disappearance of branch lines. It did not matter that there was a disruption of the life of small communities in scattered areas throughout the country. All were to be sacrificed to this inviolate principle which we were told it was possible to realise—to produce by 1965 cheap and efficient transport that would pay its way. God knows we on this side of the House have had to put up with much from Fianna Fáil throughout the years.

In relation to transport and rail policy generally, we were laughed to scorn by Fianna Fáil Ministers, particularly by the present Minister, when we stated time and time again that any policy based on the belief that, with out network of railways throughout the country, railways could pay was an unsound policy. We stated that time and time again and we were told that our views were incorrect, that we did not realise the dynamic new movement that was taking place in CIE and the wonderful good times that were always just around the corner.

Of course, it is all part and parcel of the philosophy of Fianna Fáil. They always point to the crock of gold that is at the end of the rainbow. It is an illusory rainbow and there is never a crock of gold. So it is with their transport policy. As 1965 came nearer and nearer, there were more flutterings in the Fianna Fáil stomachs as to what would happen eventually when this wonderful transport policy had obviously failed. This Bill is a confession of failure on the part of the responsible Fianna Fáil Minister in relation to their transport policy.

We are back now to the position in which we were in 1958. We are back now precisely with the same problem as was there six years ago. The problem has not diminished, not in the slightest. It has got much larger, except that it is wrapped around now with a special Department dealing with it which was not there before—in my view, an unnecessary Department of State. It is there now with more civil servants and more administrative staff. The problem is still the same but it is wrapped up with more wasteful expenditure of that kind.

We are now coming back to a situation in which money has to be spent. It is now called a grant; it used to be called a subsidy. As Deputy Dunne pointed out, the word "subsidy" is used only when one wants to be critical of the policy of indemnifying in respect of losses. It is now called a grant. It will be £2 million a year. Provision is made so that, at the end of the five-year period, power can be taken to continue these grants until Tibbs' Eve.

I should like to know and I think the people outside still want to know the reason for all the pother and nonsense for the past five or six years. Why should people in west Cork, in the Midlands, in Donegal and in the west of Ireland have had to face the frustrating experience of finding their branch lines scrapped on the altar of efficiency and a self-paying system?

Because they were not using the railway—quite simple. It was nothing but a bus service.

That dog will not run from this on. It is now enshrined in this Bill that whether or not the railways are used they will be maintained because at last it is realised that they are necessary in the national interest. As I say, in any other Parliament in the world the Minister responsible for a policy which has now ceased and which has obviously failed would resign. That is the only democratic step to take. Fortunately, the present Minister for Transport and Power had this baby put in his lap because the originator of this policy is not physically in this Chamber now: I refer to the present Taoiseach. We can all remember the present Taoiseach, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, initiating this policy which is now ended.

The Dáil voted unanimously for the 1958 Bill with the exception of one section.

Of course, a blueprint for prosperity on the roads was outlined here by the Taoiseach when he was Minister for Industry and Commerce. The glorious dream——

The Taoiseach did not say it could be.

Not only did he say it but he asked this House to pass legislation which made it obligatory on the Board of CIE——

The Deputy did not read my speech or he would have seen the references.

I have read and heard so many of the Minister's speeches in this matter that I must be pardoned if I have some lack of confidence in ministerial statements. The plain fact is that when Dr. Andrews was taken from Bord na Móna and given the very arduous task he was asked to do something that no mortal being could do—and, in relation to him, may I say that I have had and have now the greatest possible sympathy. He was set an impossible task, the task of making CIE pay by 1965. I have no doubt he accepted it out of a sense of nationality. He was asked to do it by this House on the initiative of the Taoiseach to whom he is responsible for policy and who asserted in that brash way of his and in his emphatic way that it was possible, with a dynamic policy, to make railways and the transport undertaking in this country pay by 1965.

Of course, in the making of that omelette, eggs would have to be broken. However, as his successor, the Minister for Transport and Power, would perhaps have said: "You cannot make an omelette without breaking eggs." We now find that the omelette is not a very savoury one. It is there and it is a bit of a mess. The trouble is that the eggs are already broken. I would say, again, that any Minister who initiated this kind of policy and who has had to come back to the House on the eve of D-Day to admit that his policy has failed has a responsibilty to tender his resignation.

We are going back now to where we were before they started except that much harm, dislocation, injury and frustration have been caused. We are not to have and we never shall have in this country a transport undertaking which pays its way. We shall not hear, from this on, the excuses put forward and the statements issued by CIE every time a worker or a trade union sought a wage increase. CIE had to say they could not grant it because it was their statutory duty —"if you press for an increase in your wages your wives and yourselves and everybody who uses the transport undertaking will have to pay more in fares."

It is now apparent that there was no justification for the vast increases in bus and rail fares over the years. These increases were stated to be necessary because of the dedication to this impossible myth of an efficient transport undertaking which would pay its way. From now on, if there is any increase in bus fares or rail fares it cannot be put forward as being occasioned by the discharge of CIE's undertakings. This is a most discreditable business. It is a very grim spectacle to have a Minister come here, put in the position apparently by his Leader, that he has to take responsibility and that words have to be eaten in public. It is bad but, apparently, it cannot be avoided.

Before passing from that may I make this comment? The very Department the Minister now heads, Transport and Power, was all part and parcel of this wonderful vision which the present Taoiseach announced in this House six or seven years ago—an efficient transport undertaking paying its way, happy workmen with happy faces and a happy little Minister in charge of it. Now, that has all disappeared and we are back here where we were with the same problems and difficulties except that there is now a heavier load to carry.

I should like to join with Deputy Dunne and Deputy Murphy in referring to section 12 of the Bill which introduces what appears to be a new principle in relation to recruitment of staff for public bodies. The section is apparently an amendment of section 35 of the 1950 Act but it empowers CIE and the Minister to confine competitions for vacancies in the clerical grades to persons who have been employed by any of the companies taken over by CIE in 1944 and by the later transport Acts, or to the children of such persons.

This is a very startling innovation. The competitions are to be confined to persons who had been employed by any of the companies taken over by CIE or the children of such persons. Here, surely, is a new closed shop being set up at a time when there is a reversal of policy and when the taxpayer has to come to the assistance of CIE. Surely the children of the taxpayers who now, and from this on, share in the subsidisation of CIE should not be limited in their chances of securing employment in this transport undertaking. It is a very startling step and I should genuinely like to hear the Minister's reason for introducing such a provision.

