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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 1 Dec 1965

Vol. 219 No. 5

Private Members' Business. - Electoral Bill, 1965: Second Stage.

I move that the Bill be now read a Second Time.

In doing so, may I say that this is a simple, straightforward measure which, I hope, will be accepted by Deputies on all sides of the House. It sets out to make two important changes in the existing electoral law. The first change recommended is to ensure that where a mental patient is still resident in a mental hospital on the day of the election and where he or she is not considered by the resident medical superintendent to be safe to be discharged to go out and vote where he would normally vote if he were not a patient in such an institution, that person will not be allowed to vote.

Prior to the enactment of the Electoral Act of 1963, this was the case. It was the case for all long-stay patients in hospitals and homes and workhouses of all discriptions and the Joint Committee, when considering the electoral law and making recommendations, felt that was very harsh on people in county homes and workhouses and such institutions, and recommended that these people be deemed to be resident in the county homes and in these institutions because they felt that otherwise they were practically disfranchised and debarred from voting as in many cases they had no home and there was no question of discharging them home to what would have been regarded as their normal place of residence.

Even though that recommendation is given in the explanatory memorandum, I think, for the records of the House and for the purpose of further explanation, I should quote it. It stated:

A further amendment to section 1 of the Electoral Act, 1923, which the Joint Committee would like to see made is the deletion in subsection (9) of the words "workhouse, poor house". This should enable persons residents for long periods in county homes and similar institutions to be registered there. The present wording of subsection (9) in effect disfranchises them and seems to be an anachronistic survival from old poor law attitudes.

The Electoral Act, 1963, did not however restrict the residence provision to county homes but extended the recommendation to mental hospitals.

This Bill accordingly in section 2 proposes to revert the law virtually to what it was prior to the Electoral Act, 1963, but modernised by the Joint Committee's recommendation.

That is to include county homes and similar institutions but it deliberately left out patients in mental hospitals because obviously they saw the dangers and difficulties arising in these cases. They saw possible abuses which have since taken place. We had the experience of a general election in 1963 and a considerable amount of experience was gained in that election which showed that the situation was taken advantage of, that undue influence was used on mental patients in certain cases. That situation was altogether unsatisfactory. We believe that if this Bill is accepted, the possibility of further such abuses arising will be eliminated.

To indicate the type of thing that happened in the course of the election, with the permission of the Ceann Comhairle, I should like to read a report or portion of the report of an election agent in a certain constituency to the returning officer. It is not necessary either to name the institution or to identify the people concerned but I think it is useful because it illustrates the sort of malpractice that took place during that election and which, if we do not change the law, is likely to occur again. I am not making any attempt to pin this on any particular Party because I think all sides can be and are, perhaps, guilty. It begins

On the morning of the counting of the votes in the recent General Election I, as election agent for stated to you that I would confirm the formal complaint I then made regarding the manner in which the voting was conducted at hospital. On the adjudication of doubtful ballots I pointed out to you two papers on which was written the word "cancelled" and on which were also two sets of initials. These initials I identified as being those of personation agents whom I named. I now accordingly write to state:

(1) There were two booths in what is, I understand, the Admission Wing of the hospital;

(2) I appointed one personation agent to act on my behalf for ...

The names are given. The report goes on:

(3) When I called (as a result of information conveyed to me) to visit these booths, my Agent informed me that one booth was being conducted in a most irregular fashion;

(4) He stated that on entering the booth at one stage he found several patients voting openly. He asked that the booths be cleared and that voters should mark their papers secretly;

(5) He further stated that the patients, without any regard for their wishes or mental condition, appeared to be herded in to vote. In many cases it appeared to him obvious that they were incapable of understanding what was going on. He also stated that in his opinion many of the patients were voting in names, and presenting cards, other than their own. This was obvious from the manner in which some nurses were canvassing the patients in the corridor, handing them cards and urging them to vote for certain candidates;

(6) I remained in the vicinity of the booth for some time and found conditions to be exactly as described by my Agent;

(7) At one time I heard a nurse urging a patient (who to me appeared incapable of understanding what he was doing)—"In you go, Daly, and vote." This patient presented a card bearing a name other than Daly;

(8) I concluded after about thirty minutes observation, that the patients were, in fact, being herded in to vote, in many cases unwillingly, and that the names of certain candidates were being drummed into their heads.

From the foregoing you will see that there were grave abuses. Since the total vote in the hospital could have had no significant effect on the result of the then General Election I am now taking no further steps in this matter as Election Agent for the Election now past. In view of the serious nature of the abuses, however, I must make the following objections now.

