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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 9 Dec 1964

Vol. 213 No. 5

Private Members' Business. - Tobacco (Control of Sale and Advertisement) Bill, 1964: Second Stage ( resumed ).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

When we adjourned last week, I was dealing, to the best of my ability, with what I thought was the futility of the action proposed in this Bill. I pointed out that I thought the simple publication of a formula on a packet merely pointing out that the contents consisted of certain deleterious matter would not make sense to people who tried to sell a product and, at the same time, point out that it should not be bought. This is a matter, if and when it reaches serious proportions and it is proven beyond a doubt that it is definitely and seriously harmful, in respect of which it should be the duty of the Minister responsible and the House generally at the time, to take whatever might be regarded as suitable action. For that reason, I do not think that, whatever good may have inspired the introduction of this Private Bill, it does not go any distance towards serving any useful purpose.

The whole question of excess in regard to indulgence in any habit is entirely a question of where harm sets in. One might say a bottle of intoxicating liquor should have the contents billed publicly on the label and the public warned that it is harmful, as it definitely is if indulged in to excess, but that does not conform to any reasonable laws of commercial advertising or salesmanship, and it would hardly be fair, to my mind, to ask people to put a product on the market and, at the same time, advertise that it is dangerous while yet offered for sale to the public. It is a question of weighing up whether this most unusual step would be justified in face of the amount of evidence available as to whether or not mild indulgence in cigarettes is really serious or harmful. I do not think that, in moderation, smoking can be seriously harmful.

I am a pipe smoker myself. We all know the very consoling effect a smoke can have on one at such a time as when the debate has to be adjourned in this House: one can go outside and have a smoke. It has a soothing effect on the whole mental system and one feels much more inclined to be placid afterwards.

There must have been quite a fog of smoke this afternoon.

Deputy Tully, no doubt, resorted to the same soporific treatment when he went out today.

Seriously speaking, what the Bill proposes is, in the first instance, not of any magnitude in so far as curbing any serious ill-effect which smoking may have is concerned. Secondly, it is much too great a step to take in view of the fact that it is not likely to have any beneficial effect. On the whole, even if my own Minister and the whole Government were in agreement with a proposal of that type, I doubt, personally, whether I could see any useful purpose being served by it. There are things one might do that could possibly be helpful but, at this stage, it is sufficient to make known that the whole effect of smoking, with regard to this serious disease, is kept under review, as everybody knows it is. I do not think there is a single member of the public at the present time who is not aware of all that has been said, tried and discussed. We are left in a position to weigh up the indecision, if you like, with regard to the whole question of whether cigarette smoking is seriously contributing to cancer.

I would not, on that score, even in a free vote of the House be prepared to vote in favour of Deputy Dr. Browne's proposals in this Bill. It is a harmless Bill, possibly brought in with the best of intentions. One is not called on to condemn it out of hand, in so far as it seeks to do something beneficial to health. What it seeks to do is a matter of grave confusion and, as I do not wish to hold up the House, I want to say in conclusion that, in putting a product on the market, one cannot simply say: "We will commend you to use this but we want to tell you it will do you harm." One can apply this to many things which are sold, certainly any luxury products. It is not just the commercial stamp of salesmanship on the selling of any product. Anything we do in respect of curbing the smoking habit should be something definite and done only at a time when it is absolutely established that smoking to excess is harmful, and that it is absolutely essential to take that step.

We all seem to be agreed that smoking to excess can be quite harmful. I do not think that what is proposed in the Bill would in any way lead to moderation in cigarette smoking. For that reason, I regard the Bill as futile in so far as there is any attempt made to curb the excessive use of cigarettes and to bring to the notice of the public the fact that excessive cigarette smoking may be harmful. The Minister could, at a future stage, take steps of a less serious nature which would be more beneficial and, for that reason, I do not think the Bill is a suitable one at this time.

First of all, I, as a member of the Labour Party, want to assure the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach that none of us had any need to soothe our nerves after the adjournment this afternoon. The necessity, no doubt, was there for members of other Parties in the House but we did not need to resort to anything like that.

The Bill introduced by Deputy Dr. Browne has been attacked by people from various parts of the House, and particularly by the Minister for Health. The Bill was not attacked because of what it contains but for hundreds of different things which are not in the Bill. I was amazed at people coming in here talking about this Bill as if it provided that nobody should be allowed to smoke cigarettes in this country in future. Of course, it did not suggest any such thing. What it did suggest was that some attempt should be made to point out to people who were smoking cigarettes that some of the contents of cigarettes could cause them serious health difficulties. Cancer has been referred to again and again but apparently it is now becoming very obvious that various types of heart trouble can arise from smoking and, as we all know, heart trouble is the real killer at the moment in this country and in some other countries. It is now becoming fairly obvious that smoking does help to cause deaths from heart trouble.

