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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 9 Mar 1966

Vol. 221 No. 8

Financial Statement. - Budget, 1966.

Current Account

The budget this year is earlier than ever before. In part this is because Dáil sittings in April will be restricted by the 1916 Jubilee celebrations as well as by the ordinary Easter break. This is not, however, the principal reason. In fact, we are dealing this year with a supplementary rather than a new budget. The need to adjust the 1965 budget and strengthen our financial position is so pressing that time must not be lost.

What went wrong with the budget introduced last May? The most obvious thing is that, instead of a balance being achieved, a deficit of as much as £8 million is now in sight. One can account for this deficit in various ways: revenue under certain heads failing to come up to expectations, expenditure on certain services being greater than was provided for, the allowance for "errors or estimation" not being realised. But one cannot justify it on financial or economic grounds and that is why early correction is necessary.

The deficit facing us in 1965/66 would not only be repeated, but would grow to £12 million in 1966/67 if nothing were done about it. This would occur despite the measures of economy in current expenditure and the stabilisation of capital expenditure decided upon by the Government. The extent of the efforts made to curb the growth of public expenditure can be seen from the White Paper figures. The estimate of non-capital expenditure for 1966/67, at £262 million, compares with an expected total for this year of £248 million. Expenditure on the public capital programme, which had doubled since 1960 and, reinforced by the upsurge in private capital outlay, was a potent factor in causing the excessive deficit in our balance of payments, has now been levelled off and brought closely into line with the Second Programme projection. For next year, expenditure on the public capital programme is fixed at £98 million which compares with an expected £101 million this year. Adding the expenditure on temporary aids to industry, we are comparing a prospective total expenditure, current and capital, in 1966/67 of £362 million with a total of £351 million expected to be incurred this year. The increase is only 3 per cent, which is within the expected growth rate of the economy.

Notwithstanding all this, there are still weaknesses in our financial position which we cannot allow to persist. The enormous deficit on current account is the most obvious of these. The £12 million deficit in prospect for 1966-67 is attributable mainly to the cost of improvements and extensions of public services decided upon this year or earlier and reflected in the published Volume of Estimates. For example, subsidies on dairy products show an increase of almost £2 million over the current year, while the Exchequer grant in relief of rates on agricultural land will rise by over £1 million; the current provision in the Vote for Agriculture will be £23.4 million. Likewise, the cost of Social Welfare payments is expected to be about £3 million higher because of the higher rates of benefit and the more favourable means test for small holders announced in last year's budget. Other significant increases in expenditure include building grants to secondary schools and the raising of the grant to health authorities consequent on the Government's decision to keep at the current year's level the portion of the cost of the health service borne on the local rates. There are not many instances of new services in the estimates for 1966-67 and those which do appear, such as the Census of Population, World Food Programme and An Chomhairle Traenála, must be regarded as essential. Various desirable improvements have necessarily to be postponed until the means of paying for them can be more readily found.

The tax revenue made available to meet the extra cost of current services has proved quite deficient. Thus, as compared with 1964/65, we could expect, at present tax rates, to have £26 million more revenue next year; whereas, current expenditure, already £26 million above the 1964/65 level this year, will be £40 million above it next year.

Amongst the principal headings under which this £40 million increase in current expenditure, as compared with 1964/65, has occurred are:

£ million

Debt Service(where the increase is due to higher capital expenditure and higher cost of borrowing)

12.6

Agriculture(rates relief, higher cost of subsidies, etc.)

8.1

Social Welfare(where the increase is largely due to the special improvements granted in the 1965 budget)

7.4

Education

4.4

The inclusive figure for remuneration is £5 million more than in 1964-65.

We must overtake these increased commitments before we can rationally contemplate entering into new ones. A deliberately arranged deficit in the current budget can in times of serious economic depression be justified as a means of reactivating the economy. No such justification for what is called "deficit financing" exists in this country today. On the contrary, the one thing that all the recent economic commentaries emphasise is that we are suffering, not from economic depression, but from inflation — from such pressure of spending by Government and people that we have outrun our resources and are incurring too big a deficit in our balance of payments.

Private spending may strain the balance of payments if it arises from increases in money incomes not related to the rise in national output or from credit increases not based on current savings. Public expenditure may cause a deficit in the balance of payments if it exceeds what the private sector surrenders in taxation and makes available in current savings. The link between the deficit in the budget and the deficit in the balance of payments is direct. By the "deficit in the budget" I mean, in the wide sense, not only the deficit between current revenue and expenditure but also the deficit — which has become substantial — between normal capital receipts in the form of domestic savings and total public capital expenditure. Quite clearly these deficits can be financed only by special forms of borrowing. The borrowed funds cannot be supplied by domestic sources alone with the result that recourse must be had to external sources as well. Spending which exceeds the resources drawn from current domestic incomes, whether as taxation or savings, and has to be met by drawing down external reserves or incurring external debt, is a cause of inflationary pressure and both higher prices and a balance of payments deficit are the outcome.

We are now in the position that continuance of the public capital programme, even at its stabilised level, is impossible without the support of external capital. The deficit on the capital side of the budget is so large that all our borrowing capacity must be reserved to meet it. As I explain later, even this may not guarantee the continuance of the public capital programme at its present level. The plain fact is that if we run a deficit on current account, the borrowing incurred to finance it will subtract from our capacity to finance capital expenditure. We are, therefore, faced with a harsh choice — either we must raise taxation to close the gap in the ourrent budget, however distasteful such taxation may be, or we must cut down drastically the public capital programme——

Now we know what "bust" means.

——with all this means in terms of unemployment and of slower economic and social development.

It is the Government's view that the first choice is the better one to ask the community to make. For the community this means accepting increased taxation this year and foregoing, for the present, expectations of aids and improvements for which there would otherwise be the strongest justification.

Additional Taxes

In deciding what taxes to increase, the choice lies, in effect, between a wide range of increases in indirect and direct taxes, and a straightforward doubling of the turnover tax. I have chosen the former course for two reasons: first, because I think it gives a better distribution of the burden in present circumstances and, second, because it minimises the effect on consumer prices. I calculate that consumer prices will be raised not more than 1 per cent by the tax increases I am about to propose, whereas a doubling of the turnover tax would of itself give rise to an increase of about 3 per cent.

I find it necessary to propose extra taxes on drink, tobacco, private motor vehicles, petrol and dances, as well as on income tax. The specific proposals, and the expected yield in 1966/67, are:

£million

Beer — 2d a pint

2.25

Spirits — 4d a glass

1.10

Table waters — 6d a gallon

0.22

Tobacco—the equivalent of 2d per packet of 20 cigarettes and a corresponding levy on manufacturers' stocks

1.10

Road Tax on Private Vehicles — 25% increase for the benefit of the Exchequer

1.30

Petrol and diesel oil — 4d a gallon but not on diesel oil for buses

2.00

Dances—raising the turnover tax to 10%

0.15

Income Tax — 8d on the standard rate

4.55

In determining the precise additions to the taxes on commodities, I have allowed for the price effect of the turnover tax.

I am modifying the incidence of the income tax increase by providing an extra allowance of £30 for every child over 11 years of age and this reduces the yield to £4.2 million. Since I can afford only a small adjustment, I consider it can best be given in aid of the heavier education expenses falling on married couples with children of secondary school age and over.

Estate Duty

Another tax adjustment I consider it necessary to make this year recognises that the specific relief from estate duty for widows and dependent children provided in the 1965 Finance Act does not go far enough. I propose to extend the relief given by Section 29 of last year's Act by advancing the limit on the value of estates within which the provision will operate from £15,000 to £25,000, with appropriate marginal relief; and also by increasing the amount of the abatement of duty from £250 to £350 in the case of a widow and from £150 to £250 in the case of each dependent child. The effect of this may be illustrated by saying that, where the deceased leaves all property to his widow and there are no dependent children, an estate of up to £8,750 will escape all duty. If the widow has one dependent child, liability to duty will not arise unless the estate exceeds £10,200. If there are two children, this figure will be £12,600 and, if three children, £13,750.

The Finance Bill will also contain a general provision amending the Finance Act, 1894, so as to bring payments made ex gratia on death under a superannuation scheme or arrangement into liability to Estate Duty. Gratuities affected by this change in the law will include an amount paid under the Superannuation Acts to the personal representatives of a deceased civil servant and also an annuity secured to the widow of a civil servant by the surrender of a part of his pension.

