Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 11 Dec 1969

Vol. 243 No. 7

Committee on Finance. - Industrial Development Bill, 1969: Committee Stage.

Sections 1 to 5, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 6.
Question proposed: "That section 6 stand part of the Bill".

I want to ask the Minister if he would say whether in section 6 (1) (c) the power to declare various designated areas by order is, in fact, the power referred to in subsection (b), that is under section 3 of the Act of 1952 or is it some other power?

It is not the same.

In what respect does it differ? Why is it necessary to have those additional powers?

They are required to cover the kind of situation which arose in Castlecomer and Dundalk.

That is not very self-explanatory. Why is it necessary to cover that kind of situation to have those additional powers and exactly how far are those additional powers to extend?

I am not quite sure I understand the Deputy.

It is a mutual misunderstanding. Could the Minister explain more clearly why he needs those additional powers? He has only referred to the geographical area of Castlecomer. It does not convey very much to me in regard to the need for those powers.

I am sorry. I thought the Deputy understood what I had in mind. The House will be aware, due to the close down of the mines in Castlecomer, there was a grave economic catastrophe facing that area and in order to overcome it it was provided that the area would be entitled to the level of grants which would otherwise be available only in the then undeveloped areas. A similar situation was dealt with in Dundalk on a limited basis, that is, for a period of one year. It is to cover that kind of situation that the power is being asked for here.

Section 3 of the Act of 1952 reads as follows:

This Act applies to each of the following areas:

(a) the congested areas,

(b) any other area to which, by order of the Minister, the Act is for the time being declared to apply.

I find it difficult to understand the need for any extension of that power. Is seems to me to cover every possible contingency.

I was advised there was some legal doubt, not much but some little legal doubt, about that in the past and I think this section, as drafted, would remove any possible doubt.

How could the Minister in a situation like that define "catastrophe"?

I used that word loosely. I was not using it in a statutory sense.

We trust the Minister will use this section in similar towns that might regard themselves as having an industrial catastrophe.

If a town were visited by a similar situation as that which obtained in Castlecomer it would certainly be necessary to invoke the power provided for in this section.

The close-down of an industry like that in Castlecomer—I think the Minister also referred to Dundalk Engineering Works——

Plus what happened subsequently with Rawson's factory.

I suppose the Minister will be confronted with such a situation. I think the Jute Mills in Waterford is another one. Is there any way by which he could come to their assistance apart from what he tried to do in London yesterday?

The Deputy, of course, will be aware that Waterford city is, although I do not like to use the word, "booming" but it is almost correct.

Not after the election. Before an election it is all right to say that.

It is now.

It is not.

Deputy Corish quite understandably intervened in the discussion I was having with the Minister. The Minister has not really clarified this point at all. I should like to refer to the two clauses and I would like the Minister to distinguish between them and explain to me why one is of broader scope than the other. The 1952 Act says:

This Act applies to each of the following areas, the congested areas and (b) any other area to which by order of the Minister the Act is for the time being declared to apply.

The new wording is:

() any area which the Minister from time to time, with the consent of the Minister for Finance, declares by order to be a designated area.

The wording is different but I am not at all clear as to why the second wording is necessary. Could the Minister explain the nature of the legal doubt that has arisen in connection with 3 (1) (b) of the 1952 Act?

I think I have the point that Deputy FitzGerald is making. He can correct me if I have not. Perhaps he would look at paragraphs (a), (b) and (c). Paragraph (a) is clear enough; (b) is included to cover those areas to which the application of the additional grants was applied and (c) is to cover future cases that might arise.

If the Minister left this particular power in 3 (1) (b) in existence, would that not cover the case? As I understand it, the Minister has not repealed 3 (1) (b). If this has not been repealed, then it is continuing and he has added another power which seems to be worded in a different way with exactly the same effect except that it has this limitation "with the consent of the Minister for Finance". It seems bad practice to have two different powers identical in effect, one of which requires the consent of the Minister for Finance and the other which does not. This will cause legal confusion which the Minister is hoping to avoid by introducing this additional section.

I understand it was considered necessary not to repeal the section to which the Deputy refers because some areas have been scheduled under it but any such case which would arise in the future would be dealt with under 6 (1) (c) of the Bill.

What the Minister is saying, therefore, is not that there is legal doubt, but that he or somebody has decided that in future the Minister for Industry and Commerce shall not have the power to make this declaration on his own account but must have the consent of the Minister for Finance. This is a different proposition to the one the Minister put to us earlier.

I do not think the Deputy is correct but in case he wants to make any point about it I should tell him that the provision that this should be done with the consent of the Minister for Finance was my proposition.

That is interesting but it seems to me an extraordinary procedure and one I have not come across before in a short period of four years of legislative experience. To introduce this new section with limited power while continuing the old section, which is of identical effect, does not seem a good practice. I would ask the Minister to say whether he is standing by his earlier statement that there is a legal defect in 3 (1) (b) or if there is some limitation in it. If, on the other hand, his point is that he wishes to limit the power in 3 (1) (b) of the 1952 Act by introducing this requirement "with the consent of the Minister for Finance" would it not have been better to introduce that as an amendment to the section already there?

I can only tell the Deputy with regard to the legal difficulty that I was informed there was legal doubt about it, but I cannot tell him what it was. I should, perhaps, remind him that under the Finance Act free depreciation applies to the undeveloped areas and, therefore, if any action were to be taken to include another area in what we will now call the "designated areas" it would be necessary for the Minister for Finance to be concerned with this because of the application of free depreciation. This is one of the reasons for the provision in regard to the consent of the Minister for Finance. The Deputy will appreciate that in an instance where town X was to be scheduled under this, in order to apply the provisions of the Finance Act to make available free depreciation in that area, this would involve the Minister for Finance and this is one of the reasons for this provision.

I appreciate that point; I can see the reason for including the Minister for Finance and I quite accept that. However, that does not really deal with the point. Frankly, I think it is unsatisfactory to come into the House and say there is some legal difficulty that requires something to be changed. The Minister has a duty to explain the reason for the change of wording. There is a practice of hiding behind the Parliamentary draftsman but at this stage it seems the Minister is hiding behind general legal advice. We should be told about that and I should like if the Minister could arrange to find out and let us know at an appropriate time.

It is not really necessary because I do not think the Deputy has yet made it clear—certainly not to me—exactly what his point is, what is his objection to the wording of the section?

The two sections are practically identical. Which will you invoke when you meet a catastrophic situation?

Paragraph (c).

Therefore, what is the necessity for the one in the former Act?

Some areas which were scheduled under that Act are still scheduled in that way. It would be a more complicated amendment to repeal section 3 of the 1952 Act and provide for the inclusion of those areas scheduled under it.

The Minister really must explain to us more clearly. The Bill he has brought in has in section 6 (1) (a) and (b) made that provision. The Bill tells us:

Each of the following shall be a designated area for the purpose of this Act—

(a) the congested areas as defined in section 3 of the Act of 1952,

—that repeats 3 (1) (a) and

(b) an area which before the commencement of this section was declared by an order under section 3 of the Act of 1952 to be an area to which that Act applied,

This means that the Minister has specifically covered the provisions of section 3 (1) (a).

That is correct.

Why has the Minister not repealed it then? He has given no explanation of the failure to repeal that. He has incorporated the present position out of 3 (1) of the 1952 Act in this measure and there is, therefore, no reason to continue the powers under 3 (1). I want to know why he has continued them.

I am afraid I do not get the Deputy's point.

The Minister is not proposing to repeal section 3 (1). This measure repeals sections 4, 6, 7 and so on but there is no repeal proposed for section 3 (1). The Minister has explained the reason for continuing it because the areas already covered must be maintained as undeveloped areas but in section 6 (1) (a) and (b) of this measure he is doing this. Therefore, I wish to know why section 3 (1) has not been repealed as it seems to me to be superfluous and its retention confusing.

I am advised that in order to maintain the benefits for the areas which have been scheduled under section 3 it is necessary to make the provision we have here.

Could the Minister explain in that way section 6 (1) (a) and (b) is defective with a view to achieving that objective?

It is not defective from the point of view of defining the areas which are covered as "designated areas".

How are they defective?

I am advised if we were to repeal section 3 we would then have to draft this in a different way in order to include the areas designated under section 3.

The Minister has just said that section 6 (1) is not defective in any way in including these areas as designated areas.

As they stand.

He has made a statement, the second half of which flatly contradicts the first. If it does not, perhaps, he could explain it to me.

Section 6 (1) (a) and (b) of this Bill covers the situation that we wish to cover of those areas which were undeveloped areas or different areas which were designated as such and it is not defective in doing that.

What is it defective in? What is wrong with it?

I am not saying it is defective.

If it is not defective in that respect, can the Minister say in what respect it is defective so that is is necessary to retain section 3 (1) of the Undeveloped Areas Act? He has offered no explanation of that. Can the Minister say in plain English why he wants section 3 (1) retained? What does the retention of section 3 (1) do that is not done by section 6 (1) (a) and (b) of the Bill before us? That is a straight question. Perhaps a straight answer would help us to get on with things.

The Minister will agree that it will be very difficult to specify an area as a designated area for a certain period. I should like to know from the Minister what yardstick he intends to use to specify an area as a designated area or a designated area as an area not designated. How will he specify the period for which an area is to be a designated area?

Does the Deputy mean the length of time?

What yardstick will the Minister use? When does an area become a designated area?

This is something I could not define at this stage except to say that it would have to be a situation of very serious economic implication for the area concerned. The precedents which exist show that this is so. It is certainly not intended to apply this power freely. The point of the Deputy's question is really what criteria will be used as regards the length of time, for instance. This will depend on the circumstances. As I said, in the case of Dundalk one year was applied. In the case of Castlecomer, it has been in operation for a number of years and continues to be in operation. It depends on the circumstances of the particular area.

I should like an assurance from the Minister that section 6 (2) will not be used freely. It is important that the House get an assurance that political influence will not come within the scope of an area becoming a designated area.

I can assure the Deputy there is no intention whatever of using it freely. If I might refer to the point raised by Deputy FitzGerald——

I was hoping the Minister would.

Has the Minister got it right now?

I think I have. On the face of it Deputy FitzGerald's point seems reasonable but I am advised that the parliamentary draftsman considered it essential that we should do it in this way in connection with grants which were outstanding and were unpaid. I do not profess to be able to give the House the parliamentary draftsman's reading but this is the advice I got from him.

The Minister could go back to that on Report Stage.

I suppose the simplest thing would be for me to put down an amendment to delete section 3 of the Undeveloped Areas Act, 1952, and on the Report Stage the Minister can explain. If his explanation is satisfactory and adequate we will not press the amendment; if not, we will.

What is the Deputy's objection to the situation as proposed here?

My objection is, as a matter of principle, to retaining a provision in an old Act and supplementing it by a provision in a new Bill which appears to be identical in effect, though with a restrictive clause in it, because this creates a situation in which the Minister can opt for one or the other. It seems to me to be wrong. In any legisation it should be quite clear under what legislation a Minister is acting and whether or not there is a restriction in it. I do not think the Minister should have this double option in this matter. It is simply bad legislation.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 7 to 10, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 11.
Question proposed: "That section 11 stand part of the Bill."

In this section there is a provision, and indeed this applies to other sections as well, which explicitly excludes the Shannon Customs Free Airport and the activities of the Shannon Free Airport Development Company from the provisions of this Bill. This is a good thing. I would not quarrel with it in any way but is it not the case that Gaeltarra Éireann have similar powers in parts of the country and could the Minister say how those powers are reconciled with the powers here? They are obviously not excluded from the provisions of this Bill as the SFADCO powers are. Is there a reason for this? I must confess that I am not at this moment familiar with the details of the Gaeltarra Éireann powers but I understand they have powers akin to those of SFADCO and the IDA. Could the Minister say what these powers are and to what extent they will be subsumed in this Bill or to what extent the IDA will be given power to take over their function as there is no explicit exclusion of Gaeltarra Éireann here?

Gaeltarra Éireann's powers are largely similar to those of the IDA; they are not exactly the same. To some extent they are broader but in substance they are the same powers. However, Gaeltarra Éireann's powers can be exercised only within the Gaeltacht areas. There is co-ordination between Gaeltarra Éireann and the IDA. In fact, what happens is that the IDA advise Gaeltarra Éireann on projects which are assessed and have to be of course in relation to the possibility that there might be similar projects in the pipeline of the IDA. This would mean they would have to make up their minds which one they would go for. Administratively, there is very full co-ordination and co-operation between the two bodies but it is possible, and indeed it happens on occasions, that somebody might wish to obtain a grant in the Gaeltacht areas but would not be willing to comply with all the conditions imposed by Gaeltarra Éireann some of which include requirements in relation to the use of the Irish language. Somebody might wish to obtain a grant but not to comply with these conditions in which case he would be entitled to deal with the IDA but could not deal with Gaeltarra Éireann.

Mr. J. Lenehan

I should like to ask——

Deputy Garret FitzGerald.