In the same section, sub-paragraph (d), there is a provision with regard to what competition for vacancies should consist of. A competition can be by written examination, by oral examination, by interview or by any other test the Board consider appropriate. It is provided in paragraph (f) that not more than one of these four ways need be competitive. This applies to all competitions for vacancies, open and confined, and it would mean, possibly, that there would be a competitive competition by way of oral examination in, say, Irish and thereafter a person need only qualify at an interview. Candidates then would never know how they did in relation to the competition because the standard of questions at the interview could vary widely.

Again, this is a dangerous section. It varies greatly from measures and standards of fairplay which have now become accepted practice in relation to the recruitment of staff for public services from the initiation of a proper standard in 1924 and 1925. From the days when General Mulcahy, as Minister for Local Government, initiated the appointments system, an effort has been made to provide open competitive examinations in which everyone gets fairplay and each competitor has the knowledge that he will undergo a test equally with the others who are candidates with him. Here, a new provision is introduced. You can have some secret kind of test and a person may fail to be recruited for a vacancy without knowing why or in what way he or she failed to make the grade.

I suggest to the Minister that provision is one that should be examined. He may have reasons for it but certainly I should again listen very carefully to what he has to say in its defence. It appears to be a wrong method and to be introducing a very wrong principle by this form of staff recruitment.

That is all I want to say on the Bill. I do not suppose the Minister will tender his resignation to the House or to the Leader of the Government but some head should roll for this ministerial blundering. Outside the House from this on people will take with a very definite pinch of salt any further ministerial pronouncements on the transport policy. That is a good thing, experientia docet, and even though eggs had to be broken to make this unwholesome and unsavoury Fianna Fáil omelette it is at least a good thing that people can now see how much worth is attached to Fianna Fáil promises and Fianna Fáil blueprints for the future. We are always going to have a good day tomorrow. The sun is always going to shine in the afternoon or in the morning but it never, in fact, shines and, in this instance of transport policy, just as, I believe, in many other instances, the people will see how wrong Fianna Fáil are.

About two or three years ago there was a very dreary, unhappy song being sung in this country. My heart almost sank when I heard a few verses going again today. It was called "There's a hole in the bucket, dear Liza, dear Liza". It had interminable verses. I always thought it would never end. In regard to the railways in this country that song has been sung. The words have changed. It is, "Dear taxpayer, dear taxpayer" but it has been sung for a great many years, ever since the 30s. I really think—and this a tribute I want to pay to Fianna Fáil—it was only Fianna Fáil could have done it: they managed to recover from every drift of the waves and to come up starry-eyed about the new prospects for public transport. The pill was always coated with a kind of Madison Avenue guff. I must say the present incumbent of the Ministry is a very competent user of that kind of talk. There were words such as "dynamic direction" and there was a dazzling picture painted of the future of transport. Now the damp and the sodden truth emerges. Another Fianna Fáil casualty is on our hands. It has gone with wheatgrowing and with industrial protection and the bill is being presented to us now.

A meeting of creditors is always a gloomy and depressing occasion and none of us wants to delay it any longer than we should do because if the Minister has admitted anything now, he has admitted that the prospectus issued was a phoney one, a false one, and we now face the fact that we have an invalid on our hands which we must carry for the remainder of our lives. We must pay contribution to this kind of remittance man, which is the bus service. So, the glowing phrases are over and we put our two heels to the ground and become quite rational about what we want from a bus service and how much we are prepared to pay for it.

It indicates, of course, very clearly, a complete reversal of Fianna Fáil attitudes in this matter. The engine has now gone into reverse and the train is being shunted to another line, the line that was obvious to us all, I think, on this side of the House for some years past, that public transport could never become a viable profit-making institution in Ireland, any more than it can be, as far as I can hear, in any other country. In any country in the world the railway system is through; it has been overtaken by new forms of transport. Its usefulness cannot be denied if you look at it in the pattern of national organisation in any country but to stand it on its own legs and say "So you must remain" is something that all people in the Minister's sphere of activity in all countries have agreed is asking too much.

I am very glad that this marks the end of the hypocrisy of treating rail transport in this country as a viable institution. The service is necessary in the country and it is a regret to me that some areas in the country have had that service removed from them before this change of mind of the Government. They have had it removed from them for the very reason given for the subsidy proposed in this Bill, in order to enable this subsidy to become an accepted fact by the citizens. They are unlucky in that the removal took place in some cases before this change of Government mind took place. With the acceptance of the idea of continual subsidy—the Minister is asking no less—let us have an end to all this talk about a period in which things may improve. The Minister is asking no less than that.

With that subsidised service, of course, there must be acceptance of the idea that there must be closer Parliamentary control of what is happening to the taxpayer's money. Information must be given to those who are representing the people in this Chamber and the Minister must no longer stand up with the child in his arms and say, "You cannot strike me now". If it is becoming one of the regularly subvented institutions of the State then it must be subject to the ordinary, sometimes frustrating, processes of speech-making and attack which Parliament is the place for.

I want to add my voice to that of Deputy T. O'Higgins in saying—I said this on the occasion of the Minister's Estimate last year—that we gave Dr. Andrews an almost impossible job to do. We asked him to fly in the face of experience here and experience all over the world. We asked him at the same time to improve what was there and what was there needed improvement. He has done those things and the mainline trains are now well run, clean and fast. I know that because I have never travelled to this Parliament in any other way and, without being too pious about it, I think Deputies should use the railway services of the country.

Yes, if you can get them.

The Deputy is unfortunate and Deputy M.P. Murphy in west Cork is equally unfortunate.

We want to get up and back home in the one week.

Certainly, Dr. Andrews' lot was not improved by demands which had to be made on this organisation and for which, I am going to take leave to say, the Government are not wholly free from responsibility. I refer to the various increases that took place in the cost of living and the subsequent demands by workers for reward.

The Minister might say —"What would you have done if you were sitting on this side of the House? I do not want to reopen old discussions now but I think the 12 per cent payment last year, for instance, was a great deal higher than the payment would have been if there had been no turnover tax that has landed all institutions, particularly weak-kneed institutions like CIE, in a very difficult position. There might be one gleam of hope in this for one group of human beings who have been associated with CIE, that is, if we have accepted the principle of continuing subvention, as we have now. The glittering phrases have all gone. If we have done that, and if we have a chance to insist that CIE should make this institution at least a non-losing institution, we can no longer permit the present treatment of the surviving old railway pensioners to continue. From this on we shall have to treat them as human beings and not as a remnant of the industrial revolution of the middle of the 19th century.