Taxes with Protective Element

In the case of most of the duties I have mentioned there are certain differences in the effective rates for homemade goods and for imported goods, affording a measure of protection to the home manufacturer. Under the Trade Agreement with the United Kingdom such discriminatory elements must be removed as regards United Kingdom goods either by the end of 5 years from 1st July next or in ten equal annual instalments from that date. The manufacturers of the various articles have been consulted on the choice of alternatives and, where agreement has been reached to reduce by ten instalments, I have included in the relevant Resolution a provision giving effect to the first instalment on 1st July next. In the case of Irish-made wine there is no duty at all at present whereas British-made wines are liable on import to ordinary wine duty. We cannot afford to give away any of the duty on imports and accordingly an excise duty equivalent to the customs duty chargeable on British wines must be brought into effect inside the five-year or ten-year period. The Irish manufacturers have opted for the ten-year period and I am proposing a Resolution to impose an excise duty on Irish wine from 1st July next at rates equal to one-tenth of the rates applicable to imports of British-made wine. The duty chargeable from that date will be equivalent to about 2d. per bottle for Irish wine of ordinary strength. The revenue yield from this will be trifling.

Timing of Tax Changes

The budgetary increase in the beer, spirits, table waters, tobacco and oil duties will take effect at once. The change in the standard rate of income tax from 6/4d to 7/- in the £ will become effective from 6th April this year. New ready reckoners for Pay As You Earn will be made available to employers before that date. The new rate of deduction under PAYE will be 5/3d for earnings of not more than £2,000. Where a taxpayer has claimed an allowance on his return for 1965-66 for a child who will be over 11 years of age on 6th April, 1966, a revised certificate of tax-free allowances will be issued by the tax office as early as possible.

The increase in the turnover tax on dances to 10 per cent will be effective from 1st May next. Promoters of dances will be classified in a special category for tax purposes and the ordinary registration and collection procedures will no longer apply to them. Instead, they will be required to notify the Revenue Commissioners in advance of proposed dances and to remit the tax within a week of the date on which the dances are held. Where the tax applies it will be illegal for the proprietor of any premises to hold a dance or to allow a dance to be held in them unless he has been notified by the Revenue Commissioners that they have received the required advance notice. There will be an exemption for dances where the attendance is limited to a small number of persons and the admission charge does not exceed four shillings. Apart from this there will be no reliefs, reduced rates or exemptions. The tax will apply to the full charge for admission.

As regards the road tax increase, which applies only to private motor vehicles (including motor cycles), those who have already taxed their vehicles will not have to pay any more for the duration of their present licences but the increase of 25 per cent will apply to all new licences issued to take effect from 1st April onwards.

The small man again.

I am taking advantage of this change in road tax to reduce the tax on tractors owned by co-operative agricultural societies to the same level as the tax on farmers' tractors, which since 1962 has been £2.10.0d.

Two other changes are being made towards meeting the cost of the relevant services, rather than to raise revenue for general purposes. The present rates of duty on firearm certificates have remained unchanged since 1949 while in recent years the State has been providing increasing financial assistance for the preservation of game resources. The increases which I propose will come into effect on 1st August and are estimated to yield an extra £40,000 in 1966-67. The fees charged in Court Offices and the Land Registry are being reviewed to take account of increased operational costs since they were last fixed several years ago. The additional receipt from this source is estimated at £240,000 in the coming financial year.

Surtax Directions

The absence of a time limit for taking action under Section 21 of the Finance Act, 1922, as regards sur-tax on the undistributed income of closelycontrolled companies has been the subject of criticism from time to time. On the Report Stage of last year's Finance Bill I dealt with the difficulty of fixing a specific time limit for the making of sur-tax directions. Since then I have given the matter further consideration and I think that the criticism can best be answered by a provision under which a company which had delivered accounts and any other necessary information could, on application, require the Revenue Commissioners to decide within a specified period whether action under the section was contemplated. A provision on these lines will be incorporated in the Finance Bill.

Tax Yields

Over the few weeks from now to 31st March, those taxes which come into force at once will not, I am afraid, produce much towards reducing the present year's deficit. But the full range of increases is expected to yield a net £12.58 million in 1966/67, which is the sum required to bring revenue into line with non-capital expenditure, after two additions to the expenditure side, which I shall mention in a moment, have been taken into account. I am, therefore, not budgeting for a surplus but simply for a balance.

Certain Social Welfare Payments

Though prices have not risen since May last, when I announced substantial increases in benefits in the budget, some social welfare recipients, particularly pensioners, would find life harsher as a result of this budget if no gesture of relief were made.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I cannot, however, do very much with the extremely limited means available to me in spite of the increase in taxes. The £¼ million, which is all I have available, will, however, finance an increase of 5/- a week, from 1st November next, for persons with no means, in non-contributory old age, blind and widows' pensions and in the personal and adult dependant rates of unemployment assistance. It will also cover a similar increase from that date in the infectious diseases and disabled persons maintenance allowances administered by the Department of Health.

Small Western Farms

In recent years, particularly since the Report of the Inter-Departmental Committee on Small Western Farms was published in 1962, the Government have introduced or improved a number of special schemes designed to raise farm and non-farm incomes in the West. The measures taken include strengthening the powers of the Land Commission to increase the size of farms, a 50 per cent increase in the agricultural advisory services, the selection of 12 pilot areas for special development, an increase in land project grants, the provision of unsecured loans for small farmers and the introduction of grants for hill farming. The easing of the social welfare regulations has greatly increased the amount of assistance for small farmers who can now increase their farm output without jeopardising their eligibility for such assistance.

Industrial growth in the West has, of course, benefited since 1952 from higher grants and the recent decision to make Galway city a development centre is clearly of great significance for the West. Additional funds have been made available to Gaeltarra Éireann and its financial obligations have been reduced. Grants are given for the establishment of hotels, holiday camps and other forms of tourist accommodation. Special steps are being taken to develop farm-house accommodation for tourists. Nearly one half of new forestry plantings are in the West, and energetic measures have been taken to promote sea and inland fisheries.

The time has come to draw all these measures together into a comprehensive programme to exploit the possibilities in each western county. For this purpose the Government reconstituted last year the County Development Teams under the chairmanship of the county manager, the other members being the chairman of the county council and leading officials in the county. At the request of the county managers I have agreed to provide a full-time official in each western county for this work. The teams, which are aided by Government and State sponsored bodies, have instructions from the Government to work closely with all voluntary bodies in their areas. I believe that, with the help of local leadership and using all the public services in each county, an effective programme of action can be organised.

As a further indication of the Government's intention to be flexible and helpful in dealing with the development needs of the West, it has been decided, even in the difficult circumstances of this year, to arrange to vote a sum of £100,000 which could be drawn upon for special schemes for small western farms.

Farm Incomes

During last month the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries carried out the annual review of the position and prospects of agriculture with the National Farmers' Association and the Government have had the result of this review before them when considering the budgetary situation. Although there has been a great increase in recent years in State aid for agriculture, agricultural incomes in general remain lower than incomes in other sectors of the economy. The Government have undertaken to do all they can to narrow the gap. The benefits secured by the recent Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement should make a significant contribution. The review of the prospects for 1966 suggests that global and per caput farm income should, at any rate, increase sufficiently to maintain the relative income position of farmers in the economy, provided the growth of money incomes in the non-agricultural sector is moderate, as the Government consider it must be. Should, however, the income position of farmers deteriorate during the year the Government will review the situation in the light of all the circumstances prevailing. The Government would have liked to take further positive steps to improve the farmers' position but the serious deficit situation and the necessity for controlling the wages/prices spiral have prevented them from doing so. Apart from the special allocation for small western farms and the reduced tractor tax, a number of matters discussed during the agricultural review are being attended to and the decisions will be announced by the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries in the course of the budget debate.

Special Import Levy

The special import levy imposed last November was due to expire on 31st March but, as the balance of payments is still excessively in deficit, the Government have decided that it would be premature to allow the levy to lapse on that date. They have decided to continue it in operation in its present form until 30th June, 1966. The position will then be reviewed. While the Government have never envisaged the levy as other than a temporary measure, and with to dispense with it at an early date, it is doubtful whether it will be possible to remove it altogether until later in the year.

Effect of British Corporation Tax.

In my Budget Speech last year I referred to the new United Kingdom Corporation Tax and indicated that official discussions would be held as soon as possible on the effect of this tax on our double taxation arrangements with the United Kingdom. It appears as a result of the discussions that a revision of those arrangements may not be necessary, for the time being at any rate.

The Corporation Tax will apply to the United Kingdom profits of Irish companies and I propose to give full relief in respect of this tax by allowing, as a credit against Irish Income Tax, the amount which cannot under existing law be allowed by way of credit against Irish Corporation Profits Tax. I propose that the extra cost to the Exchequer of granting this relief will be recovered by an appropriate increase in the rate of our Corporation Profits Tax. This increase, in the case of companies effectively liable to Income Tax in Ireland, will be negatived by allowing Corporation Profits Tax as a deduction from profits for Income Tax purposes. So far as United Kingdom companies are concerned the amount paid in Corporation Profits Tax will be allowable as a credit against Corporation Tax under existing arrangements. Thus the increase in the rate of Irish Corporation Profits Tax will not affect the net tax liability of companies operating here.