It does not quite explain the position. I quite accept that there is co-ordination; I did not suggest that there was not. I must say that the system outlined by the Minister seems, prima facie, to be reasonable. The IDA have obviously much more expertise than it would be right or proper for Gaeltarra Éireann to build up. This is only one aspect of their work. That Gaeltarra Éireann should use the IDA to assist them in their work seems quite proper. What I am concerned about is that this section specifically excludes Shannon Free Airport, as do other sections, and it seems to me that we have two schemes operating here, the IDA scheme and the SFADCO scheme, separately. I see merit in this but I am wondering why the same thing is not done with Gaeltarra Éireann. Of course there is consultation but there is also consultation with SFADCO. The Minister surely is not suggesting that SFADCO are going ahead with projects without consulting the IDA? There is very close consultation.

That is correct.

Therefore, this question of consultation does not explain anything. There is a different treatment of Gaeltarra Éireann from SFADCO. There must be some reason for the different treatment. I am not objecting to it. I am merely asking why there is different treatment. In both cases the bodies provide a grant in specified parts of the country; in both cases they consult with the IDA. I am sure that SFADCO would not only consult in order to co-ordinate but would also make use of the expert skills and services of the IDA where appropriate. I see no reason for treating Gaeltarra Éireann in a different manner. There may be a reason which I have not thought of and I would ask the Minister to say what it is.

I think the Deputy was diverted when I gave it. The reason I mentioned was that Gaeltarra Éireann apply certain conditions which include, very often, provisions about the use of the Irish language. Some promoters might wish to promote an industry in the Gaeltacht but they might not wish to comply with that condition. They would not, therefore, be able to obtain a grant from Gaeltarra Éireann and if the powers under this Bill did not apply then they would not be able to obtain a grant at all.

It is possible I was diverted and failed to take the Minister's point. I apologise.

Mr. J. Lenehan

Will a man who wishes to set up an industry and who does not speak any Irish—possibly because he was away in England for many years—be able to get a grant from Gaeltarra Éireann? He will probably be a director of the firm but the other directors and, of course, all the workers will be able to speak Irish.

Within the rules of order I cannot go into the details of operation of Gaeltarra Éireann but I can tell the Deputy that a man, such as he described, would be eligible to obtain a grant provided the normal conditions were complied with. I should also point out to the Deputy that under the provisions of this Bill an ordinary IDA grant could be given without having to go near Gaeltarra Éireann if they did not wish to accept the conditions imposed by Gaeltarra Éireann.

I should like the Minister to state his attitude to the Irish National Productivity Committee. Under section 11 (1) the IDA is the body with national responsibility for the furtherance of industrial development and in that context it could be meant to include the INPC, which is a move I would not agree with. Section 11 (3) deals with industrial estates. At the moment, at least, in Waterford they are catering for a small specialised type of firm. I should like the Minister to state if he would be favourably disposed to the establishment of heavier types of industry in these industrial estates. Section 11 (4) comes into conflict with the objectives of the National Building Agency. The National Building Agency is properly financed and well equipped to provide houses for employees on industrial estates.

On the first point, it is clear that the IDA is the body which must have national responsibility for the furtherance of industrial development. It may be true in one sense to say that the INPC is a body concerned with industrial development, but in the same sense this could be said of numerous bodies in this country such as work study associations. I do not think there is any problem here as far as the INPC is concerned. I do not think anybody could quarrel with the statement that the IDA is the body having national responsibility for the furtherance of industrial development.

With regard to the second point raised by Deputy Collins I would not say that heavy industry is excluded from industrial estates. In practice it has been found that the kind of industries which tend to be attracted to industrial estates are the somewhat lighter industries. Of course, if a heavy industry wishes to locate, for instance, in Waterford, it is not essential that it should locate on the industrial estate. In general I think we can assume that lighter industries tend to locate on industrial estates.

What is happening to the National Building Agency, as I think I mentioned on Second Reading of the Bill, is that the building of houses by the IDA, except in most exceptional circumstances, will be carried out by the National Building Agency as agents for the IDA. This is being done in Galway on behalf of An Foras Tionscal which is being merged with the IDA under this Bill.

Under the new composition of the IDA and the new powers being given to it, will the IDA consider on of its functions to have more direct liaison with the section of the INPC which directly assists small industries? They must by now have built up quite a reservoir of experience from dealing with small industries around the country. Similarly, the IMI must have gained considerable experience from dealing with small employers. Does the IDA, in any of the new sections, envisage closer contact being maintained with these specialised agencies, if not to act as general co-ordinator, at any rate to gather together, in a more convenient form, all the experience that is now available in this area?

There is already very close co-ordination between the IDA and both the INPC and the IMI in connection with small industries. If closer co-ordination can be obtained I have no doubt that this will be done. I should say that it would probably be difficult to have more effective or closer co-ordination than that which is already in existence between these bodies.

I accept that we are not discussing section 12 but does the Minister accept that section 11 (5) is superfluous?

I was going to ask how the sections are related. Section 11 (4) seems to me to be some kind of governing clause, governing section 16, and section 11 (5) seems to govern section 12. Is it the case that section 11 is a general enabling clause under which other sections of the Bill can be inserted?

It may be put this way. Section 11 is designed to set out the functions of the IDA. The subsequent sections spell out in more detail how these functions are to be exercised.

Are the Government not defeating the object of the Bill? Why not just state it in the section, rather than in a subsection, and leave it at that? It should not be necessary to have this duplication.

I do not think that is so. Section 11, as I said, sets out the various functions additional to those of section 3 of the 1950 Act, but section 12 says that the authority "may in the exercise of its functions have regard"—if you like, this is what might be called an executive clause in relation to the objects set out in section 11 (5).

In that case, if we have subsequent points to raise, they really would come better on sections 12 and 15 rather than on this.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 12.
Question proposed: "That section 12 stand part of the Bill".

I am puzzled by this section. I do not understand how it is intended to operate or what it is intended to do. I had thought that the purpose of it was, or would be, to enable the IDA to be regionalised in its activities and to provide authority for this but, in fact, it is not what it says. What it says seems to be almost meaningless in its generality:

The Authority may in the exercise of its functions have regard to the extent to which an industrial undertaking will serve to promote national objectives for regional development.

Now, I would gather from the fact that the clear distinction between designated areas and others is maintained in this Bill that this does not mean the authority can give out grants other than the different grants that are given in designated areas so that, whatever this means, it does not mean more money for some areas other than those covered by designated areas; and the Minister could hardly use this clause to get behind that particular power and to provide, say, the 40 per cent grants in a non-designated area.

What I should like to ask the Minister is: What does it mean? Is it simply general waffle or is it intended to enable someone to do something he could not otherwise do legally? It seems to me in its present form an odd kind of section to have in the Bill; there may be some good reason for it which I do not understand. I would hope the Bill would contain specific provision to regionalise the IDA so that it would, in fact, be developed in its internal functions into a series of regional offices with considerable autonomy. I have raised this point before in regard to the obvious success of SFADCO and the extent to which its success is attributable to the fact that it is an autonomous body and could undertake its own activities in promotion as well as in the development of a particular area.

I recognise, of course, it would be unsound to have a number of different bodies carrying on industrial promotion abroad without being co-ordinated nationally, but that, of course, is not a great problem because SFADCO's promotional efforts are at present co-ordinated with the IDA and that does not, therefore, seem to me to be a reason against autonomous bodies similar to SFADCO carrying out these functions in order to encourage regional development. These autonomous bodies would not, of course, supplant the IDA with its essential core of expertise—indeed, they have considerable expertise which it would be too expensive and impossible to duplicate at a regional level. I quite see that, but it seems to me that this clause in this connection may be intended in some vague way to encourage the IDA to regionalise.

Now, first of all, I am not sure that it does that. I cannot see that it has any practical effect whatever. Secondly, even if it does have some such effect, I would regard it as inadequate because it still would not give to other regions in the country, other than the mid-west, the same kinds of advantages the mid-west region has through the activities of this remarkably successful organisation, the Shannon Free Airport Development Company, whose function the Minister very properly centred in the mid-west some time ago with, I think, considerable success. The Minister is, I am sure, even more familar then I am with the plans that SFADCO prepared for this region and I must say that when I read them— I read them carefully because I have a particular interest in that area and in Shannon Airport in particular—I was struck by the care and thoroughness with which the plans were prepared and the manner in which SFADCO and the authority had sought to balance, on the one had, the requirement of the clear desirability of having industrial development throughout that region with, on the other hand, the importance of developing a particular centre on quite a large scale.

It seems to me that a remarkably fine balance was maintained between these two requirements and, indeed, many of the arguments that might develop, but did not seem to have got going, on the Buchanan Report are potentially answered by the SFADCO plan because I am afraid—I may be partly responsible for this—the Buchanan Report is being discussed in much too black and white terms. I have myself been discussing it in too black and white terms, but that is because I am responding to a very black and white discussion. The discussion seems to be all black at the moment as far as the Buchanan Report is concerned, and blacking it out.

I think that the whole problem has been oversimplified. It has been put into too simple terms of black and white and a polarisation of attitudes is taking place, which is unfortunate. I believe that, in fact, the way in which to develop the hinterlands of the main centres of this country is to develop a growth centre and satellite towns around it. I believe that the SFADCO plans—I hope they are developing favourably—show this in operation and therefore their plans for the mid-west region will secure not just Shannon and Limerick but that each part of the region will secure industrial development of a magnitude appropriate to the employment of each part of the region and without prejudice to the development of major facilities in the key centres of the region, Limerick and Shannon itself. I think this is an excellent example of how this whole problem of regional development should be tackled in a manner which will not undermine in any way rural Ireland but will, on the contrary, build it up, and build it up not just in the major centres but build it up in the hinterland of these centres.

The Deputy left out Ennis.

I am not leaving out Ennis at all, but the designated major centres are Limerick and Shannon. Now, a great many other places are, as I said, being built up. What is so satisfactory in the SFADCO plan is the manner in which it provides for industrial development, not just in Limerick and Shannon, but in, as Deputy Carter properly said, Ennis and in other centres ranging right down as far as Newcastle West in Limerick, with an appropriate magnitude of satisfactory development in each area.

While some people may be sceptical as to whether these plans will work out and as to whether all these factories will be built and all be filled with industry, my own belief is that this body has shown itself so efficient in the promotion of industry and the development of industrial estates, and has shown itself, so far, well able to secure the industrial development required to build whatever factory space it is given money to build, that I am reasonably confident that its efforts to secure industrial development throughout the region will, in fact, succeed. This seems to be the proper approach.

I am not happy with the fact that the Government have set their face against any extension of this experiment and that, throughout the last couple of years when these issues come under discussion, they have insisted that everyone else must be organised centrally by the IDA. It is not that I feel it is not a function for a centralised IDA. On the contrary, there are many specialised functions which it would be impossible, and impossibly expensive, to duplicate in each region; but what it is not impossible to do, and what it is not impossibly expensive to do, is to duplicate the activities of the Shannon Free Airport Development Company in each region. I simply refuse to believe that what has been successfully done in one region cannot be done anywhere else. There is no reason why that effort should not succeed elsewhere.

That region has, of course, the advantage of the Shannon Airport. This has meant that in one particular centre a particular pattern of development is possible, a pattern which will not be possible in other areas which have not got an airport. But the fact remains that that body has shown by its method of operating the enormous advantages of autonomous bodies staffed by people with a commitment to development in that area and which are, at the same time, remarkably co-ordinated nationally to ensure they do not duplicate each other's efforts and that they do not in any way compete with each other abroad in a manner that would, perhaps, be selfdefeating. I do not understand why the Minister and his Department have set their face against further developments of this kind. I am not satisfied with the proposal that the IDA should be simply regionalised and I am particularly dissatisfied with the fact that if this is the long-awaited and, might I say, trumpeted regionalisation of the IDA, if that is what this section is meant to convey, it seems singularly ineffective for that purpose.

It does not speak in those terms at all. It says that the authority may, in the exercise of its functions, have regard to the extent to which an industrial undertaking will serve to promote national objectives for regional development. I do not know if that means anything in practice but it does not mean that the IDA will be regionalised with regional offices. If the IDA are to have regional offices this is something they will do under their general powers which do not confine them to an office in Dublin and do not lay down any restrictions as to the manner in which the authority is to be organised. It is in the exercise of that general function that they will, perhaps, set about developing on a regional basis. I do not think this section helps in that direction. If it does, if it has some hidden meaning that I have missed, I shall be glad if the Minister will tell me what particular actions by anybody will be made legal by this section that would not otherwise be legal. Perhaps there is some reason for this clause and it is not the window dressing that it appears to be at first sight. I should like to be told what particular functions are involved.

I should like to press the Minister again to reconsider his restrictive centralised attitude to industrial development and indeed to the general problem of national development. There is a real conflict in the Government's stated attitude—by that I do not wish to suggest that the Government do not genuinely feel their stated anxiety, which I believe to be real—to secure development throughout the country and not just in Dublin on the one hand, and the practical effect of the way in which the Government organises its administration. I am certainly not getting involved here with decentralisation of Government Departments, which is quite irrelevant; but the whole of the Government's attitude on this seems to be rather one of promising to do a couple of spectacular things of that kind but not in fact devolving authority at any level and not encouraging autonomous development in the regions but keeping everything centrally controlled.