He goes on to say he is objecting to any booth being located in such a hospital for future elections and to any member of the staff of the hospital being appointed as presiding officer or poll clerk in any booth where the patients will vote. He says these objections apply to all other institutions in the county and will be renewed at the appropriate time and pursued as far as possible. The report ends:

In conclusion I would like to state that I feel sure neither you, Sir, nor your assistant were aware of these abuses. As election agent on many occasions I have always received the utmost co-operation from your office and staff. I look forward with confidence to that happy state of affairs continuing.

I read that report to indicate that, arising out of the change in the laws in 1963, certain abuses have occurred and have been facilitated by that change. I believe it is altogether wrong that these unfortunate mental patients should be subject to such abuse. It is quite easy to see how this can arise, more especially when a booth is set up in the institution and when people attached to the institution are employed in it, either as presiding officers or polling clerks, with the various members of the staff around to induce patients to vote one way or another. That pressure could be in favour of any Party; it need not necessarily be in favour of one Party or another.

It is quite obvious that people in that mental state can be induced to vote in certain ways and that it is altogether wrong that the law should facilitate that type of abuse. We are simply asking that in future, notwithstanding anything contained in the Principal Act, where on the qualifying date a person is a patient in any institution for persons suffering from mental disability, such person shall be deemed for the purposes of the Principal Act to be resident in the place where he would have been residing but for his having been such a patient.

If we revert to that situation then, if a patient is considered by the doctor to be well enough to be discharged and to be safe enough to be allowed home to his known place of residence, a vote will be waiting for him. But, if he is not well enough and if the doctor is not prepared to take the responsibility for that type of discharge, that patient will not be allowed to vote. It will be agreed by everybody in the House that such a person should not be allowed to vote. Such persons are not allowed to make their wills; or, if they do, the will does not stand in law. If a person is not capable of making a will, surely we should not have the law in such a way that he can vote?

We all know the seriousness of this and the narrow margins by which seats have been won in certain parts of the country. Nobody wants this type of abuse to continue and I would very strongly recommend the acceptance of this recommendation to the House. I believe the Minister will see the good sense of it and have the position rectified.

The other part of the Bill relates to commercial travellers. It seeks to provide that the postal vote be extended to include commercial travellers. In the course of a number of elections, I have come across many people who are commercial travellers who hold that they are virtually disfranchised because of the fact that elections normally take place in the middle of the week when commercial travellers are away from the place in which they are registered as voters so it is virtually impossible for them to vote. In some cases they cannot vote and in other cases it would involve them in a lot of expense and an immense amount of inconvenience to come back from perhaps the furthest point in the country to vote.

I understand at present there are in all about 4,000 commercial travellers. They are an intelligent body of people in touch with what is happening in the country. They are all the time on the move around the country and they should know what the people's needs are. Therefore, it is very desirable that they should vote. No Party will have a monopoly of their votes. We would all agree it is extremely desirable that they should be facilitated and should not be, as they are at present, practically disfranchised.

I know there is again a danger of abuse and a certain difficulty about ensuring that this postal vote is properly used. For this purpose we have tried to indicate that certain safeguards could be taken. There is a registered body of commercial travellers and I think the danger could be overcome by that body vouching for these people in advance. I think also pretty heavy penalties could be included in the legislation to ensure that, if commercial travellers get this vote, they would not in any way abuse the situation. We all try very hard to get the maximum number of people out to vote. It is very desirable that we should have the maximum number voting. I have come across irate commercial travellers who say that no effort has been made to facilitate them in the matter of voting. The postal vote is available for the Defence Forces and the Garda. The commercial travellers represent a significant number of intelligent persons. I am sure many Deputies will agree with me that they also should be allowed to use the postal vote, if they are able to satisfy the registration authority that they are commercial travellers who by reason of the duties of their employment, would be unlikely to be able to vote in person at an election.

It is possible to safeguard the situation due to the fact that commercial travellers are members of a registered body. There are about 4,000 of them, which is a significant number. I would recommend the Bill in its present form to the House and I hope that it will be accepted.

All Deputies must have realised a long time ago that the recommendations made by the Commission were not intended to include patients of mental hospitals. I do not know whether somebody decided to make a big change and to include everybody or whether it was decided that having regard to the persons elected, mental hospital patients were as sane as anybody else. Whatever the idea was, the inclusion of mental hospital patients was a bad idea. The inclusion of persons in county homes and permanently in hospital was a good idea. A line must be drawn. Deputy Clinton's description of what happened in a constituency of which he had some experience would also be true of what occurred in other places.