In brief, the aim of these adjustments is to obviate any worsening of the position of British companies operating here or of Irish companies operating in Britain as a result of the new British Corporation Tax.

Since the rate at which the Corporation Tax will be introduced is not yet known it is not possible at this stage to say precisely what will be the amount of the proposed increase in the rate of Irish Corporation Profits Tax but the necessary provision will be made in the Finance Bill.

Apart from the charge of Corporation Tax on the profits of United Kingdom companies, United Kingdom Income Tax will also be deductible by these companies on payment of dividends. The existing procedure under which United Kingdom Income Tax is repayable will continue in force in the case of Irish residents holding investments in the United Kingdom.

Tax Burden

The new taxes proposed in this budget will add £12½ million to an already high figure but, at the same time, will be not much more than one-quarter of the expected value increase in gross national product. There is a universal dislike of taxation but the reason it has to increase is that expenditure on public services has been mounting here, as in most countries, to give effect to accepted social and economic policies. The proportion of the gross national product which taxation of all kinds, central and local, represents has not risen greatly over the last decade. It was 22.4 per cent in 1956/57 and will, I estimate, be 24.6 per cent in 1966/67. There are many countries in which the percentage is higher.

Savings

I hope the effect of the increased taxation in this budget will be to reduce less-essential consumer expenditure rather than savings because the decline in savings last year has had a direct bearing on our economic difficulties. It was suggested by the National Industrial Economic Council in their November report that the possible explanation of the fall in savings is that, in face of rising prices, there has been an attempt to maintain real consumption at the level it reached following the general increase in money incomes in the first quarter of 1964.

There have been suggestions in other quarters that a substantial increase in the interest rates payable on deposits in the Post Office Savings Bank and the Trustee Savings Banks would lead to a worthwhile addition to the amounts available for capital development from these sources. This may be true. There is considerable doubt, however, whether this would mean an effective addition to the general pool of savings or merely result in a switching from one savings medium to another. I should stress here that the various savings media operated under the auspices of the State are complementary to each other. They are not in competition. The Post Office Savings Bank and the Trustee Savings Banks provide a service for small savers who want to have security for their capital as well as having their money at call. Savings certificates, on the other hand, are designed for those who are prepared to leave their money on deposit for medium or long periods. The investment is assured of a high tax-free return if the certificate is held for its full life. A smaller return is available if the certificate is cashed before maturity. In the case of prize bonds the investor is prepared to forego interest altogether in the hope of obtaining a large prize at one of the half-yearly draws.

In considering whether interest rates should be increased, the cost-benefit equation, as I might put it, is of prime importance. As I pointed out in reply to recent Parliamentary Questions, an increase of one per cent per annum in the interest rate on deposits in the Post Office Savings Bank and the Trustee Savings Banks would cost £1¼ million per annum without any corresponding certainty of an overall addition to the pool of savings. Having regard to the demand nature of these deposits, the rate of interest payable does not seem unreasonable when account is taken of the fact that the first £50 per annum of such interest is free of tax. What this means for husband and wife is that between them they can have up to £4,000 on deposit in Savings Banks, or indeed, in the Commercial Banks, without having to pay any income tax on the interest.

Deputies are aware that in July of last year I set up a representative Working Party to consider what steps can be taken to increase savings generally. I hope to have their report soon. If, as a result of the deliberations of this body, a scheme can be worked out by which overall savings can be increased even at some extra cost to the State, I will give it earnest consideration.

In the meantime, however, one savings medium which can be improved with reasonable hope of an overall increase in saving, and without undue risk of switching from other media, is savings certificates. The present issue was introduced in 1956. It gives a tax-free yield at maturity in 6 years of 4? per cent. I now propose to withdraw this issue and to replace it with one having a life of 8 years. Interest at the end of the first year will be at the rate of 3? per cent and will increase each year until it becomes 5¼ per cent, tax-free, when the certificate is held for the full 8 years. For a holder liable to income tax at the new standard rate this is equivalent to a gross yield of over 8 per cent. A unit certificate costing £1 will at the end of 8 years be valued at 30/-. The present issue will be withdrawn on Saturday next and the new certificates will be available for purchase as from Monday next, the 14th March. I am hopeful that this new issue will help to give an impetus to the savings campaign.

Prices

I am convinced that nothing could be more conducive to a renewed interest in saving than a slower rate of increase in prices. I hesitate to say "price stability" because, in the strict sense, this is something which has eluded most countries since 1939. Everywhere people have grown accustomed to a rising price level and are probably prepared to tolerate a small annual increase. But continued increases as big as the 5 per cent we experienced in Ireland last year are not tolerable: they are evidence of an inflationary trend which is socially undesirable and economically dangerous. I have looked at our comparative position, as shown by OECD statistics, and I find that the annual average percentage increase in consumer prices over the period 1960 to 1965 was 4 per cent, which gave Ireland the doubtful honour of sharing, with Austria and Norway, the fifth highest place in the OECD table. Our average was raised by the fact that we experienced increases in prices in 1964 and 1965 which were considerably higher than in most other OECD countries. The causes—excessive increases in money incomes, in credit and in public expenditure and loss of output through industrial disputes — have been pinpointed by the NIEC or other commentators.

It is the Government's aim to keep prices under stricter control—not by an intensification of legal and administrative regulation but by more fundamental and effective means, namely, by keeping inflation under control, which means bringing money incomes and public and private spending more closely into line with the growth of national production. The more intense competition, which the progressive freeing of trade with Britain will bring, will operate to prevent profiteering. Consumer prices have been virtually steady since May last. The prices of a small range of less essential goods will be affected by the necessary increases in taxation I have just announced. There may be some pressure to increase prices in particular concerns to meet current wage demands but it is the Government's view that increased costs of this kind must be met in the first instance from increased productivity or from profits; only in exceptional cases and to the minimum degree will price increases be permitted. There are many enterprises in which substantial profits are being made or in which productivity is rising at more than the average rate; in these, charges could be reduced and this would help to maintain the overall stability so necessary both to encourage personal savings and to facilitate expansion of exports.

Incomes

On incomes, the long debate in this House a few weeks ago provided an opportunity of stating fully the Government's policy, which in all essentials coincides with the views of the NIEC. In particular, emphasis was laid on the need to keep money income increases in line with the growth of national production so as to avoid further price and cost increases, diminished competitiveness and intensified balance of payments difficulties.

The NIEC has since considered the estimate of increased national production and other relevant forecasts provided for it by my Department. The Council has, in effect, accepted the main forecast which was that, if the total wage and salary bill were to rise by not more than 5 per cent, consisting of an average increase in earnings of 3 per cent, an allowance of 1 per cent for "drift" and an allowance of 1 per cent for increased employment, national output could rise by 3¾ per cent, the rise in prices might be 1¾ per cent, most of which is unavoidable, and the balance of payments deficit could be reduced to about £28 million. This forecast, if realised, would constitute a non-inflationary pattern of economic activity for 1966 and would lay the foundation for faster growth, more in line with the Second Programme targets, in 1967. The assumed average increase in earnings of 3 per cent would cover not only increases in basic wage and salary rates but also the cost of any additional "fringe" benefits or reductions in hours of work.

The Council also examined the economic effects of a higher increase in total wages and salaries and concluded that both prices and the balance of payments deficit would be increased substantially. Indeed, the Council warned that the rate of deterioration in the economic prospects for 1966, as compared with the Department of Finance projections, might tend to accelerate according as the difference widened between the rate of increase in aggregate money incomes and the rate of increase in national production. The Council repeated the recommendation in its November report on the economic situation to the effect that the Government would need to take fiscal or monetary action to limit the rise in demand caused by an excessive increase in money incomes. But as the Council recognises, and as I explained in the Dáil, fiscal or monetary action after the event is at best only of limited utility and itself carries certain dangers.

The Government have, therefore, issued a statement confirming their view that it would be harmful to the national economy if the average increase in personal incomes over the coming year were to exceed 3 per cent. As I have already indicated several times in this House, within a total increase in incomes consistent with this average the Government would favour special consideration being given to lower-paid employees. They are urging, in fact, that, to make this possible, no increases should be sought or expected this year in the higher ranges of income, from £1,200 up. The Government will follow this line in dealing with pay claims in the public sector.

In the statement issued last evening the Government have also emphasised that, in negotiations for wage and salary increases and improvements in earnings, the foremost consideration in the minds of negotiators and arbitrators should be what the economy can afford without raising prices or endangering employment and production.