If I interpret correctly what Deputy Dr. Browne said when introducing the Bill, he tried to point out, and in my opinion did so effectively, that an effort should be made not so much to cure the hardened cigarette smoker who has made up his mind that he will smoke cigarettes and hang the consequences as to try to induce young people not to start smoking at all, if possible, or certainly not to start smoking to excess. We believe that if the Bill does nothing else but bring to the notice of the Government and of the people, but particularly of the Government, that something like this is necessary then it will to a certain extent have achieved its objective. I was very interested to hear the Minister for Health refer to discussions which had taken place between the tobacco manufacturers and officials of the Department—since, I presume, the Bill was introduced. He says that efforts are being made to try at least to bring to the notice of young people that they should not be influenced by the types of advertisements which we see, particularly on television. As was pointed out here by some people earlier, it would appear that if anybody wants to enjoy himself then, according to the television advertisements, he must be a smoker. While a particular brand is usually referred to, all the advertisements in turn assert that their brand adds to the enjoyment. The Minister said, in effect, that Deputy Dr. Browne and those who support him are a modern type of killjoy. I think that was a most unfair statement. Like a number of people who have spoken here, I am not a smoker. Therefore, I feel that when the Minister refers to those who do not favour smoking to excess as killjoys he refers to me as well as to everybody else in the country who is a non-smoker. It is rather a stupid statement. It is akin to a statement that somebody going to a dance must be half drunk before he can enjoy himself. I do not follow the Minister's reasoning at all.

This Bill simply suggests that, by Ministerial order, certain information should be put on the cigarette packet. Now, the silliest argument by the Minister against this Bill was that it would not be possible to get everything necessary to describe some of the harmful substances on to the packet of cigarettes. I do not think the Minister has recently looked at a packet because, if he does, he can find the most extraordinary list of various things thereon—and there seems to be plenty of room for more.

If the necessity arises and if the Government decide to accept the Bill, I suggest that there is plenty of room on the cigarette packet for what Deputy Dr. Browne suggested should be put on it. Further than that, if the Bill is passed and becomes law, then, before the Minister may make an order, it would be necessary to lay it before the Houses of the Oireachtas. If somebody disagreed with the order, a resolution could be put before the Houses of the Oireachtas asking that the order made by the Minister be annulled. I think that is the greatest possible safeguard there could be. If there were any danger of the matter being rushed through, of the Minister —any particular Minister—making an order about something that most people thought should not go on a cigarette packet, then the order could be annulled simply by laying it on the Table of the House and having the matter decided by the Oireachtas.

The whole kernel of this Bill is that there should be on the packet some notification as to the type of material which is contained in the cigarettes and which is harmful if they are smoked to excess. The Minister for Health spoke at length on two evenings here in an effort to prove that it is a shocking thing to suggest that something like that should be done. Those of us who travel around the country know that at the present time a lot of people are prepared to spend very much more money than they possibly should and in many cases more money than they can afford on cigarettes. Young people, particularly, feel that they are doing a manly thing if they start to smoke and that is encouraged by advertisements of various kinds, particularly by television advertisements.

Surely it is not too much to ask that the very same thing be done in respect of cigarettes as is done with certain products of a poisonous nature which are bought in chemist shops, namely, a notice to that effect? It will not stop people who need them from buying them. Surely there should be put on the packet of cigarettes some type of information showing that they are not something which will improve the enjoyment of health and that in fact if smoked to excess they can cause serious health ailments?

Again, I was surprised to hear the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach suggest, as is usually suggested by the advertisements, that when people are under a strain or stress they gain a certain amount of solace from smoking cigarettes. It is an admission which people should not be too quick to make. If we have to depend on a cigarette to soothe our nerves then we should see a psychiatrist as soon as possible because there would appear to be something going a little bit wrong with the nervous system.

It has been suggested also that this is the only suggestion ever made that certain things should be marked as being likely to cause danger or to cause trouble. One or two speakers referred to the freedom of the individual and suggested that we are attempting to prevent the individual from having freedom to buy anything he wants or has the money to buy. Again, that is rather a stupid argument. We all know that there are hundreds of things in this country which some people would like to buy but which they are not allowed to buy because it is considered by the powers that be that it is not in the best interests of the individuals that they be allowed to buy those items freely. Yet because it is suggested in this Bill that something like that should be done about cigarette smoking, it is alleged it will impinge on the freedom of the individual.

I honestly believe that if the Bill passes—and a free vote of the House is the easiest way of ascertaining whether or not the majority of Deputies are in favour of it—it can do a lot of good by preventing youngsters from being fooled by the type of television and newspaper advertising against which the Bill is aimed. If it does not pass, then the arguments, particularly those made by Deputy Dr. Browne in his introduction of the Bill, are strong enough to bring to the notice of the general public that there is a danger in excessive smoking of cigarrettes, that no matter what the vested interests may say, the evidence is that smoking to excess causes certain diseases and that it would be in the best interests of the people in general not to smoke as many cigarettes as they have been doing.