I think west Cork — Deputy O'Donnell has reminded me of Donegal, but west Cork was particularly unlucky in regard to the timing of the decision to get rid of its railway. It served a very large portion of the country. I believe if these lines had not been taken up they might not have been taken up now because the very reasons used to destroy the west Cork railway are the reasons being used to get acceptance of this idea that there must be subsidisation of these railway lines everywhere. The arguments the Minister put up to justify the slashing of the west Cork railway will obviously no longer meet the case. When you departmentalise the thing and say the railways must pay, if they do not they must go—on one hand, take away the railways and, on the other, pay as much again if not more to provide roads to carry the traffic—that assumes the atmosphere Alice met when she went to Wonderland. It is irrational, stupid and wrong.

I am glad we are-now facing the dawn with sick heads, with the knowledge we have let £30 million down the drain. We are now facing the fact that we are going to confine this loss and ask the taxpayer to pay £2 million. I hope, without any glowing phrases, that £2 million will encompass all the loss possible. I hope greater disbursements will not be asked for by any Minister for many years to come.

The only link of my constituency, North-East Donegal, with the remainder of the Republic is the services provided by CIE and UTA. I want to take this opportunity of protesting to the Minister and CIE for allowing UTA to isolate Donegal by taking away that service. Let us recall the statements made by the present Taoiseach when he was Minister for Industry and Commerce. No one appreciates more than I do that I was not here at the time. As Deputy Anthony Barry said, we must give credit to Fianna Fáil for gulling the people into believing the things Fianna Fáil proposes. On three occasions the Taoiseach came in here with a solution for our transport problem. He built up a great illusion around himself by using such phrases as "dynamic" and "go ahead." On each occasion the result was the same.

In 1958 he introduced a Bill wiping out a debt of £16½ million incurred by CIE. This had the effect of saving CIE £600,000 per annum. The same Bill gave them power to fix rates and fares and to close down branch lines that were uneconomic. The view taken on this side of the House was that any State body such as CIE, giving a service to the community, should not be expected to pay its way; but it should not be expected to lose as much in the year as CIE does. Let us consider the terms used by the Government to put over their point. Some time ago we had the term "CIE losses." Then it became "CIE subsidy" and now, as Deputy Seán Dunne says, it is "CIE grants." Whether it is grant or subsidy, the fact remains CIE are losing money and are not giving a service comparable to the loss they sustained.

I can give an example of how economies could be effected by CIE. I know of a young man with the Leaving Certificate who applied to CIE for a job. He was told there were so many applicants that he would have to use all the influence he could command. Because he did not wish to emigrate, he used every weapon at his disposal. The secretary of the local Fianna Fáil cumann advised him to contact a very prominent member of the Fianna Fáil Party. Lo and behold, in a month's time this young friend of mine was told he had the job. He spent four weeks in CIE and then he resigned out of frustration. He told me that in his first three days he spent his time in the office making tea at 10 a.m. and 4 p.m. for his superiors. Here are some of the things CIE can do to eradicate the loss they are sustaining year after year. But it is much easier for the Minister to ask for a grant of £2 million. The friends, brothers and cousins must all be kept in jobs. It helps Fianna Fáil to say unemployment is not as bad as it could be. This is happening in evey section of the community wherever Fianna Fáil put their hands.

Recently it was proposed by the UTA to close down the railway between Portadown and Derry. I do not know whether it arises on this Bill or not, but I should like to refer to it briefly. This line serves Donegal. Any goods coming to or from Donegal, particularly from a line north of Ballybofey, must either come by rail or road. If we have not got a railway, we must do a detour by Bundoran. I have asked questions here to know if the Minister for Finance would take the matter up with the authorities in Belfast to have a concession road made of the Lifford-Aughnacloy road.

This is outside the scope of the Bill.

If this line is closed, will it not mean there will have to be an extension of the CIE services to the Six Counties?

It does not arise on the Bill.

There will be further losses incurred.

I can understand the Deputy being keenly interested in the matter but that does not make it relevant.

I fully appreciate and accept your ruling, Sir. I am encountering the same difficulty every other day. No matter what point you try to make, CIE and the Minister have designed these Bills in such a way that you can be ruled out of order. It would be far more satisfactory if the Minister were to come in here and just say: "We want £2 million" and take it with him. If we try to offer any criticism or raise any particular point in relation to any matter, the Minister blandly states he has no function or, else, with respect to you, Sir, we are ruled out of order. These are the difficulties confronting a Deputy on this side of the House but, at this late stage, I appeal to the Minister to take the matter up with the UTA and have the link with Dublin from Derry made through Portadown instead of through Belfast. It is ludicrous that a person going to Donegal from Dublin should have to travel via Belfast.

Another matter I cannot understand is the practice with regard to haulage. I have many friends all over the country and it is very difficult to explain to some of the officials of the Department of Transport and Power that cattlemen, for instance, have trucks and engage in the selling and haulage of cattle. Very often two friends go to a fair together; one may have a trailer on his truck.

I do not like interrupting the Deputy but this again——

If you will allow me to make the point.

—— seems to me to be pure administration.

There is no change in the licensing of transport under this Bill at all.

I agree, but what I cannot understand is that, while CIE will take a man who obliges a friend into court and stop him carrying someone else's cattle, CIE cannot itself provide the necessary service. That is costing the country money.

That is administration purely.

It is purely administration. Here, again, we are up against an obstacle. If we criticise anything we are ruled out of order.

It is not a question of being ruled out of order. The matter is purely administrative and, therefore, it cannot be discussed on the Bill. The Deputy can find another way of raising the matter.

CIE loses thousands every year on lorry transport. Surely it is relevant then to make the point that I know hundreds of people, private individuals, who will provide a better service for less. I really believe CIE do not want a rail service at all. They want to get out of a rail service as quickly as possible. Perhaps it is unfair to say they are the only rail company thinking on those lines because, for example, a person travelling from Donegal, joining the old GNR at Portadown, could reach Dublin in three hours and twenty minutes. The journey now takes five hours and a quarter. Apparently CIE and their counterpart in the Six Counties do not wish to have a rail service. CIE want to have no transport at all.

