Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 22 May 1968

Vol. 234 No. 13

Committee on Finance. - Vote 45—External Affairs.

Tairgim:

Go ndeonófar suim nach mó ná £988,000 chun íoctha an mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31ú lá de Mhárta, 1969, le haghaidh Tuarastail agus Costais Oifig an Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha, agus Seirbhísí áirithe atá faoi riaradh na hOifige sin, lena n-áirítear Deontas-i-gCabhair.

Le cead na Dála, ba mhaith liom Vótaí 45 agus 46 a thógáil le chéile.

An méid atá sa Mheastachán le haghaidh Gnóthaí Eachtracha— £988,000—is méadú glan é de £89,150 ar Mheastachán bunaidh agus Meastachán Forlíontach anuraidh. Tá méadú de £94,500 ins an tsoláthair le haghaidh Tuarastail, Pá agus Liúntaisí. Tá an tsoláthair le haghaidh Seirbhísí Faisnéise árdaithe de suim £11,800 agus taispeántar méadaithe níos lú i bhfó-Mhircinn eile. Tá laghdú de suim £11,000 sa bhfó-Mhirceann a bhaineann le h-Athdúichiú agus Cothú saoránaigh Éireannacha thar lear, agus is lú de £10,700 an tsoláthair le haghaidh Taistil agus Fó-Chostais.

Éiríonn £64,000 den mhéadú de £94,500 sa bhfó-Mhirceann pá de bhárr díluacháil an phuint. Siad leathnú coitianta na Roinne agus gnáth-bhreisiú tuarastail is cúis leis an chuid eile den mhéadú san bhfó-Mhirceann seo.

Tá méadú de £11,800 san tsoláthair le haghaidh Seirbhísí Faisnéise ach mar sin féin níl an fó-Mhirceann seo chómh hárd is a bhí sé san bhliain 1965-66 i suim £39,000. Cé gur mhór áird ar leith a thabhairt ar an bhuanghá chun coigilt a dhéanamh ar chúrsaí airgeadais, measaim nach bhfuil san tsoláthair seo ach an méid is ísle atá riachtanach chun clár faisnéise éifeachtach a choinniú agus a thabhairt chun chinn i mbliana. Mar an gcéanna, tá méadú de £3,000 go £14,000 ar an Deontas-i-gCabhair le haghaidh Comhair Cultúra, mar ceapaim nach bhfuil san tsoláthair seo ach an méid réasúnta is ísle gur féidir é a chur ar chumas an Choisde Comhair Cultúra clár cultúra oiriúnach a mholadh sa bhliain seo.

Tá laghdú de £10,700 agus £11,000 ins na soláthairtí le haghaidh Taistil agus Fó-Chostais agus le haghaidh Athdúichiú agus Cothú saoránaigh Éireannacha go bhfuil gannchúis airgid ortha agus iad thar lear. Chómh fada is a bhaineann sé leis an dá soláthartí seo ba bhliain ar leith í an bhliain seo caite. Nílimíd ag súil leis an oiread san céanna de aistrithe oifigeach i mbliana—ach, ar ndóigh, tá sé andheachair meastachán beacht a dhéanamh ar rud mar sin—agus maidir leis an bhfó-Mhirceann D, bhí costas trom neamhchoitianta de £14,750 ann anuraidh, go háirithe de bhárr athdúichiú saoránaigh Éireannacha ón Nigéir.

An méid atá san Mheastachán um Chomhar Idirnáisiúnta—£261,000—is méadú glan é de £50,090 ar Mheastachán bunaidh agus Meastachán Forlíontach na bliana seo caite. Sé díluacháil an phuint is cúis le £35,000 an mhéadú seo agus tá soláthair nua de £8,050 curtha san áireamh le haghaidh costaisí de thoradh ár ndul i bpáirt leis an gComhaontú Ginearálta um Tharaifí agus Trádáil. Tá méadaithe, taobh amuigh de díluacháil an phuint, in ár ranníocaí do Chomhairle na hEorpa, don Eagras um Chomhar agus Forbairt Eacnamaíochta na hEorpa agus do na Náisiúin Aontaithe. Tá ár ranníocaí deúnach do na Náisiúin Aontaithe beagnach cómhionann, san iomlán, agus a bhí siad anuraidh, ach amháin nach bhfuil aon tsoláthair le haghaidh ranníoca don Fhórsa Éigeandála san Mheán-Oirthear mar tá deireadh leis an Fórsa san anois. Tá fó-Mhirceann nua curtha isteach chun go mbeidh in ár gcumas ranníoca a dhéanamh don Chlár Oideachais agus Oiliúna na Náisiúin Aontaithe don Afraic Theas.

A sum of £28,500 will be provided in this year's Estimate for information services which represents an increase of £11,800 compared with last year. The increase is mainly intended to cover the cost of commissioning of films by my Department, and the production of information booklets.

It can fairly be said that our Information Section and the various State bodies concerned have been successful in recent years in improving the general picture of Ireland abroad as a country possessing a distinctive tradition and culture and displaying the marks of social and economic progress. Few, I think, will doubt the need for continued and expanded efforts to develop favourable attitudes towards Ireland among potential consumers and tourists as well as statesmen and businessmen.

The Department's Bulletin, published fortnightly, is the principal medium through which a continuous flow of information on current developments in Ireland is disseminated to newspapers and other media abroad. It keeps persons and institutions in other countries, particularly those with Irish connections, in touch with developments here, and it draws their attention to Irish exports, to our tourist attractions, and to our cultural life.

In the field of information booklets a French translation of the booklet "Introducing Ireland" entitled "Voici l'Irlande" has recently been issued and will be distributed widely abroad particularly in Europe. A German translation of the same booklet will be issued very shortly by a German publishing company, in a series on various countries. Arrangements for publication of Spanish and Italian texts are envisaged.

The Department's booklet "Facts about Ireland", originally issued in 1962-63, has proved itself to be of the greatest value in providing basic information about Ireland to people in other countries. Plans are well advanced for the publication of a second edition in the near future.

During the year 1967-68 my Department continued its work in the production of films to present many aspects of modern Ireland. Since 1961 my Department has commissioned 11 short films on Irish subjects and is planning a further production this year.

A geography film on Ireland commissioned by my Department for the McGraw-Hill Company of New York has now been completed. The film will be widely distributed to high schools in the United States and Canada, and later in many other countries.

We have also sponsored a new colour film by Mr. Patrick Carey, the maker of the Department's prize-winning film "Yeats Country". The subject of Mr. Carey's new film is Errigal Mountain in County Donegal and it is intended for cinema, television and non-theatrical distribution in Ireland as well as abroad. Roinn na Gaeltachta, Bord Fáilte and Radio Telefís Éireann are associated financially with this production, which will have its première shortly.

In addition to the production of films, my Department intends to continue its practice of purchasing copies of other films on Ireland for supply to our embassies and consular offices for lending to societies, clubs and other community groups abroad.

An important event in the field of films, which will take place next September, will be the holding of the Council of Europe Film Week in Cork in association with the International Film Festival. A selection of short films will be made by the Council of Europe for dubbing into various European languages.

The Government's continued activity in promoting our application for entry into the EEC has imposed on my Department a special duty to make Ireland better known in Europe. The Taoiseach's visits to European capitals within the past year provided invaluable opportunities of doing so. On the occasion of these visits information material of all kinds—books, photographs, and explanatory memoranda on a great variety of Irish topics and aspects of Irish life—were distributed to radio and television authorities, journalists, commentators, editors and writers in the countries visited.

During the year my Department also initiated a new programme of group visits by journalists from European countries. A party of senior German editors and other publicists visited Ireland at the Department's invitation. During their stay they had an opportunity to see at first hand recent economic and social developments and to visit places of historical and cultural interest. The intention was to develop long-term interest rather than to achieve immediate publicity and the visit has already resulted in the reflection of favourable attitudes to Ireland in material appearing in German newspapers and on television. More recently my Department co-operated with the Department of Finance in bringing to Ireland a group of British financial editors which resulted in favourable publicity in the British press for our economic progress.

A group of journalists from Belgium visited Ireland as official guests prior to the visit of their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians and a special press office was established during the visit in co-operation with the Government Information Bureau and the Department of Posts and Telegraphs to provide special facilities for press and television coverage, both foreign and domestic. Groups of journalists from other European countries will be invited later in the year. Some 50 other foreign journalists from 15 countries who visited Ireland during the past year were briefed and otherwise assisted by my Department.

In this whole field close co-operation is maintained between the Department, the Government Information Bureau, other Government Departments and those semi-State bodies engaged in publicising Irish goods or services abroad. Co-operation in assisting journalists, film and television producers and other publicists ensures that they receive comprehensive information on Irish life in general as well as exports, tourist and industrial development.

Briefing material has also been made available in increasing quantity to journalists and to individual enquirers in Britain, North America and other countries, generally through our diplomatic missions and consular offices. The demand for these services continues to increase as knowledge about this country becomes more widespread throughout the world.

A sum of £14,000 will be provided in the Grant-in-Aid for Cultural Relations with other countries for the year 1968-69 which represents an increase of £3,000 over last year's estimate. I consider such a provision to be necessary to enable my Department to continue and extend the programme of cultural projects designed to promote abroad a better knowledge and appreciation of our culture and current activities in the arts.

In administering the grant-in-aid for Cultural Relations, I have the benefit of valuable advice from the Cultural Relations Committee. The members of the Committee, who are persons of recognised competance in their respective fields, give generously of their time and knowledge in the interest of furthering our cultural programmes abroad. I would like once more publicly to thank them and to express my sincere appreciation of their excellent service.

A recent event of particular importance in the cultural field which I wish to mention is the conclusion of a Cultural Agreement with France. This Agreement provides a framework within which increased co-operation and exchanges in the fields of education, literature, the sciences and the arts can take place between the two countries. Under the terms of the Agreement a joint Irish-French Committee will meet shortly in Dublin to examine how relations in these areas may best be developed.

My Department and its trade missions abroad have an important role to play in the development of new and existing markets and attracting foreign investors. This is particularly the case in areas where we have diplomatic missions and the IDA and Córas Tráchtála are not represented. By virtue of their experience and contacts, Missions are in a favourable position to advise exporters on market conditions and prospects for individual commodities, to arrange programmes and introductions for businessmen visiting foreign markets, and to suggest suitable agents to handle their products. Indeed, as I have frequently indicated to the Dáil and to our exporters, our embassies are under instructions to give high priority to the work of promoting trade and other foreign earnings. Exporters and potential exporters could, to their advantage, make fuller use of the facilities which our embassies are in a position to give them.

As Deputies are aware, exports in 1967, as compared with the previous year, rose by £39½ million or 16 per cent and imports increased by £18½ million or 5 per cent. This meant a reduction of £21 million in the import excess. With net receipt from tourism and other invisibles taken into account, it is estimated that there was a balance of payment surplus of £10 million. Given the difficult economic climate abroad, this is a very satisfactory achievement and testifies to the quality and competitiveness of Irish exports.

As in other years, about 70 per cent of our exports went to the British market—indeed our exports to that market in 1967 were in value terms some 22 per cent above the 1966 level. Although exports to the EEC were slightly less in 1967 than in the preceding year, the total of exports to countries other than Britain was also higher than in 1966. This is evidence of the success being achieved by our exporters in the diversification of our market outlets.

The diversification of market outlets is clearly a most desirable objective, not only to reduce our dependence on a single market, but also to provide new disposal possibilities for our growing output particularly in the industrial sector.

With the growth of trade liberalisation, the possibilities for the conclusion of bilateral trade agreements have, of course, narrowed. Nevertheless, our trade with individual countries is kept under continuing review. During 1967 we renewed our Trade Agreement with France under which a number of specific quotas are provided for Irish goods. The renewal of the Trade Agreement with Germany is under examination at present and we hope to commence negotiations shortly with the Federal German authorities.

As the Dáil is aware, the Government re-activated our applications for membership by this country of the EEC and EURATOM on 11th May, 1967, and at the same time applied for membership of the ECSC. In the ensuing months the Taoiseach, accompanied by the Minister for Finance and the Secretaries of the Department of Finance and External Affairs, visited the capitals of the Six member countries and received encouraging assurances of support for our application from all the Member Governments. The failure of the Council of Ministers of the Community at its meeting on the 19th December last to reach unanimous agreement on the opening of negotiations with the applicant countries was naturally a keen disappointment. However, various proposals have in the meantime been put forward designed to enable closer contact between the applicants and the Community pending their accession. These proposals are still under consideration by the Member Governments but it is not possible at this stage to say what the outcome will be. Our attitude as the Taoiseach has often explained is one of support for any arrangement which would hasten the day when Ireland can become a full member of the Common Market.

