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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 10 Nov 1971

Vol. 256 No. 9

Finance (No. 2) Bill, 1971:Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The introduction of value added tax at this time could be disastrous for the economy. It will only exacerbate a situation which is giving rise to considerable concern at the moment in all sections of the community. Prices have spiralled. The country has not got over the shocks following decimalisation. The Minister for Finance may grin at this and think it is of no concern. Obviously, he is not aware of the concern of the people who do not fully understand the situation following decimalisation. As I have said before, decimalisation was a psychological confidence trick on the public. They have not yet recovered from the shock. I often hear people saying that they do not understand it but that they are not able to buy the essentials of life for their families.

We will have massive protests soon from the public about the cost of living. People are waking up to the fact that they cannot continue enduring the effects of the high cost of living. The increases in the cost of living are felt very much by those on fixed incomes, those in the really lower income group and those on old age or disability pensions. It is becoming more than obvious that these people are deprived of the essentials of living. I have heard it said that poverty does not exist in Ireland and that our country has become a rich man's club. Unfortunately, those who are most badly hit by the rising costs are the people who are unable to articulate their grievances. These are the silent people who suffer. Many of them suffer from malnutrition. They make little or no protest. They just accept their position as normal. We do not recognise their problems or do anything to help them. The Minister should not say that the value added tax will make little or no change in the cost of living. The Minister said yesterday:

The tax proposals represent little more than a change in the method of collection and their incidence and impact on prices should be broadly similar to the incidence and impact of the present sales taxes.

The Minister knows that this is a lie and is not correct. It is not correct to say that value added tax will have little or no impact.

Why must we take this initiative? Why must we push this tax through without giving the public an opportunity of discussing and considering it and letting the Government know their opinion of it? It is not vital that this tax should be introduced before Christmas or early in the New Year. There is no urgency about it. It is not a precondition for entry into the EEC. If it were the Italians would not only now be thinking of introducing a value added tax. They would have been compelled to introduce it long ago, which they were not. They propose to do so in the future. I have not seen any demand in the discussions between the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Ministers of the EEC for the introduction of a value added tax before we are admitted into the EEC. Britain says she will consider introducing it by 1973.

When I told the Minister there was public concern about this and that he should postpone it, he said he would postpone it for two months. That is not long enough to give the public an opportunity to discuss it. The Minister has received representations from various business interests but he has not received representations from the public. The public want an opportunity to think about it. The Minister has not tried to explain it to the public. Can you imagine small companies and small businesses trying to work out percentages such as 15.56 or 5.26 or 16.37? Can you imagine how complicated life will be under this new method of taxation? Life will be so complicated that more small businesses will have to close down. It is obvious that the Minister has this in mind and that he wants to put an end to these small businesses. He will not let them survive. They already have a tough problem but he has decided to make life more and more difficult for them. Can you imagine 16.37 per cent being worked out on a product costing ten or 15 pence? It is utterly ridiculous. Why was it not worked out to the nearest unit and fixed at 15 or 16 per cent? Because the Minister knows the value added tax will bring in more revenue.

Small business people have been unpaid tax collectors for too long. I had discussions with grocers with small businesses and it was interesting to hear their grievances and the justification for their complaints. They mentioned that a ¼lb. of Lyon's tea costs 2/6d. The label states that it costs 2/6d but when they tell a customer that they have to add on turnover tax naturally the customer resents it. The small trader is obliged by the Minister to add on the tax or else he has to pay it himself. That is one of the problems created for those people. They have to try to explain the Government tax. The Government should have been explaining it. The Government said: "We do not care how you collect it. Just have the money for us."

They fooled the public into thinking that the tax was 2½ or 5 per cent. People thought that if something cost £100 they would have to pay £105 but if you bought something costing £100 you had to pay £106 because the person who sold it to you had to pay turnover tax on the £100 plus the 5 per cent. This was the fraud and the deception in the turnover tax. These uneven figures such as 16.3 per cent expose the fact that we did not have a 5 per cent turnover tax and that it was not a proper sales tax. It was a tax on tax. The people were duped for too long about this.

There is mounting public concern about the taxation system. We find now that the overhead expenses of small businesses have increased enormously with the result that they are closing down, and more will have to close down if the Minister persists in this proposal. Why is there not some public educational programme in relation to VAT? Why is it not explained to residents' associations? Surely the educational programme on VAT should not be confined to business people only. Why not extend it to radio and television programmes? Let us ask the public to comment on it. We are not in the EEC yet. We must have a referendum and the wishes of the people must be taken into consideration. I think we are jumping the gun. We must have a referendum to find out how the people feel about entry into the EEC. This should be thrashed out before we talk about VAT. We should be trying to find out if conditions and terms for entry are satisfactory and safeguard the rights of the people.

If it is not the intention to collect more tax, why is there this urgency to shove this Bill through? The Minister has admitted that the turnover and wholesale taxes are simple to operate and that the administrative cost is low. He says it is less than 1 per cent. He has not explained what the administrative cost will be of operating VAT. I have no doubt that it will be five times as much as the cost of operating the present system because it is so complicated. It cannot be operated as effectively, or as simply, or as readily as the turnover and wholesale taxes. It is complicated all along the line. The Minister's excuse is typical of the Minister. It is the petty mind which thinks: "I am afraid that under the present system there may be fraud." This runs through every debate in which the Minister has participated.

It costs 25p to 50p to collect 10p turnover tax on books which come here for review. This is the petty mind operating our tax structure. The Minister is always thinking in terms of fraud and of people trying to defraud the Department. The amount of fraud is very small. If we have to bring in a complicated system to prevent fraud we might as well give up altogether because it will cost too much. We could have an army of civil servants and others employed in trying to detect fraud and evasion. This would not be worth the effort.

There is no justification for bringing in VAT and the Minister knows it. In every contribution he makes in this House foremost in the Minister's mind is the fact that people are trying to defraud the Government, the tax authorities, and the Department of Finance. This is no excuse for bringing in VAT. If my life and the lives of others are to be made much more complicated so that the Minister may save a few thousand pounds I say that is not worth it.

The Minister asked the postmen to collect the turnover tax on these books. We know the delay involved in trying to collect 5d or 10d. It costs almost 50p to collect 5p or 10p. This system will operate in the case of value added tax. Life will become much more complicated. The Minister has not given a satisfactory answer to the small traders. Will their life be easier or will they be more and more involved in tax collection and have less time for their normal business? Could we not have waited until we had seen how the system operates in Britain? Could we have learned a lesson from Britain? I have heard Government Ministers here saying that they would wait until Britain had introduced a certain measure so that we could learn from their experience. Could we not wait and learn from the experience in Britain in relation to value added tax?

I should like to ask the Minister if he personally has seen how the value added tax system operates in France, Germany, Belgium and the other EEC countries that have that system? I can tell the Minister that the rates envisaged here on essential goods are higher than in any of the EEC countries where the value added tax is in operation. The Minister says that the value added tax will apply to the same goods as those to which the wholesale tax applies. Would the Minister consider toothpaste to be a luxury article? Does he regard it as a medicinal article? If toothpaste is considered a luxury article, it shows little concern for the health of our people. Advertising campaigns urge people to clean their teeth. Yet, wholesale tax is applied to toothpaste on the basis that it is not an essential commodity. There is wholesale tax on medicinal shampoos for the treatment of diseases of the scalp on the basis that they are not essential items, that they are luxuries. The same system will operate under the value added tax. The Minister has not excluded essentials like medicines but he does exclude pet foods. Medicines do not matter to the Minister, pet foods do. I wonder has the Minister gone balmy?

This would have been a tremendous opportunity for the Minister to correct mistakes made by his predecessors and to exclude from tax medicines for human consumption. It is an absolute disgrace that medicines for animals should be regarded as more important than medicines for human beings. Medicines for cattle, dogs and other animals are excluded but turnover tax is payable when it comes to the health of the people. That has been the system and the Minister is going to continue it under VAT. It is a crazy system. The Minister has not the courage to say that a mistake has been made and that he will correct it when VAT is introduced. I should like to know what the Minister will do about it, whether commodities such as I have mentioned are considered more important than pet foods.

