Looking at the Minister's introductory speech of July on this Estimate, one sees that it relates to: "Salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Justice, and of certain other Services administered by that Office, including a Grant-in-Aid; and of the Public Record Office, and of the Keeper of State Papers and for the purchase of Historical Documents, etc." One such as myself would be interested to hear from the Minister something more about the purchase of historical documents. For instance, what historical documents are we providing for in this Estimate? As far as I can discover, there is no mention of historical documents. So far as State Papers are concerned, I did discover that "the Irish Manuscripts Commission is continuing"— I am quoting the Minister at column 1267 of the Dáil Report for Wednesday, 5th July, 1967 —"its work on the preparation for publication of the Calendar to the Council Book of 1581-86", which no doubt is compulsive reading and something on which one would like some enlightenment as to what exactly it is. The Minister continued: "the list of political prisoners in Kilmainham Jail during the period 1789 to 1910, and two 16th century Munster Surveys and the Record Commissioners' calendars of inquisitions for the 16th and 17th centuries."
"Political prisoners" is what catches my eye in this regard, bringing us up to date to 1910 as to the identity of the political prisoners in Kilmainham Jail. It may not seem very relevant in these days for me to raise this matter at all but I am interested in discovering just how a political prisoner is defined, and how you are going to tell one from the other, how will the Manuscripts Commission determine, or separate, as it were, the sheep from the goats among the multitude of unfortunates who had to spend hard time in that awful place known as Kilmainham Jail, which we, in our uniquely Irish way, are making a national monument. We are possibly the only nation in the world who would make a national monument out of the symbol of human degradation and insult which was offered to generations of men and women there since it was erected.
I do not speak only of those who shouted: "God save Ireland" as they were mounting those 13 steps. I speak of many people who went into that jail and suffered because they committed civil crimes. They had perhaps stolen sheep or stolen anything else to keep the wolf from the door. Those are not to be listed, although in my view some of them are far more entitled to be listed than those who made loud boasts of what they had done. However, that is merely a personal preference. I know that possibly it will not find echo elsewhere.
I should like to know what the scholars thinks is a political prisoner. I should imagine that practically anybody who went into the portals of that bastille up to 1910 would fit that description, as they were people who were saying not "God save Ireland" but "God save my family from starvation". I would call them political prisoners but no doubt they will not be listed here. They are the forgotten, voiceless, unremembered sufferers. Therefore, I do not know whether it is such a good thing to make flesh of one and fish of another by having a roll of honour of this kind.
However, to get down to the mundane everyday matters with which this Estimate concerns itself, I find mention of the Landlord and Tenant (Ground Rents) Act, 1967. I should like to add to what has been said already in regard to the defects in the Act which have become apparent in the very recent past. On Thursday last, some Members of the House, representing the Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown constituency, raised this matter and I should like to mention here now as well the question of the imposition on tenants, who apparently are in fairly considerable numbers in the Dún Laoghaire and Sandyford area. I am sure many of those people will be found elsewhere. There are a large number of those people who cannot avail of the provisions of the Act and who when they set about purchasing their ground rent, find that the landlord has been able to establish that he is legally entitled to charge excessive prices for the fee simple. This, of course, is an absolute contradiction of the intention and the spirit of the Act.
It is also further proof, if such were needed, of O'Connell's remark that you can drive a coach and four through any Act. It appears to be as true today as when he said it. The Minister, on Thrusday last, indicated that he, too, was concerned with this situation because he is anxious to see that this kind of injustice does not prevail. He referred to the fact that he was awaiting a report of the Commission which was inquiring into the working of the Act. I should suggest to him that commissions are like the mills of God and they are not half as sure or as certain, and it might very well be that if this matter is left until the report of the Commission is available, grave injustice will have been done to the people in the area referred to.
The Proby Estate was mentioned. I am certain that the landlord in this particular place will not be alone. If he is allowed to get away with this breach of the spirit of the Act, others will follow his example and an impossible situation will be created for those who are anxious to purchase their fee simple. In the light of that, I want to put it to the Minister that he should not dally or wait unduly long for this report of the Commission but that he should, as he indicated he would, act as a matter of urgency.
The suggestion was made that there might be a special Bill brought into the House. I am sure it would be passed with expedition both in this House and in the Seanad in order to close this loophole in the ground rents legislation. That possibly is about the best way of remedying the position. I commend it to the Minister. If any injustice is ever done, it is practicably impossible to undo it. We all know the inhibitions which parliaments of all kinds, and Dáil Éireann as well as others have in regard to retrospective legislation. In order to avoid any defence of those ground landlords at a later stage on the undesirability of retrospection, I urge now on the Minister that he should act without delay and bring in a Bill to relieve the people who find themselves in the position of having to pay exorbitant prices, far in excess of what was envisaged by the framers of the Ground Rents Act, for the purchase of their fee simple.
I note in the report of the questions which were addressed to the Minister last Thursday that those people were referred to as planter titled. Personally, I want to say it does not matter to me whether they are planter titles or native titles because we have natives who are just as efficient in this business as planters ever were. Let us not be too finicky about this. In fact, some of the latter-day natives could give planters lessons in the extraction of money from the Irish people in so far as property dealings are concerned. They have brought to the task of the extraction of money from purchasing tenants of various kinds not alone the desire to acquire wealth but the inherited cunning of centuries of want. That is a deadly thing. Quite apart from whether they are planters or not, we should correct this abuse before it is allowed to develop any further. The only way I see that that can be done is by emergency legislation: a very simple Bill would appear to do it.
In his introductory speech, too, the Minister mentioned the need, on which everyone is agreed, to amend the malicious injuries law as it now stands. As we well know, the law as it exists in relation to malicious injuries is a hangover from the days when the administration of the law, and the discovery of offenders against the law were placed as a community responsibility on parishes and on counties. It stems from a time of autocratic rule and has about it all the very worst external signs of oppressive legislation, inasmuch as it penalises innocent people by making them pay for damages, personal or material, damage to persons or property, for which they can have had no responsibility, good, bad or indifferent. This is the law as it stands at the moment.
Malicious damages are recoverable from the funds of local authorities. This is manifestly a survival of a time which is long past. The Minister feels similarly in this when he intimated that he was about to remedy that situation, but, so far, nothing concrete has apparently been done towards that end. I would urge again on him in this matter that he should lose no time. In the circumstances in which we live, Governments, too, are liable to be of shortish duration. Time flies and the occupants of ministerial posts today may perhaps be the opposition backbenchers of tomorrow; and, while men of goodwill will occupy such posts as the Minister's, it behoves us to prevail on him, in so far as we can, to do the right thing and lose no time in doing it.
The same remark would apply with regard to what the Minister had to say about the need for a new Criminal Justice Bill, to which he referred in his speech.