There is, it seems to me, a fairly basic difference in philosophy between this side of the House and the Government, a difference that has not emerged very clearly because it has been rather fudged by arguments on the Government side. Yet, I believe it is there. We must judge not by what people say but by what they do; and what the Government have done and are doing in this Bill is to maintain a position in which, but for this one exception which somehow escaped through the net the Government set up to prevent regional development, I would almost say, everything else is to be organised centrally. SFADCO was the one that got away. It is there; it cannot be suppressed; let it continue to do its job but let us not have any more successes of this kind.

I do not understand this attitude. I know SFADCO arose from a particular situation. It would not have happened but for the airport. Much of the development there, however, has been independent of that and I think the development that has occurred is of such a character as to show pretty clearly that it is possible for a body of this kind, even if it had not got an airport, to do a particularly useful job locally which will not be done in the same way, with the same energy, skill and devotion and in particular the local patriotism, which is important in these matters. It will not be done in the same way by the IDA as by a regional body.

I address myself more particularly than usually, perhaps, to the Leas-Cheann Comhairle in making these particular references and I suggest to the Minister that, first, he should explain to us what this section does and, secondly, that he should show himself prepared to reconsider this attitude of over-centralisation and not only to have regional offices of the IDA but to create them on such a basis of local autonomy that they would generate the same kind of local enthusiasm and patriotism which SFADCO has done. SFADCO is peculiar because of its amalgamation of regional identity on the one hand and professionalism on the other. In this country there are thousands of amateurs in industrial development. Every town and village is full of enthusiasts for industrial development and many of them are doing a very good job within the limits of amateur effort, preparing brochures and sending them out. Some of them do, as a result of their efforts, amateur though they are, attract industry but they cannot do it on the same scale or in the same way, and cannot make the same impact as a highly professional body like SFADCO.

What is peculiar to SFADCO is that it has this regional identity and is yet professional. It is unique in this. I think that if we are to have a genuine regional development, if the different parts of the country are to secure the rate of development required not only to keep up with Dublin but to catch up with Dublin, pass out Dublin and leave it in the shade, it will need something more than regional offices for the IDA, something more on the lines of SFADCO.

I hope that section 12 will mean that the Industrial Development Authority will have offices in provincial areas and in some of the larger towns, especially in the west of Ireland. I think this is necessary because it inhibits an industrialist in the west if he has to come to Dublin quite often, with the waste of time and expense involved, to discuss matters which could be settled initially locally or at least in the general area of the provincial or county towns. I should like the Minister to say if this is his intention.

I should like clarification of regionalisation because I think you cannot have very many large areas like Shannon scattered along the west coast. This would not be advisable. In some of the county development plans the planning authorities have opted for dispersed growth rather than centralised growth and in the nature of things I believe that the type of industry that will most benefit the west of Ireland generally is the smaller type in which transport costs would not be high. I suggest that rather than have large regionalisation we should have dispersed regionalisation with an IDA centre suitably located to cater for an area such as this. Many towns in the west have the services necessary for industry; they have surplus housing, water and sewerage services. There are fairly decent roads into these towns. In Dublin industrial development has outstripped the progress in housing and other services. At the moment the Minister and the Government might well consider a moratorium whereby the services in Dublin would be allowed to catch up on industrial development there because this development is adding to the other problems existing there. The regionalisation mentioned in section 12 would help to relieve the situation in Dublin and help to develop the west. Another Minister has indicated new policies in connection with land and the type of farming he would envisage which would be part farming and part industrial work. I think this section will give an opportunity for this sort of development. I should like the Minister to clarify these points.

I think Deputy FitzGerald would agree that when he cites SFADCO it would be very hard to find a position now or in the near or even the distant future which would equal the position of Shannon. We know that the Maud, Buchanan and the Lichfield Reports have been issued and I think the Minister is wise in taking the best out of those reports and in trying to apply some of their recommendations blended with his own knowledge and the knowledge of the agencies under him in trying to promote industry.

We know very well that Shannon Airport was there earlier and that the encouragements offered towards exports, especially towards air freight exports, and so on, succeeded in building up Shannon. In this respect, the Shannon Free Airport Development Company did very good work. Over and above the reports issued by experts who were invited here to give their opinions, those of us who live in the areas know a certain amount about the difficulty of promoting industry in the various areas. One might suggest that field officers for county development teams starting in a small, progressive way might be as good an idea at any stage as talking about opening regional offices to disperse the IDA. That would be all very well providing, as the Yanks say, that industry began to escalate here.

We know that some continental industrialists show a preference for an area that is not designated as an industrial estate area. There are reasons for this which I shall not go into now. If one has any conversation with some of those men, some of them family industries or family-promoted industries, I think they will give good and sufficient reason why they select areas where there might be a good pool of fresh labour that would not be initiated in industry at all; why they would undertake to take part in a scheme for the training of this labour. There are many reasons for this. In so far as this goes, I would think the Minister is wise in culling what he can from those reports, blending it with his own knowledge and the knowledge of the various agencies under him which advise him and trying to apply it to the industrial arm here. It does not mean to say for one moment that if we had even another area designated like Shannon—if we had an area comparable, say, to Shannon—we would be any more successful in other parts of the country in siting industry.

Our aim should be—I think it is the aim all along—to try to provide industries as evenly as possible throughout the country and thus avoid larger concentrations. We know very well that oftentimes—this may be said to be a slogan—revolution starts around the chimney stacks. If we could succeed in aiming at, for example, what the Germans are aiming at, what the countries of the Common Market are aiming at—diversifying industry— it would be better for us to go in this direction rather than to be thinking in higher terms, in terms which might be out of our reach.

As I said at the outset, there are many reasons why Shannon is so successful. Indeed, it is not solely on the grounds that it was designated an industrial area. There were other factors as well. There are a number of satellite towns of Shannon. I assume that each of those towns would be as anxious to secure an industry as SFADCO might be. If those smaller areas can provide sites and labour, and if they have the initiative to go forward to try to develop, even in a small way, I think they should receive every encouragement.

It is all very fine for plans to be put on paper. It is much easier to build a castle in the air than to build a castle on the ground. Therefore, I would not see anything at all wrong with the fact that the Minister would strengthen the communications between the present county development teams and the IDA and provide good leadership from the IDA, on the ground. When we speak in terms of regionalisation, Parkinson's Law could catch up on us here, too. We must not lose sight of the fact that it is industry and exports that we are after, not office jobs. Therefore, good field men, backed up by good county development teams, backed up by the necessary leadership, could, I think, help us in this regard.

The object of this section is to ensure that the IDA, as regional policy develops, carries on its functions within the framework of regional planning. There will be regular consultation between IDA, the Department of Local Government and the Department of Industry and Commerce to ensure that the necessary co-ordination between these functions is obtained as regional planning develops. It is, of course, a developing function.

On the general issue raised on this section, I am somewhat at a loss to understand on what Deputy FitzGerald bases his statement that the Government have set their face against regional development. All the arguments he used in its favour have been used by me in the past—in particular, when entrusting to SFADCO the responsibility within the region of Limerick, Clare and North Tipperary. May I remind Deputy FitzGerald that I was the Minister for Industry and Commerce who did that and a member of the Government of which he was talking?

I accept that.

On the Second Reading, this point was raised. I explained that it was possible to deal with the Limerick, Clare, North Tipperary region as we did because of the existence both of SFADCO and of the Lichfield Report. I agree entirely with the laudatory remarks with regard to SFADCO which Deputy FitzGerald made. On the Second Reading, I went on to explain the point Deputy Carter was making, that is, that we cannot reasonably expect to produce the equivalent of eight other SFADCOs overnight.

What we can do and what has been announced as the intention to be done is to set up a regional office of IDA in each of the other eight regions which were announced in the comments by the Government on the Buchanan Report. We intend to get these offices working in conjunction with the local authorities and the local development associations. I stated on Second Reading that I hope to see evolving in each of the regions a somewhat similar structure and organisation to the one at present in SFADCO in the Limerick/Clare/North Tipperary region. It is not possible or realistic to expect that you could do this overnight.

In the light of that, I am at a loss to understand what Deputy FitzGerald had in mind, or on what he based his statement to the effect that the Government had set their face against regional development. The exact opposite, in fact, is the position. What I have said about the offices in each of the regions is, I hope, a reply to the point Deputy Cunningham raised. I might tell him in passing that one of the eight other regions is County Donegal.

I am sorry if I gave the impression that I was not giving the Minister and the Government credit for what they have done in regard to SFADCO. I give every credit to them both as regards founding it in the first instance, and giving it its head at the beginning when it might have been felt to be a rather chancy experiment, and in regard to extending its activities. I also perfectly accept that you will not get eight other SFADCO's overnight. Of course you will not. It will take time for that to emerge.

What I am concerned about is that there is no sign of anything appearing, never mind overnight, even over years. Again, as in so many other cases, the pace of progress on the part of the Government in carrying through policies which they claim to be committed to is disturbingly slow. I would have hoped that with SFADCO established for ten years now and off the ground as a regional development authority for several years——

No. That is not so, not in relation to the region. That happened, roughly speaking, and speaking from memory, about 15 or perhaps 18 months ago at the most.

I though it was two years. It may be less than two years. I used the word "several" in its very strict sense of two, I should explain. This is a cause of constant confusion between me and people I am talking to who seem to think that "several" means a larger number.

It frequently does.

In any event, it has had this wider function for 15 to 18 months, if the Minister is correct. I would have thought that at this stage we would have seen several others getting under way on a small scale, perhaps. The first thing you do is to appoint a chief executive and he starts to get some people together. Nothing has happened and all we hear at this stage is that the Minister contemplates the possibility of this emerging out of the regional development offices of the IDA. The whole thing is unsatisfactory because of its slowness.

It is hard to think that the Government are serious about this whole regional operation when, in fact, they are so slow about doing anything about it. I do not wish in any way to reflect on the Minister in regard to SFADCO itself. I accept what he says now, that he envisages an ultimate development of other organisations like SFADCO. There is nothing in this Bill to provide for that. This clause here has apparently, as I thought, nothing to do with it. It does not empower the IDA to establish autonomous bodies. It does not empower the Government to do so.

If the Government are contemplating further SFADCOs a year and a half or so after the first regional authority of this kind established by extending the powers of SFADCO to the whole area, they must be contemplating them so far in the future that they see no point whatever in making provision for them in this legislation. If the Government had any immediate intention of doing anything about this, other than talking about it, they would have introduced into this Bill clauses to cover this. At least this would seem to me to be the appropriate thing to do.

The absence of any such provision from this legislation suggests to me that the Government are thinking in terms of further SFADCO-type companies a long time hence and that, in fact, what they intend to do is to get the IDA to develop the regional offices. If I know anything about the pace at which the Government work, and the whole pace at which our public administration works, to get those offices off the ground will take some years, and that it is only when these offices are established and have been going once again for some years, so that there are some years experience on which to judge their success, that the Minister will decide to do anything practical about getting other bodies like SFADCO established.

The whole experience we have had of the pace of policy implementation in this country from the time when the first idea is put forward, from the time when the first Government commitment is entered into, to the time when anything is done about it, is that the pace is deplorably slow. I do not think this can be said often enough. The quality of public administration in Ireland is in many respects high. It is efficient, particularly in negative activities, in controlling, and it is sometimes also efficient in development work in getting things done. The pace at which changes are effected is incredibly slow.

We are persistently facing the position that we in this country are quite alert enough, and even the Government are alert enough, when ideas are put forward, whether from the Opposition, or commissions, or bodies, or councils of one kind or another, to pick them up, latch on to them and say: "Yes, we think this is a good idea." That side of it is all right. On the whole I think we have been quicker to change policies in theory, and to announce changes of policy in many areas, than the British for example. We have had several years lead on them in respect of a number of policy changes, but then we find that the British have their scheme in operation years before ours.

It seems to me from observing the pace at which certain things have been done here, and things done that are connected with industrial development, such as development of training and the whole growth centre policy, that the gestation period for policies in Ireland, from the time they are thought of and approved to the time they are implemented, is about double what it is in Britain and other countries. My experience of other countries is limited but what I know of countries like France suggests a much more rapid process in getting things under way.

It is only when one sees business men and civil servants facing each other across the table and discussing common problems that one realises the gulf between them as regards the pace of getting things done. Much of the frustration that exists between business and, indeed, I would say also at times the trade unions on the one hand and the Government on the other, lies in this fact that business men and trade unionists used to dealing with business men are used to decisions being taken fairly promptly and implemented fairly promptly. If they were not many of our business would be bankrupt at this stage. Then they find themselves dealing with a public administration whose idea of getting anything done is to operate at a tempo which is, if one had to put a figure on it, something like one-quarter to one-fifth of the tempo at which the rest of the country works. The whole of our development in Ireland is held up by this.

