I want to deal now with Deputy Ryan's continued insistence on regarding the figures published by international organisations as being reliable comparisons between the state of social welfare in the different countries. I think Deputy Cluskey also referred to these figures as indicating that social welfare here was on a lower scale than it is in other countries.
A number of these international organisations such as the OECD and the ILO have published figures giving for various countries the expenditure on social security by relationship to the gross national product. Not only during this debate but on other occasions we have had these figures bandied about as if they formed a realistic and absolute basis for comparison between the different countries concerned, and as if they provided a clear indication of the state of social welfare in the different countries concerned.
In fact, these comparisons must be judged in the light of the warnings given in the various reports as to the comparability of the data. It is quite clear that in comparing the percentage figures of the gross national product given in these reports we are not comparing like with like. Deputy Ryan appeared to accept this at first. He certainly did not dispute it, but he proceeded to ignore it and spoke of these figures as if they were an authentic measure of the level of social welfare in the different countries. These organisations made it clear that they have not succeeded in overcoming the difficulties involved in arriving at a position in which the figures would give a true comparison as between one country and another.
For instance, in the introduction to the Statistics of National Accounts 1950-61 published by the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development in 1964, there is a paragraph devoted to explaining the difficulties of making true comparisons between the accounts for various member countries. In addition to that, there are general observations on the comparative tables which include this statement:
The percentage structures shown in tables 5 to 9 generally refer to the two years 1950 and 1960. These percentages are more appropriate for comparing changes in structure as between the two years in any one country rather than for making structural comparisons as between countries. In making comparisons as between countries the limitations to the comparability of the data which were outlined in the introduction have to be borne in mind.
The International Labour Office publication "The Cost of Social Security" has similar warnings. On page 2 it says:
As the definitions of the terms and methods used as Social Security Statistics vary greatly from scheme to scheme and from country to country, and as there is generally a high degree of duplication (persons covered by or drawing benefit from two or more schemes) it is difficult to achieve a basis of international comparison in this field.
Again on page 7 it warns in regard to the calculation of the gross national product, and I quote:
Furthermore, it should be stressed that even if the figures in principle are calculated according to the United Nations' Systems of National Account there are great variations between the countries regarding the quality of the basic data, methods of estimating the various elements entering into the calculations, etc.
Then, with particular reference to the figures in Table 3 of this publication, which were the figures Deputy Ryan used here before, it says that the figures in this table should therefore be interpreted with caution. Caution is the one thing that has not been used in interpreting these figures here. Instead, we had the greatest enthusiasm in using them for a purpose for which the reader was specifically warned they were not suitable.
To give one example, in a number of countries, compensation for war victims forms a considerable proportion of expenditure on social security. This item is not included in the figures supplied for Ireland. If the percentage figures of the gross national product in the ILO publication "The Cost of Security" were adjusted to exclude compensation for war victims the figures for a number of countries would show a smaller disparity as compared with ours. The figure of 9.4 per cent given for Ireland remains unchanged while Austria's 14 per cent becomes 13.2. Belguim's 14.2 per cent is changed to 13.74; Denmark's 11.1 is only slightly reduced to 11.07; France's 13.9 becomes 12.85; and the Federal Republic of Germany's 16.1 becomes 14.77; Italy's 12.7 is changed to 11.65; Norway's 10.3 becomes 10.18; and the figure for the United Kingdom of 11 per cent becomes 10.32.
Apart from this, many other items are included which are not normally classified as social security payments such as pensions for public employees. It is also known that some countries have included fringe benefits which are available to workers such as payments for periods of sickness by employers and private pension schemes administered by employers. We know that some of these things exist to a certain extent here but no attempt has been made to evaluate them and include them in the expenditure on social security.
Also, in a number of countries part of what is taken as expenditure on social security is by way of family allowances which are paid by employers as an integral part of the wage structure.
Here instead of having, as these particular countries have, a basic wage plus family allowances paid by employers, the wage structure is a flat rate system irrespective of family commitments. These family allowances, although they are part of the wage structure and not even administered by the State, are counted as social security expenditure. Presumably, organised workers here, if they so desired, could move to change over to this system of payment whereby there would be a smaller basic wage with family allowances but they have not done so and I will certainly not suggest that they have been unwise in that. Particularly when you have not full employment the other system contains an obvious incentive to employers to employ unmarried people in preference to married men. If the flat wage system were altered here to a structure somewhat like they have in other countries these allowances would be counted as social security payments and this would change the comparative picture.
It is fairly certain then that the percentage of the gross national product in Ireland which is devoted to social security is not as much out of line with other European countries as might appear at first glance from these figures. Even if the figures which I have adjusted to exclude compensation for war victims represented the full picture—which they do not—the apparent deficiency between our percentage and that of other countries is not all attributable to the services administered by the Department of Social Welfare, as Deputies are inclined to make it appear. The cost of the health services in these countries is also included in these figures and when the apparent disparity is distributed over these two fields of health and social welfare the actual disparity in either is less. It does not mean that the Irish social assistance and social insurance schemes which come under my Department need to be increased by the difference in the percentages of the gross national product which appears in these tables in order to achieve parity. In other words, it is not necessary to increase our expenditure on these services by .92 per cent of the gross national product in order to achieve parity with the United Kingdom but an increase of .92 per cent of the gross national product in expenditure on social welfare and health combined would bring us into line.