We have all heard the most horrifying tales of mental hospital patients being brought to booths and being forced to vote for certain people. There is a story that one bright person who was herding in these patients is supposed to have told them that they would be prosecuted if they voted for anybody except those persons indicated on a list which was handed to them. How true these stories are, I do not know. I am quite sure that in regard to most mental hospitals there was a certain degree of looseness where voting was concerned. For that reason I believe that a mistake was made. The method suggested may not be the way to remedy it but at least it attempts to high-light the fact that that mistake was made and that a change should now take place.

It is quite true, as Deputy Clinton has said, that a person confined in a mental home would not be allowed to make a will. Why such a person should be allowed to elect the rulers of the country is something that nobody can understand.

With the local elections taking place next year, a very serious situation arises. I am told that in one town in which there is a regional mental hospital with some 2,000 patients, there are nine urban councillors elected and that if those 2,000 patients are worked in a certain way and they vote in a certain way they can elect six of the nine representatives for the urban council. That can happen in that town and I am sure in many other towns. For that reason there is a grave danger in this business being allowed to continue.

What will happen if they elect six of their own?

They are debarred from doing that—that is one of the extraordinary things—but they can elect men twice as mad as they are from outside. The only trouble about it is that if we decide to change the law there are certain people who will say that we are taking a mean advantage of these people, that they should be allowed to vote. I am prepared to take a chance on that. I am offering a personal opinion which is, that patients in a mental hospital should not be allowed to vote.

As to the suggestion that Deputy Clinton has made, that they might be allowed to vote if they could come home, that is of no use because very few people will bother to bring these patients a long journey for the purpose of voting because they could not be relied on to vote in a certain way. I would suggest that such patients should be debarred from voting.

In my view, the Bill does not go far enough. An effort should be made to extend the franchise by postal vote to patients in ordinary hospitals. I suppose that is the only way in which it could be done. We have dealt already with patients who are permanently or semi-permanently in hospital but what about the thousands of persons who are in hospital on the occasion of every election? They are in hospital only for a short period. There may be persons ill at home. Unless they live beside a polling booth and are convalescent, they are unable to vote. If we were really serious about getting as many as possible of the persons entitled to vote to exercise the franchise, we would make every effort to facilitate them. The postal vote seems to be the only practicable suggestion.

Deputy Clinton has referred to commercial travellers. Why stop at commercial travellers? What about long-distance lorry drivers, men working away from home, bus drivers, bus conductors, who may be away all day and unable to vote?

(South Tipperary): What about the emigrants?

I would not include emigrants. They have a right to vote in the country in which they are resident. If we are to tackle this problem, everybody should be considered. We should not stop at commercial travellers and say that they are a certain class, that they are intelligent and that they should vote. Ordinary working people are intelligent and should have the same facilities extended to them. We should be able to devise a scheme which will facilitate persons who are not able to get home in order to vote at their normal polling stations. Such persons would be far more entitled to vote than patients in a mental hospital.

When the matter was raised with the Minister on a previous occasion, he said that he did not deliberately include mental hospital patients, that, in fact, he was carrying out the wishes of the Commission. I have been trying to check and, as far as I can find out, it was obvious, or fairly obvious, that mental hospital patients were not supposed to be included. The Minister or his advisers read into the report that they were. It should have been pretty obvious to everybody from the complaints that we have heard that including them was a mistake. There may be quite a number of patients in a mental hospital who are quite sane. Most mental hospital patients claim that they are saner than those who go to visit them. While it might be possible to differentiate between those who are only mildly mentally ill and sufficiently sound in mind to vote and those who are seriously ill and who should not be allowed to vote, I should prefer to err on the side of debarring all who are patients in mental hospitals, if the alternative is that all patients in such hospitals should be entitled to vote. I would be prepared to support this Bill because, if it does nothing else, it highlights the problems and ensures some changes before the local elections take place next year.

I have a particular interest in this Bill because I am on the executive committee of the Irish Commercial Travellers Federation and I am the honorary secretary of the Dublin Branch Committee of this trade union. For a number of years, not only this trade union but other commercial traveller associations and organisations have been campaigning on behalf of their members who are disfranchised in many elections. The problem could be solved in many ways. Elections could be held at the weekend, on Fridays or Mondays. The problem could also be solved by adopting the method suggested in this Bill.

The arguments against this section of the Bill will probably be those put forward by Deputy Tully in regard to lorry drivers and others who work out of town, musicians, embassy staffs, migratory workers and other large sections of our people who should equally be considered. This Bill will not deal with the whole problem, should the Minister agree to accept it. I should like to point out here that the former Leader of the Labour Party, Mr. Norton, campaigned on behalf of commercial travellers. He gave evidence at the commission which investigated the position. It may be that the late Mr. Norton was influenced by the fact that commercial travellers have always been singled out as individuals of a higher social status than most other organised workers. For example, a commercial traveller is not entitled to a house under the Housing of the Working Classes Acts, not because of his income or his need but because he is classified as a commercial traveller. This rule was put into force by a committee presided over by the late Jim Larkin.