The only other point I wish to make is that when the Bill is being voted on, we should vote on what is in the Bill and not on what some people have been trying to say is in the Bill: we should vote on whether or not certain information should be set out on cigarette packets about cigarettes and not, as the Minister for Health has said, on whether people should or should not be allowed to smoke cigarettes.

I am sorry the Minister for Health has treated the Bill in the way he has treated it. Very rarely does one find Deputy MacEntee approaching practically any problem or subject on its merits. It seems to me he is quite incapable of discussing an issue in reasonable terms, that the only thing he can do is discuss the individual who has introduced a measure. That seems to me to be a terribly immature approach to the democratic idea of politics.

If his point of view on this Bill is a contrary point of view, it seems to me the Minister should have put that contrary point of view. The Minister suggested that there appeared to be some reason to believe that because this Bill is a Private Member's measure, it is an independent production—that I, in some way, wanted to show my independence from the Labour Party, my isolation from it, some imminent division from the Labour Party. It does give one a sort of window into the Minister's mind, into his inability to conceive of an organisation which could hold fundamentally identical views but which, on an issue of not fundamental import, could differ and allow each other to differ.

The Minister, who spoke so much about the freedom of the individual and of my alleged assault on that freedom, appears to be the kind of authoritarian, fascist person who resents very much the fact that an individual might be given freedom to introduce a Bill with which the Party with which he is associated might not agree. It is, of course, a measure of the maturity of the Labour Party that they could allow me to bring this Bill into the Dáil and have it debated here on its merits, even if they accept no responsibility for it whatsoever, as being something in which I had an interest and an enthusiasm and that I have a right to exercise that interest and that enthusiasm. That seems a basic principle of democratic practice and is a sign of the maturity of the Party which permitted it.

In fact the Private Members' Business before the introduction of this measure was another Bill by another member of the Labour Party, Deputy Seán Dunne, about the Georgian houses, and nobody who discussed that measure, on either side of the House, suggested that because Deputy Dunne felt strongly on that issue and demonstrated his feelings through the medium of a Bill, he was in that way signalling his independence of and division from the Labour Party. It was accepted as a perfectly reasonable device of Parliament, one of the best signs that we do believe in the democratic idea.

The Minister for Health is one of the loudest critics of the communist system, in which the Party line is absolutely asserted dogmatically and anybody who defects from it is immediately expelled from the Party. Obviously, one of the things which a person dislikes very much is that the Minister for Health does not put his ideas into practice. He insists on the necessity that everybody shall always toe the Party line, even in matters which are not of fundamental importance: the Party line must always be sacrosanct and must never be defected from by anybody, in any circumstances, even if it concerns a relatively simple principle. Obviously, he has all the autocratic and dictatorial facets of the fascist and communist systems. The Minister took some time dealing with my political record here and, in effect, I think I can fairly summarise his assessment of me as being some kind of political prostitute.

I think that is a fair assessment of the opinion he expressed about me. Deputy Dillon was not here at the time so I shall read part of what he said. He said I pursued my wayward way with the promiscuity of a young Hollywood star who enters upon a fervid association to advance her career and when advantage has been gained, disowns the relationship. It is not the first time this sort of vulgar abuse has been used by Deputy MacEntee about me. At other times, the Minister has used much the same kind of vulgarisms: once I was an out-of-work doctor touting for patients because I was attempting to do something about tuberculosis which the then Minister for Health had so seriously neglected.

That is all old-fashioned and completely out of keeping with this House, with what we should like to see in the standards of this House. Sometimes, that generation—Deputy MacEntee is one of the few still with us of that generation — should be rather more thoughtful, more understanding and rather more cautious in its attacks on us, in its attacks on our defects. It should be more in keeping with postwar politics here in Ireland, because whatever we have ever done, whatever attitude we have taken up, whatever disagreements we have ever had, or on whatever occasions we have decided to dissociate ourselves from our comrades as former colleagues, we have always done it—at least I have—in a civilised way: dissociation or resignation on a point of principle—and leave it at that. That is more than can be said for Deputy MacEntee or his colleagues.

I take it that the Deputy is referring to the Minister for Health?

Yes; I should say the Minister for Health. I will always feel particularly grateful that I belong to a generation which did not take the same steps as the Minister for Health and his colleagues did when they differed on a point of principle with their comrades. At least it can be said that we never shot our comrades or never murdered them——

The Deputy seems to be travelling beyond the terms of the Bill.

He is going back to the Civil War.

Yes, I am going back to the Civil War and——

It is hardly relevant to go back to the Civil War.

I do not think it is any harm to remind these old men——

Whatever about the harm or the good, we must be relevant to the measure. The Deputy has been long enough in the House to know that.