The roads in the Twenty Six Counties cannot cater for the transport. The Minister has visited Donegal on many occasions. He has passed through the Six Counties. I venture to suggest that he must have admired the new roadways built in the Six Counties. They were built in anticipation of the closing of the rail system. Is that happening here? We were told by Government spokesmen that the turnover tax was needed for new roads and better roads. Where are they? There is the dual carriageway from Dublin to Naas.

The Deputy is travelling along very smooth roads now.

I may have taken a wrong turning. I should like to say, in conclusion, that as Deputy T. F. O'Higgins has said, I hope this will be the last time a Minister for Transport and Power will come in here asking for money. I hope that this £2 million will not become £3 million or £4 million in another three or four years. Where it is possible to hand services over to private enterprise, the Minister should do that, and he should encourage private licensed hauliers or private bus companies to expand their business and call off the dogs of CIE who go around snooping on people to see what they are doing, reporting them, and taking them into court. That suggestion makes sense. It does not make sense that others should be stopped providing a better and cheaper service just because CIE cannot provide an efficient service.

I honestly think it is time this Dáil reviewed the whole position with regard to public transport and the Transport Acts that have been introduced. Transport Acts were brought in, in the first instance, and a monopoly created under them, for the protection of a vital lifeline, namely, the railways. I suggest that time has gone. The main job of CIE today is not railways. If anything, CIE are anti-railway. The monopoly should be taken away from CIE and this House should not be asked to vote money every year for incompetence. We, as an agricultural community, have our own problems. The gap, apart from other conditions, where ordinary profit is concerned is very large and we cannot afford to be bled because of the inefficiency and incompetence of transport monopolies.

I am speaking frankly and saying what I think. We have a desolate policy by those people of closing down station after station. Some few years ago 90 per cent of the beet of this country was drawn by CIE as freight. Today they have not 60 per cent of it. Why? We were told it was on account of the closing down of freight lines. I received notification a month ago from them that on the main Dublin line from Mallow to Cork the four stations there, at which beet was habitually loaded, were now closed and those people would now have to send their beet by road.

I can see no justification for it whatsoever. Then we come and find that 60 per cent of the road transport used by CIE during the beet campaigning season is comprised of private lorries, hired by CIE, plated by CIE and on which CIE demands and gets tribute of 12½ per cent. Now, Sir, we find ourselves in this position. Each year we have to meet another semi-State company—the Irish Sugar Company—to fix the price of beet. Freight forms a considerable portion of the costings. We meet them in November. Five years ago, as Chairman of the Beet Growers Association, I notified CIE that any changes in freight charges would have to be notified to us before the 1st November of the previous year. That gave us an opportunity, in case they were increasing their charges by 5 per cent, of recovering from the other company—the Irish Sugar Company.

We met the Sugar Company last November and after protracted negotiations at which every item was counted up and counted down, we got 11/1d. increase in the price of beet. We had no notification from CIE of any increase in freight price. A month ago we got notification from CIE of a ten per cent increase. As I have said, our profit is small. The ten per cent means the difference between profit and loss on something over one million tons of beet which the farmers of this country will produce this year.

I can see no justification for it, when private hauliers are prepared to draw that beet and pay tribute to CIE of 12½ per cent freight charges. What kind of gambit is that? What is the 12½ per cent for? If a private haulier with a lorry on the side of the road can afford to draw agricultural produce 12½ per cent cheaper than CIE, why should he have to pay any State subsidised company 12½ per cent for permission to draw that crop? Where is the justification for it? I cannot see it. On the one hand, you have a private haulier without a plate who will be prosecuted if he takes my beet from my yard to the factory, but if he gets permission from the monopoly to take that beet from my yard to the factory, he can do so and he has to pay 12½ per cent of what I am paying for that permission.

Is it not time, therefore, that this House reviewed the whole position in regard to this? I say here that we beet growers cannot afford it. We have made our price and our profit is the gap left us on the price we fixed with General Costello and the Board of Directors for the price of beet. What we are allowed for profit is not 10 per cent. We have to pay 10 per cent on every ton of beet going to the factories.

On the one hand, you have an ordinary lorry owner who can, not alone do that business, but can keep a home and a wife and family on it, and in most cases in comfort, at 12½ per cent less than CIE are charging. What is wrong? Those are the questions I want answered. Shall I say to the beet growers: "Look, you will produce this year at a loss of 2½ per cent or 4 per cent because the profit of 8 and 9 per cent I was allowing you is now being taken by CIE in the shape of a 10 per cent increase. CIE signed an honourable agreement with us three years ago that they would notify us of any increases in freight charges in time to put them into our costings for the year.

We have, on the one hand, a demand and an anxiety on the part of the agricultural community to go ahead and produce more, and on the other hand we have this old man of the sea hanging around our necks. Take him away to hell out of it. When the Transport Act was passed in 1958, I would have been prepared to support the retention of those lines and even to suffer losses for their retention. Now we have not only the small lines being closed but stations on main lines being closed as well. We have also the burden of road upkeep thrown over on the ordinary ratepaying farmers. We have had agricultural production brought to such a situation that now we must say to the farmers: "You should not go further because we have not got the transport for you."

The Government made a bad mistake as far as public transport is concerned when they gave a monopoly to CIE. After CIE had been given this monopoly, a number of business people like myself went to them and asked for special prices for the transport of large lots of heavy merchandise such as cement, timber and other commodities of that kind. They handed us a blue book with their prices and said: "There are our prices and we shall not vary them for you or anybody else."

That was fair enough, but that decision by CIE ultimately compelled every businessman in the country to provide his own transport system. After the business community had been thus compelled to establish systems of their own in order to avoid paying the exorbitant prices demanded by CIE, they found CIE prepared to bargain. A CIE representative walked into my shop and said: "We are now prepared to draw your manures for you at such and such a price." He was, of course, too late. He had compelled me and every businessman like me to provide our own transport. Were we then supposed to leave our trucks outside our doors idle and avail of the new low prices then offered by CIE? The kernel of CIE's problem was the monopoly then granted them by the present Government Party.

In 1958 we were told that by 1965 CIE would be paying their way. Not alone were we told that but we realised that their existing debt of £16½ million would be wiped out. I wonder if many of us have honestly asked ourselves what real efforts either the Government or CIE have made to get the transport company to pay their way. The only effort I have seen made in my constituency towards achieving that goal has been the closing of branch lines throughout Leitrim and Roscommon so that today in Leitrim we have only from three to five miles of railway line left.