We have here a very clear case of it. After all, it is now seven years since the whole idea of regional development around growth centres was first put forward and put forward, be it said, with the greatest difficulty in getting over the opposition of the Minister's own Department. It required considerable effort to persuade them to adopt this suggestion which was first put forward in the CIO report of that year. Lest anything good should come out of that quickly it was referred to another committee. I need not go right through the routine. I have had to go through it before. Year after year passes. Other committees sit. Other reports are made. Things are held up. Reports are received and kept for nine months and finally they are published and no decision is announced on them.

We are now here seven years after this policy was first put forward unanimously by trade unionists, business men and, with some reluctance in the case of the Minister's own Department, by civil servants, but with much greater enthusiasm in the more progressive Department of Finance at that particular point in time. Now, seven years later, we are at the stage when nobody can tell us what the Government's policy is on this matter and when in respect of the actual implementation of this facet of the policy, the industrial development facet, the most the Minister can say is that he is contemplating at some stage that the regional development offices of the IDA which do not yet exist will, when established, evolve at some time in the future into bodies like SFADCO.

I do not think that pace is adequate and if the Minister thinks I am wrong let him put a figure on it. Let him tell me that I am wrong and that it will happen quicker and what year it will happen in. I would think from my experience of the way these things have been done and the pace of the development of policy that you will not see any of your SFADCOs established and operating for three years, and you will not have more than two or three operating in five years time. That means it will have taken 15 years from the time SFADCO was established until you will have had any significant development of this concept elsewhere.

It will have taken ten years from the first CIO report to the point where we have any further regional development authority of this kind actually moving here apart from SFADCO, accidentally established. It will be about 13 years before we have any significant number of them. If the Minister thinks I am wrong let him say so; let him say he expects to see regional development authorities with the autonomy which SFADCO has in operation here, that he hopes to see the first next year, two more the year after and so on. If the Minister made such a commitment I would accept the reality of it. I would not say the same of other Ministers. We all have had the experience of other Ministers and some of their promises. We are busy on the Health Bill at the moment. I forget how many years ago Mr. O'Malley told us it was coming in six months time. We have had the same experience with education. In March last year the Minister for Education said quite firmly we were going to have training colleges offering university degree courses this October and therefore, because the interval was so short, there was no point whatever in extending these new university grants to them. He knew, or should have known, and his successor knows that nothing of the kind will happen in regard to all of these training colleges for years to come; it may start with one or two in the next couple of years.

We have this whole process of promises not being fulfilled, but the Minister is not that kind of person and if he says here the development will be much quicker than I am suggesting I shall take his word for it, but I should like him to say whether he will make such a commitment. If he does not I shall know what to think. My assessment from a long and close experience of public administration is that it will take years before we get anywhere.

I would urge the Minister to do something about the slowness of policy-making which is a particular defect of this Government. I do not know that it is primarily the fault of the Government in the sense that decisions are held up at Government level, but it is, however, the fault of the Government if they fail to force the pace of administrative policy-making, and if in some crucial instances they deliberately hold up policies which they know are necessary in the national interest, because they fear they may be politically unpopular. I press on the Minister to set his face against this holding up of national development for political reasons and to set his mind on getting his Department and other Departments operating at the same pace, or even at half the pace of the private sector. We would then be really getting places.

On the section itself, the Minister's explanation of it does not get us anywhere. He says it is intended—I cannot remember his exact words—to enable the authority to operate within the regional development plan, or something to that effect. What this clause says is:

The Authority may in the exercise of its functions have regard to the extent to which an industrial undertaking will serve to promote national objectives for regional development.

Supposing that clause were not there, is there anything the authority could not do? It only says they may do something. It does not require them to do it. If the Minister could tell me that its deletion would inhibit the IDA in any way I would be quite happy to leave it there. What the Minister has said so far is quite unconvincing. The section has nothing to do with what we were talking about before, having regional branches or offices of the IDA or having a development on SFADCO lines. Could the Minister tell us why he wants the section in?

I had better say a few words, although Deputy FitzGerald will forgive me if I say that for a man who wants to get things done very fast he takes a long time to make a point.

If the section were to be deleted it could have an inhibiting effect on the IDA in so far as there are certain criteria laid down which the IDA must follow in the allocation of grants. In the absence of this, it could be argued that regional development policy is a criterion which should not be taken into account by the IDA. For that reason I would not like to see the section out of the Bill.

On the question of the evolving of other organisations similar to SFADCO in the other regions, Deputy FitzGerald has approached this on a rather theoretical basis. He has overlooked certain fundamental facts, one of which I mentioned earlier and have mentioned on many occasions as being one of the reasons that we were enabled to do what we did in the Limerick-Clare-North Tipperary region, the existence of the Lichfield Report. No similar report exists in regard to any other region, and the idea of trying to set up something similar to SFADCO without this simply would not make sense at all. In actual fact, the IDA, some months earlier this year, did commission consultants to carry out an exploratory study aimed at preparing a guide to the preparation of regional industrial plans. The consultants were asked to advise on such matters as the assessment of the magnitude of the problems involved in the particular region and the best way within the region of going about them. This was not the preparation of regional plans but rather the guideline for the preparation of regional plans, and for the purpose of their investigation the consultants considered in relative depth the Sligo-Leitrim region and the south-east region, that is, Wicklow, Wexford, Waterford, Kildare and South Tipperary, as being likely to offer a cross-section of the regional development problems which would be encountered in the remainder of the country.

That report has recently come to hand. It is under examination by the IDA and will be used on the setting up of the regional offices to lay down the guidelines for preparing within each region the programme for industrial development for that region. This is an essential operation if we are to do the job that we want to do. It would be very nice if it could be done in an easier or quicker way, but I am afraid life is not like that. This is the way it has to be done, and this is the way we are doing it.

This is most revealing. I am glad the Minister has confirmed what I said about the way in which the Government act and the time table and pace involved. Let us recap where we stand. Was it in 1962 or 1963 that the physical planning areas were established and, at that time, six or seven years ago, two regional studies were commissioned, the Lichfield Report for the Limerick area and the Wright Report for the Dublin area? The Government then did not commission any other studies, and then they announced, three years ago, that they were commissioning a Buchanan study which was to fill these gaps in the other regions and which, incidentally, because one firm was going to do all this planning, would provide a co-ordinated picture into which the Limerick and Dublin plans would be built.

It did not fill the gap.

The Buchanan Report was then produced. It does not seem to me that it has filled the gap in the sense of providing regional plans of the kind that exist in the Dublin and Limerick areas; the Limerick one is particularly detailed and valuable. That is what was announced but it has not done that. The Buchanan Report has great merit as an overall plan for regional development of the nation. It does not seem to me to provide the kind of basis we have in the two other regional plans. I agree with that. I should like to ask why it has not done that when the Government said that was what it would do. I do not accept that the fact that these detailed regional plans do not exist prevents the establishment of a body like SFADCO and such a body doing a useful job. If the Minister suggests it prevents that, he is making charges against his own Government of failing in the first instance to commission studies like those of Lichfield and Wright seven years ago and then of following that failure by commissioning the Buchanan Report to fill the gap—which, in fact, has not filled the gap because the Government have not ensured that the report did the job it was meant to do—and at this stage of having reached the point only of commissioning somebody to prepare guidelines for reports which will provide a basis for taking decisions in the future for regional industrial development. That whole process of neglect, of failure to act, of letting things drift, of postponing things, of setting up committees to decide whether to set up other committees to do something, shows a deplorable lack of any concept of urgency. I have complained about this throughout. The Minister has aggravated the position and confirmed the charges I was making in that respect.

I should like to ask what is the relationship between these new regional industrial development plans and the regional physical planning plans. I am interested in this development. Hitherto the responsibility for physical planning has rested with the Department of Local Government. The Lichfield Report has much to say about industrial development. I do not want the Minister to tell me that physical planning is one thing and industrial development planning another. The Lichfield Report deals in great detail with industrial development. It provides a blueprint for such development. Is it now proposed that the responsibility for preparing regional physical plans which the Government had neglected to provide for some of the areas has been shifted to the Minister's Department? Is his Department now initiating studies with a view to initiating other studies of industrial development which are themselves studies which will have to be paralleled by yet other studies carried out by the Department of Local Government into which the industrial development plans may or may not fit? To what state of confusion have we now got? The Minister should tell us how he sees regional industrial plans fitting into regional physical planning plans. Are there to be other reports like those of Lichfield and Wright? Are the Department of Local Government going to organise similar studies? Is the position that what we will have for the other regions is the Buchanan Report which is very useful from the point of overall strategy of regional planning, plus industrial development reports for certain regions prepared by the Minister's Department? Is it possible that physical planning has come to a stop? Are industrial plans to be prepared by the Minister's Department and parallel plans for general development prepared by the Department of Local Government? We seem to have got into a state of general confusion or, perhaps, I may have worked myself into such a state of confusion.

That is possible.

The Minister has thrown a stone into the pool and I am merely illustrating some of the ripples which appear to me to flow from it. Perhaps, the Minister could develop the very interesting information he has just given. Perhaps, it was published previously and I missed it.

I do not think it was published.

I thought I had not missed it but I was being modest about it. Could the Minister tell us how this information fits into the context of regional planning generally? I would not be averse to the Minister's Department being involved in this business. We would need to give some thought as to how to co-ordinate this with local government regional planning. Perhaps, the Minister could deal with those few points.

As Deputy Dr. FitzGerald has mentioned, in passing, the physical planning studies are a matter for the Department of Local Government rather than for my Department. I cannot speak with absolute authority on this but I understand that the physical planning reports on the remaining regions are expected to be available in the earlier part of next year. They have, in fact, been going on for quite a considerable time.

By whom? By Buchanan?

I think so. I am not quite sure as this matter has not been under my Department and I am not terribly familiar with it. These reports are concerned with industrial development and also with many other matters. Contrary to the picture that the Deputy was painting, I was quite impatient at having to wait for these reports. I wanted to get on with the job of regional development in industry. Consequently, I instructed the IDA to have these studies which I mentioned carried out but they were carried out in consultation with other people—it may have been the Buchanan people— who were doing the other reports so that they could be co-ordinated. Since other matters were involved which might hold up the reports it seemed possible, by doing this and by getting guidelines in consultation with the physical planners, to get going on regional development for industry at any rate. This was the reason that this study was carried out. The report has recently become available and is being studied by the IDA. I can assure the Deputy and the House that it will be implemented just as fast as it is possible to do it.

Are the reports on Sligo-Leitrim and on the south-east being made available to the public?

The Deputy asked this question before and I omitted to answer it on Second Reading. It is not customary to make these semi-technical reports commissioned by the IDA from time to time available for publication. I cannot give an undertaking to the Deputy that they would be published.

Would it not be useful to have that sort of report particularly for people who are racing around this country and around Europe trying to get industries in their own areas?

I do not think it would. General guidelines are being produced on which the operations in each of the regions could be based. They are aimed at producing guidelines which would have to be applied in different ways in the different regions depending on the circumstances. I doubt if they would be of real assistance to those people whom the Deputy has in mind, like the local development associations.

Why should they be kept secret? What harm would they do?

It is not customary——

Would the Minister look into that? This is a study with a view to seeing how we go about this job and there is a question of case studies for this purpose. Nevertheless, for the purpose of arousing public interest in this I would ask the Minister to consider publication of these reports. From the point of view of general public interest the Minister's policy should be to publish unless there is good reason for not publishing. I am not happy with an answer that "it is not customary to publish such reports". I am quite prepared for the Minister to say it would not be in the public interest to publish a certain report. I might argue about it. I recognise his right to say that. I recognise there are cases where there might be confidential information about individual firms. On the whole, we have suffered from a dearth of publication of material which could be useful and particularly anything to do with developments at local level. I would urge the Minister to look into this and unless he finds good reason to the contrary to publish the reports.

May I go back to the section? I am still not happy that I understand just how the section helps. The Minister suggests that if it were not there he could not operate the criteria on a regional system, that he would be inhibited by having to advert to other criteria. Are these the general functions of the IDA as set out in the 1950 Act or are they the criteria for the giving of grants under sections 33 and 34?

Sections 33 and 34 of the Bill are what I had in mind.

If I may refer to sections 33 and 34 for a moment——

The Deputy will appreciate that we cannot have a discussion on these sections at this stage.

I do not propose to discuss them but to read them and see how they relate to section 12. As far as section 33 is concerned, it is the one which lays down certain minimum criteria for the giving of grants. If industries do not pass the criteria they do not get grants. Regionalism does not come into it. The amount of grant fixed in section 33 is not subject to variation.

I think that is reasonable. When I referred to sections 33 and 34 I was speaking generally about the criteria for grants.

The Minister envisages a situation where the IDA might be asked to give a supplementary grant under section 34. They would be examining the industrial project to see if it falls within the section or not. If it does not fall within the section, section 12 does not add anything to it because the criteria there are so specific.

Speaking from memory, section 34 states a maximum.

We are getting a clue at last. What the Minister is suggesting is that the discretion the IDA have as to how much of the 20 per cent maximum they may give could not be exercised in favour of regional development unless we had section 12.