I am merely pointing out that unlike the Minister for Health there is no blood on my hands because I——

Well, this is a question of cigarettes in a man's hands.

The Minister spent the whole of his time misrepresenting my attitude and my behaviour in public life and went on to misrepresent the contents of the Bill. The origins of this Bill go back to 1957/58, when I asked the Minister some questions and I made the suggestion then which I made again in the Bill. The Minister's reply at the time was that he had no power to interfere with tobacco advertisements and I suggested that he should take it. I repeated the suggestion on a number of occasions and eventually the Minister invited me to introduce this Bill. Therefore, if this Bill is all the things the Minister says it is, he must accept that responsibility because it is on his invitation that it is now before the House.

The Minister in referring to this Bill used many silly and untrue descriptions. He referred to a "diabolical apparatus" and such childish phrases. The Bill is a permissive one. It merely allows the Minister—the Minister cannot have read it—in certain circumstances to take certain action. Section 2 of the Bill says:

The Minister may from time to time, when it appears to him to be in the public interest so to do, make regulations in regard to all or any of the following matters, that is to say—

(a) requiring that, if any tobacco or tobacco products are sold or offered for sale ... and in the opinion of the Minister contain substances likely to cause injury to health, the deleterious nature and origin of the substances as may be specified in the regulations shall appear on the label or the container in which the tobacco or tobacco products are sold or offered for sale.

Certainly there could be nothing more reasonable and nothing more innocent of compulsion than that simple statement empowering the Minister, when he thinks it is in the public interest to do so, to take certain action, the certain action being to specify on the container that these cigarettes may cause lung cancer because they contain carcinogens. That is the only proposal in the Bill, and as any reasonable person will accept it is far wide of the suggestion that I intended to put a death's head on the package, or intended to tyrannise the individual into doing something he did not want to do. The fact that the packet did contain that information was merely intended to remind the individual that "if you smoke these cigarettes, they may cause lung cancer; if you still decide to go on smoking cigarettes that is your affair; you are taking the decision and are still free to smoke 100,000 cigarettes if you wish, three times a day, if that could possibly or physically be done". So there is no compulsion on anybody to withhold from doing something and this is merely to remind people that cigarettes may cause lung cancer.

That proposal has already been put into effect in a number of countries with a number of variations. As we know, the American Surgeon General proposes to try to introduce a similar device for the sake of the American cigarette smoker. To call that a killjoy seems to me to be an extraordinary misrepresentation of what is contained in the Bill.

The rest of the Minister's misleading statements succeeded in misleading practically all the Deputies on his side who spoke. Deputy Meaney and Deputy Brennan both spoke about prohibiting the adult from doing something he wished to do. There is no such prohibition in the Bill and if they had read it, they would have found that out. As I have already pointed out, there are powers under existing legislation, under the 1947 Health Act, the Minister's own Health Act, under which the Minister can insist that precisely these provisions are observed in regard to a number of different kinds of preparations, medical preparations, toilet preparations and other types of consumer goods which are displayed in shops for sale. That is in an Act introduced by the Minister.

The Minister said there was no comparison.

The Minister introduced these excellent provisions for precisely the same reasons as I have introduced these, in the interests of public health and for no other reason. There could be no other justification. At present, as we all know, the weight of advertising propaganda is universally on the side of the cigarette manufacturing companies. It is they who have access to the television, newspapers, and so on. In my view, by suppressing the truth, by suppressing this fact which is agreed between all of us that cigarettes may cause lung cancer, they mislead the public and will continue to mislead the public unless some action is taken by the Minister.

There are two actions which could be taken. One is the complete prohibition of advertisements. I have not suggested that. But there is a perfectly good case for the prohibition of advertisements in cases of that kind. As I said earlier, it is not permitted to advertise any of the other addictive drugs such as cocaine, opium, hashish, and so on. I do not see any reason why those precedents should not be followed in regard to cigarettes.

The Minister for Health makes the point that there is a difference between cigarette smoking and these other addictions to which I referred. His point is that because these other addictions have some element of moral turpitude—I am not terribly clear what he means by that—in their effects, one is permitted to take all the actions which the Minister does take in regard to them. The Minister criticises me for relating cigarette smoking to these other forms of drug addiction and suggests it is somehow unfair or misleading of me to relate cigarette smoking to other forms of drug addiction.

The Minister is in the difficult position of, on the one hand, trying to treat this place as a college historical society in which he scores debating points. Irrespective of the impact these things will have on the uninitiated, so long as he can score a debating point, he feels he has achieved something. On the other hand, he is in the position of having the responsible job of being Minister for Health. In his capacity as a youngster in a college debating society, he says I should not relate drug addiction to cigarette smoking. In his capacity as Minister for Health in his little booklet Starting to Smoke, he has this to say: “They will tell you”—the grown-up—“that ... smoking, like any other drug habit, becomes very hard to give up.” So, in fact, the Minister shares my view that cigarette smoking is a form of addiction. He feels it necessary that action of a prohibitive kind be taken in regard to hashish and so on but that no significant action be taken in regard to cigarette smoking.