While the centrally important issue of our application for Community membership and the efforts to advance towards a satisfactory solution have engaged the attention of my Department and of our Mission to the Communities and to the Six Member Governments, the internal developments within the Community have also been followed with very close attention. Our aim in becoming a member of the Community is in no way diminished by recent events. There is no doubt that Ireland's potential can best be realised in the context of an enlarged European Community. It is therefore of the utmost importance that the process of adaptation and preparation which has been taking place in our economy should continue with all possible speed, so that when our accession to the Communities comes, we may be in a position to play a full part in the great movement which it represents.

The Government's contribution to the GATT for part of 1967 and for the calendar year 1968 amounts to £6,750. In addition, a once-for-all advance of £800 to the GATT Working Capital Fund has been assessed on Ireland. Both these amounts, totalling £7,550, are included in the Vote for International Co-operation.

Our permanent diplomatic representative in Geneva has responsibility for our day to day representation with the GATT Secretariat.

We participated, as a preliminary to our accession to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, in the Kennedy Round of tariff-cutting negotiations which terminated in the signing on 30th June, 1967, of the Geneva Protocol by the contracting parties of GATT. Following subsequent acceptance of the terms of our accession by a sufficient number of the contracting parties, the Dáil agreed to a motion approving our accession on 14th November. On 22nd November the Protocol of Ireland's Accession to the GATT was accordingly signed in Geneva by the Irish Permanent Representative to the European Office of the United Nations.

Since our accession, Ireland has been elected to membership of the GATT Agricultural Committee and of the Working Party on Dairy Products.

Ireland continued to play an active role in the activities of the OECD, this involving ministerial or official attendance, as appropriate, at the Organisation's various meetings during the year. Our Permanent Representative to the OECD is our Ambassador in Paris.

Among the matters considered by Ministers at the OECD Council Meeting on 30th November and 1st December, 1967, was the Report of the Special Group set up in 1965 to examine trade relations with developing countries. The Group's report set out a number of general considerations relating to temporary special tariff treatment by developed countries in favour of all developing countries. The Ministers agreed that the broad lines of the report should serve as a common basis for delegations of member Governments at the Second Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development which took place in New Delhi in February-March, 1968. I will revert to the matter of this conference in a moment.

In turning to the question of aid to the developing countries of the world, I should like to stress the importance of recognising the urgent needs of these countries and the gravity of the problems that they face. The peace of the world, I believe, is dependent on the volume and quality of the help given them to keep the peace and to develop their economies. During the year under review, we continued to assist them through our regular contributions to the various international organisations concerned with development aid. The Government also made special additional emergency contributions to the United Nations Children's Fund and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees for aid to refugees in the Middle East following the Arab-Israeli conflict in June, 1967. We also continued to make available training and educational facilities here for nationals of these countries and maintained our efforts to recruit Irish technical and professional personnel for service overseas.

In this connection one must make particular mention of the invaluable work which has been done over the years by the religious and lay personnel of our missionary orders. Their achievements with meagre resources have been magnificent, particularly in the educational and medical fields, and their unselfish labours have brought untold credit to Ireland as well as incalculable benefit to the countries concerned.

Many aspects of development aid were considered at the Second Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which took place in New Delhi, India, in February and March of this year. The Minister for Labour led the Irish delegation at the Conference.

The basic purpose of UNCTAD, which was established as an organ of the United Nations General Assembly in 1964, is to promote the economic and social growth of the developing countries and the great problems facing these countries were discussed at the New Delhi Conference. Among the many and diverse subjects on the Conference's agenda were commodity arrangements and prices, tariff preferences for the developing countries, the volume of development aid, terms of aid, the world food problem, economic integration among developing countries, shipping, freight rates, insurance, ports and tourism.

On the question of tariff preferences for the developing countries the Conference recorded unanimous agreement on the early establishment of a mutually acceptable system of generalised preferences in favour of developing countries. A special Committee on Preferences was established to enable all countries concerned to participate in the necessary consultations. This can, I think, be regarded as a significant step forward in the field of commercial policy as between the developed and the developing countries.

It must be said, however, that it proved difficult to reach substantial agreement on a number of issues and that the developing countries generally were disappointed at the results of the Conference. They had expected it to produce much more in the way of concrete progress. However, the problems facing the developing world are very formidable indeed and ready-made solutions for them all are not available. The search for these solutions may be expected to take time and to make considerable demands on the goodwill and patience of all concerned.

During the year Ireland was elected by the General Assembly of the United Nations to membership of the organisation's Economic and Social Council, ECOSOC. Our membership is for a three year period as from 1st January last.

This is our first time to serve on the 27-member Council, which is the organ that directs and co-ordinates the economic and social work of the United Nations and its related agencies. An Irish delegation is at present attending the 44th Session of the Council, which commenced in New York on 1st May.

Ireland plays a full part in the activities of the Council of Europe. This body continues to provide a valuable means of co-operation between its 18 Member States which include the members of the two major economic groups—EEC and EFTA—and the other six Western European countries including Ireland. Matters of European common concern in the economic, social, cultural, legal and other fields occupy a major position in the deliberations of the Consultative Assembly and the Committee of Ministers in their pursuit of the common aim of greater European unity.

The Work Programme of the Council of Europe which I referred to last year as a new and experimental mechanism has significantly enhanced the capacity and effectiveness of the Council of Europe in the promotion of closer European unity. As the Secretary-General of the Council stated in his address to the Consultative Assembly last January, the member Governments have clearly demonstrated a will to co-operate in the speedy execution of an important programme of activities.

Since I presented the last Estimate for my Department, Ireland has signed and ratified or otherwise become a party to five Council of Europe Conventions, namely:

(i) Agreement between the Member States of the Council of Europe on the Issue to Military and Civilian War-Disabled of an International Book of Vouchers for the Repair of Prosthetic and Orthopaedic Appliances;

(ii) General Agreement on Privileges and Immunities of the Council of Europe and the First, Second and Fourth Protocols thereof;

(iii) European Convention on the Adoption of Children;

(iv) Convention on the Unification of Certain Points of Substantive Law on Patents for Invention;

(v) Convention on the Liability of Hotel-keepers concerning the property of Guests.

In 1967 Ireland received six fellowships under the Council of Europe Scheme of Fellowships for the benefit of social welfare personnel.

Last year the European flag was presented by the Council of Europe to Castlebar. The town was among the seven winners of flags which are awarded annually for the promotion of the European idea. The contest for the award is open to all municipalities of the 18 member States of the Council of Europe. Castlebar's contribution to this promotion rested in her co-operation in cultural, sporting and educational matters with her counterparts in Europe. That they have been chosen from so many competing towns and cities is something for the people of Castlebar to be proud of as it was for the people of Kinsale to win a similar honour in 1966.

As the Deputies are aware, the United Nations have designated 1968 as International Year for Human Rights. The Government's programme to celebrate the Year has been announced. Perhaps the best contribution Governments can make towards the celebration of the Year is the signing and ratifying of as many Human Rights Conventions as possible. As already announced, my Department is in consultation with other Departments in regard to the legal and other steps necessary to enable Ireland to sign and ratify as many as possible of those Human Rights Conventions to which the State is not already a party. On 21st March, 1968, Ireland signed the International Convention for the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination and the Government was represented by two officers of my Department at the recent United Nations International Conference for Human Rights at Teheran.

As the Dáil is aware, negotiations within the Eighteen Nation Disarmament Committee in Geneva resulted in the joint presentation for the first time on 18th January by the United States and Soviet Union Co-Chairmen of a complete draft treaty to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. This draft now represents a comprehensive treaty which was the outcome of prolonged negotiations, particularly on the inspection clause.

The draft treaty was subject to some revision and the final draft was presented to the ENDC—the Eighteen Nations Disarmament Committee in Geneva—on 11th March by the United States and the Soviet Union. In addition the three nuclear powers participating in the Disarmament Committee—Britain, the United States and the USSR—have agreed to co-sponsor a resolution in the Security Council of the United Nations guaranteeing the security, in the event of a nuclear attack, of the non-nuclear States which adhere to the treaty. We welcome the fact that the final draft strengthens the obligations of nuclear Powers to provide facilities for the peaceful uses of atomic energy at a low cost for countries that have renounced nuclear weapons. As I have stressed in the General Assembly, the treaty is not an end in itself and it must be followed by the nuclear powers helping non-nuclear States to take full advantage of nuclear energy for economic development, and by their being firmly committed to the protection of non-nuclear States in the event of attack by a nuclear Power.

The draft treaty is at present being discussed at the resumed session of the General Assembly and it is to be hoped that the great powers in the Security Council will succeed in convincing those of the non-nuclear powers, who still have doubts, of their sincerity in this regard.

Since the Irish delegation first raised this question formally at the United Nations ten years ago, there has been an ever-growing awareness of the threat which the spread of nuclear weapons would hold for the survival of the human race. A report produced last October by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in response to the General Assembly's request for a study on the effects of the possible use of nuclear weapons confirms that non-nuclear States by attempting to enter the nuclear arms race would increase their insecurity and bring about the impoverishment of their peoples.

The draft is a much to be welcomed manifestation of the determination of the leading nuclear Powers to sink their differences on an issue of vital importance to mankind as a whole. Let us hope that it will soon be followed by other essential agreements for peace and development. As I stated at the General Assembly on 6th May, the draft treaty is in my opinion as satisfactory an instrument as it was possible to negotiate in the harsh political climate of the last ten years: it is my sincere hope that it will be endorsed and ratified as speedily as possible by the greatest possible number of States.

The Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America which was opened for signature in early 1967 is designed to create a nuclear-free zone for an area of 20 million square kilometres inhabited by 250 million people. At the first part of the 22nd session of the General Assembly I hailed this welcome development as a step which, when the treaty enters into effect, will help to promote effective collective measures to maintain peace and security in a wide area. The establishment of nuclear-free zones in other parts of the globe following the worthy precedent set by this Treaty would have an important influence on restricting the wasteful and dangerous arms race throughout the world.

The vital and urgent issue of restoring to the United Nations its capacity to finance reliably and bring to a successful conclusion any peace-keeping activity it may be called upon to undertake was again accorded extensive consideration last autumn during the first part of the 22nd session of the General Assembly. Although the necessity for a peace-keeping operation can arise at any moment in these troubled times, the organisation is severely handicapped by its inability to raise the necessary funds other than by the highly uncertain method of voluntary contributions, which, at best, tend to come from a relatively small number of Member States, leaving to the Secretary-General the invidious task of soliciting funds from reluctant Member States.

Since 1965, the Irish delegation has striven persistently to remedy this dangerous situation by proposing a resolution aimed at maintaining the right of the General Assembly under Article 17 to make mandatory assessments for peace-keeping. Mandatory assessments are, of course, the only effective way of restoring to the United Nations the capacity to finance peace-keeping operations reliably. The basic cause of the present paralysis of the peace-keeping machinery of the United Nations derives from the claim by two permanent Members of the Security Council that any action to keep the peace—even action of a non-enforcement nature—is the exclusive prerogative of the Council and that the Assembly has no power to initiate peace-keeping operations or to levy mandatory contributions to finance them, even when they are authorised by the Security Council. It is in the vital interest of world peace that when the Security Council is prevented by a veto from discharging its primary responsibility to maintain peace the General Assembly should not only be able to recommend a peace-keeping operation but to ensure that it is adequately and reliably financed.

On the last occasion on which this Department's Estimate was discussed I mentioned that the General Assembly at its 21st session in 1966 had taken no decision on a resolution co-sponsored by Ireland and 11 other Members commending a system of mandatory assessments which had been passed by the Special Political Committee. I regret to report that the fifth Special Session of the General Assembly held in April and May 1967 failed to come to grips with the problem of peace-keeping, and deferred any real action on the matter by adopting the recommendation of the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations—the Committee of 33, as it is called—that it be authorised to continue its work and to report to the 22nd session of the General Assembly which commenced in September 1967. The Committee of 33 failed to achieve any results and was obliged to report to the 22nd session that it had been unable to undertake the task entrusted to it by the Assembly owing to the preoccupation of the entire membership of the Organisation with certain international developments, and that it felt it should continue to carry out its mandate.

At the 22nd session Ireland, together with Ceylon, Costa Rica, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Philippines, Togo, and Upper Volta again introduced a draft resolution containing proposals similar in principle to those which had been before the General Assembly since 1965. However, a second draft resolution was introduced which proposed to transmit the records of the Special Political Committee's work to the Committee of 33 and which requested the Committee of 33 to report on the progress it had made in carrying out its work by 1st July 1968. Speaking in the Special Political Committee, I said that in view of the expectations which had been aroused that the Committee of 33 would produce a fruitful report before July 1st, 1968, and in view of the widespread support which had been expressed for the alternative proposal, the co-sponsors of our draft resolution had concluded that we should not press it to a vote at that time. I urged the Committee of 33 to include in its report a proposal for the adoption of the system of mandatory assessments contained in our resolution, or some other acceptable system of mandatory assessments which would ensure that future peace-keeping operations would be adequately and reliably financed.