There are a few points in the Minister's speech that I should like to ask him about. How long more has Italy got before she will be obliged to introduce VAT? This is important for us. The onus is on the Minister for Finance to answer that question and to tell us why Italy has not yet introduced VAT. Italy has been in the EEC since the beginning. The Minister says that Italy has not introduced VAT yet. If Italy has not introduced it I should like to know why we are forced to do it now.

The Minister says that the Bill has been drafted to conform as far as possible to the directives of the EEC. The directives of the EEC are to apply to us but they do not apply to Italy. There is something farcical about this. If the directives do not lay down standard rates for the tax, why is the present system not acceptable to the EEC or has the EEC told us that the present system is unacceptable to them? I should like the Minister for Finance to answer that.

If the Deputy is waiting for an answer now, he will be waiting. He can make his own speech and I will make mine.

The Minister is embroiled in the affairs of his own party. I know about his gloating in his house at night about what he has done.

The Deputy should wake up. He is not getting anywhere with this. The Deputy is only displaying ignorance of the EEC, of VAT and everything else. If he wants to do that, he is welcome to do it but he should not add to the difficulties he is creating for himself.

The Minister is creating difficulties for the country. The petty mind is in operation in everything he does. He said last night "I will not bargain..."

The Deputy is in favour of people who defraud the revenue. That is what he wants—to defraud the revenue.

The Minister had a photograph in the Sunday Independent and the Press. I was looking at it last night. He is in his shirt sleeves, at the phone, and he says, “I will not bargain on the prices and incomes policy”. This is the Minister who comes in trying to bulldoze this Bill through the House.

The Deputy is in favour of the racketeers, speculators and defrauders of the revenue who are depriving workers of the contributions that should be made by them. The Deputy comes in every time there is a matter in connection with taxation being discussed to defend those who would evade tax. He does that every time and he did it again today.

Why did not you catch the land speculators?

The Deputy did it again today because he is himself a capitalist both in theory and in practice.

Obviously the Minister is very much out of touch with my background.

I am in touch with the Deputy's present position.

The Minister is very much out of touch.

Very much in touch.

I should like to discuss that with the Minister in private and I would very quickly enlighten him. He is very much out of touch. He has hit a wrong one there.

That is what the Deputy thinks or likes to say he thinks but he knows the truth when he hears it.

I should like the Minister to realise a few things. Socialism is not to be read about or talked about but to be practised.

That is right and the essential of social justice is to try to ensure as far as possible that every taxpayer pays his share.

Quite right.

It is not the duty of a Deputy to defend those who are evading their liability. That is what Deputy O'Connell does every time in this House on financial matters.

I will not have the resources of this State employed chasing a few evaders of tax. If the Minister employs a postman to collect 10p and it costs 50p to do it, I say there is something cockeyed about the system. If the Minister can defend that, he had better get out of office fast because his rationale is completely wrong. The Minister for Finance is out of step. He does not understand the basic rules of economics. One cannot employ 50p to collect 10p. If that is the system, he is the wrong Minister for Finance. I would say that he has a social conscience but I think the Minister should get into another Department. He does not understand finance.

Did the Deputy ever hear of insurance?

Very expensive now.

If, in addition, an army of investigators is employed to collect money from a few defaulters, the Minister should change to another Department.

And let them all defraud the revenue at the expense of the Deputy's constituents?

They are all criminals now, according to the Minister.

Who are all criminals?

"Let them all". The Minister is making the suggestion that the public are criminals. That is exactly what he is doing now.

The Deputy knows that is not true, that I did not say it. Why does he try to make a lie out of a statement like that? Does it not reveal the kind of mentality he has?

The Minister came in here and he made his colleague take the rap for the dole issue.

The Deputy should get back to the Bill before the House.

Quite right. I appreciate your tolerance. You have been more than tolerant. I want to emphasise a particular point about this. We have a Civil Service employed for the operation of the different Departments, but if we introduce a complicated system like this just to catch a few evaders it is not right that they should have to waste time on it. There are a few people evading the turnover tax and the wholesale tax. This complicated tax will make people's lives very difficult. I spoke to an accountant the other day who said to me: "For God's sake, when are you going to get rid of Colley? He is making life a hell for us. He is changing this and changing that. Whatever they said about his predecessor he understood people and did not make their lives difficult." I know the Department of Finance are saying the same thing about the Minister. He is as cockeyed about this thing as he is about other things.

That is one of the greatest tributes which could be paid to me. I appreciate that an accountant says I am making life hell for him. He knows there are people trying to evade their liability.

They do not know where they stand.

I appreciate the compliment.

That shows the mentality of a Minister who would appreciate that compliment. I have great personal regard for the Minister for Finance but I have not got respect for the amount of grey matter there. There is tremendous driving ambition there.

You will read that in the papers all right.

There is not an understanding there that when you introduce a tax you cannot make life a hell for everybody just because there are a few people in the country who do not accept their responsibilities.

Life is hell for the EEC countries with the value added tax, is it? They are all groaning under the burden of this tax.

We are not in the EEC yet. What about Italy?

Have a bit of sense. If there are five countries in the EEC operating this system how can the Deputy say that it is an impossibly complicated system and that the country will be ruined by it? Let us have a rational approach.

I agree with the Minister very much. I would like an explanation as to why Italy has not introduced this tax yet. I would like to know why Britain has not introduced it yet, why we must be ahead, why we cannot give the public an opportunity to study this tax. You could learn from the public. If we are to have a complicated tax system like this once this Bill becomes an Act you cannot change it. The Civil Service who will operate it have to go according to the letter of the law. It is not democratic if this Bill is to be bulldozed through without giving the public an opportunity to study it. Last May I asked the Minister if he would extend the time to give the people an understanding of it.

I spoke to many people about this tax and asked them if they knew anything about it. They asked me where they could learn about it. There is a lot of pressing legislation which we need and the Government are talking about lack of time. This is not urgent. The Minister is collecting a lot of money as it is. He says the increase in revenue will not be there so therefore the Exchequer will not gain or lose by this. I will be glad to meet the Minister on any point but I am not prepared to meet him on this. If he means what he has said and is not telling a fraudulent lie there is no urgency about this and we could postpone it.

The Minister should spend a little money from the Department of Finance in having a few of his inspectors invite the associations to participate in discussions on this tax. I do not think this would be too difficult. I know there are many men in his Department who are very keen on doing something like this. There should be public discussion on this matter. No Minister can decide whether a thing is complicated or not without hearing the views of the public on it. What section of the public has been fully informed about this? Is it just the traders or the manufacturers? I am being fair to the Minister, despite what I say about him, in asking him this. Has the Minister gone to the public and said: "We are changing the system; there will be a new system."

I can deal with that point when replying. I was hoping the Deputy would address himself to what I think was a reasonable question, which was the experience of the countries operating this tax.

Italy are in the EEC.

I am talking about the countries where this tax operates.

What about the countries where this tax operates? They did not have turnover tax and wholesale tax.

I am asking the Deputy what he means when he says that this is such a complicated system that the country will have a disaster if it is introduced, having regard to the experience of the countries where it is operating.

I do not know. I am asking the Minister if he has made himself aware of the facts?

The Deputy does not know about these countries.

I say that life will become very complicated. I ask the Minister to give the public a chance to study this tax. Have Belgium got a value-added tax of 11.11 per cent or 16.37 per cent?

The odd figures are of no consequence at all. Does the Deputy not know that each trader will be issued with a ready reckoner?

Now we are going to get the ready reckoner.

Does the Deputy not understand how it operates?

If a man has five different items at five different rates will the ready reckoner work that out for him?

Will the Deputy indicate what type of firm will be operating five different rates?

Three different rates then?

There will not be three. There will not be more than two.

The Minister has said three.

I said in my introductory statement that no firm will be operating more than two.

At the start. God knows what we will change to afterwards.

It seems to me there is a change of step going on.

It is obvious the public do not know about it. I am a little dense on this and all I can see is the difficulty of people trying to work out 16.37 per cent of a carton of Vim. When you operated the other system it was 15 per cent of a certain figure but now you will have to operate this complicated figure. Could the Minister explain how the operation of 2.68 per cent or 3.85 per cent will be easy? There is silence again.

Does the Deputy really want a dialogue or does he want to make a speech? When I put a question to him he runs away from it, so what is the point?

Will these figures of 16.37 per cent and 5.26 per cent apply to an individual item?

Has the Deputy grasped the fact that they are precisely the same rates of tax as are charged at present?