I cannot overstress the importance to Ireland's economic future of heeding the advice of the NIEC on incomes. We know from our own experience in the years 1958 to 1961 how great is the stimulus to real economic progress, without price inflation or balance of payments difficulties, when money incomes stay close to the rate of growth of national production. We know also from more recent experience how great is the dislocation of progress, accompanied by price and cost increases and balance of payments trouble, when money incomes run ahead of national production.

Hear, hear.

Our propensity to import is high: on average, every £10 of money income results in £4 of imports. We are in a world in which trade is becoming freer and more intensely competitive. The first of the ten tariff reductions which will end in completely free trade with Britain under the recent Agreement is to take place in July. We must, therefore, plan our affairs so that no more will be spent on current imports than is earned from exports of goods and services; and that we will earn as much as possible by ensuring that these exports are competitive.

Current Expenditure Trends

Before turning to capital expenditure, I should like to remind those who are critical of the size of current Government expenditure that, by reason of its composition, it is particularly difficult to effect any significant reduction in it. Remuneration and the cost of servicing the public debt between them constitute about half the total. Social services, namely, social welfare, health and education, make up a large part of the remainder. Basic services and economic aids have also to be taken into the reckoning. Current expenditure, indeed, has a built-in tendency towards growth.

This year, it will be noted, I made no deduction for errors of estimation when drawing up the current budget. To do so would not have been justified having regard to recent experience and the present critical need to achieve a balance. Indeed, at a time of unsettled conditions, it is scarcely reasonable to expect that budgetary arrangements made in March or April will continue to fit the year's needs, both financial and economic, until the following March or April. Last year's experience shows how far off balance a budget can be swung by unforeseen changes. There is also the consideration that the budget is supposed to act as a regulator of the economy—a function it cannot well perform if action must be frozen for as long as twelve months at a time.

I referred a moment ago to the NIEC advice that, if aggregate demand were being pushed too high, fiscal or monetary action should be taken to limit it. Apart from "demand management", as the Council calls it, the possibility has to be faced that, as a result of a general increase in outside pay, the Government as employer and paymaster may have to find more money than is provided for in the budget. Other contingencies may arise beyond the capacity of even a buoyant revenue to finance. For these reasons, and because it is so important this year to avoid a deficit on the current budget, I must give notice that if I find it necessary during the year I shall come back with proposals to raise more revenue. I know this would not be welcome, but to shirk my duty would be indefensible and this requires that I should not countenance the payment of salaries, subsidies or social welfare benefits out of borrowed moneys.

Civil Service Organisation

Because of the weight of remuneration in current expenditure, continuing attention is being given to efficiency and economy in administration. The growth in the numbers of Civil Servants is a consequence of the constantly increasing range and complexity of the services required by the modern community. By increased use of mechanical aids and by reviewing organisation and methods, growth has been restricted, but even restricted growth can add substantially to the already heavy cost of administration. The Civil Service has shown a remarkable capacity to adapt itself to new functions and has been doing its work with great skill, devotion and integrity. Its good qualities are founded on the statutory requirement of open competitive recruitment. At this stage in the evolution of national policies, when the Service faces responsibilities and tasks going far beyond the earlier concepts of administration, and Departments are expected to become more active agencies of development, it seems timely to arrange for a review of the existing organisation at administrative level.

It is a long time since any general look was taken at how the Civil Service is functioning in a changing world. Every organisation can benefit from periodic review. If a review of this kind is to be done well, it will take time. Its procedure must be flexible. Close contact must be maintained with both management and staff concerned. A blend of experience of high quality of the working of both the public service and of business will help to make it apt and effective. It would to my mind best be conducted by a special group combining representatives of the business and professional world and persons no longer serving who have had broad experience in the Civil Service and in State enterprises. I hope to assemble such a group during the coming months.

Public Capital Programme

The public capital programme for 1966/67 has been fixed at a maximum of £97.78 million. Although this maximum exceeds the Second Programme projection by £3½ million, it is about £3½ million below the expected level of expenditure this year and corresponds with the actual expenditure of 1964/65. The aim is to stabilise the programme until the resources for it grow sufficiently to enable expansion to be resumed. To achieve this levelling-off in capital expenditure was difficult and disagreeable; difficult because the upward trend was strong—expenditure had doubled in five years—and disagreeable because necessary and desirable projects had to be postponed or restricted. As was explained, however, in the White Paper issued last October, and as is clear from the state of the balance of payments and the difficulty and cost of raising capital abroad, there is no alternative to arranging a closer balance between expenditure and resources.

Even though full particulars have been given in the White Paper and in the Capital Budget booklet of how public capital expenditure is financed, there may not be adequate realisation of the extent of the financial problem. I would summarise it this way. After using all the money provided by depreciation funds, repayments of old loans and other internal funds and after borrowing directly from the public in the form of small savings, national loans and otherwise, there remains a substantial deficit on capital account which can be financed only by borrowing from the banking system or from external sources. To this deficit there must be added any deficit incurred in the current budget. In 1964/65, the combined deficit was covered by borrowing £13½ million from the banks and £5½ million from external sources. In the year just ending, the combined deficit will have been covered by borrowing no less than £31½ million from the banking system and £15 million from external sources. Next year, with capital expenditure reduced, the current budget in balance, and, I hope, normal domestic sources making a larger contribution, recourse to the banking system and external borrowing should not have to exceed a total of £28 million.

A contribution by the commercial banks to the financing of public capital expenditure is legitimate, because in Ireland these banks receive a large part of the current increase in public savings. But I would not seek to defend a situation in which the new resources of the banks were claimed almost exclusively by the public sector and credit had to be unduly curtailed for productive private needs. It must be acknowledged that over the past year or so the Government and public authorities have been making a disproportionate call on commercial bank resources.

Hear, hear.

It was partly in consideration of this that the Sterling-Deutschemark loan of £7 million and the IMF drawing of £8 million were arranged. The finance which the Government obtained, during the past year, from the banking system included special assistance of £20 million from the Central Bank.

That is the first time that happened.

The external borrowing of earlier this year, to which I have just referred, is needed to finance the capital expenditure of 1965/66. When market conditions look favourable, the Euro-dollar loan, which was postponed last December on the advice of the managers of the issue, will be proceeded with. The possibility of raising capital funds elsewhere on acceptable terms may also be explored.

I am determined, however, that, as soon as possible, there should be a significant lessening of the dependence of the public capital programme both on bank resources and on foreign borrowing. I am anxious that this should take place without drastic cutting-down of the programme but, if current savings do not improve sufficiently, this may become unavoidable. In any event, I consider that the programme for 1966/67 has been fixed at a level which could not be raised without grave risk of non-fulfilment through shortage of capital.

On the principle of foreign borrowing, I might add a few words.

Hear, hear.

There can be no reasonable objection to supplementing, within moderation, our current domestic savings in order to finance a well-balanced domestic capital programme. The qualifications are, however, important and must be kept in mind. A "well-balanced domestic capital programme" is one in which directly productive expenditure bulks large. "Moderation" must be measured in relation both to the extent of the deficit already existing in the balance of payments and to the prospect of being able to continue to borrow these supplementary needs on acceptable terms.

Hear, hear.

Ireland already benefits from a large inflow of investment capital and the Government's shortterm aim is to reduce the deficit in our external payments to a level corresponding to that inflow. We must ensure, therefore, that the way in which the public capital programme is financed contributes to the achievement of this aim and to the eventual replenishment of our external reserves. To keep direct foreign borrowing over the next few years within a moderate annual limit is desirable both for this reason and because such borrowing, owing to the world shortage of capital, is both difficult and dear.

Hear, hear.

Public expenditure and incomes I have already dealt with. The third main factor in the inflation from which we have been suffering is bank credit. it is obviously essential to keep credit increases under restraint in order to achieve the policy objective of a substantial reduction in the balance of payments deficit. I have, therefore, raised no objection to the terms of the advice conveyed a few days ago to the Associated Banks by the Central Bank. This advice, which is subject to periodic review, envisages a maximum credit increase of 6 per cent in the year ending March, 1967, and reiterates the need for priority to be given to applications for productive purposes, especially those directly related to the expansion of exports of goods and services. I have requested the Central Bank to communicate with me when the Bank is reviewing, in the light of the budget and other developments, the question of the degree of credit restraint needed to achieve the objective of a reduction in the balance of payments deficit for 1966 to about £30 million. Experience has shown that, even if no immediate balance of payments problem existed, it would still be necessary, for good management of the economy, to have a smooth and well-planned development of credit under the guidance of the Central Bank, rather than allow fluctuations in the supply of credit to accentuate other influences making for instability in the economy.