One of the extraordinary facilities the Minister has is his capacity to believe anything he says—his Alice in Wonderland touch. He made a prolonged attack on my suggestion by saying that one should not take action in regard to this question of cigarette smoking because it would be an interference with the freedom of the individual and something which could not be justified on the basis of the evidence available to us. Anybody who reads the papers will realise that one of the most authoritarian and hardly well-founded actions taken by any of us probably since the State was formed is the action recently taken by the Minister in regard to putting fluoride into the drinking water. The case there is very much less convincing and compelling on the merits than the case by various people in regard to the dangers of cigarette smoking.

There are many countries who believe the contrary to what the Minister believes. There are many authorities in this country who believe completely contrary to what the Minister believes. My own belief is that what he should do is bring in a proper dental service. Leaving that aside, the Minister has taken the most dictatorial action, insisting that all of us, no matter what our views are on fluoridation, will drink fluoridated water and that there is no alternative, no choice. Under this Bill of mine, if you like you can smoke as many cigarettes as you wish for as long as you want to.

This is the Minister who chooses to lecture me on taking arbitrary, dictatorial action against the rights of the individual's freedom. Everybody in this country from now on, because the Minister has decided on what is not completely convincing evidence, will be forced to drink fluoridated water. There are a number of countries which, in fact, forbid the drinking of this kind of water, but that does not seem to worry the Minister.

When the Minister is stuck for an argument with which to attack one, he simply manufactures such an argument. He made the point, quite wrongly, that I had made certain assertions about lung cancer and cigarette smoking. I do not think that since I first raised this matter six years ago I have said at any time that I believe anything in regard to cigarette smoking. I have very carefully tried to leave this matter as one upon which only competent judges can make a final assessment. I have quoted various authorities. I quoted the American Surgeon General's report, which was, of course, the summary of all the evidence available from all parts of the world, a most comprehensive, carefully thought out document, which came to the same conclusion as the document, also quoted by me, the College of Physicians' report. The various other people I quoted—Dr. Flynn from Westmeath, Dr. Corridan from Cork, Dr. Mulcahy from Dublin—all of these were authorities who had investigated this problem from various sides and had come to certain conclusions.

I invariably referred to their conclusions and did not give any statements on my own behalf, although I suppose because of my medical background I could have been permitted to give my own opinion of the matter. I did not do so. Invariably I quoted the authorities of the various countries which have made evidence and reports available. It is on that scientific evidence that I have brought forward this Bill.

The Deputy does give the impression that he holds very strong views about smoking.

Oh, yes; I hold very strong views, yes, but I am convinced by the evidence of other people. I am trying to make the point that I am not saying that, because I as a doctor or as a pseudo-scientist believe it, that is a reason for doing it. My point is that the Minister gave the impression that I believed that lung cancer and cigarette smoking were absolutely associated one with the other. I want to say that the evidence on which I have made any assertion is the evidence of the various authorities throughout the world which I have quoted. The Minister is completely wrong, therefore, in saying that I gave any personal opinion on this matter as an authoritative opinion which should influence the House.

Another misleading suggestion which the Minister put forward was that I had implied in some way that only cigarette smokers got lung cancer or bronchitis or coronary heart failure. The Minister went on to show that he had figures to prove that people other than cigarette smokers got lung cancer and bronchitis and coronary heart disease. Nobody ever contested that. It is simply putting up a skittle in order to knock it down again. Nobody ever suggested that only cigarette smokers got lung cancer.

The very fact that one quoted figures showing in the non-cigarette smokers a certain incidence of cancer, bronchitis or coronary heart failure and in the moderate smoker a certain incidence and in the heavy smoker a certain, higher, incidence shows that we were at all times clearly of the opinion that everybody can get cancer or these other diseases. What we wanted to show was that in those who smoke moderately there is a rather higher incidence of these diseases and in those who smoke excessively an even higher rate still.

The Minister is completely wrong, and dangerously wrong, when he says that, in fact, non-smokers get these diseases equally. That is not true. They do not get these diseases—bronchitis, coronary heart failure and lung cancer —equally. They get them in completely different proportions. As I say, heavy smokers get them at a very much higher rate than moderate smokers and moderate smokers get them at a very much higher rate than non-smokers. So, it is very misleading and the Minister in his responsible position should not make remarks of that kind, giving to people who might not know him the impression that he knew what he was talking about.

I do not think the Minister for Health intended to give the impression that people who did not smoke were just as likely to get lung cancer as the others. Perhaps the Deputy misinterpreted the Minister.

At column 378 he said:

... people who do not smoke at all are equally subject — the figures I have prove it — to all the diseases which the Deputy has referred to in order to intimidate the House....