I remain convinced that the only reliable method of financing future peace-keeping operations is by way of mandatory assessments. The International Court has declared that the General Assembly has the right to do so under Article 17 of the Charter. But unless the Assembly takes a firm stand on this issue, Article 17 will become a nullity and in time the United Nations will be driven into bankruptcy—moral as well as financial. The worry which an overburdened Secretary-General U. Thant has had in raising a mere 18 million dollars every six months for peace-keeping in Cyprus is a warning of what can happen if mandatory assessments for peace-keeping are not restored. It would be over-optimistic to expect that further United Nations peace-keeping operations will not be required in this much troubled world.

As the Minister for Defence dealt with the Cyprus operation in his Estimate on 13th instant, it is unnecessary for me to go into the matter again; but I wish to pay tribute once more to all our Irish soldiers who have served—and are serving—with the United Nations in the cause of peace in Cyprus and the Middle East. They have won the high esteem of the peoples in the countries in which they are serving and have brought honour and renown to their country.

I wish to deal briefly with the financial aspects of our membership of the United Nations.

The gross Estimated Regular Budget as approved by the General Assembly for the current year is 140,430,950 dollars as against gross budgets of 133,084,000 dollars for 1967 and 121,080,530 dollars for 1966. These increases reflect not only the continuing rise in the costs of maintaining a constant level of operations by the United Nations Secretariat, but also the inevitable expansion of the Secretariat as a result of several important developments in recent years.

Ireland's assessed contribution to the United Nations Regular Budget for 1968 amounts to 196,497 dollars as compared with an assessment of 167,987 dollars for 1967 and 163,136 dollars for 1966. The increases in our contributions which are shown by these figures are the result first of the revision of the scale of assessments by the Committee on Contributions as passed by the General Assembly in its resolution 2291 (XXII) of 8th December, 1967. This revision which is objectively calculated in accordance with the statistics for Ireland's comparative economic growth in the base period 1963-5 has increased our assessment from 0.16 per cent to 0.17 per cent for the three year period up to and including 1970 when the matter will be again reviewed. Secondly, the increases result from the growth of the gross budget of the United Nations over the period in question.

In regard to the general financial position of the United Nations in the last year the Secretary-General has informed the General Assembly that there is little cause for optimism. The ad hoc Committee of Experts to examine the Finances of the United Nations and Specialised Agencies, which was established by the General Assembly in December, 1965, did nothing to further a solution of the basic problems of the organisation's long and short-term indebtedness and the Special Committee on Peace Keeping has yielded disappointing results.

The Secretary-General has stated that while the organisation's overall cash position has been such as to enable it to meet its immediate obligations, the current situation although not critical is certainly precarious. He has pointed to the need for a political solution to certain of the long-term aspects of financing the organisation and has urged that fresh and determined efforts must be made to liquidate former peace keeping indebtedness, to devise ways and means whereby future operations involving relatively large expenditures are financed on a firmer and more reliable basis than in the past, to reach accommodation that will arrest the regular budgetary short-fall and therefore safeguard the integrity of the organisation as an expression of collective responsibility.

Ireland continues to support the United Nations voluntary humanitarian funds and we have found it possible to provide for modest increases in our contributions to some of these funds. The Estimate for International Co-operation this year contains provision for a contribution of £1,500 towards the United Nations programme for the education and training abroad of South Africans affected by the policies of apartheid.

The role of a small country in international affairs is limited by a number of factors. Nevertheless, as a small country, we have what we consider to be a useful and, I hope, productive role to play as a part of the European community. In recent years, the various developments which have taken place in Europe and the interest we in this country have displayed in these developments indicate our concern and our desire to play a role in these events.

The big question as far as this country is concerned in recent years, and which is still unresolved, is the fate of our application, in common with other countries, particularly Britain, to accede to the Rome Treaty and join the European Economic Community. In considering that application and in discussing the attitude which should be adopted on it, there has been over the past few years very considerable debate not merely in the House but in different bodies and organisations throughout the country. The views expressed have ranged from acceptance of the aims and objectives of the Rome Treaty to outright opposition. The attitude of those who were opposed to this proposal, while understandable, seems to me not to be accepting the facts as they are, or facing the problems inherent in the various European economic and political developments.

The general movement towards European unity and the efforts made to strengthen the European framework or fabric have made great headway over the past 20 years. Twenty years ago the initial steps were taken to establish the Council of Europe, and to create economic and social conditions which would enable Europe to provide a standard of living for the European peoples which politicians and statesmen and others in the various European countries were anxious to provide and, indeed, to build after the havoc of the war and the problems created by post-war reconstruction. The impetus given to that movement was undoubtedly inspired mainly by the sense of urgency which the people in the different countries felt was present because of the problems created by the war and their anxiety and desire to create economic and social conditions capable of providing a reasonable and proper standard of living for the peoples they represented.

That movement has had remarkable success. The European co-operation made possible by the Council of Europe, and the economic improvements achieved by the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation and subsequently continued and developed under the Organisation for European Co-operation and Development can all be measured and are statistics and facts. The standard of living of the people in the different countries bears testimony to the work, the accomplishments and developments which have taken place. Some ten or 12 years ago the developments which had brought Europe to that stage of economic and social progress were further expanded and extended by the decision of the six countries known as the Six to sign the Treaty of Rome.

It is true that the development arose from the failure of the French National Assembly in, I think, autumn 1954 to ratify the European defence arrangements. Nevertheless the attempts at co-operation and development which have taken place since in the Six have undoubtedly meant a very significant improvement in the economic and social conditions of the member countries. It is not necessary now to recall the circumstances in which other countries did not participate in that movement, but it is a fact that other countries, and particularly Britain, failed to take the necessary action to adhere to the Treaty, and the result of that decision meant that not merely did Britain not become a member, but this country and some others failed to join it as well.

Leaving aside entirely the economic and social aims of the movement for European co-operation and for European unity, no matter under what heading it is described, the objective of the founders of the general movement for co-operation and unity in Europe was to ensure not merely the economic and social development of the member countries, but also peace and security throughout the world, to improve the living standards of their own countries as well as the developing countries, and to promote scientific, technological and other developments of a kind calculated to raise the living standards and improve generally the conditions of the member countries.

I mention this now because I feel that this country has got to decide in the light of those changes what attitude we propose to adopt, and to decide that in the realisation that the small countries much more than the large ones cannot live in isolation, and cannot live in conditions in which we could in some way or other refuse to face the economic or political effects of the general movement towards European co-operation. This problem has often been discussed but for some obscure reason—perhaps a desire not to face facts—certain people who comment on this say we would be better out of Europe and that the obligations involved in adhering to the Rome Treaty are such that we could not measure up to them.

It seems to me that having participated in and benefited by the general movement from the commencement of the Council of Europe, and having participated in and secured advantages from membership of the OECD, this country must accept some form of arrangement similar to that involved in the Treaty of Rome. No one suggests that the terms of the Treaty of Rome or any of these other bodies to which we have adhered are perfect, or that the member countries regard them as ideal from their point of view, but looking at the economic and social conditions which existed in Europe at that time and contrasting those conditions with the very substantial improvements which resulted from the work of those bodies, I think it is obvious that some form of arrangement designed to embrace as many countries as possible in Europe must be in the interests not merely of the countries of the continent of Europe but in our interest as well.

It is for that reason that I want to discuss briefly this morning the question of the present position of our application to adhere to the Treaty of Rome, and to discuss how that application may be affected by the Benelux proposals. The Taoiseach referred to the Benelux proposals at the Institute of Adult Education in Dublin on 2nd February, 1968. He said the Government, in principle, were favourably disposed towards the Benelux plan on the understanding that that proposal would not have a divisive effect. I mention that because as I understand the Benelux proposals, they conflict with the objectives and the approach of applicant countries in respect of the Common Market. The position, so far as I understand it, is that the application of applicant countries for membership of EEC is made to the Six and not to the Five or, for that matter, to the One. The Benelux proposal involves widening the Rome Treaty into a group of Ten rather than a group of Six and I understand its aim is to extend the Rome Treaty. It is important for us to remember that it is essential, in seeking membership, to secure whatever transitional arrangements may be possible but that the Rome Treaty, as it has already operated, must be accepted in the letter and the spirit.

The Benelux proposal involves a problem of the procedure to be adopted and the actual conditions which will apply. The question involves the establishment of a precise procedure for consultation between the Community, the member states and the candidate states in order to facilitate rapproachement and avoid differences existing between the candidate states and those of the Community. This, of course, could cover every type of matter, whether settled by the Commission of EEC already. It could cover co-operation in, say, desired fields not already covered by the Rome Treaty—for instance, questions of technology, and so on—and might, if developed, involve strengthening the Community. As I understand it, the Benelux States have offered themselves and have expressed themselves as being at the disposal of their partners in the Community, the European Commission and the candidate States, to reply to questions, proposals, which are necessarily outline proposals, and to examine the proposals in depth.

One of the big questions so far as applicant countries are concerned—this is a matter on which it is important we should have some information—is that accession means more than merely accepting the Treaty. It involves subsequent decisions. It involves, of course, the big question of political unification. Furthermore, while we may have transitional arrangements we cannot change the Rules, once we accept.

The Community has always regarded and believed that membership is the solution for Europe most in conformity with the aims of the Treaty, for those democratic countries which have obtained a sufficient degree of economic development. As I understand it, the Community is not in favour of separate entries. The principle should therefore be that the different accession treaties, which will necessarily be concluded and ratified on different dates, would take effect simultaneously, that is, after ratification by the Parliaments concerned, and enter into force from the date of the last ratification.

The trade barriers and other barriers which it is expected to eliminate will be of little use without the co-ordination of the industrial and economic policies. A very important question for this country is the problem of agriculture. Indeed, in that regard, the Community dealt at considerable length with the aim of a common policy in agriculture. It has expressed and published, in Community Document No. 21, that a common policy must be worked out and applied for the Community as a whole because it makes it easier to tackle some of the major problems of adapting agriculture to modern economic conditions. These, it goes on to say, are traditional problems which have hitherto been grappled with at national level. It further states that one of the problems to be faced is the uneconomic size of many farm holdings—a matter to which I have recently referred in relation to this country. We are told that more than two-thirds of the Community farms are less than 25 acres in extent. There exists the problems of a lack of mobility among farm workers and, in most member States, a shortage of capital for modernisation. The report went on to deal with the problems of modernisation, the specialisation of marketing, the efforts to modernise their economy and points out that the farming population of the Community has been falling by over 400,000 every year while, at the same time, industry is desperately short of trained manpower.

So far as this country is concerned, these problems are of very pertinent interest. There exists, however, this question of the Benelux proposal and the effect it might have on our position and the position of the Six. As I understand it, the self-sufficiency of the Ten member countries which would be involved in the Benelux proposal amounts to about 85 per cent which is lower than that of the Six at 90 per cent and, apart from Norway, the other Four have lower agricultural prices than the Six. It is therefore essential that we should consider and decide whether the Benelux proposal conflicts with or might be regarded as in conflict with our application to join EEC or would present difficulties in that connection.

It is not necessary here to say that agriculture holds a very special place in our economy. Almost one-third of our labour force is employed in agriculture and it accounts for more than 20 per cent of our gross national product, that is, farm products alone, of which beef and cattle are the most important and, in fact, amount to two-thirds of the total value of goods exported. It is because of this that I raise the question of the unrealistic approach adopted by those who criticise the idea of some form of membership of, or arrangement with EEC if Britain joins and the common external tariff would then be applied against our exports to Britain.

The problems which we have in the over-population in agriculture compared with other occupations and our problems regarding the number leaving the land each year are to a considerable extent similar to those of member countries. So far as prices are concerned—and this is a very important consideration—some agricultural products in the Community are in excess of, or equal to, actual demand. It is interesting to note this because of the position which obtains here. Total pig meat production of the Community is over 3,700,000 tons against consumption of 3,600,000 tons. In respect of eggs there is a total production short of consumption and the same is true of poultry. As regards milk and dairy products—and this has had an effect here—total production of butter is very little short of consumption and the recent announcement by An Bord Bainne emphasises the problems involved in the disposal of butter and milk products here.