While a case can be made for many other sections, the commercial traveller's case has been the most consistently in the news and the most consistently fought. Because of that, whatever case may be made for other groups, there could be no harm in accepting this section of the Bill as a temporary expendient until such time as investigations into other groups are carried out. If the section is adopted it is up to the individual traveller then to go to the returning officer and satisfy him that he is a bona fide commercial traveller, for whom, because of his business, or because of the time of the year at which the election is held, it is essential to be out of town at that time. I would appeal to the Minister to give serious consideration to this temporary measure. It does not deal with all sections of the community but we have a definite proposal before us now.

I know the feeling of many members of the various organisations representing commercial travellers; I belong to two or three of them myself. They are very sore about this. I know some of them who, in the last general election, travelled back to Dublin from as far away as Sligo, leaving at 6 o'clock in the evening, in the knowledge that the time had been extended to 10 o'clock and they would be able to exercise the franchise. These were people working on a commission basis and any loss in their earnings was out of their own pockets but they were prepared to suffer that loss in order to exercise the franchise. These people are very interested in what goes on here in this House, particularly from the point of view of expanding the business and trade of the country. I believe it is only right they should be given every facility to exercise the franchise. A census was taken in Dublin North-East in the Commercial Travellers Federation and it was found that more than 40 commercial travellers were unable to exercise the franchise. How serious that is will be appreciated when it is remembered that in the last general election the last seat was decided by four votes.

It might have been 44, if they had turned up.

Or 36. There is a very big problem involving mental patients, lorry drivers, migratory workers, musicians, touring orchestras, inspectors in various Departments; all these people have a case to make but the one case that has been made consistently is the case of the commercial traveller. I appeal to the Minister to consider seriously granting these people every facility to exercise the franchise as soon as possible.

While a good case can be made for commercial travellers, at the same time, if we analyse the figure of 4,000, we find that quite a number of these people live in Dublin and Cork and Galway. One section of our citizens deprived altogether of voting is our sailors engaged in coastwise trade. Surely we should extend the postal vote to these? They have helped to build up our mercantile marine and we all know that there are greater numbers now engaged on Irish ships. These are deprived of the right to vote, unless their ship happens to be in port, and then it must be the port in which they are registered as voters. Nothing can be done for deep-sea fishermen because they might be away before the election is called and may not return until long after it is over. Even inshore fishermen could lose their votes.

While we deplore the fact that commercial travellers and others lose their votes, we must also admit that in local elections the total poll may only be 25 per cent and surely there is something wrong in a system in which only one out of every four voters turns out to vote to return members to the local council. In Dáil elections a 60 per cent poll is considered quite good. In examining the problem in regard to commercial travellers, the Minister might also examine the whole question of our attitude to voting, to see if something can be done to encourage people to be as keen as commercial travellers and sailors to cast a vote.

Seeing that there is a case for consideration by the Minister over a very wide field, I would like to add my voice on behalf of an important section of the community who have not been able to vote for over 20 years. These are the members of the lighthouse service who keep watch along our coast in all kinds of weather. They have told me that they have not had an opportunity over the last 20 years of casting their votes and the time has come when we must consider such people who, through no fault of their own, are not able to exercise their voting rights. For a number of years they have been forgotten.

I think Deputy Clinton's approach has been more sympathetic than that of Deputy Tully, but I also think that if the Minister decides to make a change in the law he must exclude all mental patients. I would like to disabuse both Deputies with regard to the legal position of a person who is in a mental hospital. Such a person can make a valid will and can execute a valid legal document. If the resident medical superintendent is satisfied that the person concerned understands the nature and contents of any document, he can so certify and the person can execute the document. In practice, these documents are rarely challenged.

I am sure Deputies realise that quite a large number of patients in mental hospitals are there as voluntary patients, perhaps because conditions in their homes are not favourable. The reason I think the Minister must do one thing or the other is this that if he were to accept Deputy Clinton's suggestion, it would mean that some patients would be aware that certain other patients were allowed to vote while they themselves were not allowed to vote, and the feeling of such a patient would be: "I am not as good as I thought I was. He is better than I am." For that reason I think the Minister, if he accepts the idea of the Bill in principle, should disallow all patients in institutions such as this.

Where commercial travellers are concerned, if a suitable scheme can be worked out to enable them to vote, it would be desirable that it should be done.

On the question of mental hospital patients voting, I still say that as far as I am concerned the intention of the authors of the Electoral Practices Report was that they should have votes. Without quoting from the document, I can say that the reason for that decision was that mental disability should not be treated in any different manner from physical disability. I have a great deal of regard for the ability of mental hospital patients to know what they are doing, far more than I have for the ability of a whole lot of people who are not mental hospital patients.