I said this.

Therefore he has grasped the fact. Let him go on from there.

No. I want to explain to the Minister. This 5.26 per cent will apply to an individual item. Before it was 5 per cent of a total turnover. That is the difference. The other was turnover tax. This is tax on individual items. Has that gone through to the Minister's brain? Now will he answer that? This is the difference.

Answer what?

The difference between the tax that operated and this one. If a man had a turnover of £1,000 he paid 5 per cent of that. This will be 5.26 per cent on an individual item. On something costing 18p the tax will be 5.26 per cent of that. Am I right?

If he has a turnover on items worth £1,000, at 5.26 per cent he would pay 5.26 per cent of £1,000, and if he has another turnover on the higher rate he will pay on that; although, as I have indicated, there are ways of arriving at approximate figures for small shopkeepers.

I am talking about VAT being applied to an individual item.

I know the Deputy is.

Am I right? I am not trying to be obstructive.

Is the Deputy saying that under this Bill VAT must be applied to each individual item?

That is what I thought.

If I do not know this, and I should know it, is it not all the more reason why there should be a proper public educational programme on the real significance——

I see the Deputy did not read the various documents he got on the subject.

I have read the documents and it has not been clarified for me. I wish it were, and I am prepared to go to any course that the Minister or his Department arranges. I even went to one where the inspector came out from the Department to small traders. I attended to try to be edified, but unfortunately it was not explained. Is this not all the more reason why we should postpone this, have a programme of education on it and ask the public's opinion on it? Would the Minister not seriously consider this in the interest of everyone, small businesses, manufacturers and the public, the public who want an explanation of what is happening when the cost of living goes up more and more? If the Minister will do this I shall be prepared to co-operate with him in any way, and I shall certainly encourage people to attend these meetings and learn about it.

I think we are putting the cart before the horse. We are trying to put this through before the public know anything about it. Even a Minister is trying to look through documents himself to see if he can get an explanation of it. I can tell him this much, and I say this without fear of contradiction, the Minister does not understand the value-added tax. He can tell you the broad principles of it; I can tell you the broad principles of it, but he cannot tell you how it operates. He cannot explain the situation in regard to 5.26 per cent on an individual item, because VAT refers to tax on individual items; this is the whole purpose of it, tax added on along the line. I would love to hear about that from the Minister.

Let him come in and listen to my reply.

I shall be glad to, and I would hope the Minister would not gloss over this, because it is too important a matter which affects the life of every person in this country. In talking about this you have to consider the people who are living in flats, the people who are living on pensions, the people to whom 1p means so much. The Minister is trying to figure this out at the moment.

The Deputy is mistaken as usual.

I was not mistaken about the cases that came to the Minister about the dole that he went screaming made about it.

I do not know what the Deputy is talking about. It is more than likely that he is wrong again because he usually is, even though I do not know what he is talking about.

Indeed I do, and the Minister knows.

The Deputy may know but I do not, but I would say on past performance it is almost certain the Deputy is wrong.

Yes, but I told the Minister he would have to withdraw the prices and incomes policy.

When we got what the country needed.

He had to withdraw it. He was brought to his knees on that one.

When we got what the country needed. The Deputy is so anti-national-interest that he cannot even appreciate what was achieved.

Anti-national-interest?

That is right. The performance of the Deputy here on many issues, not on all but on many issues, is very much against the national interest. Somebody who comes in and argues persistently in favour of those who defraud the Revenue is not acting in the national interest, for example.

Anti-national-interest? Would the Minister give us some more.

Is that not enough for the Deputy to go on with?

No. I would love to hear some more. That is a very serious charge.

It is not relevant to the Bill. The Deputy might come to the Bill.

It certainly is relevant. As a public representative my job is to work in the national interest.

It should be, yes, I agree.

If the Minister accuses me of being anti-national-interest, I should not be here.

The Deputy may follow out the logic of the argument to his own satisfaction.

The public put me here, so the public stand indicted in the Minister's eyes.

Keep working on it now.

The public stand indicted in the Minister's eyes?

The Deputy is getting worried.

I am not worried because I do not go grovelling for votes or make false promises to the people. Do not let me hear any more about the Minister and his low standards in high places. We saw the debacle here.

What is troubling the Deputy? There seems to be some personal grudge troubling him. Would he like to talk about it, even though it is not relevant, or else would he get on with the Bill? It might help the Deputy if he got it out of his system. He comes in here every time with this kind of niggling thing. It might help the Deputy psychologically if he could get it out of his system.

No, it would not. My job is to prescribe psychiatric and psychological treatment.

Perhaps Deputy Dr. Browne could help him.

I think I treat too many, and if my advice had been listened to at the beginning you would not have Aontacht Eireann today, and the Minister knows it.

I do not know what the Deputy is talking about.

Maybe the Taoiseach knows.

Maybe the Deputy would get on with the Bill or get this out of his system.

I want this out of the Dáil until the Minister gives the people a chance to study it. That is what I am asking. The Minister says:

It has been stated in the press and elsewhere that the value-added tax has resulted in severe inflation in the continental countries which have adopted it and that similar results may be expected here.

Then he says what we are doing here is limited almost entirely to a change in the method of collecting tax. I thought it was just a change in the method. So we can take it that it is not limited to that. Perhaps the Minister will explain what he means by "almost entirely".

The Minister also says that all of the countries which had unhappy experiences on the changeover were attempting to do much more. He is admitting that when there was a changeover to this value added tax from the previous tax there were unhappy experiences in the EEC countries. This is exactly what happened and this is why there is cause for public concern in this country. The changeover in the continental countries created chaos.

"Unhappy experiences" is a euphemism for what happened. It was a dastardly thing that happened in these countries. We have a right to know exactly what happened in the change-over to the VAT, and to see what can be done about it here to avoid a repetition of the chaotic situation in some of these countries. It comes to my mind when I see this here and the Minister has admitted it here. He said they had "unhappy experiences". This is serious.

I am amused at the Deputy's inability to read the rest of the sentence

I will read it.

Go on. Read the rest of it.

"All of the countries which had unhappy experiences on the changeover were attempting to do much more" full stop.

"were attempting to do much more"—the Deputy did not say that.

I do not think it should be summarised in just this one sentence.

And I do not think the Deputy should summarise the sentence.

I will read it again: "All of the countries which had unhappy experiences on the changeover were attempting to do much more." I would appreciate it if the Minister would explain this.

Go on to the next sentence.

"In some cases, the incidence of the tax being replaced was being substantially altered."

Go on from there.

"For example, the rate of tax on food, which in some cases was very low or non-existent, was generally raised to 5 per cent or over."

Perhaps the Deputy did not read that before now.

I have an "x" beside it. I will show it to the Minister if his astigmatism will permit him to read it at this distance. I have it underlined. I have underlined so many parts——

Strange that the Deputy did not read the rest of it until he was forced to.

No. I have it all marked. I am not marking it now.

This is only underlining the Deputy's approach to the problem.

Does the Minister think we are "attempting to do much more"? I want to know about the "unhappy experiences". The Minister says here that "the rate of tax on food, which was in some cases very low or non-existent..." Some countries had them and some countries did not. Could the Minister explain that to me?

Explain what?

The "unhappy experiences" they had in the changeover. Were these just due to the fact that there was an imposition of tax on food?

That was one of the reasons, as indicated in my speech.

What were the other reasons?

They were introducing a completely new system.

Would the Minister now like to say if we are introducing a completely new system?

No. Compare our position with that of Britain.

No, no. Compare it with the EEC countries which have introduced it.

The Deputy is talking about EEC countries when they were introducing it?

If he wants to indulge in this exercise then let him compare us with like countries, with Britain.

Britain is not introducing it until 1973.

Oh, come on now. The Deputy is capable of better than that.

It is well I have a good sense of humour where the Minister is concerned. We must compare our introducing it now——

With Britain—like with like.

I agree. We must compare our introducing the VAT now with the EEC countries when they were introducing it. Would that be normal?

Yes, and with the position in Britain where they are introducing it because that illustrates the difficulty the Deputy seems to be in. It will be much more difficult in Britain because of their existing sales tax system as against ours. That is the point I was making. In some of the continental countries they had to make a much bigger change than we will have to make. I think I am wasting my time.