I certainly did not. What I said was that it was possible that it could be argued that if we did not have section 12 in applying the criteria, the IDA might not be able to have regard to regional development. By having this section in, it is possible for the IDA in considering the amount of grant that would apply on the basis of section 34, perhaps to raise the level of grant because of regional policy. They would have the discretion to refuse or to reduce the amount of grant under section 34 because of regional policy.

The Minister says it is possible it could be argued that it might be possible for the IDA to exercise their discretion.

I have just said what I said earlier, and it was not very positive.

The Minister has put it in such weak terms and in the context of such a remote contingency that it is rather difficult to prove that such a remote contingency could not exist. Either the IDA have complete discretion to decide whether the percentage is to be one, two, three, four or up to 20 or they are fettered. Where they are fettered is in the giving of the grant at all. Once the criteria are fulfilled the IDA can give any amount up to 20 per cent and nobody can challenge it. There is nothing in the industrial grants legislation to fetter them and I fail to see, when the discretion is unfettered, how section 12 can improve the position or can give more discretion. I am not trying to get involved in section 34. I am trying to see the need for section 12 arising out of the Minister's expressed interpretation of section 34.

Deputy FitzGerald has not said anything which would establish that the Bill would be better off without section 12 than with it and therefore I think it should be left there. Reverting to a point raised by Deputies Gibbons, Corish and FitzGerald in relation to the report, I feel that in many cases the type of report referred to could be published. I have not seen the report referred to but I will undertake to the House to examine the question of whether it could be published. If so I will see that it is published.

On the basis that section 12 could not do any harm but that, it has not been shown that it will do any good——

I do not agree with the Deputy.

The section has very little merit.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 13.
Question proposed: "That section 13 stand part of the Bill".

I am rather unhappy with this section in its relationship with section 5 of the 1950 Act. It is a bit untidy. I accept that the new functions of the IDA are such as not to require the power to summon witnesses but as the Minister is saying that where the IDA do not need the power they should not have it, the correct thing to have done would be not only to restrict the power in relation to this section but to restrict it in regard to section 5 of the 1950 Act. The reason for the inclusion of these powers in the Act of 1950 was because the functions of the IDA included certain investigatory functions unrelated to industrial development. These powers are being carried out at present under the IDA's industrial promotion role. For none of these was the power to summon witnesses required. The IDA had other functions carried over to the prices commission.

In relation to tariffs.

Yes—to examine any revision of tariffs, quotas, et cetera. This was introduced into the 1950 Act without any limit on the aspects of the authority's functions to which it related. If I had been here I would have suggested that it was not very well drafted, that the power to summon witnesses should have been confined to cases where it was needed. However, it does not matter very much but if the Minister is now saying that this power to summon witnesses should be restricted to cases where it is needed, it should, therefore, not apply to these additional five functions. It seems to me to be commonsense that the same principle be extended to the functions set out in section 3 of the 1950 Act, functions 1 to 5 and 8, number 8 being to advise on matters relating to industrial development. It is illogical to take away this power in relation to some industrial development functions and to leave it for others. If the Minister is trying to tidy up the Act he should have done the job thoroughly and not in this untidy fashion.

The section is doing what it was intended to do. It is taking in the power to summon witnesses in relation to the functions conferred on the authority by this Bill. It is quite clear to everybody that the IDA do not need and should not have that power in relation to these functions. Nevertheless, it is conceivable that the functions might be added to it at some time in the future in which case this power could be needed. This is the manner in which it was dealt with in a previous Act where the power was being taken away in relation to functions of the IDA given under an Act which has now being wholly repealed but the same procedures arose and the same procedure was followed.

That tells us what happened: it does not tell us what should have happened.

I am not saying what should have happened.

Does the Minister see any objection to limiting this power to the cases where it is needed? I am not sure whether subsections (6) and (7) of section 3 of the Act are still in force.

What I have said is that if the functions of the IDA should require this power, it can be exercised. It is not required in relation to the functions conferred on the IDA by this Bill and it is being taken away from them in relation to those functions. This is straightforward enough.

Can the Minister say why it has been decided that they shall have the power to summon witnesses for these five things while it has been decided not to include similar provisions in respect of the other functions of the IDA for which summoning of witnesses is necessary? Paragraph (v) seems to say that they cannot have the power to summon witnesses when fostering the national objective of regional industrial development but that they would have it in relation to advising on any matters of industrial development. If it is required for one it is required for the other but, in fact, it is required for neither. I do not wish to press the matter because the answer is simply to put down an amendment on Report Stage which can be discussed then.

I think the Deputy is mistaken.

That is possible.

This section says that the power to summon witnesses shall not apply to the functions conferred on the authority by this Act. The functions conferred on the authority under section 11 of this measure are from section 3 of the Act of 1950 in addition to the others set out in section 11.

The Minister has changed ground very quickly.

The Deputy was arguing that the power was being abolished only in relation to what he said were the five functions set out in section 11. In fact, section 11 set out the five functions plus the others conferred by section 3 of the 1950 Act.

This is a quick change of position. If that is true the Minister has been wasting our time by arguing the opposite case for the past ten minutes.

I have not. The Deputy has not listened to what I said which was that if functions were to be conferred on the IDA which would require these powers, the power to summon witnesses could be applied in relation to those functions but the functions which are being conferred on the IDA do not require those powers.

The Minister kept referring to the functions of this Bill as being the five ones above.

I did not.

It has taken the Minister a long time to correct this.

I spoke as soon as I got an opportunity of doing so.

There were many opportunities. When section 11 says "The Authority shall have in addition to the functions assigned to it by section 3 of the Act of 1950 the following general functions" I think section 13 covers that. Section 11 says:

The Authority shall have, in addition to the functions assigned to it by section 3 of the Act of 1950, the following general functions—

and then there is a clause inserted in addition to the functions assigned to it by the Act of 1950. I dispute the Minister's interpretation. The words "in addition to" are explanatory only. In the position previously adopted by the Minister, he was on reasonably firm ground but he is now in a position which I think is incorrect. Section 13 does not remove the power to summon witnesses in respect of anything under section 3 of the Act of 1950. I do not think that any practising lawyer would argue that the inclusion in an explanatory manner of the words "in addition to the functions assigned by section 3 of the Act of 1950" confers those powers on the authority. The authority have them already. This Bill merely asserts that they have been assigned by another Act. In fact, it does not confer them so I submit that the Minister's contention as now produced is wrong.

Whichever interpretation is correct, what does it matter.

I take that as an admission of defeat by the Minister.

If the Deputy is happy with that, that is all right.

I shall put down an amendment on Report Stage.

Question put and agreed to.
Section 14 agreed to.
SECTION 15.
Question proposed: "That section 15 stand part of the Bill".

In this section we provide that the local authority may, in advance, provide for the factories with the power of compulsory purchase. Another part of the Bill provides that the authority concerns itself with the provision of houses for persons employed in the industry to be set up and I should like to inquire whether there are powers of compulsory purchase in relation to land for the housing of employees who may be working in any of these advance factories and I inquire as to the kind of compulsory purchase intended under this section.

Deputy Boland is worried about our Constitution barring us from control of land prices in the environment of the city for the provision of houses. I am making the point that we provide under the section compulsory powers for the purchase of factory sites. The Bill refers to the necessity of local authorities concerning themselves with housing for prospective employees because the experience had been that in setting up such new industries in different parts of the country the lack of housing had been a severe impediment to the recruitment of key workers in many parts of the country. The art of house building had been forgotten and it was important that the State should recapture the art in certain remote parts of the country where the population had fallen consistently during many years. I am asking what kind of compulsory purchase powers are held here. Will the power of purchase be utilised for the factory portion of the land or can it be applied in the provision of land necessary for the provision of housing?

I would also inquire, in relation to advance factories in different parts of the country, whether the authority will work in co-ordination with existing voluntary groups and whether there is real investigation work behind many such bodies. One reads a great deal about such bodies. The chairman of the local group will announce that three German factories are to start in the area. One wonders whether the IDA will maintain contact with such groups and provide facilities for them. Deputy FitzGerald was worried a while ago about the regional aspect of the IDA's work. Here at least, whatever about delays in the production of specialised reports, we see regional development groups having done real work in promotion, attracting industry into an area. The IDA should help such groups along by specialised advice and so on. In the case of such a group acquiring the promise of an industry what kind of co-operation will there be between the IDA and such a group in the matter of providing a site for an advance factory?

I am advised that the answer to the first part of the Deputy's question is "No". The power does not extend to the acquisition of land for houses. I might point out, in passing, that the Deputy referred to a statement made by the Minister for Local Government. I think he will find the Minister was not referring to the legal difficulties of acquisition but rather to the level of compensation which would have to be paid, which is a different matter.

I know this is slightly irrelevant—both of us straying off the point—but the Minister for Local Government was quite explicit in answer to many questions in the House that the Constitution debars him from controlling urban land prices. He has repeatedly made this point.

That is in relation to the level of compensation to be paid.

No. He said the State could not confiscate land for house building but he sees no objection at all to confiscating workers' wages to pay exorbitant prices.

I am not going into that but, since the point was raised, I think in fairness to the Minister for Local Government I should say, and I repeat, because I know it is so, that the point he was making was that, while it is possible to acquire land compulsorily for houses, he had been advised it would be equivalent to the confiscation of property if, having acquired it, compensation was paid which was below the market value level. However, this is not relevant now.

He is worried about the poor speculator, not about the fellow looking for a house.

I am not going into the details. I am getting the facts right, as I know them. On the second point raised by Deputy O'Leary, there is of course very considerable help given at the moment by the IDA to the bodies to which he referred, and this will continue. However, it is not intended, if this is what the Deputy has in mind, to assist such bodies by, say, allowing them to build an advance factory. This would be done by the IDA who would assess the need for it. They would have to reserve this decision to themselves and not leave it to, say, a local industrial development association.

Is the Minister therefore saying that the compulsory purchase price of land needed for a factory would be the price at which land is going in that locality? Is that the kind of compulsory purchase the Minister has in mind?

That is right.

(Cavan): In my remarks on the Second Reading of this Bill it happened I dealt almost exclusively with this very section. Section 15 gives authority to provide sites, buildings, services and facilities in any part of the State where the authority considers or anticipates that industrial development will or is likely to occur. I made it clear on the Second Reading that I approved of that because I believe within this section authority is taken to direct industries to a part of the country where they should be established and where employment is needed. In that way we would be enabled to provide a proper balance between the city and the country. I understand from the Minister that the powers contained in section 15 do not confer compulsory powers of acquisition.

For houses.

(Cavan): Do they confer compulsory powers for acquisition of sites?

(Cavan): And buildings?

The site is all that is in question.

(Cavan): The authority may provide sites. buildings, services and facilities.

As I understand it the compulsory acquisition powers, which are referred to here, conferred by section 5 of the Act of 1952 relate to the compulsory purchase of land where it is required for the following uses: (1) the site of a specific industrial undertaking, (2) the site of an advance factory, (3) the site of an industrial estate.

(Cavan): I take it, then, this section confers on the Minister, on the authority or on somebody the right to compulsorily acquire land for an industrial estate, for an advance factory et cetera?

(Cavan): Of course, I assume the owners of this land will be compensated at fair market value?

(Cavan): I am 100 per cent in agreement with that. I wonder does this section here confer on the authority or on the Minister the right to acquire buildings which have already been erected because I want to say——

Before the Deputy makes that point I must say it does not confer that power.

(Cavan): Then I want to develop my argument a little. The Bill confers on the Minister, plus the authority, the right to acquire land as sites for development or as a site for an advance factory. If that is so the Minister should take unto himself under this Bill the right to acquire buildings in which the State have invested a considerable amount of money for the purpose of establishing an industry with a certain employment potential where that industry has failed miserably to measure up to the promise which it gave in anticipation of the grant.

I do not think I can be accused of any extreme views here. The Minister is taking the right to acquire land from private individuals. Those private individuals have got no injection from State funds. The land is required as a site for a factory which will give employment. I have in mind a factory in the town of Cavan which was built, if not exclusively, very substantially out of State funds to the tune of approximately £175,000. I am not in a position to say how much private capital has been put into it but I venture to suggest that it is not much. This undertaking got an enormous grant from State funds on the understanding that it would establish a factory and thereby give employment. For one reason or another, maybe the fault of the promoters or perhaps due to the fact that it was built in anticipation of our immediate entry into the Common Market, it has given no worthwhile employment. It has now passed into private hands. The Minister should have the right to acquire this factory on payment of fair and reasonable compensation over and above only the State funds that have already been put into it. The Minister should have the right to acquire it and to make it available for another undertaking that would give employment.

In this section the Minister is apparently going to take power to acquire sites and erect buildings for the purposes of establishing industries, whereas there may be abortive efforts to establish industries throughout the country. The buildings are there and they may be used for purposes for which they were never intended, which do not give worthwhile employment, and it would not be an infringement on the right of a private individual if the Minister were to move in and acquire these buildings on payment of fair and reasonable compensation and make them available to other industries in that area. If the Minister did that he would probably have readymade factories—and that is the purpose of this section—at a much more reasonable cost than if he were to start from the beginning.