The Community's total production of cheese at 1,421,000 tons in round figures is virtually equal to consumption of 1,463,000, leaving a difference of only about 40,000 tons. These matters obviously involve questions that must be decided and that this country must face if we are not merely to ensure a market but also ensure that actions and decisions are not taken by other countries, particularly by the country to which we sell most, which would involve not only a tariff on agricultural goods but also restrictions on industrial exports.

The whole question of the economic development of Europe is, of course, involved in the decision of many European countries, those which joined together in the Council of Europe and other organisations when this movement began just 20 years ago. The movement, which involved the efforts made by the member countries to develop their economic and other resources, was a movement not only for economic but also for political aims and objectives recognising that the real need of these countries, particularly those that were affected by the war, was for peace. It is no less true today than it was then or than it will be at any time in the future that a small country has a vested interest in peace. We want to see peace based on justice in which the rights of countries, great and small, to live free from outside interference is implicit. In saying that, it is right also to emphasise something that I said recently that everyone in this country and I think in many countries is naturally concerned about the problems of places where peace does not exist and, of course, at present about the particular problem of Vietnam.

But in our concern, our anxiety and our desire to alleviate the sufferings of people such as those of Vietnam, we must not allow our feelings to blunt our realisation that there were other countries before Vietnam in which people suffered. Just because it happened ten years ago or, perhaps, longer we cannot forget the sufferings of the people of Hungary or Poland. We cannot forget that the people in East Germany and other areas are held down under regimes that are not acceptable to a great number of the people in these areas and merely because the present conflict is in Vietnam, much as we deplore it and anxious as everybody is to see peace restored there, we cannot forget that independence, freedom and liberty have been denied to other countries merely because it happened five, ten or 15 years ago.

One of the things in which we have always gloried and, indeed, one of the characteristics which has probably enabled this country to play some role in assisting developing countries is that throughout our history we reacted against oppression and domination by a large power. It was both political and religious domination. It would be unworthy of us in present circumstances if merely because we are outside it and far away we allowed ourselves to be either brainwashed or become indifferent to the sufferings of people in other countries or if we ever accepted that people in these countries should readily allow themselves to be dominated by external forces, particularly the forces of those who subsequently never left the countries when they once got into them.

Something I said recently is somewhat in line with a matter referred to recently in the Netherlands. I dwelt on the role which a small country like Ireland could play in the Atlantic alliance or partnership and the Movement for European Unity in the Netherlands in its publication in December, 1967, referred to this matter. Having dealt with the problem of putting the European House in order, it went on to say that the Atlantic partnership suggested by the late President Kennedy would require, as a first condition, that Europe put her own affairs in order. It said:

The European Community must, as a true partner in an Atlantic alliance, strengthen its ties with the United States, without, however, neglecting any opportunity of co-operation with the States of Eastern Europe and any other countries who express such a desire.

That, though differing in phraseology, does not differ in intent from what I said recently in America. I said:

The common fortunes can best be served by the creation of the Atlantic partnership of which President Kennedy was an eloquent and untiring supporter. Inter-dependence, and not dependence, equality and not subservience, would be the characteristics of such a partnership which would immeasurably strengthen the common political and cultural heritage which we wish to preserve. It is a policy in which Ireland and America would find common cause. By going into Europe, Ireland need not and must not turn its back on the Atlantic. Its new European responsibilities need not, if wise counsels are to prevail, break these old ties.

The aim of the European movement is to strengthen the political, economic and—we might as well face it—military strength of Europe, so that it would be capable of undertaking the burden appropriate to Europe and carrying their own responsibilities, while, at the same time, co-operating with the United States and with the countries of Eastern Europe, Russia, and so on, in maintaining world peace. There is a great danger that people may take freedom for granted. This facile approach is based on a dangerous delusion that someone else will look after their interests. As was so well said in the early years of the war by the late Wendell Wilkie, peace is indivisible. It is much easier for war to spread than peace. As was rightly said in this document discussing the proposals of the Netherlands for a general movement towards European unity, no community can exist without authority.

We should recognise that the efforts made by the communists to disrupt the free world show a similar pattern and have the same characteristics as they had previously. Disruptive movements initiated in so many different countries at the same time cannot happen spontaneously, cannot all erupt at the same time, in every university, in every institution in Europe and the United States, involving problems that require to be dealt with. It is too obvious that in these disruptive movements communist agitators are, not in every place but in most of them, actively at work and are undertaking these activities for the purpose of causing dismay and disunity among these countries. The people who suffer most from this disruption in the long run are the weak, those least able to look after themselves.

I want to refer to one other matter before concluding, that is, the question of Biafra. The fact that, as I understand, talks are to begin tomorrow is naturally welcome, but we have an obligation in this country not merely to express our concern but as far as possible to use our influence to get humanitarian considerations and humanitarian influences to operate in this area. It is idle to talk of the rules of war or anything like that. I believe that the International Red Cross and other agencies in which we have an influence could play a part. The Minister referred in the course of his observations to the magnificent work of Irish missionaries abroad, to which many of us have often in the past paid tribute. While recognising the difficulties and the complexities of the situation, and while in no way feeling that it is possible for a country so far away from the scene, and with such limited facilities to deal with the problem, we must be moved by the sufferings of the people in this area to use our influence, and if possible, to assist to a greater extent the International Red Cross and similar agencies in dealing with this matter.

The question of aid to the developing countries is one that was referred to and, so far as I can make it up from perusing the Estimates, the aid provided by this country for development amounts to about £320,000. That is covered by the External Affairs Vote, Subheads C.3 to C.9, inclusive, from two subheads in the Education Vote, two in Agriculture, and one in the Department of Health Estimates. In view of the magnitude of the problem of world hunger and the gravity of the problems raised by it, the aid being given by the FAO and the World Food Programme—so far as we are concerned, by Gorta—is very little.

As I have said here before, there is an obligation on this country and other countries to exert themselves to the maximum possible extent. Indeed, it was one of the aspects of our whole External Affairs policy which probably touched the hearts of the people most and provoked the desire in many people to contribute to this development. Undoubtedly, so far as we are concerned, the only way in which the relief can be expended is to channel it through some of the specialised agencies. For that reason it is obvious that the way in which we can give aid is relatively limited, other than in the financial sense, although we have contributed in other ways as well. The pressing problem of world hunger, the gravity of the situation in a great many countries like India and so on, is such that this country, which now enjoys good conditions but which in the past suffered from similar problems, must appreciate the sufferings of people in these areas.

The last matter I want to mention is the question of publicity abroad. There is a great deal to be said for co-ordinating to a greater extent the efforts of the different agencies. The Department does co-operate with bodies like Bord Fáilte, CTT and others, but some of them have similar interests in the sense that certain ones are dealing with trade, others are dealing with tourism, and whether it is one or the other the advantage to the economy means we should exploit our publicity efforts to the fullest extent possible. One sometimes has the impression that the activities of one of these bodies, in certain areas, is carried on almost independently of the others. Because of our limited resources, publicity, provided it is the right kind, must inure to the national benefit and there is a very strong case for co-ordinating the efforts so far as possible of these bodies and co-operating and ensuring that a proper presentation of our image is undertaken. In that connection I feel that in respect of culture and other activities tribute should be paid to the non-State agencies, bodies or groups who go abroad and achieve success. Everybody was impressed by the remarkable success which attended the Abbey Players in Italy and the equally satisfactory reception they are getting in London at present. These activities keep this country in the forefront as a country that is concerned with cultural and other activities as well as political and economic matters.

This morning I am in the happy situation that not having addressed any type of meeting in America or elsewhere and not having recently made a public pronouncement on matters such as this, I am not in the position the Minister and Deputy Cosgrave were in and do not have to explain what I meant when I said certain things. It should be noted that both the Minister and Deputy Cosgrave spent a considerable time here this morning explaining what was meant on other occasions.

I should like straight off to say that I consider that the United Nations so far has been a failure. The spectacle of the United Nations going about to see whether they can make money available or get nations with money to make it available, to the extent of a mere 18 million dollars every six months for the purpose of financing peace-keeping operations in Cyprus while a blazing war goes on in Vietnam —which they do not appear to consider to be any of their business—and while the Middle East is in turmoil waiting to boil over, proves to me that the United Nations, having been set up for a certain purpose, is becoming like the old League of Nations, becoming embroiled in little things, and eventually the Third World War will start before they know what was the start of it. The peculiar thing is that there are certain people in high positions in this world, and indeed in this country, who would be prepared to start a Third World War for the purpose of maintaining peace. Some of the statements being made at present would give one the impression that if another world war starts, those who talked like that could not become embroiled in it. It is all right for the others; it does not matter if thousands or millions are killed. This attitude of "I'm all right, Jack", seems to be held by so many people in high places.

You are in the middle of the Third World War: it is going on.

I am quite sure that Deputy Dillon will get ample time to make his contribution and I would be grateful if he would let me avail of the short time which I propose to use this morning. While nobody would accuse me of being pro-communist— indeed in this country I am very often accused of being something far different—I can see a certain amount of justice in the efforts of the Vietnamese, and I do not know the rights or wrongs of it, in trying to unify their country. Over the centuries when we had uprisings the people who were responsible for them, the patriots of the time, had no objection to foreign powers giving them assistance. Many of them were asked but very few did give any assistance. Nobody could claim that the ideologies of these countries who were asked to assist against the invader here were at one with those of the Irish people, but yet they were asked. Now we are prepared to criticise out of hand the fact that the Chinese communists and the Russian communists, who are ready to go at each other's throats, are fighting together against the peace-loving Americans who are fighting in Vietnam.

This is far too big a problem to be discussed on an occasion such as this but it is true that those of us who are opposed to war are horrified at the actions of the people assisting the North Vietnamese, and the Americans who claim to be assisting the South Vietnamese, in not alone killing thousands of defenceless people but, in the case of the Americans, killing thousands of the flower of their youth. This morning it is estimated that 555,000 American troops are in Vietnam. God knows how many have been killed and God knows how many more will be killed before this petty squabble is finished. Of course the South Vietnamese are giving very little thanks to the Americans because while the talks are going on in Paris which may bring about some kind of peace, the South Vietnamese are only awaiting an excuse to say that they are not going to accept what goes on there.

I hope that the Minister will not think I am blaming him for all this. I want to make it clear that I am saying that the United Nations do not seem to be doing what could be done in an effort to bring the whole thing to a halt. Deputy Cosgrave referred, and rightly so, to Hungary, Poland and East Germany and we could refer to many more countries, where the Communists went in and succeeded in getting a foothold and held on. Is it not an extraordinary thing that when the uprising took place in Poland, America did not rush over there nor did any of the people on this side of the Atlantic who support America in Vietnam? They stayed out.

I am one of those people who hold that eventually there must be some way of settling differences besides having a war over them because in every war that was fought, it was the ordinary people who suffered. This may sound a bit hackneyed, but in most cases those who had money could get away from the battle area. They could look after themselves and get out and they did not get hurt as badly as the unfortunate people who could not get away; they did not get hurt as badly as the soldiers who were in almost every case the sons—in some cases the daughters—of ordinary working people, of small farmers, small businessmen and of those who work with their hands. These were the people who were killed. These are the people who have always been killed right back through the centuries, back to the time when war was fought on a more civilised basis, the time when the two leaders went out and, as somebody said, whacked hell out of each other until one or other won. God knows, it would be a grand thing if we could get back once again to that method of settling disputes. It would put an end to war.

While this colossal expenditure is being incurred by the United States of America in Vietnam, you have the situation in the USA in which nothing is being done to improve the conditions of certain of their nationals. Last year there were Negro riots and, according to white Americans, there will be Negro riots again this year. Many of these white Americans say that the Negro is not being treated merely as a second-class citizen; he is being treated as a fifth- or sixth-class citizen. He does not count. There is no money to improve his conditions. The money must be used for fighting the war in Vietnam.

The General Secretary of the United Nations, the Pope and various other people have appealed to the USA to stop bombing North Vietnam in an effort to bring about a peace. I quite agree, that, if the Americans think they are right, they should ask that other people stop supplying arms and ammunition to the North Vietnamese. This is the sort of thing that will go on. They will argue and argue and, while they are arguing in safety thousands of miles away from the battlefront, the unfortunate ordinary people involved in the war are being killed every day. That is the tragedy.

We had a reference to Biafra. Again, this is a place in which thousands can be killed. Recently I was speaking to a clergyman who had returned from Biafra. He told me some horrifying stories of atrocities which are, apparently, the accepted thing there. One side claim they do not execute people but they make it clear to their followers that out of sight is out of mind and, if they commit atrocities when nobody is looking, that is all right. The other side kill people for no other reason than that they were born in that portion of the country which has seceded. I do not know whether or not the United Nations can do anything about this. I do not know whether or not they are in a position to take an interest in a situation such as this. They did take an interest in Cyprus and in the Congo. I am rather surprised to find that we now have people, who were supposed to be keeping the peace in the Congo at one stage, publishing books—I am quite sure the object of such publications is to make money—containing stories of atrocities and the shooting of unarmed people by soldiers. Since we had soldiers out there, we are all being tarred with the same brush. It is just too bad that this should happen. I wonder if the United Nations—this is something in which the Minister might interest himself—could not do something to stop these wars in which so many people are being killed.