No. I want to be enlightened about this.

I do not think the Deputy does. I suspect he may even know a little more than he is pretending.

I must confess I do not. I am sorry. This is my great difficulty; I do not know as much as the Minister thinks. The Minister said —I do not want to misquote him— that there were unhappy experiences in the EEC countries on the introduction of the VAT. He also said this was partly due to the imposition of the tax on food, but only partly due to that. The unhappy experiences were due to the fact that a new tax was being introduced.

It differed from country to country, as the Deputy will appreciate.

It was a value-added tax, a new tax, being introduced and this was the reason for the unhappy experiences.

In some countries.

I am talking only of the countries which introduced it.

I am saying the unhappy experiences occurred in only some countries.

Oh, wait now.

The extent of the unhappiness varied in proportion to the change.

"All of the countries which had unhappy experiences on the changeover were attempting to do much more."

Has the penny dropped?

No, I am still trying to figure it out. The Minister said they were due partly to the imposition of a tax on food and this would cause chaos and unhappy experiences. Naturally it would. The Minister said this was due to the fact that these countries were introducing a new tax system, value-added tax. Does the Minister not now accept that this will cause unhappy experiences here because this is a new tax system here?

No. I do not know whether the Deputy really does not understand. Is he trying to make a debating point?

Is this a new tax system?

Could I explain to the Deputy?

Certainly.

The reason I mentioned Britain was to illustrate the point I was making which applies in the case of the EEC countries which had difficulties. Some of them had a system of taxation which was quite different from the value-added tax system. We have turnover tax and wholesale tax, which are quite close to it, and the impact on our system will, therefore, be minimal as compared with those countries which had a different system.

I will accept that. Would the Minister elaborate on what he means by minimal?

It is so designed as to have the minimum possible effect. As far as the system is concerned, the impact will be precisely the same as at present.

The Minister will put this on the records of the House.

This has been the whole aim of the exercise.

And the Minister will put it on the records. This is important and this has not been getting across. I think the Minister's contribution has been tremendous.

The Deputy has said this will mean chaos and an enormous rise in the cost of living.

I think so.

But he does not give one reason to justify his assertion.

Good. I am asking now——

I have said this many times, including when I was introducing the Bill, but the Deputy apparently does not want to hear it.

As far as the consumer is concerned, according to the Minister, there will be no difference whatsoever. Could I ask the Minister to confirm that?

The Chair at this stage would point out that there will be a Committee Stage on this Bill. The Second Reading Stage should consist of speeches, not questions and answers.

But we are not going over individual sections of the Bill. What the Minister said is very, very good. It has enlightened me very much.

Which either means the Deputy did not read a single thing in or about the document he has in his hand or listen. This has been said several times.

The Minister has not answered the question.

How could the Deputy say now that this is the first time he heard this? It is in the actual speech in his hand. It is in the two White Papers.

All right. I will just go over it again. "There will, therefore, be no ground for an increase in prices generally." This is like the Taoiseach—this is just an aside—in his speech about Deputy Des Foley; he said he would initiate no action, but that did not mean that others would not. You have to read the speeches of Ministers and the Taoiseach very carefully. Now might I ask the Minister to elaborate and explain because one has to read between the lines here? He says: "There will, therefore, be no ground for an increase in prices generally, though there may be some minor changes..." A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I do not know whether or not you have noticed it, but in regard to minor changes, if one looks up the Oxford Dictionary, one finds there are no such things as “minor changes”. This is a relative term. If a woman buys a piece of meat or some essential foodstuff, minor changes can mean anything. You could not confine the term to anything definite. To the Minister for Finance a change of 10p in the price of a piece of meat is a minor change; to an old age pensioner it is disastrous. I want this clarified. I am not going over individual sections of the Bill, but I am dealing with what the Minister says here and “minor changes” to the Minister are not minor changes to somebody on a fixed income.

I do not know if the Minister grasps the situation. When an old age pensioner is asked for a rent increase of 5p she does not sleep. She comes to me looking for an explanation. To her it is disastrous, but to the Minister for Finance 5p means nothing. It is a relative term, depending on the person to whom it applies. The Minister has not spelled out these minor changes. As the system operates the increases will be embodied at various stages along the line and this will have a more disastrous effect on the cost of living than decimalisation. The country should be given an opportunity to recover from the shock of decimalisation before another shock increase is imposed. Tremors from the decimalisation shock are still being felt. The people most affected are those who are unable to voice their grievances, those who accept with resignation that this tax must be imposed, and they are hungry in consequence because they cannot afford basic essentials.

It depends on what meetings you attend. I heard of somebody at one of these exclusive clubs who thought the half penny should be abolished. It was a nuisance which upset their change. Such people are out of touch with the significance of the half penny to the old age pensioner or the disabled persons. This is what is wrong. It is because of the fact that the lowest coin is now the ½p that the cost of living went up so much. In America they have 100 cents to the dollar or one-hundredth part of eight shillings but our smallest unit is the ½p which is really two and a half times that amount under the old currency system. People say: "It is up a ½p" but it is much more than that. We did not have a smaller unit and this was responsible in no small measure for the considerable increase in the cost of living. Only now are the people feeling the tremors of that shock increase; they will be reeling if this new system is inflicted on them.

If small businesses are compelled to operate this system, more and more people will have to be employed and overheads will be increased. In addition to the tax itself these businesses will have to recoup the cost of extra labour involved in operating it, further increasing the cost of living. The Minister admits the system we have is simple, easy to administer and costs less than 1 per cent for administering. The Minister has not said that EEC countries have ruled out our present system. He said it was the closest to the EEC system and if so, and if Italy has not yet introduced value-added tax why should we not ask to be permitted to retain the present tax system with wholesale and turnover tax? Has the Minister for Foreign Affairs asked for that? The Minister says there might be some cases of people attempting to defraud the Revenue; that will happen under every form of taxation and I do not think it justifies the introduction of this new system.

We should consider asking the Minister for Foreign Affairs to find out if we could retain the present system during an interim period of a few years. Rushing into this now will affect the cost of living considerably and do untold harm. It will bring the people on the streets. Housewives have reached the stage when we will get this bubble exploding and there will be people marching on the streets protesting against the terribly high cost of living. If this happens it will bring further chaos and confusion to the country.

I was amused when I heard the Minister accusing Deputy O'Connell of backing tax evaders. On one occasion here I pointed out that the Revenue Commissioners could unfairly tax somebody. Legally, they could do so but morally they should not; yet they did it. If one is to be fair the other must be fair. I am not in favour of the tax evader but neither am I in favour of the Revenue Commissioners hammering somebody in the wrong. The Minister told us this new system would simplify everything, that each person would pay a little more and it would not bear heavily on anybody. Let us be honest about it: the customer pays for everything. If a business takes in an accountant to work out turnover or value-added tax the cost is added to the price and the customer pays for it. The man in the street pays for everything. No large or small business can employ somebody unless it can afford to do so and if it cannot afford to do so on present prices it must increase its prices or go out of business. This is the fact. Anybody who says this will cost less is talking nonsense.

We have heard of the 2½ per cent turnover tax; in actual fact it was 2.6 something per cent. Then we had another 2½ per cent when the two Ministers were fighting as to who would be Minister for Finance. Again, we found there was an increase that was more than 2.6 per cent. Anybody who took up the Irish Independent last week could see that since decimalisation prices have increased and that the lowest increase is 15 per cent. First, I should like to blame the previous Minister for Finance who said when introducing it that the ½p would go out after a while, that it would not matter, that 1.2d. would not matter. There was no such thing as a six-tenth piece. The lowest coin we now have is the ½p or 1.2d. He told people that halfpennies did not matter any more and therefore we are really working on 2.4d as our lowest coin.

In his speech the Minister pointed out that in 1964-65, the first year of the operation of the turnover tax, it yielded £13½ million, equal to about 6 per cent of total Government revenue. This year he said that the sales taxes combined are expected to produce about £80 million or up to 14½ per cent of total Government revenue. I should like to have, in respect of the same years, the percentages devoted to social welfare. I should like to know what percentage of our total income is represented by our social services now as against 1964-65. Then we would see where the money is missing and find out where it is going.