The case made by Deputy Clinton is based on reports of one election occurrence. There may be something in this, but, on the other hand, you get a number of electoral acts done by people who are no better than the people we are talking about. We see a lot of things happening which we know are not provided for by the strict letter of the law, but, on the other hand, if you want to change these things, you could spend the whole of the time of this House between one election and another trying to iron out all the flaws. No matter what the law is or how it is constituted, change and change it again, each time you remedy a flaw, the possibility is that someone will find another flaw which will then have to be dealt with.

There is this talk about the abuses that are said to have arisen because of the mental hospital patients being brought out en bloc by nurses or attendants and told what to do in the polling booth. Even if that did happen, I do not think it had any real significance. If it were only to deal with cases such as that, I would be inclined to leave the register as it is, because such things, even if they did happen, would be of little significance in a general election. There is, however, a matter of importance, that is, with regard to the election of local authorities, particularly urban councils. This has not been mentioned here but the extraordinary situation can arise in connection with the register for certain of our smaller urban councils, and some of them that are not so small, that the total number of mental patients and staffs, if they all voted, and voted en bloc, would be sufficient to gain complete control of a number of our urban councils.

Six out of nine in one case.

That is quite possible. This is a far more serious situation that could develop from the registration of mental patients. Even if what has been said happened in the case of the last general election, it could not be of any real significance and would not be of any greater significance than other acts which have gone undetected. This question of the urban council elections is a different one. For this reason, I am inclined to the opinion that these people should not be registered as electors at the mental hospital. If it is to be the case that we should disfranchise them altogether, I would not be in favour of that. As far as the registration of our medical patients is concerned, I would be prepared to bring in a Bill to change the law so that they would not be registered in the mental hospital. They would be registered at their home address, the last known address from which they came. This is a right that these people should have. If they are well enough on election day, even if they are still in a mental hospital, if the RMS and his medical staff are satisfied that it is wise and in the best interests of the patients or is not against their best interests, they should be allowed out. As for the others who are only in for a time, who may be voluntary or otherwise and are registered at home, they are in the same category as the rest of us and will be entitled to vote if they so wish.

In regard to the extension of postal voting facilities to commercial travellers, while I am not against it, I cannot agree to it for the moment. If we are to extend the postal vote to commercial travellers, there are many other categories who would have to be taken into account, for instance, our migrants, the people who go from a county like my own for about half the year every year but who are on the register. If the election comes about, although they are legally entitled to be on it—in case Deputy Tully is thinking——

There is a slide rule there. If Fianna Fáil had the rate collectors, they would go on it.

The rule is that if they have not been away from home for a period in excess of 18 months, then they should go on it.

That is not the way it works, and the Minister knows that.

It is the way I might hope it would work but I am afraid it is not always so. That is the situation at the moment. These people are entitled to be considered very seriously, and many other categories that have not been mentioned. Although some of these categories may be small in number, that does not take away their claim to get these voting rights. However, the biggest single group would be migrants from the west but also from places like Ballyfermot, Cabra, Drimnagh and many other areas. These are people who, although they may be on the register, may be away from home at the time of the election. They will be back again after the election and then they will be gone again. These people are entitled to be considered and may feel in their exile that they have more right than anybody else to be considered as to who should be selected to represent the people, as to who should be elected to form a Government.

For the reason that a quick decision cannot be made in this matter, I am not in favour of the terms of the motion to give postal voting facilities immediately to commercial travellers. At the same time, I undertake to give full consideration to the whole field of categories that might have to be brought in when consideration is being given to the granting of postal voting facilities such as are already enjoyed by the Garda and the Army.

Could the Minister say when he might bring in the short Bill?

My hope in regard to the short Bill dealing with the mental hospital situation is that it would be brought in at the first available day of sitting, so that we could get the decision of the House. Then we in Local Government could notify the registration officers who are in the process of compiling the new register what the new order of things is likely to be, so that the new register can be changed in time.

Would the people compiling the registers not want to be notified now that such a proposal is mooted?

What we would wish is that the Bill would be circulated. We would probably seek the agreement of the House to let the registration officers know forthwith what was in the Bill in order that they could take whatever steps might be necessary to enable them to put the register in the new order. On the next sitting day we would need to get the leave of the House to introduce that Bill and have it circulated. Then we could undertake to notify the registration officers so that they could get to work straight away.