The whole trouble seems to stem from the fact that the United Nations was set up as a rather exclusive club, with a number of non-league clubs attached to it, and one group want to insist that they have the sole right to do certain things. I believe that, if the voice of Ireland were heard appealing for reason, not alone to those nations which are small but also to those which are big and powerful, they might eventually listen to that small voice and they might possibly see reason. At the moment things seem to be getting rapidly out of hand.

Nuclear devices were mentioned here. I want to refer briefly to this: it amazes me to find some countries pushing their claim to manufacture nuclear devices, while simultaneously, appealing to other countries for assistance to fed the hungry in their own countries. I suppose it is a sign of the times. It shows the way things are going.

Reference was made to the EEC. When I hear politicians talking about a united Europe, I often wonder if they have studied the map of Europe recently. When we talk about a united Europe we are talking about six countries in Europe, one of which is split down the middle. With regard to our application for entry into the EEC, I think Deputy Cosgrave got his figures a bit mixed. Last year there was two per cent over-production of milk in the Six. This year, I understand the position will be much worse and, because of that, it is a little foolish to start talking about the improvements there will be in Irish agriculture if we become associated with these people. In addition, France has been overproducing wheat at a tremendous rate. What are they doing with it? Being subsidised by the Agricultural Fund in the EEC, they are selling it to Red China, which is, apparently, the only country prepared to buy it. It is a hard wheat.

French wheat? I never knew of any hard wheat-growing in France and I am a long time buying wheat.

I am using the information I was given by someone engaged in agriculture in France. The French are selling their surplus wheat and, if we go in with them, I am quite sure wheat will no longer be grown here.

Deputy Cosgrave and, indeed, the Minister seem to have forgotten the fact that, while there is a big drain from agriculture here, there is also a big drain from agriculture in these other countries. Deputy Cosgrave's figures for the EEC countries is 400,000 people leaving agriculture per year. He said there was a big shortage of people for industrial jobs. That is not true. He must know that at the present moment there is widespread unemployment in West Germany, in France, before the strikes, and in Belgium. We have a situation in France in which power is now in the hands of the students. Up to a week ago it was a dictatorship. Yet, both the Minister and Deputy Cosgrave suggest that we should become associated with a country like that as quickly as possible.

I assume Deputy Cosgrave's reference to political unification is a nice way of describing defence commitments. The Minister for Defence was adamant the other day that we had no defence commitments and would have none, good, bad or indifferent, if we go into the EEC. The Taoiseach was not so adamant in answer to a number of questions; he said the matter would be dealt with when it arose. He certainly gave me the impression that, as far as this country was concerned, if we get into the EEC, we will shoulder our guns and be responsible, the same as everybody else, for the defence of Europe. We get mixed into our discussions on the EEC the suggestion that nationalism is the cause of all the trouble. That may be all right for Germany and France who became involved in two world wars with each other but nationalism is part and parcel of Irish life and I should hate to see anybody suggesting seriously, as has been suggested, that we should march into Europe and forget that we are Irish. We are supposed apparently to think of ourselves as Europeans and that that is good enough for us. It is not good enough for me.

Reference was made to the size of holdings and Deputy Cosgrave was misquoted on this during the last few days. The question of the size of holding has been mentioned here by me on three occasions in the past two years. At a conference in Brussels some time ago, and at a previous conference attended by Deputy O'Higgins, among others, it was made clear by the people representing agriculture on behalf of the EEC that they felt the size of an economic farm should be one of 70 hectares. I am afraid that would be responsible for wiping out an awful lot of our small farms or, worse still, our small farmers. It is grand to cover this up by saying that the EEC will mean prosperity for all our farmers. In fact it is known quite well that the opposite will be the case. I am sorry to take up so much of the time of the House on this matter, particularly because I was under the impression that we are further away from EEC membership than ever. Why, therefore, should it become a live topic today? It rather surprises me. Is there a special reason for it?

Deputy Cosgrave referred to the Benelux proposals and I should like to point out that nobody in the House objects to some type of association on our part with the EEC. On the other hand, it would be rather foolish for us to burn all our boats, whether proposed by the Benelux countries or by anyone else. One other important point is in relation to Deputy Cosgrave's reference to the fact that England and other countries could have got into the EEC when the organisation was being set up but that England did not and, of course, Ireland did not. The answer on our behalf is that we always believed that in view of the volume of our trade with Britain, to suggest that we should go it alone is utter nonsense.

Hear, hear.

I promised I would keep my contribution short, but before concluding I should like to ask the Minister a question. If the EEC negotiations are so important, if his Party think that membership of the EEC will solve all our problems or most of our problems, will he tell the House why he has not taken part in them? Why has he been in New York when he could have been employed far more usefully on the country's behalf in discussions with people with whom the future of his country lies? Perhaps the Minister might also make available for my benefit and for the benefit of other Deputies a list of our representatives abroad. I am sorry I do not know them all. A number of them whom I have met during the past few years have been doing a darned good job. I have criticised a number of them in the House who I felt were not doing their jobs. Let me say now that those whom I have met in the past few years appear to be doing an excellent job and it is only fair that I should place that on the records of the House in view of my earlier criticisms.

Is it not fascinating that Deputy Tully, whether by percipience or otherwise, should say that it is fantastic to suggest, as Deputy Seán Lemass on one occasion suggested, that we should go it alone into the EEC? Deputy Tully says that the idea of our entering the EEC if Britain did not enter is fantastic, but it does not occur to him that it would be equally fantastic to suggest that if Britain did enter, we should not enter.

Everybody knows that.

Very well then, but let us face the fact that if Great Britain enter, we have got to go in because we cannot afford EEC tariffs rising between us and Great Britain. Faced with that prospect, there can be no more cruel fraud practised on our people than to conceal from them what that involves for this country. If Great Britain enters the EEC, our economic survival requires us to go into the EEC; yet I have noted for years in this House that the Taoiseach and the Minister for External Affairs sedulously have sought to conceal from our people what that would involve. It certainly involves political responsibility. They know that but they do not want to tell our people. It certainly involves defence responsibility. They know that but they do not want to tell our people. It certainly involves radical adaptation not only of our industrial activities—and they have talked a good deal about that and urged all to prepare themselves for free trade—but they have not told that to the people because it was not popular to tell the farmers of this country the full significance of this. Deputy Cosgrave had the courage to mention it, clearly and explicitly.

I remember the day when Great Britain announced her intention not to enter the EEC. I was present in Paris at a meeting of the OECD, representing this country as Minister for Agriculture when I heard Mr. Harold Macmillan, attended by Sir Edward Boyle, announcing that Great Britain was turning her back on the EEC. I felt he was making a terrible mistake but it was not my business to tell Mr. Harold Macmillan his business. I remember at that meeting—if anyone wants to look up the records in the Department of External Affairs he will find a very careful record of it—saying to Herr Luebke, then the German Minister for Agriculture, now President of the Federal German Republic: "Watch out what this means when you enter the EEC."

I know the mind of my old and admirable friend, Mr. Mansholt, now the Agricultural Director of the EEC, at that time Minister for Agriculture in the Dutch Government. I know his mind because he has discussed it with me. What a lot of people are forgetting is that Mr. Mansholt came to Ireland in 1949 or 1950 and the purpose of his visit was to discuss with me Ireland's entry into the Green Pool. That was the first inkling of the whole concept of the EEC. It began as a Benelux proposal, then it became the Steel and Iron Pool, and then Mr. Mansholt himself evolved the idea of the Green Pool which was to bring agriculture within its ambit.

The French Minister for Agriculture tried to jump on the bandwagon and I remember saying to Herr Luebke in public at that meeting in Paris:

Watch out what this means. There are technocrats in the field of international agriculture who have an entirely different approach to agriculture from that which you have and that which I believe our Danish friends will have and which I believe the conference has. We in Ireland fought the Land War to make the farmers owners of their own holdings and we believe there is a social value in keeping what in the opinion of the technocrats are small farmers on their own holdings as independent land owners responsible to no one but God for the administration of the land their fathers won for them. Now if we are to meet the technocrats' approach, which is to divide the whole country into ranches and turn all the small farmers of your country and France and Denmark and Ireland into employees, we are approaching this from the attitude of a gentleman called Lord Lucan whom in Ireland we used to describe as the great exterminator and we do not want that and we do not believe you want it.

Remember, a Cheann Comhairle, when you are considering this, there are far more small farms and far smaller farms in Denmark than there are in Ireland. There are far more small farms in Germany and France than there are in Ireland and our answer to that—and I think this country ought to be indebted to Deputy Cosgrave for bringing it to the forefront of our people's minds—is that there is only one means of preserving our social pattern in rural Ireland and at the same time meeting the technocrats' plans for the agricultural future of Europe, that is, co-operation. Unless we can teach our small farmers to join hands in active co-operation to market, to develop, to process the produce of their land, then, as certainly as we are in this room, the small farmers of every country in Europe, never mind Ireland, will be wiped out. It should be our purpose to ensure that neither here nor in France, nor in Denmark, nor in Germany, nor in any other free country in Europe shall that happen because the greatest stabilising influence in any of these societies is the small farmer owning his own land.

I venture to make this prophecy that while at this moment, under the direction of Mr. Schoeman, whom I am glad to say we have just thrown out on his ear, we have anarchy in the city of Paris—and it is dangerous to make prophecies of this kind in so rapidly changing a world—it will be the stability of rural France that will save France from the anarchy of proletarian Paris. If that is true of France, it is true of every country in Europe as well as the United States of America, and, mind you, the United States of America may have made the very mistake that Deputy Cosgrave sought to warn our people against making. When I went to live in America 40 years ago, over 60 per cent of the people of America lived on the land and 40 per cent in the cities. Today 82 per cent of the American people live in towns and cities and 18 per cent live on the land. Compare the rocklike stability of the United States of America 40 years ago with the fluid situation that is tearing every city in the United States into tatters under the impact of proletarian movements which modern society finds it more and more difficult to control.

Our purpose when we inevitably move into the EEC, if and when Britain does, is to ensure that the traditional pattern of our society is retained intact. It is perfectly true to say that in the existing structure of the EEC and bearing in mind that there will be added to it, if we enter, not only ourselves but Britain, Norway and probably Denmark, we could easily find that in that situation there would be a material surplus of dairy products and a material surplus of certain cereal products. To meet that situation and to preserve the integrity of the social pattern of our rural society, we have one instrument available to us, and one only, that is, the effective co-operation of Irish farmers not only in the production but in the processing and marketing of their goods and unless we get that, we will be faced with exactly the problem that Deputy Cosgrave referred to at the Ard-Fheis. Let us face the fact that that problem is already with us.

Let me remind the House of certain fundamental facts which I think ought to be placed on the record of this House. About 15,000 Irish farmers per year are at present abandoning their holdings mainly in favour of emigration to English industrial slums. If anybody can be fairly accused of exterminating these people, it can be only those who so violently reject the notion that our present policies need to be radically reorientated, to recognise the indisputable fact that the present flight from the land is not the same thing as causing it or willing it. Given the kind of conditions that we can expect in Europe in the 1970s, if we are content to continue with our present attitudes and policies, there is no reason whatever to think that the flight from the land will diminish. On the contrary, as in America, it is likely to increase. That would mean, over a ten-year period, the disappearance of a further 150,000 farmers off the land of Ireland. To foresee this as the likely outcome of present policies is not to wish it, Sir. On the contrary, if this catastrophe does occur, history will blame those who, with their heads firmly buried in the sand, refuse to recognise where present policies are taking us and thus prevent necessary action being taken in time.

Let us consider what it involves if 150,000 further farmers leave the land in the next ten years. Large areas of this country, in the middle of one of which I live, will become uninhabited.

I am afraid the Deputy is getting away from the Department of External Affairs and into the realm of farming and agriculture.

I can see the Ceann Comhairle's difficulty, but surely we cannot advocate entry into the EEC without facing the consequences of it for our people? Deputy Tully protests that we are barging into the EEC without looking forward. I want to envisage what inevitably must happen if we go into the EEC which, in my judgement, we have to do if Britain does. It is not open to us to make a choice. We have to follow Britain and I am urging that steps be taken now to prepare ourselves effectively for it. I think the Minister himself has spoken of the industrial measures being taken to equip industry to do it. Nobody wants to see vast areas of this country depopulated, least of all those of us who represent these congested areas in Dáil Éireann, who have done so all our lives and who have lived among these people who are our neighbours since boyhood.