Decimal Currency

The recent announcement by the British Government that a decimal currency based on the pound is to become effective in Britain from February, 1971, has prompted inquiries about the position here. Deputies may recall that, having considered the report of the 1959 Committee on the Metric System and Decimal Coinage, the Government, in February, 1962, decided in principle that a decimal system of coinage should be adopted and that a Working Party should be set up to advise on the appropriate time for the change and the steps necessary to effect it in the most economic way. The Working Party, whose report was published in May, 1965, recommended the introduction, as soon as possible, of the 10s-cent system. The Chairman, who was the representative of the Central Bank, recommended in a reservation that, in the event of a change-over taking place in Britain at the same time as here, we should adopt the same system as the British.

If a decimal currency, whatever its basis, comes into force in Britain in 1971, a synchronised change-over to a decimal currency here would be desirable. While convenience would suggest the adoption of the same basic unit as the British, a 10s-cent system has technical advantages and I propose, in consultation with the Central Bank, to give further consideration over the coming months to the question of the basic unit which would be most suitable for introduction here in the circumstances envisaged. Any further views which representative organisations may wish to express on this point would be welcome.

Conclusion

This has not been an easy Budget to present.

You can say that again.

The understatement of the year.

It has had to appear one-sided—all "take" and very little "give"— simply because the giving had all been done already. I have had to reject, at least for this year, even the most deserving claims. Deliberately, I have given the plain facts, convinced that honesty is not only the best policy but also the policy which calls forth the best from our people. As a community, after a long spell of sluggish and erratic development, we entered on a phase of encouraging growth some years ago. Perhaps the most significant measure of the advance we have made since 1958 is the rise of one-third in our standard of living. Other remarkable gains are the increase of industrial output by two-thirds, of employment in industry by 20 per cent and of exports by 70 per cent. If we have in the past year or so temporarily over-reached our-selves, it was in a natural desire to continue this forward thrust. We have now to make some adjustments, none of them calamitous, though all, of course, unwelcome. We need not — and must not — exaggerate the situation. This would not merely do us no good; it might do us serious harm. I could mention quite a number of countries, more advanced than we are, which have been going through a more acute phase of financial and economic difficulties. They take it in their stride. In a world of trouble, this is still one of the most favoured and comfortable countries to live in. We are not headed for disaster. On the contrary, we are moving back to a strong economic position and this budget is designed to help that progress.

I considered it unnecessary, in view of all the recent documentation and comment on the economic situation, to include any formal review in this speech. The facts should now be well known and they constitute the back-ground to all I have said. Since realism is the keynote of this Budget, I would, however, like to refer to what is said on the need for review of the Second Programme targets for 1970 in paragraph 63 of the Progress Report for 1965. The necessary studies are being undertaken to assess whether, in view of the setback which has occurred over the past year or so owing to internal and external developments, the attainment of these targets is still feasible. I remain hopeful that they can be achieved, at least in most cases.

Finally, a word on the immediate outlook. In the second half of 1965, the economic position already showed signs of improvement. Inflationary pressures were abated and prices became more stable. The adverse trend in the balance of trade was reversed. Both agricultural and industrial exports rose above the levels of the corresponding period of 1964 and the rise in imports slowed down. This improvement is expected to continue into 1966 and to lead to a higher growth rate and a smaller balance of payments deficit. To ensure that this expectation will be realised, we must keep, within the limits we can afford, the three critical forces: public expenditure, incomes and credit. If we do this, we should not have long to wait before a higher rate of growth is resumed and the further improvements we desire in both economic and social services become possible.

TABLE EXPLANATORY OF CURRENT BUDGET, 1966

Revenue

Expenditure

£m.

£m.

1. Tax Revenue (excluding Motor Vehicle Duties)

201.30

1. Central Fund Services (excluding payments to Road Fund)

46.90

2. Motor Vehicle Duties

9.75

2. Payments to Road Fund

9.75

3. Non-tax Revenue

39.00

3. Supply Services (non-capital)

205.63

250.05

262.28

4. Add:—

4. Add:—

Additional taxation

£m.

£m.

Income Tax

4.55

Social Welfare

0.25

Hydrocarbon Oils

2.00

Small western farms

0.10

0.35

Tobacco

1.10

Beer

2.25

Spirits

1.10

Table Waters

0.22

Turnover Tax (dances)

0.15

Firearms

0.04

Motor Vehicle Duties

1.30

12.71

Additional non-tax revenue—

Court and Land Registration Fees

0.24

263.00

5. Deduct:—

Income Tax—child allowance

0.35

Death Duties

0.02

0.37

Total

262.63

Total

262.63

DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE, 9th March, 1966.

TABLE I

COMPARISON BETWEEN (i) BUDGET (MAY, 1965) AND (ii) REVISED (MARCH, 1966) ESTIMATES OF REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE IN 1965/66.

Budget Estimate

Revised Estimate

Budget Estimate

Revised Estimate

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

1. Tax Revenue (excluding 2 and 3 below)

196.81

193.92

1. Central Fund Services (excluding 2 below)

40.20

41.55

2. Motor Vehicle Duties

9.40

9.40

2. Payments to Road Fund

9.40

9.40

3. Non-Tax Revenue—

3. Supply Services (non-capital)

197.21*

197.39

Post Office

16.20

16.40

246.81

248.34

Miscellaneous

20.40

20.62

4. Deduction for errors of estimation

4.00

4. Deficit

8.00

TOTAL

242.81

248.34

TOTAL

242.81

248.34

*The original provision was £191.19m. to which was added £7.52m. in the Budget for agriculture, social welfare, public service pensions, outstanding pay claims and other contingencies, less £1.50m. for special assistance to industry (charged to borrowing).

TABLE I (a)

REVIEW OF CURRENT BUDGET POSITION AS AT 28 FEBRUARY, 1965 AND 28 FEBRUARY, 1966

Revenue

1964/65

1965/66

Expenditure

1964/65

1965/66

Period to 28th February

Period to 28th February

Period to 28th February

Period to 28th February

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

1. Tax Revenue (excluding 2 and 3 below)

156.77

173.30

1. Central Fund Services (excluding 2 below)

29.61

32.04

2. Motor Vehicle Duties

8.31

9.31

2. Payments to Road Fund

6.97

7.77

3. Non-tax Revenue—

3. Supply Services (non-capital)

149.05

171.13

Post Office

13.40

15.10

4. Surplus*

12.73

8.75

Miscellaneous

16.38

19.08

194.86

216.79

Add deferred tobacco duties

3.50

2.90

TOTAL

198.36

219.69

TOTAL

198.36

219.69

*The actual out-turn of the current budget for the year 1964/65 showed a deficit of £4.07 m.

TABLE II

MAIN HEADS OF GOVERNMENT CURRENT EXPENDITURE

£000

1960/61

1961/62

1962/63

1963/64

1964/65

1965/66 Provisional

1966/67 Estimate

Service of Public Debt

28,374

31,113

34,374

38,156

42,849

48,961

55,431

Social Services:

50,444

51,905

57,515

63,243

75,167

84,535

89,103

Social Welfare

26,129

25,694

27,889

30,941

34,854

39,161

42,203

Education

15,557

16,581

18,908

20,600

26,129

29,498

30,494

Health

8,758

9,630

10,718

11,702

14,184

15,876

16,406

Economic Services:

24,930

30,602

35,039

39,199

47,614

54,850

57,548

Agriculture

14,058

18,893

22,320

23,966

29,967

35,611

38,023

Industry

1,537

1,638

1,927

3,090

3,524

4,520

4,663

Transport

8,289

8,905

9,422

10,729

12,208

12,798

12,771

Forestry and Fisheries

1,046

1,166

1,370

1,414

1,915

1,921

2,091

General Services:

26,368

28,288

30,799

33,630

40,671

42,961

43,168

Post Office

7,846

8,834

9,694

10,092

13,323

13,593

13,919

Defence

7,102

7,527

8,065

8,686

11,330

11,910

10,802

Justice, including Gardai

5,724

5,989

6,336

7,317

7,891

8,270

8,697

Public Service Pensions

5,696

5,938

6,704

7,535

8,127

9,188

9,750

Other Expenditure

9,585

10,420

10,921

12,234

15,710

17,038

17,028

TOTAL

139,701

152,328

168,648

186,462

222,011

248,345

262,278

Remuneration included in above figures

43,845

45,272

51,164

55,276

71,032

75,781

76,098

1960

1961

1962

1963

1964

1965

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

Gross National Product

673

723

778

830

947

1,015

Government Current Expenditure as % of GNP

20.8%

21.1%

21.7%

22.5%

23.2%

24.5%

TABLE III

ROAD FUND

RECEIPTS AND ISSUES

RECEIPTS

ISSUES

1965/66 (Provisional)

1966/67 (Estimated)

1965/66 (Provisional)

1966/67 (Estimated)

£000

£000

£000

£000

1. Opening balance

1. Road grants*

8,725

8,825

2. Motor taxation, etc.

9,400

9,750

2. Administration, etc.

675

925

TOTAL

9,400

9,750

TOTAL

9,400

9,750

*Including payments on foot of previous years allocations.