In regard to the postal voting aspect, I am neither for nor against it. I am in sympathy with the principle but there is so much more involved that I would be against it here and now so far as commercial travellers are concerned. I know the interest they have in a very particular way as to the operations of this House and certainly in regard to business, industry, commerce, and so on. There is probably no group that has a greater interest in these things. As a result they have greater knowledge and, of course, their contact with the general public throughout the country in their daily business gives them an even greater insight into these things. However, as I have said there are other groups that must be considered if any changes are to be made. I am undertaking to the House that I shall consider the whole field of postal voting for other categories apart from the Garda and the Army. If we find we can do something and the Government decide it is desirable, I shall be coming to the House with such a proposal. If we decide against it, some Deputy will ask a question and I shall tell him so.

The Minister has to go into a lot of detailed consideration. Can he give us any indication of how long this consideration will take?

We may need a commission for this work. That does not mean I am putting it on the long finger. It might be desirable to have a committee to examine it or even to recall the Joint Committee on the Electoral Law. I would be inclined to say that if it were in the hands of my officials and myself, it would take a year but if it is desirable we should have a committee to examine it, I would not be inclined to say a year because the committee might take longer.

I am glad to see the Minister has seen fit to accept section 2 of the Bill in regard to people in mental hospitals. When the Electoral Bill was going through the House in 1963, it was one of the points made. I pointed out my recollection of the matter as a member of the Joint Committee on the Electoral Law. My experience there was that we were concerned about taking away the stigma of the workhouse. The Minister has told us it was our own fault that this provision went through. I am glad the Minister has dealt with this matter now. In regard to the registration of people in any electoral area, the returning officer has the obligation of keeping on the register people who would be regarded as being normally resident in a place and it was stated in the Joint Committee that a reasonable period during which to keep such people on the register would be 18 months.

If it were a case of a person being temporarily a patient in a mental institution, in the circumstances his retention on the register was not denied him. He could be kept on the register for 18 months. What we asked for in section 2 of this Bill, which the Minister is now accepting, is that people will not be denied the right to be retained on the register. The section states that such persons shall be deemed for the purposes of the Principal Act to be resident in the place where they would have been residing, had they not been patients. What we are concerned with is the long-term patient confined in a mental hospital.

The other section proposes to confer a benefit on other people about whom we were concerned—a body of people easily identifiable. I should like the Minister, between now and the time he introduces his short Bill, to consider this body of persons again. Other bodies of people were mentioned, such as sailors who may be away for only a short time or lighthouse men marooned off the coast. There is provision in existing legislation and in voting procedure at the present time whereby, if any difficulty is experienced, for instance, in islands off the coast, the returning officers have the option of taking a ballot in these areas prior to the election date. The returning officers are not confined in this respect.

Perhaps the Minister and his advisers may be able to devise a system whereby the votes of an easily identifiable body of people might be recorded just before a general election, if they are to be absent on election day and if they are a body clearly resident in a certain place and to which they return at weekends. They are different from migrants, people who will be out of the State for periods, people who do not leave just for a day or two. For instance, a commercial traveller may be away from home during the week and return each weekend. He may find himself absent on a particular day. Could the Minister and his advisers devise a system whereby the votes of such people could be recorded?

I should also direct the Minister's attention—I am sure he is already aware of it—to the fact that a returning officer is enabled under the Electoral Act to make provision for personnel they employ on the day of the poll who were absent from their ordinary polling districts. A returning officer can ensure that such people will exercise the franchise in an area other than the place where they normally would poll. If we can make arrangements like that, surely we should be able to make provision whereby returning officers will ensure that a body of people, whom the Minister says he has sympathy with, will not be permanently disfranchised.

The step being taken now will be for the good of people in mental institutions and I trust the Minister will not delay his consideration of extending the franchise to these people in the shortest possible time. This is the date on which the draft register became available and from now on the registering authorities will be preparing the register. The 24th December is the last date on which claims may be made and 1st January is the date on which there can be objections. The work is generally completed by 14th January. The Minister said he would bring in his short Bill on the next sitting day, which is the week after next. Now that he has agreed in principle to accept the provision contained in section 2, I submit he should put the registering authorities under notice that the intention is that the new register being compiled will not include patients permanently domiciled in these institutions.

We are grateful for the way the Minister has met us in this matter and we hope that the consideration he may be able to give to it between now and the introduction of the short Bill will result in the devising of a system whereby recognition will be given to a clearly and easily identifiable body such as commercial travellers and the people Deputies Moore and Dowling mentioned.

I fear I have taken the turn of a Fianna Fáil Deputy, but I shall be brief. The Bill has been met in part by the Minister but it is a pity he did not go the whole way. It is most important that we should realise that at election time the energies expended and the contrivances used to produce votes are many and quite extraordinary. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach will be amazed to hear, for instance, that in a recent by-election in Galway, a Government supporter who was crippled arrived in a car and a good Fine Gael worker from Louth who was there insisted that the presiding officer should not give him his voting paper out through the window of the booth. I think our man on this occasion was right but I want to show the lengths to which people will go. They need not necessarily be TD's, who probably are inclined to be more blasé and sophisticated about the matter but Party supporters are inclined to go to desperate lengths to catch a vote.