I think he was using the word "equally" in a different sense perhaps.

When one is in the position that Deputy MacEntee is in as Minister for Health it is important that he speak with great caution on matters of this kind because that is to me a perfectly reasonable interpretation of his statement—a statement which he made here in the course of a debate when he was not under any pressure. It seems to me to be an attempt to mislead the public and it is something which he should not do because, certainly, it is not a true statement of fact.

If that were true, it would destroy completely our case against cigarette smoking. If it were true that everybody gets these diseases equally there could be no case for us asking that the tobacco companies be asked in some way to tell the public that in smoking cigarettes they are running grave risks of getting these diseases.

The Minister, again, in his completely outrageous misrepresentation of the case made by me, implied that I wanted to go to the lengths which they went to in the United States of America in imposing total prohibition. I do not think it is possible to prohibit the use of cigarettes at all. I do not think it would be effective. It certainly was never effective in schools. If we are to believe Dr. Flynn and Dr. Corridan, children smoke all the time. So it would be absurd to expect that prohibition would be an effective measure.

I believe that if every time he takes out a packet of cigarettes the individual is reminded that cigarettes may cause lung cancer, or these other diseases, he will have the advantage that we, as doctors, have of being fully conscious of the great dangers associated with cigarette smoking. It is, I suppose, a great help to some of us who see people who have contracted lung cancer, possibly as a result of heavy smoking, in cutting out smoking, because it is a dreadful experience to see someone suffocating after being subjected to some of these dreadful operations that have to be performed.

I confess I am very frightened of the idea of lung cancer and I think this fear of lung cancer is one of the reasons why so many doctors have given up this practice of cigarette smoking. It is just as hard for us as for others. I personally was a heavy smoker and I found it very difficult to give it up. Contrary to what the Minister for Health says, that I did not like smoking, I did like smoking very much but because of the likelihood of lung cancer developing, because it struck me as being such a stupid thing to expose oneself unnecessarily to the chance of getting this disease, I decided it was worth the effort to give it up.

The doctor is in a better position to judge than the ordinary person and it is for that reason I felt it would be a help to put the ordinary person into a comparable position, to give him the assistance we have, of seeing somebody dying of the disease, in the course of our profession. The Minister suggested that I thought cigarette smoking is the sole cause of lung cancer. I did not suggest that at all. How could one suggest that when it is a fact that non-smokers get lung cancer? It seems to me that the Minister really goes outside the reasonable bounds of the rules of debate when he, at a loss for reasoned criticism or argument, manufactures statements which the person against whom he is debating never made at all. I did not suggest that cigarette smoking is the sole cause of lung cancer. However, I do not think that anybody seriously doubts that it is a cause.

One of the Minister's extraordinary achievements is his production of this literature—this small amount of literature—in which he goes to some trouble to explain to young people the dangers of getting lung cancer from smoking. In this leaflet, which appears to be directed towards adults —there is an adult on the front of it— he gives most of the statements which were made by me in trying to convince the House of the necessity for some sort of control over cigarette advertising. It is he who makes these remarks in regard to lung cancer: there is a higher death rate in smokers than in non-smokers; a higher death rate in heavy smokers than in light smokers; a higher death rate in cigarette smokers than in pipe smokers; a higher death rate in those who continued to smoke than in those who gave up smoking. Four times the Minister mentions the word "death" there. In his speech here the other night, he ridiculed me for using what he described as old-fashioned methods, the old-fashioned idea of trying to frighten people about death.

That is an astonishing suggestion from the Minister. Are we not all frightened of dying? Are we not all reasonable people frightened of death? It came as a surprise to me that the Minister would think it was old-fashioned to tell people: "You may die if you carry out such a practice", in the hope they may decide: "I do not want to die." The reasonable animal response, even leaving aside the human being, is to escape from unnecessary avoidable death, and it is a very powerful argument when used to a person as a reason for taking any particular action.

The use of the suggestion to people that: "This may kill you; this may cause you to get a disease which will kill you" seems to be perfectly reasonable and not the ridiculous suggestion which the Minister implied here the other night. As I say, it is the fear of death from lung cancer which seems to dominate the Minister's leaflet in attempting to persuade people not to smoke or to desist from smoking. Fear of death is quite clearly the dominating motif of this leaflet and yet the Minister thought my suggestion about death and the likelihood of death was old-fashioned. That he should think it was old-fashioned to use this fear of death as a device for trying to persuade people to desist from doing something runs completely counter to the whole basis of the present road safety campaign whereby the Minister for Local Government is attempting to make people drive safely so that they will not kill one another.

I do not know if the Minister gave very serious consideration to the speech he made the other night. It contained so many contradictions and silly statements that it is difficult to believe it could have been made by a responsible Minister. This Department of Health leaflet, the Minister's leaflet, contains this statement:

The number of deaths from cancer of the lung has greatly increased within the past few decades; since 1950 alone the number of such deaths in this country has more than doubled. Scientists and doctors have devoted a great deal of study to the cause of this and, recently, they have been considering whether it might be the result of tobacco smoking which has also increased greatly in recent decades.