I am urging this course because, as I said on Second Reading, I have seen an example of this on my own doorstep; a factory was established with a considerable amount of pomp and ceremony, the former Taoiseach coming from Dublin especially for the opening. The best thing about the whole venture was that the building was erected quickly but since then it has proved a very considerable disappointment in the area and has caused frustration to people who had expected to get employment there. I hope that in my few remarks I have given the Minister food for thought on this point. I conclude by asking; if we are entitled to move in and acquire virgin territory from private individuals who have not received State assistance in the purchase or erection of the buildings, surely we are entitled to move in and acquire a property which has been erected with very considerable State assistance for a purpose it has failed to achieve?

With regard to the specific case Deputy Fitzpatrick has in mind, I said on Second Reading I would have a look at that situation and I have done so. I have not yet completed my examination but what I have seen so far indicates there may well be a substantial change in the position in the very near future——

(Cavan): I hope there will.

I am not sure but this is how it looks at the moment. On the general proposition, I think it would be very unwise to introduce such a provision because I could well see it being represented and perhaps understood by potential promoters as a method whereby we were going to confiscate their factories; that having induced them to come, having set up the factories and got some "knowhow" from them, that by this method we were taking back the factories. I am sure the House will appreciate that any such suggestion would be very unwise and would be unhelpful in our industrial development programme. For this reason I cannot agree this would be a wise provision to insert as a general proposition.

Will the Minister say why, if we can use compulsory powers of purchase in relation to land for factories, we cannot use similar power in relation to land for housing? What is the reasoning behind this difference in both cases? In the next section we provide for subsidisation of rents so, therefore, we accept a certain financial obligation in the matter of providing housing. Why are there two different approaches in relation to housing for the workers and the factories they work in?

The basic thing is not so much why we should or should not, but rather what the section provides. It provides a transfer of powers from another Act which themselves do not provide the power to acquire houses. As to why we should not have this power, offhand I am not aware of any occasion on which the IDA have actually exercised this power in regard of factories. They may have done in some cases but I am not aware of it. I know they are extremely reluctant to do so. It is not always the most helpful or hopeful way in which to start a factory, compulsorily to acquire the land. Whether, if one were to acquire a site for a factory one should go further and acquire sites for houses is arguable either way, but since the power is so seldom exercised in relation to factory sites, to provide for such power for the building of houses would be quite unrealistic. I could not see it being exercised even if the power were there.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 16.
Question proposed: "That section 16 stand part of the Bill".

(Cavan): Regarding the Minister's reply, in so far as my problem in Cavan is concerned, if the Minister either by persuasion or otherwise uses his good offices to see that commonsense prevails there and that this huge building is used for the purpose of giving employment, I shall be satisfied.

I should like to ask the Minister if the authority will subsidise rents to the same extent as the local authorities, or will the employees be expected to pay higher rents?

It is intended to provide houses which, as nearly as possible, will be the same as those provided by the local authority and to subsidise them at the same rate.

In relation to section 16 I can see here that the IDA may provide the housing themselves. I also see in subsection (2) of this section that they may do so in conjunction with the NBA. However, they apparently have powers under section 16 (1) to actually provide the houses themselves. This seems to me to be an unnecessary duplication of the functions of the NBA. It is conferring the same powers of provision of houses for industry on two authorities, not only on two authorities but on two authorities which come under the aegis of different Ministers. If the NBA were under the same Minister as the IDA there might be some hope of having them properly co-ordinated but here we have the provision of housing for industry under the auspices not only of two authorities but of two Ministers. This goes back to the theme which speakers from this side of the House were developing on Second Stage, namely, the proliferation of authorities to deal with special problems which have become so numerous that industrialists who are seeking assistance are likely to boggle at the large number of different authorities to whom they might go for assistance.

We should do everything we possibly can to streamline these matters and to ensure that as far as possible one authority carries out all these functions. Instead of that this Bill seems to be moving in the opposite direction in that it is providing that two authorities will do the same job.

As is fairly clear from the section and as I said on Second Stage, it is intended to have the IDA carry out the powers conferred by this section through the NBA. However, if I understood Deputy Bruton correctly he is advocating that, in fact, the power to erect these buildings should be vested solely in the NBA and not in the IDA.

Instead of streamlining the position that could, in fact, have the exact opposite effect because one would have a situation in which the NBA, which as the Deputy points out, operates under the aegis of a Minister other than a Minister for Industry and Commerce, could decide whether they would or would not provide houses and they could, conceivably, be coming to different conclusions from the IDA's conclusions as to whether the houses were needed or not. The NBA are, as the name implies, an agency only for the building of houses. They do not make decisions as to where houses are needed or where they are not. They simply build on an agency basis. I think this is as it should be. The responsibility for a decision of this kind should be vested in the Industrial Development Authority which, as is defined earlier in the Bill, is the body entrusted with national responsibility for industrial development. The Deputy will see, if he thinks about it, that what he is suggesting could, in fact, be a much worse situation than the one that he sees at the moment.

In view of the Minister's remarks, surely it would be logical to delete the words "may provide" in the first line of Section 16 (1)? If it is to be arranged through the NBA why give this authority the power to provide it themselves?

What I said was that it was intended that the IDA would operate through the NBA in general. If I conveyed that it was intended that in every single case that could be conceived of it would operate through the NBA I did not intend to convey that in general——

What sort of situation would the Minister anticipate where they would actually provide the houses themselves?

This let-out provision the Deputy is referring to is intended to cover that kind of situation where the IDA might buy land with a house standing on it and want to let that to a worker engaged in industry, also in providing leases for the houses, the IDA may be the principal and the NBA may be the agent operating for them, so that the phrase "may provide" is necessary to cover both of those contingencies.

Would it not be better to use the word "or" than "and"?

I do not know but on the face of it "and" meets the situation as well as "or" would.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 17.
Question proposed: "That section 17 stand part of the Bill."

In section 17 the limit is being raised from £50 million to £100 million. These are, by the standards of this country, enormous figures. I recognise that in March of this year the approvals had reached, I think, £48 million and the limit must be raised. There is one feature of this that is puzzling and a little worrying from the point of view of the actual finances of the country and that is the growing gap between the amount paid and the amount approved. There always has been such a gap. One recognises that there is a time-lag between the point of approval and the point of payment——

May I interrupt the Deputy?

He raised this point on Second Stage and I omitted to deal with it in my reply. The position is that the actual payments, as distinct from approvals, are fairly close now to £50 million and are expected to reach £50 million in the middle of January.

Payments. The Deputy, I think, is not aware of the progress we have been making.

If you are making progress at that rate I am a little worried for the Minister for Finance. Am I incorrect then in thinking that the total sum that had been paid in industrial grants, as distinct from adaptation grants, was £23 million up to March last or is the Minister now talking about grants including adaptation grants and, if so, does this limit we are talking about cover both adaptation grants and industrial grants, does it cover all kinds of grants?

The figure at the moment of actual payments is £48½ million, covering all kinds of grants.

Including adapation grants?

I shall reformulate my point. The point is that if we take industrial grants, as distinct from adaptation grants, at 31st March this year £48 million was approved and £23 million had been paid. The position of adaptation grants is different because the nature of the operation there of making adaptations, additions and so on, to existing industries as such means that the time lag is relatively short and the time between approval and payment is in many cases negligible. The industrial grants which are the major part of total payments currently are in a different position. Their time lag is quite substantial. I think it is just over two years on average although because of the problem of those approvals which lapse because they are not proceeded with it is a little difficult to make this calculation from the published figures. The fact is that the relationship was one of over two to one in March this year and adding the undeveloped areas grants with the grants for the rest of the country one gets this total.

It is disturbing that there is such a disparity, in the sense that at any given moment this country now has an enormous outstanding liability as and when a particular industry gets going. For us to be in the position we were in March this year where we owed in a sense, or we were liable to have a call made on us for, £25 million, is pretty disturbing. It means that the fluctuations that can occur in the amounts which have to be paid in a particular year are becoming very large. The fact that the figures are now so large and that the amounts being paid in a given year are large enough for fluctuations in these amounts to be of a disturbing magnitude is a reflection of the progress being made in that area, and I do not hestitate to say that. We are now reaching the stage where this is something of a financial problem. There are certain payments in our system of budgeting which do get a kind of priority. It seems to me where we approve of a grant there is an obligation to pay it as and when it becomes due. It seems to me that in certain areas, such as this and hotel development, the problems of forecasting the amounts of money required to be paid in a particular year are introducing some element of instability into our budgeting. I am putting this to the Minister without having given great thought to it and with no suggestion of what the answer is as to whether we do not need to reconsider our system of budgeting and perhaps to some degree the system of giving grants to get over this difficulty.

Up to now the system of budgeting in this country has been pretty tight. The Dáil votes Estimates which are sometimes exceeded and when this happens the Minister comes back for a supplementary estimate. Although supplementary estimates have in recent years been disturblingly large, and have even involved second Budgets, their magnitude when all sources of Government expenditure are put together is no larger than the kind of fluctuations which can now be introduced from this source alone. I am wondering whether we can accept this situation with our present system of budgeting. The amount of uncontrolled expenditure which we are committed to pay when it becomes due, without knowing when it will become due, is becoming so great a proportion of the total, particularly in this area, that the whole concept of a tightly controlled Budget, with something going over the top occasionally and as a result occasionally the introduction of a supplementary estimate, is being undermined.

The Deputy is, of course, referring to the Capital Budget?

Yes, Indeed, on the current side you get these problems too, but as far as this is voted expenditure, and I am right in saying it is voted expenditure, it comes within the framework of the Votes of this House and requires a supplementary estimate. The fact that the money has to be borrowed rather than be found from taxation does not necessarily make the whole thing any easier. Indeed, the fluctuations in the Government's demand for credit from year to year, and even from period to period within a year, are already causing considerable problems.

I am wondering whether the Minister has given any thought to the problem and whether he has any ideas as to what ought to be done about this open-ended commitment which has reached the sum of £25 million owed and payable on demand, with no control over when it is going to be due. The Minister is probably in a position to forecast it to some degree as he knows the sums only recently approved for projects which are going to take a year or two to mature. Nevertheless it is a very large sum and there is a large unpredictable element in it. Has the Minister given any thought to this problem and its implications on the system of budgeting?

I should perhaps point out that ministerial responsibility in regard to budgeting is that of the Minister for Finance. I cannot, therefore, answer for the Minister for Finance on this point in this debate. Nevertheless, I think I should say I am aware of the problem which, as Deputy Dr. FitzGerald has said, is becoming more acute with the progress we are making and with the advent of large scale operations which I think is what Deputy Dr. FitzGerald was calling for. We already have budgets under consideration in respect of which grants for one project might well be in the region of £25 million or more.

For one project?

Yes. I did not say we have them; I said they were under consideration. The House will understand that the problem mentioned by Deputy Dr. FitzGerald has crossed my mind. I cannot say what I think is the best method of dealing with it. I have certain ideas in my own mind about it and the Minister for Finance is also concerned about this. The basic situation is that if we want to have industrial development and if we want it to proceed to the level of sophistication and technology which we talk about then we are going to have to face up to the fact that we will have to find the money.

The budgeting arrangements in that connection are really a separate matter from the discussion of this Bill and I do not think I can go into that aspect in any detail. As Deputy Dr. FitzGerald raised the question of the actual amount of grants, I might give some figures as at 31st March this year. In the case of industrial grants the amount approved was £48.75 million and the amount actually paid was £23.13 million; adaptation grants approved amounted to £21.7 million and adaptation grants paid amounted to £12.45 million.

These figures add up to about £36 million. Are these the only type of grants included when the Minister states that the amount paid is £48 million or are there any other grants included in this figure?

The figure for expenditure on industrial estates will be included in the total amount to which I was referring which will come to £50 million in mid-January.

It is not very large?

It is about £2½ million.

Is this at March last?

No, the £2½ million for industrial estates is for a recent date.

What the Minister is saying is that the amount that has been paid out since 31st March is of the order of £13 million?

In respect of adaptation grants.

In respect of industrial grants, adaptation grants and industrial estates.

Could the Minister say if this ratio of payments and approvals has been fairly constant over the years? Is it possible to forecast what the payments are likely to be by taking into account the approvals for this year?

Whatever our experience may have been in the past it would not be a very accurate guide to the future. It might be accurate enough in relation to the length of time elapsing between the commitment to pay and the actual payment but I do not think it would be very accurate in indicating how one could forecast what the likely commitments were, because the level of grants involved are considerably higher now than they were, say, five or ten years ago. There is considerable difficulty in forecasting the amounts to be paid under these grants and to forecast for some years ahead what our likely commitments are going to be based on the likely approvals, is almost impossible.

But if you had the length of time it should be possible to make some forecast.

We can estimate reasonably accurately the actual moneys we will have to pay out based on the approvals which have been given. Beyond that, to estimate what amount you will have to improve is almost impossible.

If you take the rate of improvement in any year and discount it by 15 per cent for the ones that are going to fall through to get the order of magnitude of payments about two years hence, the trouble is that, in the case of even the ones we are now getting, you can knock this by a million or two either way and so one cannot make this estimate with the kind of reasonable accuracy with which one used to be able to do it.