After closing those railway lines, thus creating a tremendous amount of unemployment and consequent emigration, our people there are now being asked to contribute towards the £2 million annually we propose to grant to CIE to keep them going. For the life of me I cannot see how any Government can justify that in the eyes of the people of my constituency who are getting no service from CIE whatsoever. We are being asked as well to pay our portion of the £6 million which will be lent to CIE as they require it. I certainly wish Fianna Fáil the best of luck in their efforts to justify that to the people of my constituency.

In order to let the Minister in, I shall try to be as brief as possible. I wonder if this Bill is the last Transport Bill we shall see for quite some time. I doubt it. I doubt whether it will relieve the uncertainty in the minds of the public, particularly in the minds of CIE employees, an uncertainty that has obtained for quite a long time. The Government appear to have arrived at one firm decision, as expressed by the Minister in his speech:

The Government have decided, therefore, after very full and careful consideration, to preserve the railway system subject to such further concentration and reorganisation as may prove practicable and desirable, and to provide a fixed annual subsidy with the aid of which the Board should be expected to break even.

I suppose it is no consolation for us to recall that in 1958, when the Transport Bill was being debated, we said: "We told you so". In fact, Deputies Norton and Casey in effect told the then Minister for Industry and Commerce that to assume CIE would break even in five years was very rash.

I do not believe that either the Minister for Industry and Commerce, then in charge of public transport, or the present Minister has done his job well. The Minister now has a good deal of information at his disposal as a result of a study described as the Pacemaker Report. I am afraid, however, that report has come five years too late. It is true we had other reports, one called the Beddy Report, but this Pacemaker Report is nothing less than an admission of failure by the Ministers who have been in charge of the railway system during the past five or six years.

I have not read the Pacemaker Report except the portions given by the Minister, but in those I find the grave probability that many of the railway lines and stations which have been closed down need not have been closed down. We know all about it now when CIE, the inconvenienced public and those employed, have come to this sorry pass during what I would describe as the agony of the last five years. Those five years have not alone meant serious disturbance of the general public but have upset and uprooted many hundreds of employees. On page 10 of his statement the Minister says, in reference to the 750 miles of unprofitable railway lines:

It cannot be assumed from this that the closure of 750 miles of unprofitable track would bring about a break-even situation.

Many hundreds of miles of railway have been scrapped during the past five years and I do not think it would be unreasonable to assume many of them were unprofitable. In the context of what the Minister said, in the overall situation of CIE, that need not necessarily have been unprofitable.

The Minister said that even if this 750 miles of railway track are unprofitable they do contribute to the overall economy of CIE. It is very difficult to understand the utterances from those on either side of the House when they make their criticism of CIE and when they suggest that this part of CIE should be handed over to private enterprise. It seems to me that what they want to do is to give the profitable part of CIE over to private enterprise. Our approach in this matter is different. It is similar to that adopted by us on the Estimate for the Department of Posts and Telegraphs with regard to the proposed increases in the postal and telephone charges.

We regard the Department of Posts and Telegraphs as a service to the people for which the Government are responsible. We also believe that CIE is a service, a very essential service, a service that represents a very big investment in this country and in which the Government themselves and the public have a great interest. It is on that basis that we must regard CIE. It was for that reason that we said and believed five years ago that it would be extremely difficult if not impossible for CIE to break even within five years, ten years, or possibly ever because it is a service.

People have blown hot and cold about all sorts of things recently— economic planning, nationalisation and denationalisation of this, that and the the other. The Labour Party have their basic policy which has been consistent whether it be in relation to CIE or to the Department of Posts and Telegraphs.

I am sure the Minister has been reminded of many of the statements he made in recent times with regard to the subsidisation of public transport. I do not think it unfair, although he seemed to think it unfair yesterday, when Deputy Casey twitted him about it, to refer to his philosophy in this matter of subsidy. He has been converted.

I still dislike it thoroughly.

The Minister still dislikes it? However, I think he believed and from his speeches tended to give the impression, in any case, that as far as he was concerned public transport should not be subsidised. Now, he and the Government have come to the firm conclusion that the transport system in this country must be subsidised for some time to come. I wonder why he made all these statements. He is a man who takes a tremendous interest in the detail of his Department and in the financial details of the different State and semi-State bodies for which he, as Minister, is responsible. He surely must have known that, whilst the losses of CIE for the first three or four of these years tended to decline, at the time he was talking about subsidies, the losses of CIE were beginning to gather again.

In April, 1962, the Minister said that CIE must pay its way because the age of subsidies is rapidly passing away. He said that current operating subsidies are deadly, breeding inefficiency, bolstering up outmoded techniques. In February, 1963, he said that subsidies are not in any way justified per se. Then, in June, 1963, speaking in Limerick, at a time when he knew this Bill would be introduced, the Minister is reported as saying he would forecast the unlikelihood of any general subsidy for CIE and that subsidies bred inefficiency and indifference.

I suggest that all those speeches which the Minister made, and the quotations from which I have here, from 1960 onwards, were designed to prod CIE into making superhuman efforts that were not justified when one considered, in conjunction with them, the upset to the public and to the employees of CIE. My impression is that the Minister made all these speeches in order to spur CIE to break even within five years. I do not think he should have done that to the degree he did. I do not think he should have done that to the extent of telling CIE that they were "bunched", so to speak, if they could not break even after five years.

While I do not regard the Minister as a ruthless man, I believe CIE were ruthless in the past five years in trying to break even. It was an impossible and an unfair task to give the Chairman and the Board of CIE. I suggest that they did their best in accordance with the terms of reference they got under the 1958 Act—terms of reference with which we in the Labour Party disagreed at that time.

I do not think that in this Bill or even in the Minister's speech there is a clearly expressed definition of future transport policy. There may be a lull now for all time. There may be some sense of security in that the Government have said the railway system must be preserved. However, the Minister could have been a little more positive and could have given a little more detail as to the future of the railways.

Are we to take it that, from the passing of this Bill, the present railway lines will remain intact, that the services we have will be preserved for at least five or ten years and that the stations that now serve the people will also remain intact for any long time? There is implicit in all this Bill the undoubted fact that the rail section can never pay for itself. It is a service that we have to pay for. Those who complain about paying the subsidy of £2 million would in my experience be the first to protest to CIE and to the Minister for Transport and Power if half a mile of track were taken from their area.