Hatchetmen.

I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary will agree there is nothing like a few hatchetmen in the constituency. It is doubtful whether, in the last election, which I think was the first one when unfortunate inmates of mental hospitals had votes, any person was unseated because of that. It is true that persons of unsound mind and persons removed from the ordinary strenuous nature of life for a long period beforehand are easily impressed and more so by those who look after them, who minister to their daily needs and are good to them. One may find that a Labour, Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil supporter who is an attendant in a mental hospital or even a nurse or doctor may exceed what is proper in trying to get votes for a Party. This is the most natural thing in the world and therefore the Minister was right to make the provision in section 2. That is a good step forward.

He should now think about the point very properly raised by Deputy Jones in regard to the draft register which most of us have now lying on the back seats of our cars, as mine is: it was delivered to me this morning. These people may be included on this register if we do not move in the matter. I am sure the Minister will find a way out of that situation.

Deputy Jones and Deputy Clinton were quite right when they indicated that commercial travellers should have votes. I am interested to know that Deputy Dowling and Deputy Moore also spoke about this because, as well as having experience of a by-election in distant places like Galway, I also have experience of by-elections in Dublin. I should not like to say that any Party is blameless in this regard but if personation goes on anywhere at present during an election, a city like Dublin or Cork is the place where it can be done. The anonymity of neighbours makes it very difficult for a presiding officer, a personation agent, poll clerk or anybody to know everybody who comes to vote. The size of the voting unit makes it impossible to find a personating agent who will know everybody coming to vote, whereas in a rural community the personating agent will know absolutely everybody who came to vote.

They would almost know how they will vote.

In 90 per cent of the cases, they would know how they will vote. In places like Dublin, a commercial traveller's vote might be one that would be personated over a period of 20 or 30 years if certain people—the hatchetmen the Parliamentary Secretary refers to: and we confess to having our share of them— knew that the traveller was always away on a Wednesday, for instance, and elections are usually held on Wednesday. It might be that this man had been personated for 20 or 30 years. It is far better that the man should vote himself by post. The long period before the election gives an opportunity to decide who should be entitled to vote in this way and who should not. It could be done during the claims period that we now have ahead as politicians in respect of the draft register which we have now got.

I was talking over tea to Senator Rooney about the matter and we were discussing how this is done at race meetings. He explained that when you went to the Curragh, if you had your badge, the number of the badge was ticked off. That meant that you could not pass it out through the railing and get your pal in on the same badge. I see no reason why the same principle could not be used in regard to postal votes of commercial travellers. This vote could be put in at the end of the register just as Division 3 electors are put in and this vote could have numbers allotted and in this way the commercial traveller could vote at a general election and one could see to it that his vote was not personated. He would have a right which at present he cannot have.

Irrespective of whether or not it would change representation in this House by one seat, every citizen who pays rent, rates and taxes here, raises a family here and wants to exercise his suffrage should have an opportunity of doing so. If his job precludes him from doing that, it is our duty to contrive a way out of the difficulty. The suggestion that postal votes should be allowed to commercial travellers does not differ very much from the case of members of the Defence Forces and the Garda. I shall now sit down as I note that Deputy Molloy has come in and I believe he has something to say on this matter.

I shall be very brief. I congratulate the Minister on his attitude to this Bill. On previous occasions I made representations here on behalf of commercial travellers and I am very pleased that the Minister is prepared to consider the question of extending the postal vote. This is a proper step and I trust there will be no delay in forming the committee referred to by the Minister. I think all sides of the House will expect this committee to be set up fairly soon.

Reference was made to the draft register and I want to make one suggestion to the Minister. It is that sufficient notice is not given to people of the opportunity they have to have a look at the draft register and have it changed, if they see fit. Even though we do have franking on letters reminding people to see if they are on the register and notices in the post office, that is not sufficient. An occasional mention is made of the matter on the radio. The best medium for getting through to the public today is television. If there were a short, interesting reminder on television, it would be well worth while because it would get the message home to everybody.

The Hurler on the Ditch?

The public should be advised to look up the register and if a name should not appear, they should be informed exactly what the whole procedure is of checking and where they should go. To be honest, I am not myself at the moment able to inform my constituents of the procedure to be followed in regard to the draft register, but I feel it my duty to acquaint myself with the facts. I hope the Minister will accept the suggestion from me in good faith. I feel television should be used to a great extent to inform the public how they can check if their name is on the register and, if it is not, exactly where they can go to have it on the register.