TABLE IV

CERTAIN RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE OF THE EXCHEQUER AND OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES

Exchequer

Local Authorities

Revenue

Non-capital issues

Expenditure from revenue (a)

State grants received

Rates collected

£000

£000

£000

£000

£000

1956-57

117,664

123,859

51,076

22,393

19,700

1957-58

122,921

128,803

51,022

24,717

20,077

1958-59

126,410

126,250

53,062

23,666

20,561

1959-60

129,856

128,682

55,104

24,480

21,412

1960-61

138,839

139,565

57,885

26,476

22,058

1961-62

151,686

152,393

64,165

28,792

23,203

1962-63

163,478

168,335

67,379

32,725

22,776

1963-64

184,419

186,638

71,323

34,871

24,466

1964-65

219,045

222,011

83,273 (b)

41,027 (b)

25,863 (b)

1965-66

240,345 (b)

248,345 (b)

92,143 (b)

48,144 (b)

29,835 (b)

1966-67

250,045 (c)

262,278 (c)

98,755 (c)

50,325 (c)

32,500 (c)

NOTE:-(a)The revenue of Local Authorities comprises broadly rates, State grants and other receipts, e.g., rents, fees, etc.

(b)Provisional.

(c)Estimated.

TABLE V

GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE IN RELATION TO AGRICULTURE FROM 1962/63

1962-63 £000

1963-64 £000

1964-65 £000

1965-66 Provisional £000

1966-67 Estimates £000

Subsidies of final products:

Butter and other milk products

3,168

6,038

8,174

10,744

12,640

Wheat

1,540

600

127

Bacon

2,825

1,400

1,950

3,100

2,350

Carcase beef

43

150

75

Subsidies to reduce production costs:

Ground limestone

636

613

717

900

900

Phosphatic fertilisers

2,382

2,739

3,025

2,863

3,130

Potash

630

824

791

800

830

Calved heifer grants

3,153

2,845

2,500

Drainage, land reclamation and general improvement schemes:

Arterial drainage

1,617

1,795

1,857

1,507

1,247

Land Project

2,109

2,214

2,363

2,386

2,518

Improvement of Land Commission Estates

739

744

844

928

708

Other improvement schemes

478

499

477

513

214

Gaeltacht and Congested Districts Schemes

197

227

324

280

280

Elimination of disease, livestock improvement, etc.:

Bovine T.B.

6,472

4,660

3,124

1,977

1,482

Brucellosis eradication

23

85

328

A.I., milk production and livestock improvement

68

69

140

102

90

Administration of improvement and regulatory Acts

280

323

456

574

555

Grants towards farm buildings, etc.:

Farm buildings and water supplies

1,307

1,389

2,064

2,231

2,427

Poultry houses and equipment

64

70

66

110

101

Forage harvesting equipment grants

60

66

50

Orchard planting

3

2

3

1

1

Education, research, advisory and technical, services:

Education

452

498

618

794

904

Research

767

985

1,201

1,633

1,685

Advisory services

399

484

575

694

726

Rural organisations

25

27

40

44

45

Technical services

240

254

260

378

358

Departmental capital expenditure on land and buildings

160

390

239

309

140

Land annuities:

Halving of land annuities

786

838

843

906

955

Bonus to vendors and other costs

118

119

119

120

123

Relief of Rates:

Agricultural Grant

8,530

8,955

11,188

12,487

13,520

Rural Electrification

953

900

1,250

1,250

600

Capital for Agricultural Credit Corporation, Ltd

50

860

3,850

3,148

1,000

TOTALS

36,995

38,516

49,964

53,925

52,482

NOTE:—Figures are net of appropriations in aid.

Deputies

Resign.

Resign: you are found out at last.

Stop smiling. You should be ashamed of yourself.

This is a case of reaping the whirlwind. This Budget is, in our view, contrary to the requirements of the national economy at the present juncture, and is indicative of the dangerous financial situation into which the Government have led the country. One of the major responsibilities of any Government who knows their business must be to ensure that their budgetary and financial policies are in accordance with stipulated economic aids. However true this may have been in the past, it is much truer in the present circumstances in which competition and challenges affect our community from outside. We all know that it is conceded now that serious mistakes were made by the Government in 1964. In that year there was a disregard of the country's real credit position and a complete lack of discipline by the Government in their management of economic and financial affairs.

Money was readily, available and there was no awareness on the part of the Government, as there should have been, that money incomes had risen dangerously beyond the increase in production and that an unusual and abnormal inflow of foreign capital was concealing as growing, deficit in our balance of payments. Corrective measures had to be applied when it became apparent last year that these circumstances had led to a situation of serious inflation. These corrective measures were applied by the Government last June. There was a credit squeeze; there was retrenchment in expenditure; there was a series of import levies and the cutting back on investment, hire purchase control and so on. All these measures were deemed by the Government last year to deal with a situation which had arisen, however it had arisen. These measures have been in operation since. They were deflationary measures intended to curb money demand and would have, and did have, the effect of depressing the economy.

The result of these measures is apparent now in the review of economic progress over the past year. We have achieved a growth rate of just two and a half per cent compared with four per cent in the previous year and to be contrasted with the 4.3 per cent envisaged in the Second Programme. There was also in the last year a situation in which employment dropped to 1,050,000 people, the lowest recorded figure ever in the history of the country, and in fact the immediate prospect for 1966 is a further drop down to 1,046,000. These are serious considerations when we find that our present position is that there are at work the lowest number of people in recorded history and when we consider that under the Second Programme for Economic Development it was envisaged that by this year we would have had at work 1,090,000 people. The actual position now is that there are 1,046,000 people at work and there are 44,000 jobs that apparently have just disappeared. That is bad enough, but when we realise that now in the third year of the Second Programme for Economic Development of there are 10,000 fewer people at work than there were in 1963, it appears that instead of going forward we are clearly going backwards. These are some of the facts that must concern and trouble us in relation to the events of the past 12 months.

Corrective measures were applied. They have had the effect of depressing the economy, retarding economic growth and lowering employment. But they have this effect also: they have apparently started to correct the bad trend in our balance of payments. Apparently, the final deficit this year will be of the order of £44 million instead of the anticipated deficit of £50 million. It is in the light of the effect of these measures that we must have regard to the Department of Finance's Progress Report on the Second Programme for Economic Expansion and on the prospects for 1966. This report, which has been circulated to Deputies, looks forward this year to the beginning of a recovery, to a situation in which the depressing effects of last year could be left behind and the country begin to recover.

The report envisages an economic growth next year of 3¾ per cent in place of the 2½ per cent achieved this year and a reduction in the size of the balance of payments deficit of £28 million. That prospect, which is a welcome one and which would give some indication of economic recovery, is, however, based on certain assumptions. One of these assumptions is that there will not be this year an abnormal increase in money incomes. May I say, despite the strong condemnation expressed by the Minister some time ago of the proposal of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions for £1 increase, there has been no indication—in fact, the indications are all to the contrary— that there will be any irresponsibility with regard to wage demands. I have little doubt that those in charge of the trade union movement, as, indeed, everybody else in the country at the present juncture, are as aware as is the Minister or anyone concerned of these matters. The assumption was made that there would not be this year an increase in money incomes beyond 4 per cent.

The second assumption made for economic recovery is stated in paragraph 51, that in making the projections as to what might happen in 1966 existing budgetary policies are assumed. It is clear that in the Department of Finance Progress Report it is assumed if economic growth is to recover this year that there would not be a change in budgetary policies and that there would not be an increase in taxation. In fact, the report goes on to indicate in paragraph 57 what would happen if existing budgetary policies were not continued and if action were taken by the Minister to impose considerable increases in taxation. The report says:

Such action would, however, react on output and employment so that the 1 per cent increase in employment projected would not only not be attained, but there might well be a fall in employment. Moreover, such action could not reverse the increase in prices and costs following the excessive rises in incomes so that the disimprovement in competitiveness would persist and restrictive measures would have to be prolonged beyond 1966.

There is an indication in that report of what the economic requirements of this country are at the present juncture. The economy, given a fair chance, according to this objective report can stagger out of its difficulties. Growth can commence again next year and in 1967 we might be going ahead as rapidly as possible provided there is no more taxation, which would have a depressive effect and would have an effect on output and employment. It is in the light of that we are justified in saying that this Budget is contrary to the economic requirements at the moment and has been brought about because there has been grave mishandling by the Government of this country's financial affairs.