I remember that the commission on income tax which was set up recommended turnover tax rather than direct taxation. What happened? It was introduced as an additional tax on top of the other taxes. I came in here at that time. I was elected at a by-election. I remember Deputy Haughey appearing on television—he was not Minister for Finance then; he was then where he is now—and pointing out to the people that all they would have to pay was 2½ per cent. First of all, that was incorrect. It was 2.625 per cent. He told them that the old age pensioners would get an increase of 5, 6 or 7 per cent. Of course the 2½ per cent was on the amount of money they would spend on eating, drinking and buying clothes, the 6 per cent was only on 30s which all pensioners were getting at the time. That did not come out. They were again misleading the people. Let there be no doubt but that there will be an increase in the cost of living on account of this.

The Minister said:

The present sales taxes are relatively simple to operate and economical to administer. They were introduced in order to provide a broader base for indirect taxation than had been afforded by the traditional sources—mainly tobacco, beer, spirits and hydrocarbon oils— which had, up to then, provided the bulk of indirect tax revenue.

I do not remember any recent Budget in which these items were not increased except when the 2½ per cent was put on.

The Minister also stated:

One of the biggest disadvantages of sales taxes such as our wholesale and turnover taxes, is that the duty of paying tax to the Revenue falls on one section of the business community only. The value-added tax, on the other hand, has, as its principal feature, the spreading of the tax over the whole process of production and distribution. We were also aware that the European Economic Community had prescribed a common form of value-added taxation for adoption by all member States and that, as members, we would be expected to introduce a similar type of tax in due course.

I think we are mad to do it before England. The Minister says it is easier to spread out this tax but I say the tax must be paid by the customer; who collects it does not matter. However, if one takes the manufacturer, wholesaler and retailer, it is easier for one of those to employ an accountant to do it than for each of them to have to employ an accountant. That means there will be three people doing the work which will result in higher prices. Admittedly in the smaller retail businesses it will simply put more onus on the employer himself but he will have to engage an outside accountant if he has not got an internal one and he will have to be paid because nobody can afford to work for nothing. I cannot understand why the Minister could not say that the EEC are doing it and we must have some similar tax. Also, our rates here can be different from those in continental countries. The Minister already tried this with the corporation profits tax and had an uproar from the business community. Where the business community could afford it they put it on to the customer again, where they could not afford it because of competition from England they wrapped up their businesses and disappeared. One good thing about this tax is that imports are on the same basis as goods produced in the country and exports are on the same basis as goods produced in other countries. The number of sales of items on which taxation is higher in Ireland than on the Continent will be less because there cannot be a good export market unless there is a good home market. If an item is made more expensive there will be less sales at home which will make it less competitive abroad.

When the turnover tax was introduced by Dr. Ryan—I do not think it was his brainchild but he was the man who put it on the table of this House— he said there would be no inspectors going round, that one would write in his turnover and send it in. He expected us to believe that. I said if anybody ran a business that way he would be broke the next day. Of course, it did happen and when people forgot about it for a year or two inspectors were out and now they are checking and rechecking even more than the Revenue Commissioners do, because the Commissioners accept accountants' figures and the turnover tax people do not. I do not blame them. It is their job to collect what they can. Now we have the Minister for Finance saying that there is avoidance of turnover tax. There may be but I would say it would be small. I agree that the value-added tax will have cross references from various people. The wholesaler will send in a figure and also the retailer and these can be checked against each other so there are industrial spies to make sure the Government will get their money.

Deputy Dr. O'Connell pointed out that the turnover tax on £100 should be £5 but in fact tax was paid on £105, in other words a tax on tax. The Minister has pointed out that this will stop this double taxation. I think the amount gained is something like £3¼ million; it might be a lot more.

There was one good thing about turnover tax. If one was running a business and there was a shortage of stocks and a shortage of cash it was not in one's sales. When turnover tax was first introduced I objected to the fact that one had to pay turnover tax on the net profit even though some of the goods might have disappeared. Under value-added tax one has to pay £10 tax on £100 worth of goods. If £50 worth of those goods are stolen or broken one is £55 short. I was talking recently to a representative from one of the big supermarket chains and he reckoned that on the 5.26 per cent, if they are to come out the same as they do under the turnover tax, they will either have to add a small percentage or get a rebate.

With regard to exports the Minister pointed out that a manufacturer can collect whatever value-added tax he may have paid on his raw materials. There could be 20 or even 30 different raw materials and components and it would be very costly to have to make sure no value-added tax had been charged on all these items. When the finished goods reach their destination value-added tax at the rate applicable to the country concerned is charged and the same will be the case on imports. All this is going to mean a great deal of paperwork. Marks and Spencers decided some 25 years ago to get rid of most of their accountants and devise a new accounting system. The result was that their profits doubled the following year. I realise value-added tax is necessary if we go into Europe but I can see a situation coming about in which we will have more accountants than workers on the shop floor. As I said before, no matter how many people are employed the customer pays eventually.

The introduction of value-added tax is being postponed from 1st January to 1st March; that does not make much difference. In the past we have lost tourist trade because we have a different tax system from that which operates in Britain. I fail to see why we have to introduce value-added tax before Britain.

I agree with the concessions which have been made in respect of newspapers. The small country newspapers in particular should not be killed by higher prices. Before the introduction of turnover and wholesale tax a person would very often buy a national newspaper and a country newspaper but now he buys only one, usually a national newspaper. There will not be any value-added tax on car hire charges and public transport but the Government get enough already from the tax on oil and petrol.

As far as I can see farmers will have to pay value-added tax on the foodstuffs they use. The final result is that the last seller, probably the butcher, will get a rebate. It is expected the farmer will get more money for his beasts but that is not necessarily so. It may happen in a period of scarcity but in a period of abundance I do not think he will get more money. The net result is that the farmer will pay tax on the feeding stuffs, et cetera, that he buys. I agree that the farmer who puts his cattle out to grass will not have to pay value-added tax but if we go in for the concentrated feeding that farmers in Europe do then our farmers will have to buy foodstuffs and this is going to be very costly.

There is to be a 11.11 per cent tax on dances. The Minister says:

As this special rate will not affect the great majority of traders the value-added tax remains, in essence, a three-rate tax.

This tax is also going to be charged on food and drink. I do not know how that compares with other taxes——

I think it is disgraceful. A young man who takes a girl to a dance has to pay 50p or 75p admission. He finds when he goes to buy a drink, that drinks are more expensive. He thinks the proprietor is charging him too much because he does not realise the Government are imposing this extra charge. The retailer usually gets a hammering when the Government imposes extra taxation. I do not see any reason for taxing the food and drink sold at dances.

Section 2 provides for the imposition of the value-added tax as from 1st March, 1972. It brings within the scope of the tax the delivery of goods and the rendering of services in the course of business within the State. It also imposes tax on goods imported into the State. Am I correct in assuming that delivery of goods means that a person who delivers goods by lorry is charged value-added tax? What will happen is that large firms, for instance, Guinness and Company or Lamb Brothers, instead of hiring CIE or an independent carrier, will get their own lorries to deliver goods. A firm using their own transport can put down what figure they wish for delivery charges. When deliveries are made, an all-inclusive charge is charged and the actual cost of transport is not shown. What might happen is that the independent transport people and CIE, who have many workers in their employment, will be in trouble because most of the firms will make their own deliveries.

It is stated that the estimated turnover tax at the moment in respect of building costs is only 3 per cent. This would mean approximately £200 for the smallest house but I am not sure if the tax is so low. It is stated that the value-added tax will not affect land or buildings already in existence no matter to whom they are sold unless and until major building, rebuilding or demolition work constituting development is carried out.

Can the Minister state what is major building? Does it mean adding a toilet to a house, adding 20 square feet to a building, 200 square feet or 2,000 square feet? Will the valuation be that decided by a valuation officer or will it be guesswork on the part of the Department? We know that the Revenue Commissioners keep adding tax and one has to pay. We can take the example of a widow who extends her premises and who is told by the Revenue Commissioners that they estimate the value of her building on the market as worth £100,000. What appeal has she against this decision?

In the Minister's brief it is stated:

A sale of immovable goods will be deemed to take place when an interest in them is transferred for a period of ten years or more. Transfers of less than ten years duration will not normally be taxable as sales.