I wish to draw to the Minister's attention the question of the postal vote for members of enclosed religious orders who have not been mentioned here tonight. They form a large section of the population and he might give some attention to provide the facility of the postal vote for them.

What are we to do with those who are not in enclosed orders but who do not vote?

The reason members of non-enclosed religious orders, particularly nuns, do not vote is that they do not like to have to go to the polling station. Provision might be made to give them the alternative of the postal vote.

(South Tipperary): I wish to express my pleasure at the reception the Minister has given to this Bill in respect of the mental hospital vote. Nobody wishes to deprive anybody of a vote, but certainly there were unpleasant happenings as regards mental hospital voting in the last election. It must have appeared extraordinary to the ordinary layman outside. Here we have a group of people housed for their own protection and the protection of the public, people unable to look after their own affairs, who are given the right to exercise the franchise and vote people into local authorities and the national assembly sometimes without even knowing their own names.

It would be hard for them to know the names of the candidates if they did not know their own names.

(South Tipperary): It is clearly impossible to expect the medical superintendent of a large institution to come out the morning before an election and certify that so-and-so is fit to vote and so-and-so is not. He would probably tell you it was not in his terms of employment.

A difficult question arises in regard to county homes. I have witnessed activities during election times in county homes and it was not a pleasant experience. A number of the people in county homes are really mental cases, senile dementeds. A number of them are bed fast for a number of years. You unleash a lot of electioneering enthusiasts into county homes and they simply over-run the place. You have the three political Parties neck-and-neck trying to drag out of their beds people who have not been out of them for months. You can almost hear their joints creak as they tear down the stairs to vote. Too much enthusiasm is expended in getting people in county homes out to vote.

Even though bringing the facilities near to them may appear at first glance to be a good thing, on the other hand it begets a degree of enthusiasm which is sometimes a bit unwarranted. If they had to go some little distance, the electioneering enthusiasts would be inclined to limit their activities to those who were ambulant or fairly rational, but when they have the polling booths at their elbows they tend to drag down anybody and everybody into them. If they have to go only 100 yards, they can put some name into their heads and get them to vote. Many of them are senile dementeds quite unfit to exercise the franchise. How you can draw the line there I do not know, but I think a polling booth a reasonable distance from the county home might be a better idea than one placed at the bedside. At least it would segregate the ambulant or near ambulant and reasonably rational. That is the only suggestion I can make to the Minister as regards the county homes to produce some measure of restraint and control of the enthusiastic electioneering agents who go in there at election times.

I should like to express my appreciation of the Minister's acceptance of the portion of the Bill relating to patients resident in mental hospitals and such other institutions. I wonder if the position could be more readily met if, instead of the Minister having to bring in a short Bill, he could not accept an amendment to this Bill deleting all the words after section 2. He agrees that what he has accepted is exactly what is recommended in this Bill and represents no change. That is down as far as the end of section 2. In relation to section 3, he agrees it is desirable, and his only reason for not accepting at present that the postal vote be extended to commercial travellers is because he believes there is a much wider group of people he is convinced should be given similar facilities. He has named a number of sections who, we all agree, are people who should be similarly facilitated. That occurred to me at the time we were drafting the Bill. What prevented me from including any other group was the difficulty of identifying them and of drafting a Bill that would prevent the kind of abuse that could occur if the group of people entitled to a postal vote was considerably widened, as, indeed, it could well be widened if the various categories we would all like to see having a vote were included.

We all hope that, if the Minister is bringing in a Bill, he will consider bringing in commercial travellers because they are a clearly identifiable group and at a later date when the Minister or the officers of his Department or the Commission would have had time to consider at length other groups mentioned this evening, they could be added. If the Minister insists on doing it by bringing in a short Bill, I would exhort him to consider including this group. The situation could be dealt with more easily by deleting everything after section 2 of the Bill, by accepting an amendment along those lines.

May I ask a question? The first thing is that I could meet the point of the urgency of this matter probably, since we are not meeting until 14th December, if the House agrees with the bones of what I have said, by informing the registration officers, in anticipation of a Bill which we hope to bring in on December 14th. I have the Bill ready. The deletion of the words as suggested by Deputy Clinton would not serve the purpose he would wish to serve. According to my advice on the drafting of the Bill, it would in some queer way—I do not know how—have the effect of disfranchising this group, while remedying the situation about the register; in fact, they would not be there at all. I have the Bill and, if the House will agree, I could inform the registration officers by circular of our intention to enact such a Bill and do that forthwith rather than wait until 14th December.

I agree to that.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
Bill, by leave, withdrawn.
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