That was the point I was making.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 18.
Question proposed: "That section 18 stand part of the Bill".

With regard to the powers it is proposed the IDA may be able to transfer to An Chomhairle Oiliúna, I should like to know if An Chomhairle Oiliúna already has these powers and, if so, is this again not running the risk of duplication?

In the Industrial Training Act of 1967 provision was made for the transfer of the powers mentioned here from An Foras Tionscal to An Chomhairle Oiliúna. That was the Act which established An Chomhairle Oiliúna and it could be said, to that extent, that An Chomhairle Oiliúna has got the power. Provision was made to give these powers to that body. Because of the merging of An Foras Tionscal and the IDA in one body we are making similar provision here. The transfer will be made when it is considered An Chomhairle Oiliúna can handle this. The ultimate intention is that all this training should be a matter for An Chomhairle Oiliúna.

Will the practical result of this section be that supervision of training will be done directly by An Chomhairle Oiliúna and to the satisfaction of that body before a grant will be given for training purposes?

That may not be quite accurate. There could be certain training programmes in respect of which a grant might be given which would be carried out by the promoters themselves either in their factory here or in a factory abroad. Other cases would require training by or under the supervision of An Chomhairle Oiliúna. It would not, I think, be correct for me to suggest that every case in which a training grant was given would be subject to supervision by An Chomhairle Oiliúna.

I think the Minister will agree it is vitally important that there should not be any hard and fast rules here because one can envisage a clash of opinion as to what constitutes proper training between An Chomhairle Oiliúna and the promoters. If there is going to be flexibility I am satisfied.

There will be flexibility. In the event of a clash the IDA would, of course, pay particular attention to the opinion of An Chomhairle Oiliúna.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 19.
Question proposed: "That section 19 stand part of the Bill".

This section contains two subsections. It seems to me there is no need for subsection (2). All that is necessary is to add to subsection (1) "if the same are not inconsistent with the functions of the authority".

The Deputy may be correct in that but, without having it examined very carefully, I could not say whether that would, in fact, achieve the same purpose.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 20.
Question proposed: "That section 20 stand part of the Bill".

What is the meaning of current expenditure in this context?

The day-to-day expenses of the authority as distinct from capital expenditure on grants and so on.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 21.
Question proposed: "That section 21 stand part of the Bill".

Would the Minister elaborate on this section? I am concerned with the brevity of the section itself and the brevity of the comment in the explanatory memorandum. I have no objection of any kind to the employment of consultants or advisers but I am concerned with the fact that, in an operation of this kind, there may be a tendency on the part of the consultants or the advisers virtually to fix their own terms of contract payment. If consultants or advisers are employed, nationally or internationally, they will know they are putting their reputation at stake and I am rather worried that the authority may find itself hamstrung to some extent. I think the Minister should clarify this. Secondly, the IDA does not seek either to consult with or get advice from the Institute of Industrial Research and Standards and CTT. These bodies are quite competent to give advice. The Minister might consider a closer liaison between these bodies and the IDA. The idea seems to be that one cannot set up a project and simultaneously get advice from two State bodies so intimately involved in industrial development. The Minister might give us some indication of his general thinking on this. I can assure the Minister I am very much in favour of this and I welcome the provision. If the advice of consultants rather than the advice of politicians—I exempt the Minister from any responsibility in past developments—had been sought in the past we would not have had a ten per cent failure rate. It would have been down to five per cent.

I take it this section does not exclude consultants or advisers from outside the country?

Would the Minister comment on allegations made from time to time that we tend to take our advisers and consultants from the larger countries with populations several million times larger than our own and there seems to be no attempt to seek advice from or consult with countries the size of our own?

I presume Deputy Dr. Gibbons has in mind allegations in regard to general planning rather than in regard to individual projects. In the latter, where the consultant comes from is largely related to the experience of the consultant in a particular field. It has no great significance whether that experience was in a large or a small country provided it is adequate and first class.

In regard to co-operation with Córas Tráchtála and the Institute of Industrial Research and Standards there is something in the point raised by Deputy Desmond about the difficulties that have arisen due to the necessity for confidentiality. To some extent this has been overcome recently but there is room for further progress in that regard and it will take place very soon. No matter how desirable this may be there can be a big problem of confidentiality. I should not like to dismiss this as though it were not a real problem; it is a real problem but methods are now being devised which will tend to reduce its size to considerably lesser proportions than was the case in the past. I agree that we should make use of the expertise available in CTT and in the Institute for Industrial Research. I should make clear that this has been done by the IDA in relation to a number of projects. As I think I mentioned when the Bill was last before us, the IDA have also used some of our university people as consultants in relation to certain projects where particular expertise was available. I am afraid I did not quite get the first point made by Deputy Desmond.

With the high risk factor if, to put it crudely, they make a hames of the report on the feasibility study, the inevitable tendency is for them to charge what I call high risk factor fees to the IDA which they would not charge to any other notable concern. It is an inevitable difficulty which should be faced.

There may be something in this but the IDA will have to assess whether they should incur such expenditure or not in each individual case. Heretofore, the IDA did not have the power to engage such consultants on their own initiative: this had to be done with the consent of the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Minister for Finance. This section gives them power to do it on their own initiative.

I am in favour of giving the power. Indeed, on Second Reading I said something in favour of the greater employment of consultants but I was thinking of consultants particularly not as consultants but, perhaps, as advisers taken on, perhaps, on short-term contract by the IDA possibly from outside the country who would have such expertise. When it comes to employing a firm of consultants to produce a report, and while this is necessary in many cases and I would be the last person to discourage it, there is a tendency here in relation to our general administrative problems to over-employ such groups. It is a standing joke in what might be described as the Irish corridors of power that when everybody within and around the public service has decided what needs to be done and you want to get the politicians to do it, you employ Arthur D. Little for £20,000 to tell the Government what, in fact, all the advice service within and without the public service is telling them already and the report can then be waved around and the Government will do it. There can be bad as well as good use of consultants.

A very good example of this is the report on the IDA. I am not convinced that it contained anything very novel. I am not really giving my own views on this: they are views that are very widely shared. There is not much in it on which the Minister's advisers inside and outside the Department could not have advised him, and perhaps there is not much on which they would have advised him. But there seems to be a feeling in cases like this that when you get the stamp of some international firm on the proposal it carries more weight than on-the-spot advice.

The Sugar Company was another example.

There is a large number of cases of this. We should beware of an over-use of consultants in that way. On the other hand, I am quite clear that we do not have in this country the enormously wide range of expertise needed to deal with the highly complex technological problems raised by many of the industrial projects which we either get or might get if we set about it in the right way. I should like the IDA when dealing with problems like that to be quite uninhibited in employing people or firms who have that kind of expertise which is not available here. What I am unhappy about is employing people to advise on how we administer our affairs when we are capable of working this out ourselves even if we are very slow to implement these ideas.

I should like to ask the Minister a more technical question: to what extent does what is here modify or add to what is in section 9 (3) of the 1952 Act? This deals with officers and servants. These are rather old-fashioned terms we still use in much of our legislation. Section 9 (3) says that the Minister may, at the request of the board— that would be An Foras Tionscal— and with the consent of the Minister for Finance, as the Minister said, appoint technical advisers to the board and such advisers may be paid out of moneys provided by the Oireachtas. Is the clause here additional to that? I am just checking—am I right in thinking that the first schedule to that Act has been deleted and that, therefore, this is something replacing it rather than something additional? I think this seems to be the case.

Then we have here something replacing something that has been deleted and I take it that in changing "technical advisers" to "consultants and advisers", the Minister is widening the scope in case "technical advisers" should be too limited?

Yes, that is correct.

And that, plus the elimination of the requirement of the consent of the Minister for Finance and the requirement that the Minister must appoint the consultant, represent the changes that are being made?

That is correct.

Subject to that, I would favour it but I would be particularly concerned that the authority should be able directly to employ people on contract for a term of years and if they need to supplement their own expertise should not be afraid to go outside the country for that purpose because in this area so much money can be lost by making a mistake that we should not be inhibited about paying to get the best people to help us.

This section gives the authority power to do what the Deputy is recommending.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 22 and 23 agreed to.
SECTION 24.
Question proposed: "That section 24 stand part of the Bill".

I should like the Minister to give us more detailed information about the precise intentions in this section. Admittedly, it says in the second schedule that the authority shall consist of not more than nine members of whom one shall be chairman and of whom two others may be deputy chairmen. The Minister might elaborate on the calibre of the individuals he may have in mind on a part-time basis for this authority. The tone and general expertise and the calibre of this, I would say the most important State-sponsored body in the country, is of major and fundamental importance and there is a tremendous change from what we had in the last authority in terms of size, personnal and of general function. I should like the Minister to comment on how much he intends to pay them and what kind of people we might expect on it, bearing in mind that it would be rather difficult to have any deeply-involved public entrepreneurs on the authority on a broad basis. I should also like to ask the Minister if he accepts the proposition I put to him on Committee Stage of adding persons either on an ex officio basis or on an assured basis. I would suggest the director-generals of particularly the three bodies involved in major site arranging bases with IDA—the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards, CTT and AnCo. I suggest this for the reasons I have already given, namely, effective liaison, effective co-ordination of functions, and because I think the Minister is as familiar with the internal power politics of these organisations as indeed I was from a trade union point of view. Therefore, with the new general manager of CTT, with the new chairman of IDA, with the growing dynamism of the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards and the change now in AnCo, there is a golden opportunity to fuse them effectively in the IDA and ensure that there is a cross-fertilisation of functions and, above all, that the old power politics —if I may classify it as such—are not in fact brought forward into this transitional arrangement. I would ask the Minister for his views on that. I would welcome the broadening of the general service of members of the authority.

I would ask the Minister, finally, if he could spell out what is envisaged in the terms of the contracts of service for members of the authority. It is not entirely familiar to me in that sense, as contracts of service for the part-time members seem to be envisaged. I am quite au fait with the contracts of service for the full-time executive officers of the authority but does that extend to the part-time members as well?

The use of the word "contracts" in this section perhaps connotes something that is not intended. It is largely in because it is the phrase used in previous legislation in relation to members of the board. If I say what is intended is that it would simply be the equivalent of the normal warrant of appointment in relation to a State board, that might convey more clearly what is intended there. I should also say that I have not given any serious thought to the actual persons to be members of this board nor have I determined what the level of remuneration will be. All I can say at this stage is that the kind of board I visualise—I do not wish to be tied down to this in the future if I find that, when I am trying to apply this in practice, it just is not feasible—would be, in general terms, a part-time board with the exception of the recently-appointed Mr. Killeen who would be a member of the board but would not be chairman. I visualise that the other members of the board would be part-time; that they would include people who would ensure the kind of close co-operation and liaison that Deputy Desmond was talking about and, on the other hand, that there would not be so many of them as to give a majority on the board to people who are public servants.

As to the calibre of the non-public servants on the board, I can only say that I want to get people of the highest possible calibre both in relation to their own achievements and also their standing so that there can be no question of any suspicion that such persons might utilise their position to their own advantage. I would hope to be able to appoint people in connection with whom this suspicion just could not arise. I am just outlining my general thinking on it. It may be that, in the practical application of that thinking, I shall have to change some of the things I have said. I shall try to avoid that as much as I can but I do not want to be tied rigidly to the outline I have given.

May I make a suggestion to the Minister in relation to the appointment of the nine persons on this board? I want to assure him that I am not making any special pleading, in terms of jobs, for the trade union boys but one should consider placing a nominee of ICTU on that board. I have certainly found that, with new industries coming into Ireland, there are crucial and major problems of industrial relations. It would not unbalance the board. It would be a major broadening factor on the board of IDA if there was a trade union representative on it, not in a representative capacity. I have in mind, now. somebody with lengthy and effective trade union knowledge and experience. I am not making any special pleading. I am slightly cynical about the way the Government appoint trade union people to State-sponsored boards. I have a considerable measure of cynicism on that aspect of political patronage. In respect of IDA, however, I know some trade union people who could make a major contribution —a person, for example, who served on NIEC, a person of the calibre of people who have been involved in taking a close look at IDA. He could make a major contribution, not necessarily in a representative capacity, but in ensuring that when foreign industrialists come to Ireland there will be on the board a member with the necessary specialised and complex information available. Would the Minister favour that?

It is an item which I certainly would have been considering anyway but I shall be more particularly considering it in view of Deputy Desmond's remarks. I do not think I should elaborate on the pros and cons of the Deputy's suggestion. He will appreciate that there are both. I shall certainly be giving it serious consideration. I should also add that, when I say I want the members of the board to be part-time, other than the exception I mentioned, what I have in mind is that the board would not be so involved in day-to-day operations of IDA as to find it very difficult to stand back and look at overall policy and strategy in industrial development. That the functions of the board would largely be policy-making and issuing directives to be carried out by the executives and their staffs and the assessment of performance by the executives and staff in attaining the policies which would be laid down.

I am doubly surprised by the recent discussion. I had proposed to raise these issues on the Second Schedule. They seem to be more appropriate——

I am sorry about that.