It is not inevitable and I want to suggest to the House that entry into the EEC is perfectly consistent with the preservation of the social pattern represented by small farmers in Denmark, France, Germany and Ireland and by the firm rejection of the social pattern being created in Great Britain and the USA. They have chosen to depopulate the rural land of their countries and to concentrate populations in huge proletarian urbanised areas. We should turn our backs emphatically on that solution. The only way of avoiding the social catastrophe which has overtaken those two countries is to plan to make the small farmers effective to compete for survival and a reasonable standard of living as small farmers. That can only be done through co-operation.

Many people will ask: "Why has that become so urgent now?" The answer is perfectly simple and I have referred to it repeatedly in this House. Co-operation will open our minds to the fact that television has had a greater impact on human life than the atomic bomb. The small farmers of this country, the small farmers of Denmark, the small farmers of Germany and the small farmers of France accepted the standard of living associated with the small farmers. Mind you, there was a dignity, there was a peace and there was a true happiness associated with it which I think tragically is passing from the world by the arrival of television in every kitchen in Ireland, France, Denmark and Germany. This has presented to those people living at that standard of living and in those circumstances the whole picture and panoply of the material affluence of urban society every night of our lives, whatever programme is turned on.

There is no use trying to teach young people wisdom. Wisdom is the fruit of experience. There is no use trying to teach young people that even if it looks rosy and seems great in Birmingham, London, Paris and Berlin, even if everything looks exciting and attractive and that they are great places in which to live, that may not be so. There is no use trying to warn them that when you go to live in those cities as a labouring man, you see very little of the bright lights, but what you see is the terrible gloom and the proletarian degradation which attack you and your family. The young will answer. "Why should we work 12 hours a day, seven days a week at home on our father's holding when we can work 40 hours a week, five days a week and earn £20, £25, £30, or £35 a week?" The draw goes on and we cannot match it, no matter what degree of co-operative organisation we mobilise in rural Ireland. An identical material standard of living, however it is, would be measured in terms of money with that available in the big proletarian conurbations of population such as London, Birmingham, Berlin, Chicago or New York but we can provide a standard of living which will retain them in rural Ireland in a sufficient number to preserve the social pattern which is the stability of this country of ours. There will always be some who will prefer to go but I want to ensure that there will not be a mass exodus. I warn this House that since the collapse of the cattle prices two years ago the danger of such a mass exodus is acute and critical. If it passes a certain point, nothing which we can do will ever arrest it.

That would seem to be a matter for another Department.

I will not pursue it further. I wanted to answer a point raised by Deputy Tully when he suggested that Deputy Lemass was talking nonsense when he said that we proposed to go it alone. The obverse proposition is equally true. Deputy Lemass said we were going it alone, whether Great Britain got in or not. It was cod and he knew it. I wanted to answer this by saying that the obverse is equally true. If we want to preserve the social pattern of rural Ireland, we must take steps to equip ourselves for entry into the EEC. Mind you, to hear members of the Government talking, one would think we had nothing to do on the agricultural front to prepare ourselves for the EEC, that it was only the industrial front which should be prepared. This country is greatly indebted to Deputy Cosgrave for having the courage to direct the attention of our people to the agricultural consequences of entry into the EEC and to say that now is the time to take steps to equip ourselves fully to do so.

There is a politician in England at present who is greatly abused. His name is Enoch Powell. He is greatly abused because it is alleged against him that he uses language calculated to promote racialism and race hatred in Great Britain. I do not believe that is true. I do not believe there is a drop of racialism in Enoch Powell's whole body but I believe it is true that he stated a dilemma that is developing in Great Britain in abrasive and harsh language, because long experience had taught him that if you state the truth in public in restrained and carefully considered words, nobody listens to you. It rolls off the backs of your audience as water rolls off a duck's back. Unless you state the fundamental danger by tearing a handful of feathers off such a duck and making it squawk, even in protest, you are not listened to.

I hope to God I can use sufficiently abrasive language here today to awaken our people and the people in other democratic countries to one inescapable fact. We are at this moment in the middle of the Third World War. It is a war between freedom and servitude. It is perfectly true, and I believe Moscow is right in believing that the apostle of servitude represented by the Cominform can never rest easy in its bed so long as liberty is allowed to survive in the world. There is no more eloquent demonstration of that than to watch the Russian monster turn and twist, at the evidence of what is transpiring in Czechoslovakia at the present time. Ten years or so back when there was a movement for liberialisation in Hungary, Great Britain and France got themselves involved in Suez and they got at odds with the United States of America, whereupon Russia sailed into Hungary. There was no question of sending arms. They moved in the Russian army and they trampled Hungarian freedom into the dirt, all because the free nations of the world were occupied in Suez and there was nothing done about it by the United Nations. They debated and passed resolutions and that is all they could do.

The only useful function of the United Nations is to provide a place where people can discuss confidential matters in the corridors. Nothing else happens there except that they spend oceans of money and create a multitude of jobs for international civil servants who cannot get jobs elsewhere and who can get their salaries income tax free. I saw enough of it in FAO, never mind the United Nations. I do not think the United Nations were able to do anything in Hungary and I do not think they are able to do anything anywhere else except to provide an arena in which people can discuss, without drawing the limelight of the world on them, matters of the world confidentially.

The movement of Czechoslovakia away from Stalinism and away from the brutal campaign represented by Stalinist Marxism orthodoxy has created in Russia the fear of a breach. They want the cordon sanitaire of servitude that surrounds them, lest a drop of freedom should get into their own territory. Without that cordon sanitaire, the whole structure would collapse in the whole Soviet Union itself.

One of the great problems of defending freedom is in a time like this that the young people of today, and in that category I include practically everybody under 30 years of age, have never known what it meant to live without freedom. I was sitting beside a highly intelligent, rational citizen in this city recently and he turned to me and quite blandly said: "I think habeas corpus ought to be got rid of; there are a lot of criminals making use of it.” I said: “Do you know what habeas corpus means? Do you know it is the cornerstone of your own freedom?” He did not know what freedom meant. He did not know the extent that an independent judiciary against the authority of the executive for the time being signified at all, because he had never lived in a society where it had been suspended. He had never known the time in this country when he would be taken off the streets and locked up and there was no means of finding out why or for how long. He never realised that the Young Ireland rebellion of 1848 was launched because the British Government had announced their intention of suspending habeas corpus in Ireland and rather than submit to that threat, the leaders of the guerilla movement went out in open rebellion.

How many people understand today what freedom means? I heard an old gentleman, representing the British Union of Employers, or something like that, saying on the television in England six months ago that his solution for the economic difficulties then afflicting Great Britain would be to shut up Parliament for the next six months.

It is immensely difficult to make young people realise that the price of freedom is eternal vigilance. We find hundreds of people quite oblivious that there is proceeding in the world at the moment a third world war. History in our own experience has taught us to think of wars in terms of marching in arms, of naval armadas and of multitudes of aeroplanes flying in the sky. We will never see that kind of war again, nor will our children or our children's children. The atomic bomb put an end to that kind of war and there will never be armies marching again. You will never have fleets of aircraft; there will never be fleets sailing the seven seas again. That kind of war has disappeared from human history. The kind of war that is waged now is the kind of war that is being waged not only in this country but in all free countries in the world where communist aggression is concerned to undermine the foundations of freedom.

At this moment you have on your hands not only Vietnam; you have the Middle East and you also have Stockholm. When I say in this House you also have Stockholm, 99 per cent of the people listening to me have not the foggiest notion of what I mean. One of the headquarters of the destroyers of freedom in the world today is located in Stockholm and is influenced by the Cominform from Moscow.

For years universities of South America have been in a state of chronic chaos as a result of a competent policy of infiltration to those universities by students, trained Spanish-speaking and Portuguese-speaking so-called post-graduate students. These are people who are in their early twenties and, therefore, have a great deal of influence with adolescent students who are in their teens, who are infiltrating into these universities for the purposes of perpetrating what is publicly known as student riots. That operation proved so successful in South America in the attack made on Vice-President Nixon when he went to certain American States during the Presidency of Eisenhower that it was decided to extend it as part of the general world war on freedom and in the course of that war, one of the dupes used was the poor doting old mathematician, Lord Russell. There was a gentleman called Schoenman. He is an American citizen, I believe. What his extraction or background is, I do not know, except that he wears a whiskers like General Botha. He is one of the weirdies and beardies being used by these forces throughout the world. Schoenman, who was attached to this doting old philosopher, Lord Russell, used to issue manifestos in Lord Russell's name when the poor old man had not the intellect to know the difference between a pen and a box of boot polish, and he then, in the name of Lord Russell and what was called the Russell Peace Foundation, announced that he was going to stage in Paris a trial of President Johnson for war crimes in Vietnam. President de Gaulle forbade that and the venue of that farce was transferred to Stockholm. The so-called trial took place in Stockholm and it was a flop; it did not get the publicity that was hoped for it. But there was left in Stockholm under the direction of Schoenman an organisation, under the name of the Russell Peace Foundation, designed to promote student riots wherever the opportunity presented itself.

It is an ancient rule of logic that if there is a proximate explanation for a phenomenon, it is contrary to logic to look for a remote one. You had riots in Berkeley in the State of California; you had riots in Columbia University in the State of New York; you had riots in the London School of Economics; you had riots in the University of Bonn; and you have riots now, evidently successful riots, in the Sorbonne itself. In each of these places there was some ground for complaint but in each of these places you had the consistent pattern which I am going to describe in greater detail as it manifested itself here in Trinity College, Dublin, and I now allege, and I am certain that it is true, that this is all part of the strategy and tactics of the third world war at present being waged on liberty. Because the essential prerequisite to abolishing individual liberty is the creation of anarchy and if you once can create anarchy, then a resolute minority who aspire to dictatorship can grab, or hope to grab, power.

What happened in Dublin? It is important to know. We were entertaining guests of the nation and in the course of their visit here, they were invited by the Board of Trinity College to visit Trinity College, Dublin. On entering Trinity College, they were grossly insulted and, perfectly properly, the servants of the State intervened to see that insult was not allowed to go beyond tolerable limits. That incident evoked from the Provost of Trinity College the astonishing comment that he thought the activities of the students were quite irrelevant. If he really thought that, it is high time he thought again.

Then there were further meetings and it is right that the story should be told and put on the records of this House. It was all told in the letter to the Irish Times of 16th May signed by R. H. P. Laird. Mr. Laird had the following tale to tell:

I wish to take this opportunity of drawing the attention of yourself, my fellow-students and the people of this nation to what I consider to be a real evil growing in our midst, to which we are encouraged to be oblivious.

Today I attended no less than four gatherings of students in college, with the prospect of another tonight. The first was, according to my observations, an incident deliberately engineered by a small number of extreme Left-wing students, to provoke police action, and provide a pretext for student protests. After a banner was taken down, as the Royal guests to the college were entering the new library, a student was ready to jump up, and protest vehemently against "police brutality", of which I could see none whatsoever.

In due course, the second "incident", at which I was present, was when students tried to force their way through police cordons as the Royal party left the college. These students included those who had been present at the "banner" incident.

Thirdly, an open-air rally was held outside the Dining Hall, at which student attention, which had existed before, was focussed on the issue of so-called "police brutality" to students. At this meeting, a large number of UCD students were amongst the gathering of about 300 people (at least). The crowd was incited to voice various views of the point in question by a number of individuals.

These individuals, when they had raised many cases of blood pressure, and covered their standards of so-called "free speech", proceeded to hold another demonstration outside the office of the Students' Representative Council, where it was decided to hold another "rally" tonight.

At each of these incidents the number of people gathered increased, with the same individuals taking part in the oratory that took place.

My contention is this:

The whole series of incidents has taken the appearance of extremely well-organised Left-wing supporters, who are engineering things to protest against "authority", on the pretext of "police brutality". This is exactly the same pretext as used in Bonn, Paris and London in similar circumstances !

A series of student "revolts" has been carefully engineered throughout the cities of Europe—Dublin is next on the list.

I do not propose to complete reading the contents of this letter, the full context of which can be found in the Irish Times of 16th May, 1968, but I do ask this House to face the fact that one of the most sinister and dangerous tactics of this war on liberty is student activity of that kind which is always followed by protests against “police brutality”. If the people of an ordered society can be persuaded that the disciplined forces of the State are deployed brutally against the community, the first weapon for enforcing order has been struck from the hands of a constitutionally elected Government. If that Government are forced to call out the armed forces of the State and they are forced to fire on mobs which have got out of control as the result of the paralysis of the police system, then it is hoped that the second instrument for the preservation of order in the hands of a constitutionally elected Government will be struck from their hands, with ensuing anarchy, and in that anarchy it is hoped that a left-wing dictatorship will be substituted for a democratically-elected government. I know the difficulty of curing that kind of conduct, but it is immensely important that it should be exposed now with all the abrasive harrying it is possible for me to command.