The Minister has given good reasons for his conversion as to why we should have a good railway system, a railway system that should be preserved for a long time to come. Whilst it is not for any of us here to comment on what happened in the Six Counties, I think there is now a change of heart and of mind as to the wisdom of the policy of denuding the Six Counties of the long mileage of railway system there.

I suppose the Pacemaker Report has provided a lot of information for the Minister for Transport and Power. Again, might I suggest that it has come somewhat late, when we remember complaints from—the outstanding one—Tramore, west Cork and others from various parts of the country. It is not for me to jump into the Tramore controversy. I suppose the Minister has had to listen to more about Tramore than about any other railway track in the country. However, from my experience and as far as my judgment is concerned, they made a tremendous mistake in scrapping the railway in Tramore. I shall go no further than to say that.

In the past five years, CIE have scrapped 600 miles of track and I think something in the region of 200 railway stations. The Minister would be the best person to judge this: I wonder whether, if he knew as much then as he knows now, would he have advised CIE not to close so many miles of track and not to close down so many railway stations.

In all this, my primary concern is not alone for the travelling public but for the workers. It seemed obvious to the workers over the five years that the railway system was being allowed to run down deliberately. There may be various criticisms from those interested in excursions, beet growers, and those interested in the carriage of freight in respect of very many different commodities. But there may be general dissatisfaction in regard to the way the railway system has been run, and, in many cases, with inefficiency. If this Bill is going to clear up that; if Pacemaker is going to provide information to ensure that CIE will change its methods, I think it may be welcome.

I am sure the Minister has been asked this question before but I think he should, in his reply, expand on his explanation of section 3 because it is not clear to us, at any rate, what it means, as to what expenditure CIE will be allowed to engage in. Does it, for instance, preclude them from building canteens, from capital expenditure on railway stations merely to preserve them? Does it mean that railway stock is to be run down or that the permanent way can go, or must be neglected by reason of the bar that may be imposed on CIE in respect of these things?

The grant is mentioned as £2 million per year. Can there be any adjustment of that? I assume there cannot, since it is stated specifically in the Bill, but Deputy Casey yesterday suggested that £2 million would not be enough. There will be wage adjustments, I assume, in the next five years—there must be; costs in other respects will have increased and to suggest that £2 million will be sufficient next year and the same sum in five years time is presenting the problem in a way that is far too simple.

Section 9 deals with compensation. I think CIE has been very unfair in regard to the absence of any compensation scheme for domestic upset. I should be the first to say that in many respects the redundancy scheme was a good one, one that was agreed between the unions and the CIE Board, but there were some omissions. I know many young and middle aged men who did fairly well out of redundancy compensation payments but there are others who were not allowed under the agreement to avail of any compensation and who were very much upset. There is no provision for domestic upset.

I have met, as I am sure other Deputies have, porters and different other ranks of CIE employees in places where a station was closed down and they were told they could get another job 20 miles away at the same wages. That might seem fair enough, but the domestic upset was tremendous. To give an example: A man who lives about 20 miles from Waterford city found the railway station in his area was closed down. He was told there was a job for him in Waterford. He is a man with a wife and a number of children. I think the Minister can immediately see the domestic upset involved because in Waterford, as in Wexford, Limerick and Cork it is extremely difficult if not impossible for an entire stranger to come into the town and expect to be housed. I found these people had to travel long distances every day in order to do their work. They had not the option of retiring on any compensation payment. That has happened in a big way all over the country.

It is true that redundancy compensation is continued but only to a limited extent in regard to the withdrawal of a service or the introduction of dieselisation. I think there should be another look at the redundancy compensation provisions so as to ensure that justice will be done all round and especially where there is a big domestic upset. The redundancy compensation, except for railwaymen, has ceased since 31st March, 1964.

Has the Minister been asked—I was not here all the time but I am sure he must deal with it when he replies —about the question of compensation for those who will be displaced with the total operation of one-man buses? As far as my information goes, two-thirds of the provincial bus servicees are still to be one-manned, so to speak. Does it mean that, as redundancy compensation has ceased since the 31st March, any of these people who will become redundant because of the one-man operation of buses in the provinces will not receive any compensation? What will happen those becoming redundant? Will they be placed in other jobs or must they, having given five, ten, 15, 20 or 25 years service, be thrown out without a penny compensation? I do not know if this was made clear; it may have been, but when I read the Bill before reading the Minister's speech I made a note here asking if the compensation payments would be made out of the subsidy, or would they be advanced by the Government? If the Minister has not already referred to that I should be glad if he would make it clear when replying.

There does not seem to be any compensation provision for redundancy in the Road Passenger Service or in Maintenance or Road Traffic. There does not seem to be any compensation provision for the clerical staff of Road Traffic or for redundancy where there are reorganisation schemes other than what is set out in the Bill. There are many other schemes of reorganisation that can be carried out that are not covered in the Bill and which would render workers redundant. I should like the Minister to clear up this point for me: it seems that CIE have to pay interest on capital advanced. Would the Minister make it clear whether other State bodies are treated similarly? It seems very unfair if CIE have to pay interest while other State or semi-State bodies have not. That would put CIE under a great disadvantage.

I hope I have not provoked another speech. I tried to be as brief as possible in order that the Minister might get in.

I shall certainly not detain the House but there are a few matters to which I must refer. First, I represent portion of the county, fourth largest in Ireland, in which we have not got one mile of railway at the moment. The greater portion of the county is catered for by a private transport company, the Londonderry and Lough Swilly Railway Company. They cater for a very rugged and isolated part of the county and they are one of the very few surviving private or semi-private transport companies in the State.

It is a strange coincidence that a dividend is paid by the Londonderry and Lough Swilly Railway Company each year to the shareholders. They have no greater privileges than CIE. They serve a very sparsely populated area; they serve very isolated pockets and still they are able to pay a dividend to their shareholders. CIE are in a completely different position. As the Minister said on page 2 of his statement:

In 1958, the Board of CIE were given complete commercial freedom in the fixing of rates and fares.

In other words, they had a monopoly and they could fix whatever rates and fares they wished.