Do I take it that value-added tax is chargeable on a 35-year lease of a premises? If so, what is the rate chargeable? Today there are people leasing property on a 35-year basis with a break every five or seven years. Is the 35 years regarded as the duration in this case? I think that at the moment a person has a right to renew over a five-year lease but I am not sure on this point. The Minister has made a broad statement that in respect of leases of less than ten years one pays value added tax but does not pay tax if the period is more than ten years. I am not sure if fully-furnished flats are covered in this Bill. The Minister has stated:

Transfers of less than ten years duration will not normally be taxable as sales. Where building work is carried out on behalf of a registered person such as a manufacturer or shopkeeper the new system will result in significant relief because, whereas no allowance is given at present for the wholesale and turnover taxes payable on materials used in the construction of factories and business premises, under value-added tax full credit will be allowed for the tax charged to a registered person.

To my knowledge turnover tax is not payable in respect of renovation work or the purchase of anything not for resale.

The Minister has stated that although there are three types of taxes only two will apply but I do not agree with this. For instance, in some shops in small towns they could sell foodstuffs, television sets and cosmetics and there are three types of taxes payable. For goods and services, mainly food, drink, fuel, clothing, medicines and so on there is a tax of 5.26 per cent. Thirty per cent is payable on cars. At the moment if a person buys a car and is charged wholesale tax, he pays only on the selling price. People frequently go to different garages for estimates because prices vary. In addition, a person can get a trade-in price for an old car, perhaps £150 or £200 depending on the car, and he will pay tax on the selling price only. I realise it includes wholesale tax but with VAT the tax will be charged at an earlier point.

When Deputy O'Connell was speaking, the Minister said it had become necessary to introduce VAT to keep in line with EEC policy and Deputy O'Connell pointed out that Italy has been in the Community for quite a while but they have not yet introduced this form of taxation. Perhaps we are trying to have one up on Britain, regardless of the results. Here we have corporation profits tax, income tax, turnover tax and wholesale tax. There they have got purchase tax, only on luxuries or semi-luxuries. Essential foods are not taxed in England.

It is estimated that our income from tourism has been running at between £100 million and £90 million annually but we cannot expect, even if the Northern Ireland situation eases, to sustain this rate because our foodstuffs are dearer, our hotels are more expensive and beer, taking the same gravity level, is 8p a pint dearer here. Of course we have read the statement of a hotelier who said that his rates had increased by 100 per cent during the past number of years. The main cause of our drop in tourism is the fact that food and other essentials are dearer here because of taxation than in England and the mainstay of our tourist trade has been visitors from England and Northern Ireland. Luxuries are cheaper here but if you go to Dún Laoghaire and meet a tourist from the car ferry and open the boot of his car you will find he has taken all the groceries he can carry because, except for one meal a day, he will cater in this way because of the difference in food prices.

In his opening statement the Minister said that at its introduction turnover tax yielded £13½ million annually, in 1964-65. The new tax will yield £80 million, six to seven times as much. If we gave a pro rata increase in social welfare benefits the less off among us might be able to survive to go along with this new tax.

Another point is that this tax will be payable immediately, even before the goods are sold. The manufacturer must pay it before he sells, and the same goes for both wholesalers and retailers. This is passed on immediately to the consumer. If three months credit were allowed it might ease the burden somewhat for a period but, as it is, businessmen would be better off working for somebody else.

On the introduction of turnover tax and again when the wholesale tax was introduced we had promises from Ministers that the cost of living would not be affected adversely. This has never been borne out and we will have the same formula again in relation to this tax. When we come to the matter of price control, of course the task will be an impossible one because the costs of the producer, of the wholesaler and the retailer will all go up and the consumer will be the victim once more.

All along the line we have had promises that have never been fulfilled. The attitude of Fianna Fáil has always been to promise something now and then forget it in three months time. If we introduce this tax before a similar tax is introduced in Britain, our tourism will decrease still further.

One can measure any piece of taxation legislation against the number of its stated objectives. First, the purpose of tax is to raise revenue. People are inclined to think that the matter ends there and that, so long as the money comes in, one way of raising it is as good as another. Yesterday, for example, I listened to the Minister's argument against dependence on beer, cigarettes, spirits and petrol on the basis that one was in danger of entering a situation where this would be precarious and would lead to an over-kill situation which would not result in money being raised. Of course one objective of taxation policy is to raise the money that the public need, and if it is considered simply in that way, one can argue about easy collection and can put forward arguments that may be valid ones. One could say that the base of money gathering could be spread by indirect taxation methods away from the old narrow basis that we had before the introduction of turnover tax which, indeed, is still a very important source of revenue.

However, there ought to be two other major objectives in taxation policy. One should be the matter of managing the economy. If there is one point on which, belatedly, every economist and everyone in this House is agreed, it is that the rate of inflation in Ireland, in Britain and inside Europe is a great threat to the stability of our whole economic system, to the stability of wage structures, of prices and everything else. Inflation is a key problem and a taxation policy can serve either to diminish inflation or can serve to increase it or, for that matter, it can be neutral in this regard. The second aspect on which any tax must be judged is its effect on the economy as a whole and its effect on the management of the economy. The third criterion is of particular importance to people on these benches although we are not alone in this and this is that taxation should be an instrument of increasing social justice. As well as being a means of managing the economy it should also be a means of diminishing differences in income, of promoting social equality and of producing a situation where very few people are too rich and nobody is too poor. It should be an instrument of transfer of wealth. Of course, this is particularly a Labour view and has been traditionally so in this country and in other countries where there have been Labour parties who could articulate a distinct viewpoint. It is against the latter two requirements that one must evaluate a VAT proposal— against the requirement of economy management and against the requirement of increasing social justice and diminishing inequality.

If one considers taxation not simply as a way in which money is raised but against those other criteria, then VAT is a profoundly unsatisfactory and undesirable form of taxation. This is particularly so so far as Ireland is concerned for reasons that I shall come to. I wish to speak first about EEC policy. The third superficial justification for this taxation is that we are getting in line with the EEC. The history of VAT in the context of the Community is that many countries have resisted bitterly its implementaion and have retained national control over their taxation system. The Italians are still resisting it and signs are that they will continue resisting. After 13 years of Community membership they, as the weakest member in terms of per capita income and the most precarious, economically, of the Six, do not consider that this form of taxation suits their requirements. Indications are that they will continue to seek and to get exemption certainly beyond the present period which expires within the year.

One of the central objectives of the Community is to eliminate all features from the internal economies of the participant countries which would, to use their phraseology, distort free trade. Of course, differences in taxation would distort free trade. A stated objective is a uniform taxation system not alone in the mechanism by value added tax plus some direct taxation but also on the level at which VAT is assessed and gathered. They declare the objective that there should be uniform VAT throughout the Community be they Six members or Ten members.

Of course this would be essential if the dream of the rule of the market place—a dream that has not operated in any capitalist country during this century—were to be implemented fully. They are trying to move in that direction. In other words, the package we are now being asked to accept will result in a package of tax, the equalisation of VAT in all the participant countries of the EEC. Then we are left with the possibility that national Governments can ring the changes on other direct taxation forms where there is a unified VAT and where there are the individual national differences in forms of direct taxation.

The reality of that will be that direct taxation will tend to get less important and that, if extra revenue is needed, particularly in weak countries where the revenue gathered from industrial activity is not sufficient, the indirect taxation will have to be heavier. If direct and indirect taxation are added together, or income tax and VAT to put it at its simplest, then there would be a heavier tax burden in the weaker countries economically where industrial activity is less. There would be an accentuation of the difference of the level of industry between the already weak and the already strong areas. The effect of this would be to sharpen regional and national inequalities. One sees this happening inside the Community already. Far from industrial equalisation and levelling, the opposite process is to be seen at work. It is to be seen at a level which is overcoming the effect of national regional policies. The Italians and the French have national regional policies but the tendency towards inequality, towards the concentration of capital, in which taxation policy has a part is working more strongly than the national regional policy. At this moment of relative slump inside the EEC countries the inequalities now, though they showed signs of diminishing a little in the past year, are increasing again.

There are fundamental objections from the point of view of our economy to a VAT. I listened to the Minister, thinking that we might have some arguments as to why we should take this course now. I did not hear any. I thought the Minister made an extraordinary feeble justification for a major taxation change. All I could really hear the Minister say was: "The others are doing it and we must do it too"—a "me, too" attitude. In order to rush to carry out this "me, too" position before some of the member countries of the Community and before the participants who wish to and may adhere over the coming year, we want to be the first in the queue of conformists in regard to VAT.