There will be many who will charge me with exaggeration and 101 different crimes against liberalism, but the fact remains that within one week of these events transpiring in Ireland Mr. Schoenman arrived to see if there could be any further exploitation of this promising situation. God knows, I was surprised to see some of the callers he had at Mountjoy. They ought to have had more sense. I only hope that the manifest fatuity of this operation will dawn on the minds of our young people because, whatever you may say of the Guards in this country, brutality is the last thing you would associate with them. Fortunately, this country is too small and the Civic Guards are our own nephews, cousins, sons, relatives and neighbours. The picture of them being charged with brutality to their own neighbours is so fantastic as to make that propaganda grotesquely irrelevant.

You might still possibly think that this was a figment of my imagination. Then it is right that you should hear another story to which I can testify myself. I recently went to address a student meeting. I am reluctant to attend student meetings now because when you reach my age, you have not much to tell students at public meetings they want to hear, but I was pressed strongly to go to a meeting of the Christian Students Union in UCD. I have made it a rule that when I go to student societies, if they do not stop private business when I come in, I walk out. If there is private business on, I am not interested in listening to it and I go home. When I come to student meetings, therefore, they usually stop the private business.

When I went to this particular meeting, the president asked me explicitly would I mind two people making an announcement. I said: "If you have dropped private business, I do not mind an announcement being made." Some pious lady got up and made some suitable announcement about collecting food for the relief of somebody. Then a gentleman with Botha whiskers—apparently they all go in for fringes and whiskers—in an accent manifestly derived from Cheshire or Lancashire announced he was a visiting student from Trinity and he wanted to ask members of the Christian Students Union to get in touch with him to organise a protest against the Vietnam war. I manifested some symptoms of impatience and he was told to sit down, that that was all he was entitled to do.

I began my observations by saying: "Listen, I can talk to a respectable communist—I know where I am with him—but a fellow traveller such as the fellow with the chin whiskers is in my opinion like a slug masquerading as an edible snail. I have no use for him at all. He is here to do a dirty job." And, of course, he was. He is part of the apparat operating out of Trinity College, Dublin. It is nearly time people faced that fact. If they want to keep a communist apparat operating there, with the co-operation of Mr. Schoenman or anybody else, they ought to come out and tell us what it is. They ought not to be ashamed of having it there. But when it describes itself as a Fabian Society or some other relatively innocuous title, that is deceit. It is all part of the Third World War, which is designed to promote chaos in the capital cities of free countries for the purpose of precipitating the anarchy out of which they hope to achieve a dictatorship of the left.

Deputy Tully referred to the situation in Paris and spoke of General de Gaulle's Government as being an authoritarian Government. There is not a more freely elected Government in Europe.

Except that they have no power.

The President is elected by the people in what is certainly a free election, and he was not elected by such a large majority. They have a free Parliament functioning in Paris in which confidence in the Government is at present being challenged. If the vote should go against them, virtually the only remedy in the hands of the President is to have a general election. I do not know where you can have a more democratic situation than that. I believe out of that situation may come the voice of stability from the small farmers of rural France to control the anarchic voice of the proletarian masses of Paris, Nancy and the other great industrial conurbations of France.

I described as anarchy what is happening there now. Last year the small farmers were blocking the roads with vegetables.

Our own small farmers paraded up and down the streets.

Do not embarrass the Minister by referring to that.

They marched up and down when I was Minister for Agriculture clamouring that they should be given a copy of a report, a copy of which was in the hip pocket of the fellow leading them. People have a right to march up and down the road if they march in an orderly way and go home in good order. We do not want to restrict their freedom.

If a farmer spreads his vegetables on the road, that is not orderly.

The devil much harm cabbages would do anybody. If they picked up rocks and started pelting their neighbours or building barricades——

They did that, too.

——that was the time to tell them to go home. I want to say a word in regard to the Vietnam war. I do not disguise the fact that I think the Americans are right. I think they are there at the invitation of a legitimate Government seeking to defend itself from the aggression of the Government of North Vietnam, centred in Hanoi and supported by Moscow. It is getting quite as much support from Moscow as from Peking. Here again I admit the propaganda battle is being won by the communist forces.

But how many people realise who started the Vietnam war? Did South Vietnam try to invade North Vietnam? Have any South Vietnamese gone up to Hanoi to shoot anybody? Or is it true that for five or six years a consistent system of assassination was mounted from North Vietnam and directed against every public servant in the northern provinces of South Vietnam? Is it true that for six or seven years every person who acted as an urban councillor, as a mayor of a town, as a chief of police, or any responsible servant of the Government of South Vietnam in the northern provinces, was picked off and murdered in the presence of his own family by the maurauding bands from North Vietnam? That was the stated policy for the purpose of breaking down the administration of South Vietnam.

Is it true that in the so-called Tet offensive, the Viet Cong attacked the civilian populations of about 30 cities in South Vietnam and slaughtered the civilian populations ruthlessly without any regard whatever for a military objective, that there was a bombardment of the centres of a vast number of South Vietnam cities in the illusory belief that the people of South Vietnam would rise and welcome them? Is there any single spot in which that Tet offensive took place in which any substantial body of the South Vietnamese people showed the slightest sign of welcome for the arrival of the Viet Cong? So far as my information goes, there is not one single case.

Could there be more powerful evidence of the fact that the South Vietnamese people want to live in peace and do not desire a takeover by the Hanoi administration? Does anyone who knows America seriously doubt that if the forces of Hanoi would go home in the morning, the American army would not be gone like a breath of wind? My only apprehension is that the American army is too anxious to go home. What normal people would want to send their sons out to fight 15,000 miles away from home in defence of a small country like South Vietnam which is challenged by the international communist conspiracy against freedom? Anyone who knows anything about America knows that the last place on God's earth where General Westmoreland or General Abrahams or their men want to be is in the appalling conditions of the Vietnam jungles at the present time.

How many people know this significant fact? Ask Burma, ask Thailand, ask Singapore, ask Indonesia, ask Australia, ask New Zealand, ask the Philippines, ask Formosa, ask South Korea, do they want America to go home, and you will find that the unanimous voice of every self-governing country in that area will tell you it would be the ultimate catastrophe if American power were withdrawn from that area of the world, and that their independence could not hope to survive for two years if that influence were withdrawn at the present time. They are the people who know what is happening in that area.

I well remember the time before the 1939 War devastated Europe and the world. I remember in 1938 Mr. Neville Chamberlain saying: "Who wants to go to war about some small country in the east of Europe about which none of us knows anything?" He was speaking of Czechoslovakia. Within 12 months of his saying that, the forces of Nazi Germany marched into Prague. Within three months of that event, the same man had given to Poland an unconditional undertaking to go to war if her frontiers were violated as it was obvious they were going to be. He could have gone to the aid of Czechoslovakia: it was physically possible to do so. It was physically impossible to go to the aid of Poland. What happened? Poland followed on Czechoslovakia and from that there ensued a war which involved the whole world.

Sometimes when I hear people talking about the killing in Vietnam—and God knows, the bloodshed there is terrible—I wonder do they realise that in all the years during which the war has gone on in Vietnam—and it has been a crucifixion and tragedy—fewer people have been killed in the 20 years of that war than were killed in two nights in Hamburg during the Allied bombardment of that area. Remember that after Hamburg they went to Dresden, and from Dresden they went to other places in Germany, wiping out the entire populations. The very people who are now crying about the deaths in Vietnam were the people who were clamouring that more raids should be made upon the German civilian population 30 short years ago. Out of the indifference of the world to what was transpiring in an unknown country in the east of Europe, Czechoslovakia, 30 years ago there flowed all the horrors with which we have lived ever since then.

It is equally true that if the free world turns its back on a small unknown free country in South Vietnam today, there will follow inevitably the slow progression of disaster resultant on allowing aggression to feed upon itself. At this time the ultimate end will not be world war but atomic confrontation. So far as I personally am concerned, it does not affect me very much one way or another. According to the actuarial tables, I can confidentally contemplate being playing my harp in heaven at the stage when that atomic confrontation will come. I have a son. Most of us have sons and daughters. Think of our children and our children's children. It is on us the responsibility rests for not setting this world on the road that leads to atomic confrontation. There is only one way to prevent that and that is to say clearly and explicitly now: "We are free men. We were born free men. Those who went before us fought to be free, and we will die free men."

We have a constructive plan to achieve that. It was the plan envisaged by the late President Kennedy when he spoke on the steps of Independence Hall in Philadelphia on July 4th, 1963. The plan was that a free Europe would join with the Federated Republic of the United States of America in an Atlantic community, an Atlantic partnership, not primarily designed to make us or any other participant in the partnership richer or fatter than we are, but designed primarily for two purposes: one to fix with notice the communist aggressor that his aggression cannot succeed and that if he seeks to blot out freedom from the world by force, he will himself be destroyed, whatever the cost. That is a sure guarantee of peace, because the communist aggressor will start nothing which he knows we can stop. That combination, and that combination alone, will fix him with notice that an attempt to blot out freedom by force is futile.

But there is a far greater future in front of such new Atlantic partners and that is to roll back the frontiers of poverty. The 19th century saw the world grow rich as it rolled back the territorial frontiers of the unknown world. As these came in human possession and human development, incalculable riches were developed. There is just as great a prospect before the world if the forces of freedom in it join hands to roll back the frontiers of poverty. In providing for the poor not only in the developing countries but in our own country, in America, in Great Britain and everywhere else, a more tolerable standard of living, there is a prospect of expansion and development and the generation of wealth beside which all that transpired in the 19th century fades into insignificance. I said that to a meeting of FAO 20 years ago. I want to repeat it now with greater emphasis that it is even truer today than it was when I first said it.

The last subject I want to speak on is world hunger. A lot of cod is talked about world hunger. We hear people talk about hunger in Africa. There is no part of Africa that I know of—out-side the Sahara Desert and even in the desert itself—where any man need go hungry. There are dietary deficiencies. There is common and well-known protein famine in Africa but it is immediately remediable if appropriate steps are taken. I doubt if there is really any part of the world—I do not exclude India—where there is real irremediable hunger.

The remedy I envisage is not the shipping of shiploads of wheat from the other ends of the earth to relieve distress. There is only one way to conquer hunger in the underdeveloped world and that is technical assistance to teach them to feed themselves. Just imagine people in this day and age having to provide money to erect pumps in various parts of India. Just imagine a situation in which millions of people are dying of famine through drought when all that is necessary is to bore a well. They are living on oceans of water and all that is necessary is to pump it up to irrigate the land.

I am told that one of the hazards of boring for oil in the Sahara Desert is that you are likely to find water. At this moment, if money were available to build atomic plants for the desalinisation of the sea water, you could pour the whole of the Mediterranean Ocean into the Sahara Desert and restore it to what it was in the time of recorded history—one of the most fertile parts of the earth. Does anybody know why the Sahara Desert became a desert? Why did it cease to be the grain-basket of the Roman world? The answer is quite simple — goats. The fact that goats were allowed to wander and gradually destroy the trees of these areas set in motion the cycle that ends in deserts. I do not want to go into a long technological discussion of what creates deserts and what must be done in the future to prevent their occurrence. The plain fact is that if half the money spent on looking for oil in the Sahara were spent on the desalinisation of sea water for the purpose of irrigating the Sahara Desert, the Sahara Desert itself could provide food for all the hungry peasants of the Egyptian world.

If you could get the personnel to go out to work among the people of India to help them to exploit the potential of their own land, vast areas habitually afflicted with famine could permanently be delivered from that threat— always provided you could get the Indian people to listen to you. Remember that one of the greatest difficulties of the technician going amongst people for the purpose of teaching them modern methods is to persuade them to do the things requisite to feed themselves. People are naturally extremely conservative.

If you go to a vast Hindu population—and, remember, there are 124 separate languages on the Continent of India—just consider the initial difficulty of communicating with the people in any one area there. Take a fellow from Pennsylvania State College, a fellow from the Albert College in Glasnevin, a fellow from an agricultural college in France or Great Britain and plant him in India. He must first ask himself which of the 124 languages he should use to communicate with the people in the area and, before he can communicate with them, he has to learn how to speak that language, or else he must speak to the people there through an interpreter. These are the problems involved in curing hunger in the world. They can be overcome. But, mind you, it is not easy to find men prepared to go out and to devote themselves to that kind of labour. There used to be great contempt for the British Empire. If people counted all the crosses that mark the graves of young Englishmen who went out to the far corners of the earth to do their best to help what are now called the underdeveloped countries, it might help them to understand the problem of the United Nations and FAO in trying to grapple with that problem, too.