The discussion is certainly relevant to this section, though I had not realised this would be the best place to raise the issues. It might be better, perhaps to complete the discussion now and we shall not have to spend so much on the Second Schedule.

Perhaps, I read the Bill or this part of the Bill somewhat cursorily, or, perhaps, I was just prejudging something, but I had rather assumed from the wording of it, and from the absence of any contrary indication that I am aware of, that the Minister had intended to continue the present practice of the IDA of having full-time members.

This seemed to me to be clearly indicated by the mention of fixing their remuneration and terms of employment and conditions by contracts. I did not think that this was the case with directors or part-time directors of State bodies. It seems to be a new development to me. I can quite see that it may be the case and has been the case for full-time directors of the IDA who are not, in fact, just directors but are also members of the authority. They are the authority. They have a rather peculiar role but it is a rather particular role. They are full-time and it is quite proper that they should have contracts of employment.

When the Minister referred here to contracts I had assumed that they would be full-time members and I did not find anything in the Second Schedule to contradict this impression. Perhaps, I was wrong in just assuming that this was the case. The fact that there is to be a chairman and two deputy chairmen clearly implies to me that they would be full-time. One does not normally in a State body have any deputy chairman, never mind two. The fact that the authority may act with any three of its number implied to me again a situation where you have a full-time authority and any three of them can act, rather like the Labour Court, breaking up into sections and with a number of groups working separately on particular projects and taking decisions.

I am very taken aback to discover that this is not the case. I am not necessarily against the Minister's proposal. Indeed, I have not had long enough since he revealed his hand to make up my mind one way or the other. I am wondering whether it is simply that I have not followed the debate closely enough that I have just discovered this or was it made clearer earlier on?

While the Deputy was talking I was trying to remember whether, in fact, it had been made clear. I cannot recall precisely whether it had. If the Deputy was not aware of it it must not have been made very clear. Perhaps, while I am on my feet I should say that the drafting of the section is such that it could cover the situation which Deputy FitzGerald visualised. It can also cover the situation which I have outlined. I have told the House the way I think this should operate. It may be that experience will show that this is wrong and that I or a successor of mine might well decide to approach it in a different way, in which event the section as it stands will enable that to be done.

I see. So what we have here is a situation where the practice has been to have full-time members. The Minister has in mind changing this but he does not want to prejudge the issue. Some time in the future some other Minister or the Minister himself might revert to the full-time board. That had not been at all clear to me. It is important that we should know the Minister's intentions because the IDA, as distinct from An Foras Tionscal, has hitherto operated on the basis of full-time board members and they carried great authority in negotiating. It seems to me that the fact that they are members of the board, as distinct from executives of a company, who have to refer to the board for decisions, has given them a particular authority in negotiation and this is, perhaps, appropriate to the function they have to carry out.

I do not want to be dogmatic about this and, indeed, the Minister has not been dogmatic. I have not had time to think out what is the best policy. The job of these people is in large measure to negotiate new projects to come here. They must run the office as well and other functions of that kind, but their function is not that of running a large organisation, so much as being negotiators with all kinds of industrial interests to persuade them to come here. In those circumstances a part-time supervisory board supervising the carrying on of the affairs of an organisation does not seem to me to be necessarily the most appropriate scheme for this body.

The Minister, of course, is obviously much closer to this than I am and, from his experience and knowledge of the working of the IDA and An Foras Tionscal, which is the grant-giving authority at the moment and has part-time directors, may have reason to feel this change would be beneficial but I would have thought what might be a solution might be a mixture of the two. In fact, when the Minister started to speak I thought that he was going to say that what he envisaged was a number of full-time members who would be responsible for negotiations, and a number of part-time members who would join with them in discussing general policy and in bringing an outside view to bear.

While I would not be dogmatic that that is the solution, I would ask the Minister to consider it. If he has not given deep thought to all this already, and he does not seem to have made up his mind definitely about it, he ought to consider whether he may not weaken the authority in its negotiating function by leaving it in a position where no member of the executive staff other than the—what is he to be called? the general manager?— is, in fact, a member of the board and, therefore, there will be the problem of constant reference back to the authority.

In the experience I have had of the IDA, and it tended to be some years ago rather than recently. I was always impressed by the authority with which the members of the board could speak and act. I would fear that there might be diminution in their ability to do their job effectively if they no longer had that authority and, at the same time, I appreciate the Minister's desire to bring in outside people to bring an outside view to bear on these problems. Every State body and every private company is in constant danger that the management will become so close to the tasks to be done that they will fail to see the wood for the trees. I had this experience myself in working in a State company, as a member of the staff of Aer Lingus. I think we did a good job and I think they still do a magnificent job, but there were times when we became so involved in dealing with the immediate issues that we failed to see the broader national context in which we were working. The function of the board of the company was to bring a bit of outside light to bear on our work and to show us where we were being too narrow-minded.

It is quite possible that the Minister may feel that the IDA has lacked this and that, while it has done a wonderful job, it would have helped if it had some part-time directors who would help to give it this outside view. At the same time, if these are part-time directors who are also particularly involved in different aspects of the Irish economy they could bring particular expertise to bear. Deputy Desmond's suggestion is one I would heartily endorse. I would endorse it in this instance, not particularly as some kind of token contribution towards worker participation—I could scarcely think of a less relevant case for this; I am not saying that those concerned should not have some voice in running it—but in view of the nature of the IDA and even the small size of the staff this is not really the major issue, for the reasons which Deputy Desmond mentioned. Deputy Desmond concentrated on one particular aspect, that is, the value of having somebody with experience in industrial relations from that side on the IDA. I can see this is a valid point.

Indeed, some of my experience recently have suggested that a little more of that kind of experience on the trade union side might have helped or might help in the future. There is more to it than that. Deputy Desmond also referred to the kind of people who have represented the trade union movement on the NIEC. From my own experience of working with the NIEC I found that the trade union contribution was uniformly constructive. Indeed, the same was true of the Committee on Industrial Organisation. There was no tendency on the part of the trade union representatives any more than the management representatives to try to fight their corner. They were concerned with achieving national objectives and they worked harmoniously with their opposite numbers on the other side of the table and with the civil servants to achieve objectives.

Their great experience brought to bear on the problems has always been valuable and I would think that from that point of view their general knowledge of and interest in the economy and the angle from which they view the economy would be helpful on a board of this kind. Therefore, I would favour part-time representatives because they could bring this kind of angle, this kind of view, to bear. The same is true on the industrial side. If we had several leading Irish industrialists, perhaps a leading banker, who would also bring a knowledge of private industry to bear, this would be valuable. Many outside interests who are dealing with us, particularly if they are American, have a strong preference for dealing with private businessmen rather than public servants. This has been one problem of the IDA to some degree. Europeans are used to dealing with public servants but many Americans have a strong prejudice for dealing with people who are businessmen or lawyers like themselves who can understand their point of view. From experience I have had over a number of years with the IDA, it would be of benefit if we were able to send to the United States, for example, from time to time representatives preferably with the status of board members who could speak as private ambassadors, as representatives of the private sector, in terms their opposite numbers could understand and be sympathetic to. Their special respect for people who are entrepreneurs like themselves may seem curious and not particularly a serious attitude, but they do have this attitude.

The case that seems to me to emerge is one for a board with an admixture of full-time and part-time members: full-time members who would be bearing the main burden of negotiation, and part-time members who could occasionally get involved, who could be effective representatives of the board, especially in cases where there is this preoccupation with private enterprise, and who would bring not only an outside view but a special point of view from their own experience to bear on the problems involved. I am not asking the Minister to commit himself now, because I know he has yet to make up his mind on this, but I should like him to bear in mind these points and the points raised by Deputy Desmond when considering the appointment of the board.

Another point I want to press, it is one the Minister will have in mind anyway, is that there are some cases where the appointment of people for political reasons is more damaging or less valuable, whatever way you like to put it, than in other cases. There are some State boards which have more than their share of political appointments, because it is felt perhaps that their function is not of such vital importance and that they can carry them. There are others where the Government are careful not to overload them with people who are put there for reasons of patronage. I am opposed to the patronage system, as the Minister will know. All I am saying at the moment is that it is still there, and it will not disappear so long as the party on the other side of the House is there. I hope the Minister would be slow to involve himself in the exercise of patronage of this kind where so much is at stake, and I would expect from him, and be reasonably sure we shall get from him, a board of people who will be appointed for reasons that will be non-political.

Briefly I want to comment on the last point raised by Deputy FitzGerald. I would suggest that he really ought not to make the kind of remark he did about this side of the House in regard to political patronage, because the record of his own party and of his party's erstwhile colleagues in other Governments does not exactly indicate the situation that seemed to be indicated in what he said.

I was speaking of the future, not the past.

That does not make a wrong situation right from the Minister's point of view.

I am simply talking about the reference that was made to my party as though it did not happen anywhere else.

That was not what I said or intended.

Is the Minister suggesting we led him into his evil ways?

If the Deputy thinks there is anything wrong with the people who are appointed to the board he can say so when they are appointed, but I should not like any suggestion to be made, before I have even thought of who the people will be, that this is going to happen.

That is the time to say it.

On the contrary, the Minister should note my suggestion was that it was unlikely to happen.

In addition to that, the various points to which Deputy FitzGerald referred, including the question of the status of members when they are negotiating, are matters to which I have given a great deal of thought. Lest I misled the House, I should like to make it clear I have my mind made up in regard to all of the members being part-time other than one I have mentioned. I have not got my mind made up either as to who the people are to be or exactly the composition, the representation and so on. I do not want to involve the House in any detailed discussion of how this thing will work, because, while I have the broad outline quite clear in my mind, the operation of it may be somewhat different from that broad outline. However, Deputies will have noted that there is provision in one of the schedules for the delegation of functions by the board. Consequently, I am hoping to get the best of both worlds by having full-time people who will have delegated to them certain functions of the board which would enable them to negotiate and take important decisions on individual cases, and thereby to get the benefit of what we have had up to now, together with the benefit I hope to get, some of the benefits to which Deputy FitzGerald referred, by having part-time members.

Would the Minister accept that while that provides a solution, such a person, though he may have the authority to take decisions, might not carry as much weight in negotiations, particularly in dealing with directors of other private companies, if he were not himself a member of the board. When he says to the directors of some large American or German corporation: "I am an executive of the company, but I have had some power delegated to me and I am in a position to make a deal with you," I could see many private businessmen who often have a sense of status quite as acute as one finds in other areas, including the Civil Service, feeling they were not perhaps dealing at the right level, that there was another level to which they ought to go to get a final or a better decision.

It has been the strength of the IDA that this has not been necessary up to now. Would the Minister tell us why he is committed to this idea of all of them being part-time? There may be good reasons for it, but the Minister has not given us any reason. I have put forward quite strong reasons to the contrary, based on the experience of the IDA as I have observed it, at a much greater remove than the Minister of course. It seems to me the Minister's proposal will weaken the authority of those people to engotiate. Could the Minister say what he has got against full-time members and, in particular, what he has against having some full-time members on the board?

It is a valid point.

I should repeat that I have given a great deal of thought to this problem and to all the angles of this problem, and I have come to the conclusion I have indicated to the House. I cannot give all the reasons I came to this conclusion, but I can give some, why not to have a part-time and full-time board combined, that is, some part-time and some full-time. I believe that almost inevitably in such circumstances the full-time members would be much more familiar with the various items coming up. They would tend inevitably to exercise real power and part-time members would simply find it almost impossible to impose their views where their views should be imposed. I have been asked why not have all full-time members as we have at the moment. I have indicated my reason for that earlier. No matter how good and capable people may be when they are engaged full-time with various projects there is a great deal of pressure on them and it is virtually impossible for them to stand back and take a look at policy. It is very necessary that policy should be looked at fairly regularly in the IDA. It is also impossible in those circumstances to have any proper assessment of performance by the IDA in relation to the targets which it should have set and in relation to its officers and servants. While these are not the only reasons, they are some of the reasons and are good enough for me to have decided to do this the way I have indicated to the House.

I cannot understand the Minister's thinking on this. It appears that he is referring to a board which will be mainly responsible for the future industry of the country. What he suggests here tonight is a continuation of a system which will allow the glamour boys of industry—we could all name them—to appear on practically every board in the country and particularly on the more recent boards with big powers. If what the Minister suggests is carried out, is there not a very grave danger that, instead of a group of people whose only job is to see that the job they have will be properly done, there could be a group of people who have their irons in so many fires that they can only do a particular job part-time? Is there not a grave danger in doing this that we would get people who would be excellent in their own way but who are already so busy that they just could not afford to give the board the necessary time and attention? The establishment of an inefficient board must be prevented. That could easily happen. If the Minister adds to the managing director a group of part-time people, either the managing director is the absolute ruler, and does what he thinks he must do, or the advice which he will get from the part-time people will simply be advice from "part-timers" and he will say "I have spent all my time at this and I know what I am talking about. I have gone into this very fully." Most of those on boards will be people who are already very busy in other jobs in other industries. Does the Minister not consider this is a very dangerous approach and would it not be better to have people who would be so interested in making a success of a particular job that they would be prepared to devote their full time to it?

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
Top
Share