Let us now look at the effects inside the country if we pass this Bill. I recall a debate on the effect of decimalisation. I recall solemn, pompous, straightfaced, unequivocal promises from the Government side that it would have no effect on prices. We know the answer now; we knew it then. I suspect that the people who were uttering these bland statements to the contrary knew themselves what the answer would be. There was an effect on prices following decimalisation. On this occasion the argument that this new tax will have no effect on prices is so unconvincing as not to be worth arguing about. The tax will be gathered from areas of economic activity from which tax is not now gathered and this will be passed on to the ultimate consumer. The squeeze on profits and the effect on existing inflation is such on all those people who are selling products with freedom to determine the price that they will use any precedent such as the transformation of the situation—such as decimalisation was and VAT will be—as an excuse to increase their prices.

VAT will have an inflationary effect in this country. That is undesirable from the point of view of the economy as a whole, but also from the point of view of the individual consumers who are already outraged. If we were not so preoccupied with other things of national importance, north and south, we would certainly have a strenuous campaign raging about prices at the moment. This tax will make the situation worse. We knew in the budget of of 1970, which increased indirect taxation, that this was a diametrically wrong diagnosis of what the danger to our economy was. We took a position from these benches which, for the Labour Party, was a departure from the traditional position but one which was totally vindicated. We knew it was a mistaken budget and that instead of diminishing inflation it would increase it. It gave the Government a vested interest in inflation. The same thing will happen now.

At the moment the Irish people are showing extraordinary patience and forbearance in the face of price rises. Taking the global cost of living index the rise is more than 10 per cent, but on individual items of particular consumption in some cases the rise is up to one-third in a year. Raging inflation is making nonsense of the National Wage Agreement and is bearing heaviest on those least able to pay. Inflation is increasing the differences in living standards and increasing social inequalities. This will be one further effect of VAT.

I listened to Deputy P. Belton with interest. He has knowledge of the operation of business enterprises. VAT will also increase the differences between the competitiveness of different sizes of industries. Deputy P. Belton spoke about this fact and said that the tax will be paid by the small businessman who purchases something he needs in the course of his productive process rather than after he has completed the product and sold it. Surely it is not a secret to the Minister or to anybody else in this country that there is a very considerable squeeze on at the moment in regard to all businesses in the country, but particularly the smaller ones. Surely it is not a secret that big, economically-powerful, particularly multi-national, companies are much stronger in regard to creditraising and much more credit-worthy than small companies. The effect of this taxation policy will be to increase the problems of the small and middle-sized businesses in regard to their present liquidity much more than it will increase the problems of the big businesses who can find sources of guarantee, money to borrow and international assistance in a difficulty in a way in which the small ones cannot.

The effect of VAT will be to diminish the competitive power of the small industry and increase the domination of big industry. Anybody I talked to, whether a retailer or involved in the newspaper trade from the commercial end of it, who is concerned with the economics of the newspaper and distribution costs, has profound apprehension about the rush that will be entailed in putting this scheme into operation by the time the Minister wants it. Inevitably there will be confusion. If there were any good reason for doing this now we might say that we would put this extra burden on every small business and retailer, and, indeed, on the public servants who have to draft regulations and who are already greatly overstretched and of whom too much is expected. We would agree to do all that if we were given a single, good reason why it has to be done now. I listened in vain for any such good reason in the Minister's speech. I will listen to the Minister's reply. It would be wrong to prejudge it. Perhaps the Minister can give us one good reason, or even break that one reason into a number of lesser reasons. There is no cogent argument for the rush except the need to argue, which is not an argument at all but a piece of acquiescence.

One could elaborate and people with more intimate knowledge of retailing, of business and of industry than I will elaborate, but the effects on small businesses are clear; the effect on prices is clear; the effect on the public servants who will have to rush this measure through are clear. There will be an extra load on their backs to have regulations prepared and to have the "small print" worked out in order to have VAT workable in time. The Minister told Deputy Dr. O'Connell earlier on that the thing was clear, but then demonstrated that he was not too clear about it all himself. If he does not know—and of course he does know; he is not so isolated or so out of contact—let me add my voice to the other voices which are trying to tell him that this is not a simple change in administration. There is great confusion and great apprehension. There will be a great rush and consequently a great mess if he insists on the time-table he has offered.

We are assured that he does not want to raise extra revenue and that this is just a transfer of the revenue-gathering mechanism, a spreading more widely of the revenue-gathering mechanism through indirect taxation and that it will not raise any more money. If that is the only argument for the rush and if we disbelieve that, the argument for the rush is that with the oncoming economic difficulties that are plain to be seen and that are speedily getting worse, the Government will need more revenue. In fact, they see this as the source of extra revenue although they are not saying so now, and they will proceed, when they have got the legislation through on the "no extra revenue" argument, to extract extra revenue from VAT. That is the only justification for this haste because the "me-too get ready for Europe" argument is too fatuous to be taken seriously.

Let us look briefly at the arguments against VAT. In the European context we will be the poorest per capita—if we go in and this is getting us ready to go in—of any of the Ten, the slowest growing in terms of economic growth if you take it over a period long enough to average out the ups and downs, and also much the smallest. The next smallest economy is the Norwegian economy which is three times bigger than ours. We differ from all the other economies, whether they be big or small, in that, in fact, this is an open economy which is an appendage of the British economy and not an independent sovereign economy at all. The Danes and the Norwegians had wit enough to know that, without a good deal of currency control and a good deal of economic independence, it was impossible for small peripheral economies to develop and they have very controlled economies even though they are now becoming more open. The section of their total GNP which goes to exports is greater as they have had their exporting successes. At any rate this is a tendency which occurs everywhere.

There is no comparable economy to ours in the Community, in poverty, lack of growth-rate, smallness and lack of control of its own affairs even in matters of currency. When we get this harmonisation in Brussels it may even be OK for countries with big industries and with a great deal of economic activity which generates satisfactory revenue because of the scale of their industrial operations. The levels will be calculated in relation to a quarter of a billion people and their average need. Our need will be quite different because, in fact, taxed at levels that will give sufficient revenue to a country with a hugh industrial sector like Germany it will not give sufficient revenue here and will have to be topped up by direct taxation. Our taxation rates globally will be higher than in the central countries. The differences in rates of taxation will be an added argument against industrialisation as if there were not enough already.

The central argument is this argument. As a country gets richer—and this is again a general tendency whether it is 2 per cent or ½ per cent or 5 or 6 per cent, hopefully, a year—with direct taxation you have the possibility by putting a threshold which assists indirect taxation, once your revenue gathering gets strong enough and once your income gets big enough, you can cut out of this effective taxation the whole of the poorest section of the community. You can exclude a very significant slice of the poorest people if you have direct taxation. You can just raise the limit and, below that limit, no tax. There is the argument about raising money on spirits, beer, cigarettes and petrol. Up to the present, increases in the price of petrol did not bear on the poorest section of the community and when you are that poor, although it is desirable that people should have the consolation of a drink and a cigarette, you can cut out spirits and even beer before you cut out food.

Indirect taxation with a cascade tax across the whole of the economic process, with only very limited areas exempted, bears on everybody formally and equally but, if you look at it for a moment, not equally of course. It bears the heaviest by far on those who have the least.

This is the great central objection to it. What is good for the rich countries of Europe—and I think we are inclined to forget how much richer they are than we are—is not good for us. If you accept VAT and then accept the harmonisation of VAT the levels of VAT will be decided in relation to their interests and not ours.

Put at its simplest this is legislation for the rich. What is inimicable to the interests of the rich is graduated income tax that bites harder and harder as incomes go up. What the rich want is that the whole burden of tax-gathering should be borne by the whole population, regardless of what their incomes and standard of living are. That is what VAT is giving them, in pursuit of policies which are, in fact, a reflection of the big business policy, the rich man's policy which is at the very core of the thinking of the European Commission and the development of the European Community as it is going at present. It may not always go that way. There may be a gathering strength of the left wing forces to humanise the Community and Community institutions. Since it was established it has been operating laws and taxation policies and all sorts of decisions which increase the social differences and which increase the division of society into "haves" and "have-nots" and which exempt the rich more and more and bear more and more heavily on the poor.