Put an advertisement in the newspaper tomorrow in Dublin and ask for two dozen agricultural instructors for Behar and Orissa in India and see how many answers you will get. Who wants to bring his wife and young family to Behar or Orissa? Who wants to cut off his connections with all his friends and neighbours in his own country and to devote his life to that? Unless he is wearing the habit of a dedicated community, unless he is a priest or a brother in religion, or unless she is a nun in religion, the number of people prepared to undertake that kind of work is strictly limited. That is the bottleneck which stands between any international organisation, no matter how strong it may be, and which the late President Kennedy sought to break with his Peace Corps, and rightly understood could be broken only by dedicated people prepared to offer one, two or three years of their young lives to help their neighbours not for reward but in order to give thanks for the abundance they have been privileged to enjoy.

When I see organisations like Gorta, and so on, collecting money to send food to remote places, I often think they might just as well be throwing the money in the Liffey. So far as they can use their resources to develop technical projects or the irrigation and introduction of new varieties of rice as is being done at present in the Far East, new crops, new sources of protein for vast areas of Africa, the elimination of plagues such as locusts and the tsetse fly, such projects can certainly help to feed the people but let us keep constantly present to our mind that it is not a question of an excess of people, but a question of the use of the resources that are there to feed the people and teaching those people how to use them. All that can be done. I do not believe it can be effectively done by a multitude of small voluntary organisations. I believe the problem is on so great a scale that it must be done at government level and the only contribution these small voluntary organisations can make is to place at the disposal of the Government potential peace corps personnel who are prepared to say: "We will give a year or two or three of our lives under your direction to do the work that has to be done" to give the service that money cannot buy.

I have mentioned certain matters that I thought it important to dwell on here in our own Parliament. I see the Minister for External Affairs in perennial orbit around the world and I have great sympathy with him. If I were Minister for External Affairs, I would ask the Government to allow me to do as much of my work as possible in New York. It is a city to which I am much attached and in a country which I greatly love. The Minister and I have reached an age, I suppose, in which the attractions of this city are less alluring than they used be. He has been criticised for his excessive attendance at the deliberations of the Council of the United Nations. Perhaps he does too much. He is greatly criticised for his apparent lack of interest in the European Economic Community. If he is showing that lack of interest, the blame must not be entirely fixed on his own head; it is the responsibility of the Government of which he is a member. He must carry out the policy of his Government. Apparently, they think it more expedient to transfer responsibility for that important sphere of External Affairs to the Taoiseach and to Deputy Haughey, Minister for Finance. The propriety of excluding the Minister for External Affairs from such matters is open to great question but that is a matter for the Government as a whole, not for the Minister himself.

On the whole, I should like to echo what Deputy Tully has said. Looking from here outwards, people seem to get very strange ideas about what is going on abroad and one of the useful things about sending people abroad is that very often when they do go abroad themselves, they discover that our diplomatic corps do not spend all their time drinking tea and quaffing cocktails. In fact, drinking tea and quaffing cocktails for the first fortnight, the first month or six months may be fun for a young diplomat starting out but after that it becomes a hell of a bore and for senior members of the service it is an unqualified purgatory. Most of them are hard-working and efficient men.

I want to repeat something I said before because it is something to which the Minister should turn his attention. We have in some foreign capitals acquired vast embassies quite beyond our means to maintain in style. There is nothing more dreary and nothing more obvious to the sophisticated than a large establishment which is not properly maintained. I know certain of our embassies where there should be at least 15 domestic servants in order to maintain them properly: I doubt if there are three. The atmosphere is one of seedy respectability. None of our ambassadors has either allowances or incomes adequate to maintain such establishments. It would be far better to sell them—I think they would sell well and that there would be no loss on them—and provide our ambassadors with accommodation appropriate to the resources of which they dispose, so that while they might not have ostentatious establishments, their establishments would do credit to the country and would reflect on the rational and prudent direction of our diplomatic staff at large. I am perfectly certain that, from the point of view of the personnel of the Department of External Affairs, they would be much happier to have modest accommodation which they could keep in a condition and up to a standard appropriate and creditable to this country. This is a matter to which the Minister should give his early attention.

I do not know to what extent the Minister is responsible for the accommodation provided for the entertainment of our foreign guests but so far as he is, I think it is right to say, in regard to Iveagh House and the State Apartments at Dublin Castle, that they reflect great credit on everyone associated with their maintenance. I had occasion to attend a dinner party recently as a guest of the Taoiseach at St. Patrick's and subsequently a reception in the State Rooms of Dublin Castle, and I do not mind openly confessing that I was proud of the entertainment which we were in a position to offer to royal visitors who had honoured this country by their company.

I have frequently been a guest at State entertainments provided by the Minister for External Affairs, and indeed by other members of the Government, at Iveagh House and the standards maintained there are standards of which we have reason to be proud. When I hear people talking about the extravagant outlay on entertainment by the Government, I deprecate it. If we cannot afford to entertain people decently, we should not invite them at all but should rather say: "We are too poor; we cannot receive people in this country." But if we choose to be a sovereign State and if we choose to extend hospitality to foreign visitors, instead of criticising the Minister for providing that entertainment on a modest but suitable and dignified scale, we should applaud the success that has attended his efforts in that direction.

In ending on that conciliatory note, I should not wish to mitigate in any degree the abrasive character of the language I have deliberately employed in regard to the other matters I have thought it necessary to refer to in discussing this Vote.

Deputy Dillon has described our present situation as being in the middle of the Third World War. I am quite conscious that we are living in a very dangerous age but we are also living in an age of great opportunity for the world. If we can only contain the dangerous trends and do all we can to get the nations of the world started on a more fruitful and progressive trend, we may pull through without any great world catastrophe such as a real third world war. We are a very small country with no great resources. We can only do our best, and to do our best in pursuit of a better world, we must not neglect our home front. On the whole, within the limit of our resources, the home development over the years has been reasonably good. Once we have attained a reasonable sufficiency for ourselves, we have the duty, as Deputy Cosgrave, Deputy Dillon, and Deputy Tully emphasised, to do what we can to help those poorer countries in other parts of the world who have not got the standard of life we have achieved here.

There is a great deal in what Deputy Dillon said about the provision of too much food to underdeveloped countries and the danger that if they get too much, they will not help themselves. However, if he had a more intimate knowledge of the United Nations organisations who are handling food and the economic development of these countries at the present time, he would see that very good use is made of food in order to entice a number of people in these countries to help themselves. The conditions in Asia are very different from those in Africa, but in Africa food of a certain type is plentiful. There are certain shortages, and occasionally there can be droughts or other conditions that create famine. Apart from the food for the relief of famine, the United Nations Technical Assistance Organisation use the food in order to pay people to make the roads, to dig the wells, and to make the irrigation ditches that are necessary in order to make sure that they have a secure and constant supply of food. As a nation we are doing fairly well in helping countries poorer than ourselves, countries that are only now getting into their stride in development.

Apart from the number of our people who as missionaries or sisters, teachers or doctors, go abroad to help these countries, we do try to help their young men who come here for training. We have on offer to these underdeveloped countries the opportunity of sending a few of their bright young men here to gain experience in our Government Departments or in our State organisations. Over the last number of years, more than 600 of these young people have come here for a few months, or longer in some cases, to get such experience. We have not the resources to give scholarships to a large number of people in these countries, but I think one of the best ways we can help them is by making further training and experience available to their young men or women in places like our Government services or local government offices throughout the country. That is very valuable work. The conditions in this country being nearer to what they would meet at home than the conditions in the United States, in Germany, Britain or other very big countries, their time is more usefully spent here. They can gain more experience and more knowledge in the intimacy of a small office than they could if they were lost in the vast offices of government departments in other countries.

Deputy Cosgrave raised the question of our joining the EEC. At present there is very little that can be said about the situation. We want to become members, but we cannot gain entrance by kicking the door. We must do our best to persuade the members of the EEC that it is in their interest as well as ours to expand the Community, so that we may all join together to make Europe even more prosperous than it is and put it in a better position to help the rest of the world.

I did not deal with Vietnam in my opening statement, because I have already said on many occasions all I want to say and all I think it is right to say about Vietnam. I hope the present negotiations will continue. I hope they will quickly result in a general cease-fire, the stoppage of all forms of military activity on land, on sea and in the air, and that finally there will emerge an agreement which will be acceptable to all the parties concerned and will have the approval of the countries in that area that are very disturbed at what is going on in Vietnam and what it means for their own people.

Deputy Cosgrave raised the question of Biafra and our obligation to promote a humanitarian settlement in Nigeria as a whole. As I pointed out in answer to questions here, before the civil war broke out in Nigeria, we in our Department were very conscious of the danger that existed there. When things started to look worse, we sent a young officer from our office in Lagos into the eastern part of the country and we gave him the duty of contacting all our missionaries and citizens in the region. In Nigeria there were roughly 2,500 of our citizens, about one-third of whom were in the eastern region. He made contact with them and offered to help those who wanted to come home, those who wanted to come home because they had been there for a number of years, or because of age, or for any other reason, and we did help them to get home. However, a great number of them, as was natural, elected to stay with the people with whom they had spent their lives, helping and educating them. Our missionaries, lay and clerical, male and female, did the most marvellous job that could be imagined in that area. The schools and hospitals they built were such that the people had a right to be proud of them. All this development work was carried out in 80 or 100 years by a very few people.

Some of the missionaries elected to stay before the trouble began and when it did begin, and when the Federal forces were pressing in on the eastern region, a number of others had to be sent home by their superiors. Our officer, who had remained there, took them out and got them home. Therefore, as far as doing what we could in a very difficult situation to take care of our citizens in that country, it can be said that we did our very best.

A number of people said that we should have raised this question at the United Nations and that we should also have raised the question of Vietnam. First of all, let me say that there was a proposal that the question of Vietnam should be discussed at the Security Council but the Russians would not agree. In relation to Biafra, when the civil war started there, one country did put down a proposal, but when the representative started to speak about it, the permanent representative of Nigeria stood up and protested. He said that this was an internal affair and that under the Charter it was illegal for anybody to raise it. The result was that it was not raised at the Assembly.

In these matters, as Deputy Dillon pointed out, one of the greatest assets of the General Assembly is the opportunity it provides for people to meet in the corridors and on other occasions. I had the opportunity of meeting representatives of a great number of African countries and I urged them to do their best to persuade both sides engaged in the civil war in Nigeria to come together and make peace. I do not want to say very much about the situation in Nigeria at the moment as negotiations are going on but one of the things that disturbed a number of African states about the situation— and you must remember that we have people living all over Africa—is that if one tribe is going to hive off on its own, what is going to be the effect on the other 2,000 tribes? They would claim equal rights with the people in Eastern Nigeria.

Are we going to have the start of 2,000 tribes all demanding that because they have a separate language and, to a certain extent, separate customs, they should be able to withdraw from whatever state they find themselves in and set up their own Government? It is a terrible prospect if civil war becomes endemic to Africa, if the individual tribes start to set themselves up by force as separate states. We all recognise that under the boundaries established by the 1896 Berlin Treaty the European countries carved up Africa in a most barbarous way, cutting through tribes, across natural features, and so on, but the remedy for that state of affairs left by this treaty is not that the boundaries should be changed by force but that they should remain unless they can be changed by negotiations and by peaceful measures. If it becomes common that because a tribe has its own language, it can pull out of the state in which it finds itself then there are 2,000 of these tribes and in Eastern Nigeria alone there are three or four tribes of very considerable proportions who also might like to have a state of their own.

As far as our activities in Nigeria are concerned, we did what we could to help our citizens within it. We did all that we could to impress upon both sides in the civil war that they should do their utmost to make peace and even to make sacrifices in order to make peace. We did all that we could with the other African countries. They, of course, have their own organisation —the Organisation of African States. We had to be very careful in making approaches and we felt we should try to get the Organisation of African States to form a team of conciliators to bring about peace and reconciliation in Nigeria. The African states have been working on this. Most of them are very keen that peace should be restored without breaking up the unity of Nigeria. I do not want to say any more on that at the moment. Negotiations are going on. Let us pray they will be successful, that the peoples of Nigeria will be reconciled and co-operate wholeheartedly for the prosperity and happiness of the Nigerian people.

There were a few other matters touched on, but I do not think it is necessary for me to make any further statement. I have said all I really want to say.

Vote put and agreed to.
Top
Share