Last year's Budget ended with a record deficit of £8 million. That was brought about because the Minister underestimated revenue buoyancy, because he failed to effect savings in the Budget he had anticipated and because there was not an effort made, as he said would be, to control expenditure. The result was that at the end of the period dealt with in the last Budget £8 million was not provided for and had to be borrowed. It is regrettable that the mismanagement last year was not confined merely to the Budget. A great deal more of unanticipated money had to be found by the Minister. He had to find £5 million because there was a shortage in small savings. He had to find another £4 million because of a shortage in Departmental funds. He had to pay £3 million to cover the overdraft on State borrowing caused by the credit squeeze. He had to find £5½ million to pay back to the general public, who were not willing to continue lending to the Government on exchequer bonds. He had to find £4.3 million for a subscription to the International Monetary Fund. On top of that, he found his Budget in deficit and he had to borrow £8 million to pay for that. The result was that last year close on £30 million had to be raised by borrowing—£20 million from the Central Bank and, the last straw, we had the mission abroad to raise money in America, which failed, and subsequently the money had to be raised in Germany.

That is the sad record on the financial front in the past 12 months. The result of all that is that now at this juncture, when the economy is beginning to show sings of recovery, the Minister has forced himself into a situation that he has come in to raise £12½ million extra taxation—the highest recorded increase in taxation in a single Budget—at a time when his advisers and everybody else indicate this is just the wrong thing to do. I do not know what the outcome of this will be. I am sorry the Minister should find himself in this situation. It is depressing enough for the country. It is depressing that things done last year had to be done. I can see, as can anyone else, circumstances in which it may be justifiably proper to borrow abroad, but I can see no basis for the manner in which the borrowing took place last year. The public relations end of the Minister's Department was deplorably bad. In fact, the effect of seeking the dollar loan and subsequently the German loan was such as to shake internal confidence in the country itself and in the economy, as I believe, without justification. So far as we are concerned, as we have often said from these benches, we have no doubt that the economy is as sound as a bell. We believe that, given a chance, we can proceed with a satisfactory economic growth. The only difficulty has been the manner in which those at present in charge are handling the finances because there has been mishandling of national finances with a Budget which is economically unsound now being forced on the country.

This taxation is bad. Eightpence on income tax is a wage cut and nothing else. That means that the take-home pay of every worker will be reduced. The Minister gave a warning in the debate on prices and incomes here some weeks ago that if there was an exaggerated, abnormal or unjustified increase in money incomes, he would bring in taxation to take away the excess. He seems to be doing that now, although there has not been an increase. In fact, the object and purpose of this is to reduce money incomes, and the effect of this is to cut wages.

The other taxation imposed will also have a serious and depressing effect, for instance, beer at 2d a pint. I do not want to go over again the old arguments we had about that, but certainly that taxation will add considerably to the difficulties affecting working people. It is well to remember that in the past 12 months the Minister for Industry and Commerce attacked the licensed trade in relation to the price of stout and beer. What was it all about? Beer is now being taxed again, and that, in my view, will have a very bad effect.

The other taxation to which I want to refer is the tax on motor cars. This is another excessive item of taxation on what cannot be regarded as a luxury. The private motor vehicle is now the essential means of conducting the employment of many people in this country. This taxation will have the effect of bringing costs for beyond the one per cent indicated by the Minister. On top of an increase in motor taxation, there is once again an increase in the tax on petrol and oil. That will have a serious effect on many people in the way of transport and travelling around and will also affect distributive costs.

All of this taxation has been rushed into in a panicky way by the Government. They have been appalled by what took place last year and they have taken panicky decisions. They have rushed into this record Budget without properly considering its likely effect on the economy. The effect will be in many ways disastrous. In a Budget now sufficiently removed from the last general election, it might have been possible, if things had been well handled, to do some of the things that all of us said we hoped would be done when the people were last consulted.

Here again is a Budget with no provision for an improvement in health services; no provision for an improvement in education. There is nothing for agriculture. There is nothing in this Budget to provide for an era of free trade which is going to be ushered in shortly. There is nothing in this Budget to protect or expand employment. There is one very small provision made for social welfare, postponed again until next November. When are we going to end this? One of the difficulties in which the Minister finds himself in relation to last year's Budget is that this year, in a full year, he has to pay for the social welfare payments promised in the last Budget. Again there is this token of a social welfare adjustment, an increase postponed to the end of the year so that the cost in the current year will be insignificant. These things are bad, and I believe they indicate the mismanagement of our financial affairs.

I do not know what the outcome of this Budget will be. The Minister says we cannot afford a further deficit. I am certain that is so. I cannot see, as things are at the moment, how we could have a continuance this year of the pre-empting by the Government of all available credit in the country. If that were to happen again in this coming year, the economy would certainly go on the rocks. We cannot afford to let that happen and I certainly can understand the Minister saying that this year's Budget must be balanced. That would be a novel experience for a Fianna Fáil Minister for Fianance, because the Budget for 1965-66 is just the same as each previous Budget for the past six years. Each Budget was in deficit and the result was that over the past six years there has been an accumulation of Budget deficits coming to £20,500,000, all of which had to be met by borrowing. Therefore, the problem is a serious one and, as the Minister indicates, we cannot have a deficit this year. Whatever happens, I hope he will be able to restore order to the national finances.

It is depressing, and is also indicative of the very serious financial situation we are in, that the Capital Budget this year contains in paragraph 20 an admission by the Government of the possibility that it will not be able to finance that Capital Budget. That is certainly indicative of a very strange bit of mishandling of the nation's finances. I think I should not sit down without reminding the House that we also have in this Budget Statement an indication that this may not be the end of it. I should have thought that a Budget enjoying additional taxation to the extent of £12,500,000 would be the end of the story, but no. So serious is the financial situation that the Minister has had to say that he may have to come back again in the autumn to blister the people more. It certainly seems to indicate that we are still a long distance away from a Just Society.

This Budget is no help whatever to the country in its present difficulties and, listening to the Minister and glancing over his speech which he furnished to us, I regard it as an abject confession of failure on the part of the Government. It is regrettable that a decent Deputy like Deputy Jack Lynch should have to come into the House as Minister for Finance to make this abject confession of failure. There are no guidelines in the Budget speech which the Minister for Finance read out here today. This Budget is merely being used as a money-collecting machine.

I frankly admit that one of the main functions of the Budget is to impose taxes and to make allowances in certain directions. The only message in this Budget is: "Give us the money"—to the extent of £12½ million. There is no indication to me as to what the Government propose to do within the coming 12 months. We are told by the Minister that the outlook is bleak, so bleak that it may be necessary for him to introduce a Supplementary Budget some time later on in the year. I presume that this Budget would have been far worse but for the fact that two elections—one, at least—must take place this year.

We have had plenty of advice in this Budget as to what we should do but there is no positive advice. Every single piece of advice contained in the document read out by the Minister was restraint, restraint, restraint. I believe there is necessity for restraint in some quarters but if the country is to get back on its feet again, I think there should be some positive direction, some positive lead, by the Government, and that is absent in the document which the Minister read out to this House today.

This, I said, is merely a device to collect money in order that the deficiencies in Government policy over the past few years might be paid off. I think we should contrast this situation with the optimism shown in the Budget speech of 1965. There was indeed optimism in it, even though it did happen to be after an election when the country was told it could now look forward to increases and improvements in all sectors of the economy. But the Government have been, in a sort of side way, taking refuge in outside influences and outside factors. They have talked on occasion about the British import surcharge, although the Minister for Industry and Commerce was honest enough to say that it did not have the effect it was anticipated it would have when it was first imposed. There was also the excuse of the levelling-off in the rate of expansion in Britain. That seems an abject admission by the Government—and, if it is so, then they should say it clearly—that our economy is not independent, that our economy is dependent on the British economy.

When things go right for the Government, they claim credit for it. They have done so. Things went right for them in 1962, 1963 and 1964 because world conditions were favourable to improvement in every single country, particularly in Western Europe. But, when things go wrong for the Government, they try to find someone else to blame and there is nobody better to do that than the Minister for Transport and Power. His target seems to be the trade union movement at the present time. Other Ministers have taken their own targets. They never admit they have made mistakes, although they certainly have made mistakes in the past two or three years. Therefore, they stand accused, as a Government, of incompetence. Most good things that happened in the past two or three years would have happened, anyway, no matter what Government were in office. We have always complained, from this side of the House, that while the Fianna Fáil Party were pretending to be somewhat progressive, left or socialist, they did not give a positive lead. They gave out inducements so that certain things could happen and, as I have said, they were fortunate in 1962, 1963 and 1964.

Here, we are now in a position that there is a shortage of money, not alone for capital purposes but to pay for the State services. I think, again, the Government can well be accused of not spending money prudently in certain directions. About three years ago, the Taoiseach said, in the course of many of his speeches at that time, that there was plenty of money for capital projects. Particularly during election times, he said that no matter what project was put forward by a local authority or any group of individuals, money could be found for it.