He then went on:

... patients suffering from this disease were interviewed and their previous histories and habits as regards smoking and any other factor that might be of interest were compared with those of a group of patients without lung cancer. The results of nineteen such enquiries in different countries (in Britain, the USA, Finland, Germany, Holland, Norway and Switzerland) have been published and they all agree in showing that there were more smokers, and fewer non-smokers, among the patients with lung cancer, and a steadily-rising death rate from lung cancer as the amount of smoking increases.

I am portrayed by the Minister as a scaremonger who is trying to terrify the unfortunate public by the fear of death if they go on smoking cigarettes. This is a leaflet put out by the Department of Health with the Minister's full authority. Who is the scaremonger? Who is the killjoy? Who is the bare-bones who asks a cigarette smoker to read this kind of stuff? They are perfectly true, perfectly legitimate, perfectly reasonable conclusions based on scientific truths. Yet, when I quote precisely the same authority, arrive at precisely the same conclusions and make precisely the same suggestions as are contained in this leaflet, I am anathematised by the Minister with various bowdlerisms to which he resorts when he knows he has no useful constructive comment or criticism to make.

The Minister is in the difficult position that he spends a certain amount of money—not half enough— trying to stop people smoking. These leaflets are directed at youngsters; they are given to teachers and clerics with the one object and that is—whether he works hard enough at the job or not is another question—to stop people smoking, if not this generation, then the next or even the generation after that. The simple purpose is to stop youngsters and adults from smoking cigarettes. Why does he want to do that? Why should he destroy, as he will, if he and other Ministers in similar positions throughout the world have their way, this great industry in the US and other countries? Surely he is not doing it because of a whim or a sudden decision that he does not like tobacco men? Surely he is doing it for the perfectly good reason that he is concerned for the public health, because he is convinced that cigarette smoking is a dangerous habit, that it causes lung cancer, and because he is effectively convinced of the evidence.

He tried to go around it and dodge the evidence and suggest that the evidence was not quite as watertight as he would like it to be; that he is not absolutely satisfied and that there are certain questions that have not yet been answered. Yet, in the face of these doubts, he tells us he intends to stop a whole generation of youngsters from getting what he thinks are the pleasures and enjoyments of smoking cigarettes. Why should he do that? Surely it is an irresponsible act if he is not absolutely convinced of the necessity of doing so? The fact is that he is convinced of this necessity and convinced of the case against cigarette smoking but he is in the position of having a colossal vested interest in the tobacco industry. He has a tremendous amount of income, increasing year after year, and he is putting this financial interest, the moneyed interest, before his responsibilities to public health because he is not prepared to face the financial difficulties in which he would find himself if he brought this practice to a stop very much more quickly than he proposes.

Yet, other countries with a greater sense of responsibility in the matter, other countries with the same vested interest in the tobacco industry from the revenue point of view, have decided to put what they feel is a matter of conscience above the economic needs of their societies. As so frequently happens here, we preach one doctrine and practise another. The Minister knows quite well that year after year as the cigarette smoking habit continues unabated—even worse, it is increasing each year—so will the number of unfortunate people going to St Luke's and various cancer hospitals continue to increase because the Minister will not face his responsibilities as a Minister for Health who knows of these truths and is unwilling to act on them.

In his own booklet, Smoking And Health, A Summary of Surveys of the Evidence, issued in March, 1964, it is stated that deaths from lung cancer went from a figure of 56 in 1925 to 298 in 1950 and to 697 in 1962. So that 697 people died of lung cancer and a percentage of those died avoidably and unnecessarily because they had this smoking habit. He also gives the figures of deaths from coronary heart disease and they have gone up concomitantly with smoking. In 1950, the figure was 2,906; in 1962, it was 4,539, almost double. The Minister knows quite well that he is conniving or continuing to connive at the sale of a commodity which contains a substance which is poisonous in so far as it contains carcinogens. The Minister has suggested that the evidence is based on figures alone. I do not know what the Minister would like, how he would like more proof, whether he would like those carcinogens injected into a human being so that we could have a human experiment to prove to his satisfaction that the injection or inhalation of these carcinogens is how an individual gets lung cancer.

The Minister knows that through a considerable amount of scientific and medical research it is possible to be absolutely certain, on the basis of statistical evidence from surveys carried out of various kinds currently and retrospectively, beyond all doubt of what happens in certain circumstances. I do not think there is any doubt whatever that the case in regard to lung cancer has been proved. The extraordinary thing where the Minister is concerned is that he is so hesitant about accepting the evidence in regard to lung cancer because there is the uncertainty he complains about, while in regard to the fluoridation of water, he had no such hesitation at all, despite the fact that various eminent medical and scientific authorities in various parts of the world are convinced of the damage that can result from putting fluoride in water.