I wonder have they used that monopoly correctly. I refer to one particular incident. Within the past three months there was a football match in Dublin. Down played Cavan in the semi-final of the League. The distance from Cavan to Dublin is practically the same as the distance from Monaghan to Dublin. CIE ran bus excursions from both towns. Actually, the distance from Dublin to Cavan is slightly longer than the distance to Monaghan. The fare quoted for the all-in trip from Monaghan was 19/6 but for a longer journey from Cavan to Dublin the fare quoted was 13/6—a difference of 6/-, the reason, of course, being that there was a private company in Cavan who could run excursion buses much more economically than CIE and CIE had to cut in order to come down to their prices. The passengers who travelled from Monaghan had to pay the extra 6/- because of the 1958 legislation which, to use the Minister's words, gave the Board complete commercial freedom in the fixing of fares and because they had a monopoly they were able to increase the fares by approximately 6/-. Is that right? Is it fair? Is not there something wrong? Is not there something the Minister should inquire into very closely and as soon as possible?

Again, we have now closed practically all the uneconomic railways but we are still going to have to pay £1 million a year of subsidy and abolish the old debt and give powers to the Board to procure loans. The Minister refers in his speech to the fall in the transportation of livestock by the railway services of CIE. Let me give him one of the reasons. Practically all the livestock in the west of Ireland is shipped through the Six Counties. The railhead for the counties of Sligo, Mayo, Roscommon and Galway was Collooney. Cattle were taken by lorry into the railhead at Collooney and transhipped through the Six Counties to Britain and other parts. The railhead at Collooney was closed down. That, of course, accounts for the lesser number of livestock being carried by the rail service.

It has been declining for years.

I do not mind it declining. You abolished it completely when you abolished the railway —wiped it out completely. In those counties of Sligo, Leitrim and Mayo there are a number of private hauliers, gentlemen who received licences from the Minister, who held them before the Act was passed and one of the commodities which they are entitled to transport is livestock. They earn their livelihood by transporting livestock from the various cattle marts and fairs in these counties to the railhead at Collooney for transportation to the Six Counties, particularly Enniskillen. The Minister closed the railhead in Enniskillen. There are no land frontier posts between the counties Leitrim and Fermanagh and if one wishes to travel from Leitrim, Sligo, Mayo or Roscommon into the Six Counties by road one must travel a distance of approximately 400 yards through the county of Cavan. These hauliers are not licensed for the carriage of livestock through the county of Cavan. What happens? Once they hit this passage way between Leitrim and Enniskillen the Minister's men are on the road and they are prosecuted for carrying on a road merchandise business in the County Cavan where they are not licensed. Dozens of these men are being prosecuted for carrying on this illegal haulage when they have no option but to do so because of the deliberate actions of the Minister and CIE.

How does the Minister expect the people of the west of Ireland to transport their cattle into the Six Counties unless they go through this approved Border post at County Cavan? Will he not now extend to the licensed hauliers of the west of Ireland permission to travel over this 600 yards? Tomorrow, as the Minister knows, four prominent licensed hauliers in the west of Ireland will be prosecuted in Sligo district court for travelling over this prohibited area of 600 yards. Petitions have been sent to the Minister to amend their licences to permit them to do so and thus keep down the price of transportation of livestock. The Minister has refused to do it and these men are liable to substantial fines tomorrow in the district court of Sligo. The Minister is not concerned.

If the case is sub judice I cannot see how we can discuss it here.

We are not discussing it. We are discussing the penalties under the section, simply because the Minister has abolished the railhead at Collooney. The Minister expects these people to transport their cattle to the border of County Leitrim, there board them on to a CIE lorry for a distance of 600 yards into the County Fermanagh and then bring them by private lorry again into Enniskillen. Is not the thing ridiculous? Of course, there is nothing to prevent a licensed haulier or private individual from the Six Counties going down to Sligo, Leitrim, Mayo or Roscommon and bringing these cattle back into the Six Counties. That is what the Minister is going to encourage. The Minister should have another look at this matter and endeavour to do something for these licensed hauliers rather than put them off the roads.

Again, may I ask the Minister to have a look at the position in regard to liaison between CIE and other private transport companies, with particular reference to the Londonderry and Lough Swilly Railway Company and CIE? There is no liaison between the two companies. If you take a bus to a particular locality the CIE bus connection has just gone prior to the arrival of the Londonderry and Lough Swilly service. There is no encouragement to travel by CIE via Sligo or Donegal, simply because there is no liaison between the two companies. I have mentioned that on several occasions in this House but nothing has come of it.

There is another matter in my own constituency to which I wish to refer. Bundoran is probably one of the premier seaside resorts in the country. It was served by a very good rail service. Then the Minister took power to abolish that line. All sorts of promises were made that the tourist industry would not suffer in any way, that bus services would make up for the lack of train services. Further, the Minister promised that another Board for which he is responsible, Bord Fáilte, would make considerable grants available——

That does not arise.

Wait until you see the relevancy of it—for the development of amenities at Bundoran. One of the amenities to be developed was the CIE railway station. Recently, the Minister went up to a Fianna Fáil dinner there and announced substantial grants from Bord Fáilte for development in the town, including the development of a car park at the old CIE station. When the local development committee sought to purchase the old station from CIE, the price requested was so prohibitive that they could not purchase it. The Minister knows this is merely another way of postponing grants from Bord Fáilte. If they wanted to develop the amenities of the town and if there was liaison between CIE and Bord Fáilte, why did they not make them a present of the old station rather than hinder development and have the valueless promises we have had over the past number of years?

Deputy Corish referred to the way in which pensioners and ex-employees of CIE are being treated by the Board. I should like to support him. The question of the replacement of employees rendered redundant by the closing of the railways is something the Minister would require to look into very carefully. I know men employed on the railway in Bundoran who were offered alternative employment — admittedly at the same rate of wages—in Howth, County Dublin, some hundreds of miles away from where they had their homes, their wives and their families. These men were unable to take up the alternative employment offered with the result that they had no option but to get out of the service of the company without any compensation. The Minister should endeavour to see that these men are duly compensated and that pensioners are paid a reasonable pension when retiring.

The Minister interrupted Deputy Corish to say he was not in favour of subsidies. We know that he and his Government abolished the subsidy on foodstuffs, but they still subsidise Aer Lingus, Aer Rianta and Irish Shipping. They subsidise the transportation of foreigners to this country, the transportation of merchandise between North and South America, between Australia and North America, but they refuse to subsidise the railways. Instead, they abolished them. Now they complain about having to subsidise the alternative transport provided by the bus services of CIE.

