The Minister is correct in assuming the Fine Gael Party will give its blessing to the provision by the Dáil of the additional money required to maintain the social welfare payments at present made. Our only regret, on the Fine Gael benches, is that the Minister is not seeking a great deal more in order to provide for our people a standard of living in keeping with what our Christian obligations should make it incumbent upon us to provide for the less privileged in our community.
On the first occasion on which Dáil Éireann met in 1919, there was a democratic programme proposed. It was passed unanimously. In that programme there was a specific declaration of intent on the part of our predecessors to provide for the underprivileged in our community a standard of living which would relieve them of the burdens compelling them to live less useful and less valuable lives as compared with the more fortunate in the community. I do not think that, now that we have just reached the 50th Anniversary of the first meeting of Dáil Eireann, we can be at all satisfied that we have fulfilled the declaration of intent made on the occasion of the first meeting of the Dáil.
The time has certainly come when we should not expect old age pensioners to survive on 57/6d a week which today is quite insufficient to provide for them a diet sufficient to free them from the imminent danger of malnutrition. It is because we provide such a miserable sum that we have a situation in which so many of our old people are decaying of malnutrition, through sheer neglect, through inability to maintain their bodily health because they are unable to feed themselves properly. This has led us to the unfortunate situation in which we have such a high number of our old people in hospitals. Of course, we can discuss this more appropriately on the next Supplementary Estimate, but in passing, it is pertinent to say that the colossal health bill, particularly for old people, arising out of the grossly inadequate social welfare payments which we make to the underprivileged, particularly old folk, is an indication of the Government's incapacity to understand the realities of life.
This was indicated peculiarly during the recent by-election in Wicklow when the Minister for External Affairs, during one of his brief sojourns in this country, went to the dormitory town of Greystones and boasted that old age pensioners could get 57/6d a week and that this figure could be increased to 77/6d a week if an old age pensioner had two schoolgoing children. I do not know whether this was an exhortation to people in their sixties who had stopped having children to breed again so that they might qualify to get an extra 20/- a week. That, in effect, is the crystallisation of the social outlook of the Fianna Fáil Party when their deputy leader exhorts people in their seventies to take such steps as may be necessary to increase their families so that they may get an extra 20/- a week, as though 20/- a week would maintain the children. This is a sad but unfortunately true reflection on the social outlook of the Fianna Fáil Party.
We in the Fine Gael Party are committed to giving old age pensions to people at the age of 65 years. At present we oblige a large number of people between the ages of 65 and 70 to be classified as unemployed for the purpose of receiving unemployment benefit. Why we maintain this Gilbertian situation when we ought to realise that they are in fact retired is something we in Fine Gael find difficult to understand. Again, we interpret it as a reflection on the incapacity of the Fianna Fáil Party to move into the progressive social age in which we live and of their failure to realise that social rights are just as important to people as the more theoretical political rights which have been long established in our midst.
We need to establish social rights just as primarily as political rights. I realise it is not appropriate to suggest here legislation or an amendment of the Constitution, but, as we are preoccupied at the moment with an amendment of the Constitution, I suggest it is only fair that I be allowed to say in passing that we will not be a truly just society until Article 45 of the Constitution is as mandatory as every other Article of the Constitution which specifies fundamental rights. Article 45 is not cognisable in any court of law. It is only the Legislature, this House, which may have regard to Article 45, which imposes an obligation on us as legislators to bear in mind the obligation of maintaining the standards of our people, irrespective of their wealth or their poverty. It behoves us, as nobody else refers to that Article, to be always conscious of it. If we are, we must admit we are not fulfilling it.
The Supplementary Estimate and the Minister's opening statement reflect two very important things. One is that the State is contributing, as one year follows another, a smaller share of the cost of our social insurance. The Minister will note that the social insurance fund has an increased contribution of £817,000 from workers and employers, which works out at £408,500 apiece from the employer and the worker with, perhaps, a somewhat larger sum from the employer. The State is paying only £267,000. There was a time when it used to be on a one-third, one-third, one-third basis, but the State's contribution is becoming progressively smaller. In an economy like ours where so much depends on the State and on State policies, we do not think the State should be welshing on its obligations in respect of the contributions it should make to the social insurance fund.
Again, the increased amount which has to be paid by way of unemployment assistance is a reflection of the increased and growing unemployment rate, which now stands at almost 4,000 more than at this time last year and about 7,000 more than the year before. If we were to estimate unemployment on the basis of the calculation which was used in this country during the past 45 years, we would find that the true figure is 78,000, though the official statistics put it at 65,000. If we were to calculate it on the traditional basis, the figure would be 78,000 and that is on the basis of the figures we had last week without taking cognisance of the amount of unemployment we unfortunately have this week.
The State is doing nothing practical to relieve this situation and we think that is most unfortunate. It is proper to complain that at the moment ratepayers are being called on to pay a couple of million pounds in rates in respect of payments which ought to be made out of the National Exchequer. Taking one area with another, we find that the amounts paid out in public assistance have almost doubled in the past four years. This is due principally to the need to subsidise the grossly inadequate social welfare payments.
All local authorities discover that pensioners of one kind or another— widows and orphans, old folk—are unable to maintain their standards of living, unable, indeed, to purchase the necessaries of life out of the social welfare payments they receive from the State. The result is that local authorities are obliged to an extent greater than ever to meet the colossal deficiencies in State payments. The Minister may be able to point to the increased nominal amounts being paid by the State under all social welfare payments. If he does that, we can also point to the growing gap between what the State is paying and what the people must pay in order to purchase the necessaries of life. The tremendous growth at an unprecedented rate of public assistance proves the point which the Fine Gael benches are making for years that past the State's share of social welfare is getting less and less compared with the total income of those people.