I do not think there is any responsible group of scientific or medical authorities anywhere in the world who put forward seriously the suggestion that there is no relationship between cigarette smoking and lung cancer and all these other diseases. I do not think anybody has put forward any serious case to controvert the relationship between cigarette smoking and lung cancer. One suggestion was put forward by the tobacco companies and, having spent a couple of millions, they eventually got a report, but I do not think anyone took it seriously.

Recently the Minister was asked a question by Deputy Noel Lemass about cigarette smoking. Deputy Lemass asked whether the Minister had seen a report of a jury case in a Federal Court in the United States for damages against an American tobacco manufacturer. The Minister replied he had seen the report. The jury decided that cigarettes are reasonably safe and wholesome for human consumption and, in spite of that finding, the Minister went on to say:

...notwithstanding the finding of the American jury, I shall continue the campaign which I have initiated to discourage smoking, and to impress on children and adolescents, and on their parents and others who may be in a position to influence them, that, on the basis of statistical evidence gathered in a number of scientific investigations in different countries, the highest medical authorities are convinced that smoking is dangerous to health in that it may give rise to lung cancer, heart disease and other morbid conditions and should be discouraged.

Were I Minister for Health one could imagine me giving an answer like that, with my views, and the strange thing is that the Minister spent the best part of an hour, or more, in this House attempting to discount the significance of the evidence put forward as a result of scientific investigations in different countries. His whole case was that these investigations were not convincing, that there was some element of doubt and, because of that, any suggestion, such as the suggestion I put forward, that people should be reminded in the simplest, plainest terms that cigarette smoking may cause lung cancer, was not well founded. But he was quite precise in his answer to Deputy Noel Lemass that cigarette smoking may give rise to lung cancer. That is all I was suggesting and because I made that suggestion the Minister spent the evening abusing, ridiculing and pillorying me.

The Minister, in one of his most tortuous and evasive arguments, suggested that so long as tobacco is allowed to be smoked, it must be allowed to be sold and it must be allowed to be manufactured; and, if it is permitted to manufacture cigarettes, why make it illegal to advertise them? When I first suggested that he should do something about advertising, he told me that he had no power to take any action, and I said that he could, of course, take power. That is what Parliament is for. That is one of the great privileges of being in Government and being a Minister: one can look for power if one has not got it. All this rigmarole: "If it is permissible to manufacture cigarettes, then one must allow them to be sold", is completely irrelevant.

If we decided that it was undesirable to sell cigarettes because of the danger to public health, because of the likelihood of many people becoming mortally ill as a result of smoking cigarettes, no matter what happens to tobacco in other countries and no matter how much tobacco is manufactured, there is no reason in the world why we should not take any decision we want to take here. As we know, various noxious drugs of one kind or another are manufactured in various countries, including the ones I mentioned earlier, marijuana, hashish, opium, morphia, cocaine, and so on. They are manufactured in different countries, but that does not mean that they should be advertised here or sold here. The Minister's argument is an extraordinary one.

The Deputy is not prohibiting advertising in the Bill, is he?

I am not prohibiting advertising but I am saying that cigarette packets should carry certain information. I am doing that because I do not want to suggest the authoritarian action of stopping advertising altogether, although I can see a good case for doing it. But I do not go that far, though I could make a good case for not allowing advertising, just as we do not allow advertising of the other drugs I have mentioned.

The other suggestion I put forward was that we should launch out on a campaign comparable with the one just used by the tobacco companies in the newspapers and on the television and radio. That, of course, would be an absurd waste of public money and, therefore, in the absence of a comparable campaign against the tobacco manufacturers, it seemed to me the simplest thing to do would be to make the manufacturers pay for our campaign in the interests of public health; in other words, make the manufacturers remind the public every time they sold their cigarettes that these cigarettes are dangerous and can cause various diseases. I think that is a perfectly reasonable proposition.

The Minister has accepted that cigarettes can cause disease and the very fact that the tobacco companies have accepted the Minister's invitation to devise some kind of code, an utterly futile code and one which will be utterly ineffective, I am certain, allegedly to stop youngsters smoking seems to me to imply that the manufacturers themselves accept the case against cigarette smoking. They accept the evidence generally accepted around the world that cigarette smoking causes lung cancer. If they did not believe that cigarette smoking causes lung cancer it would be a serious infringement of their rights to make them carry out a campaign based on that belief. If they had a leg to stand on and if they seriously believed their cigarettes were harmless, they would be the first to take the action, which, I understand, they are taking in the United States, of questioning the whole proposal under the Constitution, emphasising the difference between the action proposed by the American Surgeon General and its likely effectiveness and the ineffectiveness of the action proposed by the Minister.

Debate adjourned.
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