Money has been dissipated in recent years. The Government were foolish to expect that the inflow of foreign money would continue. They should have anticipated that it would dry up. They were caught on the wrong foot when it dried up unexpectedly in 1965. They made many mistakes prior to by-elections. It was often said that Fianna Fáil were honest in their presentation of the facts but I say that that has not been so in recent years, particularly at times of by-elections and general elections when they made commitments, many of which they could not honour. To their detriment, it can be said that they have dissipated a lot of money.

An artificial boom was created. Members of the Government Party, not necessarily members of the Front Bench but members of the back benches and those in the Fianna Fáil organisation, went so far as to say that it was at the Government's behest that the 12 per cent was given on wages in 1964. The Minister for Transport and Power now cries over that 12 per cent but it was used in two by-elections and general elections as a means to get votes for the Government.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

We were told at the last election that if Fianna Fáil were returned to office, the boom would continue. I do not want to dwell on the subject of slogans: we all have slogans during election times. However, we were told that the Fianna Fáil Party were the only Party in which the people could repose confidence and they were returned to office on the basis of the promises they made to the Irish people. Now, I think we can say that the danger signals we stressed have become very real indeed. I do not expect the Fianna Fáil Government or members of it to take heed of what the Labour Party say in respect of this, that and the other. One of the unfortunate things about the Government is that while they state they accepted certain recommendations and proposals from the NIEC, they merely accepted them in principle and, since these reports were made to the Government, I do not know in many cases whether the Government took positive action to implement these worthwhile proposals.

The point that is stressed in this country is the importance of increased production. One of the big factors in increased production is a utilisation of the manpower of this country and the Government have failed completely in that. Not alone have they failed to give Irishmen and Irishwomen an opportunity to work in this country but they have failed to utilise them in order to produce more and, as a consequence, to export more. We are not using the manpower that is available here as far as the recommendations of the Second Programme for Economic Expansion are concerned. The policy in respect of employment has fallen flat on its face as, indeed, have all the other targets in the Second Programme for Economic Expansion. We, on these benches, repeat what we said when the Programme was first introduced, namely, that it was merely a forecasting and a programming. Whilst certain efforts were made in certain directions, there was no thrust to ensure that these targets would be reached in the industrial and agricultural sectors.

This chart in the report of the NIEC shows that in respect of practically all of these things, we do not seem to be any nearer the targets than we were two or three years ago and all the indications are that we will not achieve them by 1970. It is time the Minister for Finance made the announcement he made today that the Programme would be re-examined to set new targets. If the targets will be lowered, it does not augur well for those who expect to be employed here in Ireland.

Deputy O'Higgins mentioned employment. I want to talk about it as well. Despite what the members of the Fianna Fáil Government say, despite the boom that has been boasted about, is it not amazing that, in 1965, 2,500 fewer people were in employment here? What is the use in talking about the Second Programme for Economic Expansion or in Ministers talking about the new factories that have been established when the plain fact is—and this is the test—that over four years 2,500 fewer people are employed here?

No attempt has been made to explain to the House and to the country why it is that in the past year 14,000 people left the land of Ireland. The Department of Finance did not attempt to explain that fully in their report circulated to us recently. As a matter of fact, the NIEC cannot explain why 14,000 people left the rural parts of this country in order to try to get employment in the towns and cities or, unfortunately, to get it across the water. The result was that last year, despite the much-boasted efforts of the Government, we lost 7,000 people from employment. One of the worst features about the whole situation is that the National Industrial and Economic Council forecast is that there will be a further drop of 4,000 in employment. Did anyone anticipate when the First Programme was introduced—granted it was an experiment—but did anyone anticipate when the well-prepared Second Programme was introduced that four years afterwards there would be fewer people employed in the next four years?

There have been no specific proposals in regard to a manpower policy. Here we have one of the most valuable assets that any country in western Europe would be glad to have, a surplus of manpower, skilled people who want to work for their country and in their country and who, because they have not the opportunity to work in industry, must remain idle on unemployment assistance or emigrate. We have a similar serious situation in regard to emigration and the trend in unemployment indicates that it has been on the increase for the past four years. As far as I can gather from these figures, they show that the increase in unemployment from June to December in the past four years was the highest in 1965. Those who look at these statistics every week will see that the upward trend in unemployment is increasing this year.

We are told by the Minister and by the Department of Finance that a three per cent increase in earnings is all the economy can afford. After two years of a wages standstill, are we now to be told that a man with £10 a week should be offered 6/- a week increase in lieu of the increase in the cost of living? Is it seriously considered that this man is going to be able to maintain his 1963 or 1964 standard of living by getting an increase of 6/- per week, or that the man with £8 per week should be satisfied with an increase of 4/9d.? It appears to me that it is the old, old story, that this is the type of person who is still being asked to bear the burden and make the sacrifices.

If new taxes are to be imposed or taxes are to be increased, these taxes and these increases should be imposed on those who can best afford them. The 2d. on the pint and the 2d. on the glass of whiskey are not going to affect a certain section of the community. The tax on cars is not going to affect the person in a certain income bracket. Surely the Government, with their experience—they have been there for 25 or 30 years—should be able to devise a system of graded taxation and not have the burden placed on every single person to such an extent that the cost of living will increase.

We believe that the Government should be able to so manage the affairs of this country that more than 4/9d. per week could be offered to the man with £8 per week. People in this city are inclined to think in terms of people earning £20, £25 or even those with £15 per week but when we talk of a man working in a factory in a rural area, we are talking of a man with a wage of £8, £9 or £10 a week and that is the type of man to whom it is proposed to offer increases of from 4/9d. to 6/- per week. An increase of so little on such a small sum is totally inadequate.

We have all the old reliables taxed in this Budget. The predecessor of the present Minister, Dr. Ryan, said that these things could not be taxed any more. He said that their taxation had reached the point of diminishing returns, that they had reached saturation point. He gave that as the reason, or some of the reason, why he should introduce a turnover tax. I am glad to see that the Government have been dissuaded, except in the case of dance-halls, from increasing that turnover tax. The introduction of that tax was to a large extent responsible for the dilemma in which we find ourselves at the present time.

It is proposed to increase road tax by 25 per cent. I remember the sneers and jibes of the Fianna Fáil Party when they accused an Inter-Party Government of raiding the Road Fund. This was one of the principles on which Fianna Fáil stood fast, not to raid the Road Fund. Now the Minister for Finance is going to get 25 per cent, perhaps £1¼ million, and he knows in his heart that that money is needed to ensure that our roads are put in proper repair and that we will have good roads. And the Taoiseach stands idly by and allows this to happen.

There are many people who tax their cars for the whole year and, for this year at least, this tax will hit only the poor man. Those who tax their cars in January and tax them for the full year will not mind about this but the man who has to tax his car every quarter, the small farmer and the man who has to use his car to go to work, will have to bear the burden this year. And this tax is to be taken for Exchequer purposes from the Minister for Local Government.

It is time that Fianna Fáil became converted to the idea of a tax on dancing. This was a tax to which we subscribed when we were members of the Government but for some peculiar reason this tax was taken off. Now they have introduced it as a turnover tax.

The social welfare classes are to get 5/- per week. The Minister hopes to get £12.5 million from this new taxation. He hopes to have a quarter of a million over with which he does not know what to do and it is to be thrown to the dog again. His outlook is to look after everybody and then, if he has anything over, he will give it to the old age pensioners. I give full credit to the Minister for what he did last year and the 5/- is welcome but it does not sweeten the pill of the Budget. It is operative only from 1st November. The usual time for this was 1st August but in order to save about £100,000, he is putting it up to November. These are the type of people who do not expect to live for so many years. They are people of 70, 75 and 80 years of age and to ask them to look forward to an extra 5/- from March to November is not good enough.

The Minister has said that this is an honest statement. Perhaps it is, because I believe the Minister is an honest man, but it is a pity the Government were not more honest with the people since 1957. It is a pity they gave the impression that everything was just right and that people then had to be pulled up so quickly in 1965/66. This Budget takes no account of those of modest means, because the bulk of it as indirect taxation will fall on those who can ill afford to pay it.

The Minister for Finance said, as far as I could gather—perhaps he gave a firm figure—that these proposals would mean an increase of about one per cent in consumer prices. I should like to remind him that the National Industrial and Economic Council forecast an increase of 1¾ per cent in consumer prices, that is, if nothing happened as far as Budget proposals were concerned. The Government will have that problem again this year, a problem they have created themselves. Because this Budget holds out no hope for the coming year, we do not believe it is a good Budget, but more particularly do I say this because no direction is given, no specific proposals are contained in the Budget for increasing employment and consequently increasing production. It is a bad Budget, a bleak Budget and an abject admission of failure by the Fianna Fáil Government.

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