I am usually fairly impatient when I hear parish pump speeches made in this House. I believe it is our function to take a broad general view of the nation's affairs and to speak accordingly. On this occasion I choose to be narrowly parochial in regard to the transport situation in Dublin city. I make no apology. This Bill is facing up to the fact that transport as a whole, and railway transport in particular, has to be subsidised. For the next several years a subsidy at the rate of £2 million is to be provided. Over and above that, we are going to see continued the system whereby the workers of this city are contributing a substantial cross subsidy. These are people who can ill afford to meet the losses incurred outside their own area. They are workers living, in many cases, six or eight miles outside Dublin city, because the Corporation have no alternative but to send them there reluctantly. They are workers who have no choice whatever but to travel by public transport to their places of employment. These people are being asked to pay outrageously high fares for grossly inadequate services. It is the duty of every responsible Dublin Deputy to protest about that on every available opportunity.

The average Dublin citizen compelled to avail of CIE services pines for the days of the old DUTC, an efficiently operated and profitably run concern which was taken over by CIE. The Minister has the audacity to produce specious arguments in defence of this state of affairs. When introducing this Bill he related the profit on the Dublin bus services— only he knows it, because it is not revealed in the CIE accounts—to the alleged loss we incurred on the Dublin suburban rail services to Bray and Howth. He engaged in an exercise I could only describe as absurdly futile—an exercise in academic futility—when he said:

It is estimated that if the Dublin suburban passenger rail services were operated in isolation (that is without other rail services to share track and other common costs) an operating loss of £505,000 per annum would be incurred.

They are not operated in isolation and this alleged loss of £500,000 which the Minister quotes for Dublin suburban passenger services is not being incurred. It is absolutely futile to advance that argument.

The actual loss is somewhere in the neighbourhood of £160,000.

That is incredible. Do not let us talk then about £500,000— half a million. The Dublin suburban rail services are not operated in isolation. They are entitled to bear a certain burden of the overhead expenses, which they share with other rail services throughout the city, and this is a stupid academic exercise on the part of the Minister. I can only express my plain disgust at the waste of time involved in producing such a statistic. The Minister tells us now that Dublin suburban rail services are operated at a loss of £160,000. That is very different from £505,000.

Now, if one takes that figure of £160,000, which the Minister has now quoted for the first time, as far as I know, and relates it to the figure of £380,000 profit previously quoted on the bus services, what is the result? A profit of nearly one quarter of a million pounds and that in the year 1961-62. Again, the Minister had the audacity to produce for us here figures relating to the year 1961-62. How many increases in Dublin bus fares have there been since then? At least two to my knowledge and possibly three. Has the Minister ever travelled on a CIE bus in Dublin? Does he know what the position is? Does he know the minimum fare is 4d., and that usually for a fiddled stage, an absurdly short run deliberately devised to ensure that those who make the more usual runs will find their stage just over the fare margin and will have to pay not 5d. but 6d.? Does the Minister know there is no 5d. fare on Dublin city services? Does he know that you pay 4d. for what used to be, up to a few years ago, a penny run? Does he know that the next available fare is 6d. and that the people travelling to work, home for lunch and back again, from the nearer suburbs are expected to pay 7d., 8d. and 9d. for short runs? Can the Minister condone that state of affairs and produce fantastic statistics in defence of his attitude?

There are, of course, certain bus services in Dublin which, for one reason or another, may not make a big profit. It is, of course, reasonable that the more commonly used services should contribute to the losses incurred on other city services; but it is completely unjust to expect a hard pressed section of the community, the workers of this city, subjected to indirect taxation at every hand's turn, to pay yet another indirect tax every time they travel in a Dublin city bus. I think that is grossly unjust. It is a situation which must be condemned.

CIE give a damn bad service to the people of Dublin. The number of shelters they have erected are few and far between. There are certain problems about the maintenance of these shelters but they are not incapable of being readily solved, if CIE adopt a co-operative attitude. The second last day of the Spring Show I passed out by Ballsbridge at half six in the evening. At the time there was a deluge. Thousands of people at the RDS were soaked to the skin waiting for transport. They were very badly catered for; there were very few buses. CIE were not meeting their obligation.

CIE have adopted a ruthless policy in Dublin of charging what the market will bear, a very unsound economic policy to adopt in any set of circumstances but particularly unsound in the situation in which CIE are at present. Dublin city contributes 64 per cent of the revenue which accrues to road passenger services. The Minister has told us that of the 234 provincial bus services 152, or over half, are unprofitable. It seems to me that the last speaker, Deputy P. O'Donnell, made a very sound proposal, indeed, when he said that in those areas in which CIE are uneconomic and unprofitably operated there is a very good case for handing such services back to private enterprise. There is a splendid private enterprise service operating to Roundwood and Glendalough from St. Stephen's Green, the only one of its kind in this part of the country. By some quirk or other, the owner of that service managed to survive the CIE take-over. Presumably they were not interested 18 or 20 years ago in taking him over because they realised they could not run that service profitably. The enterprising gentleman who operates it is doing a jolly fine job and I have no doubt whatever that thousands like him could be found, hard working, enterprising people, prepared to invest their capital and energies in providing local services in rural areas in which CIE, for one reason or another, fall down on the job.

The Minister is very fond here, in justification of CIE, of making a comparison between Dublin city fares, expressed on a mileage basis, with British rates. That is a completely invalid comparison and the Minister must be living in cloud-cuckoo-land if he thinks these futile academic exercises he engages in are worthwhile. In large British cities fares may be dearer per mile than they are here; they may have been in the past; I doubt if they are now. The position in Britain is vastly different and one must compare like with like if comparison is to serve any useful purpose. In British cities where there are huge industrialised areas there are buses bringing people to work in the morning and bringing them home again at night. These buses lie idle for the rest of the day. That means that hundreds of thousands of pounds worth of capital are unprofitably employed. Our buses here are fully employed and the capital required to keep our services going, compared with Manchester or Birmingham, for example, must be much less when related to the number of buses employed or the number of persons carried. I plead with the Minister to come down out of the clouds and cease indulging in these absurd and fantastic academic comparisons.

This Bill in section 12 (2) provides that Irish shall be a compulsory subject at every competition under this section. God help us is all I can say if, in the present state of CIE, the Minister thinks this is a constructive proposal.

Debate adjourned.
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