What this country needs at the moment is not to equate itself to or make itself identical with EEC taxation policy but to fight a rear-guard action for as long as we possibly can inside the rules—assuming that we go in and I do not make that assumption. If the argument is that we have to get ready, we know from the Italian experience in particular and the experience in other countries that we do not have to have VAT in operation to be accepted as a member. We know that we can fight a rearguard action for many years under various escape clauses and rules against its full introduction. We know that if there is equalisation of VAT all across the Community—and we have the weakest industrial sector—this will bear most heavily on us. Therefore, we should not rush to the implementation of VAT but we should delay it, and block it, and put it off by every mechanism we can think of, and every device we can invent by reading the small print and by seeing the delaying tactics that have been used by countries that are currently members of the EEC.

I have not talked about the small print. I have tried to talk about principles. This is bad legislation; it is unnecessary. It was not justified in any way by anything I have heard the Minister say. The presentation of the arguments in its favour are not even frank because it will be inflationary and it will be used to gather more revenue as soon as it is through. It is utterly contrary to the national interest at this time. To think of equalising our taxation system with that of the Community before a Community regional policy exists which will pump out capital from the centre into the peripheral areas—if it ever exists and it certainly does not exist now—is to commit national suicide. To think of equalising a taxation system before a real regional policy exists is, in fact, to commit national suicide or to participate with a lot of other decisions is a committing of national suicide.

We have objected bitterly on all sorts of issues and will be doing so over the coming months to the policies of the Government in regard to the EEC and to the terms that they have negotiated, because they are the negation of national interest. There were lots of ways where they could even have pursued their scheme for full membership and put in the protections and the caveats and protected the national interest. If ever there was such an issue, the issue of VAT is that issue. Who wants it, apart from the Minister? Farmers are promised a kind of exemption which in fact, will not be water-tight and will be bogus and they do not want it. The workers, who will bear a larger share, because it taxes all necessaries, do not want it. No small businessman wants it. No retailer, no shopkeeper, wants it. It is contrary to national interest in regard to the attraction of capital and the retention of our competitiveness. It is inflationary and it is against social justice. The Minister wants it for reasons he will not say. He says it is to be in line with the EEC. In fact, it is to raise extra revenue in the long run. This is the negation of policy making. This is the negation of the use of budgetary policies for the protection of national interest, for equalising social inequalities and for managing the economy effectively. This is, in fact, running away and surrendering.

It would be pleasing if it were the only example but, in fact, it is all of a piece because the central contention now, as far as I can see, in Government thinking is that, as control of our economy is the basis of any sovereignty, apart from legal sovereignty, as an economy, we have no hope; the efforts and the aspirations of the last half century were all essentially mistaken; the best we can do is to get ourselves into Europe without any protections or any reservations, to equalise all our arrangements with the European arrangements as quickly as possible and then, at least, if there is no employment for small farmers here, if there is not the industry to soak them up here, they will be able to be freely mobile under this great principle of mobility of labour, not just to England which, although a different culture, speaks the same language, but also to the golden triangle of Europe which has neither the culture nor the language of the displaced people.

This is, in fact, the abdication of any will to rule, the abdication of what bits of sovereignty, tattered as they are, we possess. It is the abdication of the use of budgetary policy for the protection of national interest. It is, in fact, the abdication of government entirely, in the hope that somehow, if we let Brussels do it for us and if we follow them slavishly, the situation will be all right. If one analyses the effects of VAT, all of the indications are that if one follows Brussels slavishly, what is good for Germany or Holland is not good for us and, far from being all right, it will be all wrong.

I will await with interest any arguments from the Minister in his summing up. I am prepared to listen to arguments. There were not any in his introduction. I cannot see the arguments which will prevent myself or my party from voting against this Bill.

The title of this Bill is "Finance (No. 2) Bill, 1971". In the first paragraph of the Minister's introductory statement he said that the purpose of the Bill is to implement, with effect from March 1st next, the proposals for a value-added tax to replace the existing wholesale tax and turnover tax.

When turnover tax was imposed on the Irish people some years ago we were assured by the Minister that it would have very little effect in increasing the cost of living, that the effect would be scarcely noticeable, that it was a very fair tax, that everybody would be caught in the net and that when everybody became a taxpayer the burden on the individual would be light.

Then the wholesale tax was introduced, a tax upon a tax. Then there was the change in the currency system, the introduction of decimal currency, which has been referred to by other Deputies this morning. We were assured by Ministers that all these changes and all these new measures would be of such an order that their effects would scarcely be noticed. If ever there was sugar coating, there certainly was sugar coating of the pill in relation to the imposition of these taxes. The proposal to introduce VAT will be another serious imposition.

I want to speak first about the newspaper industry, with particular reference to the problem of provincial newspapers. Recently, newspaper proprietors in the West of Ireland had discussions with their Deputies and Senators and pointed out the many problems with which they are confronted. I appreciate that not only the provincial papers but the national newspapers have had many problems over the years. It is true to say that outside this country, particularly in Great Britain, the newspaper industry has taken a terrible hammering. Great Britain has a strong economy. The newspapers there have great advertising revenue and a very large readership. We are concerned here with the manner in which taxes are operated within our own Republic. The national papers must be going through a very difficult time. However, in my opinion, the national newspapers have got the ear of the Minister to a greater extent than have the provincial papers and therefore I am mainly concerned with the problems affecting the provincial newspapers.

As I have said, discussions have taken place in various regions between the newspaper proprietors and the elected representatives. The facts were laid bare. The facts are that if the value-added tax is applied to this industry, many of these newspapers will be faced with closing down, with consequent serious loss to all those connected with the industry, editors and reporting staff, and the people who are employed in the printing business such as compositors. That in itself would be a very serious thing but when you take into account the important part that these newspapers play, particularly in the Connaught region, we realise the great educational value they have. It is a common thing when the local newspapers are bought and read in the homes in the west of Ireland to have them bundled together and posted to our kith and kin in England, America and even in Australia so that our exiles are kept in touch with local happenings. There is no doubt in my mind the wonderful boon and the wonderful source of happiness those local newspapers are to our exiles abroad. We have heard the case made about the difficulties with which this industry is confronted and if value-added tax becomes law next year this industry will be placed in further difficulties. It would be a very bad day, not alone for our people who are still in the west but also for our emigrants, if some of those local newspapers had to close down.

The Minister is well aware, according to the statistics recently published, that there is a serious decline in population in the western areas. There is also the question of the closure of small businesses and the opening up of supermarkets in small towns of a population of 2,000 or 3,000. This means a serious loss in advertising revenue for the local newspapers. There is a smaller readership because of the decrease in population. The newspaper proprietors were obliged to increase the price of their papers to help them to pay their increased costs but I am afraid that they have lost revenue because of the decrease in readership. Those people were also obliged to pay increased wages over the past 12 months which further increased their overhead costs. I hope my appeal for the small newspaper offices in the west of Ireland gets through and that the Government realise the serious problems with which the newspaper industry is confronted.

The Minister in his opening speech on the Second Stage of this Bill in paragraph 3 stated:

The increased revenue generated by these taxes has helped to finance the acceleration of the economic and social development which has taken place during the last decade.

I am aware that such developments have taken place in different regions in this country, notably Dublin, Cork, Shannon and Galway and to a lesser extent in places like Sligo, Drogheda and one or two other places. So far as the west of Ireland is concerned I am well aware, despite the fact that the Minister for Finance and the Government got increased revenue from taxation in this country, such as turnover tax and wholesale tax on petrol, motor cars and other items, we in the west of Ireland did not benefit to the same extent as the other regions throughout the country.

This Bill does not open up discussion on the economic position of the west.

I am merely, in passing, referring to a few lines in the third paragraph of the Minister's speech and I think I am entitled, with respect, to comment briefly on this statement by the Minister:

The increased revenue generated by these taxes has helped to finance the acceleration of the economic and social development which has taken place during the last decade.

I am referring to the economic and social development.

As I have said, it would not open up a debate on that particular subject.

I do not want to open up a debate except to point out that we have not benefited. We have had to pay the taxes. Money in the west of Ireland does not come from earnings locally but from the remittances which come from our workers who go across seasonally to England or those who emigrate permanently to England and other countries throughout the world. Therefore, it is most unreasonable to think that when our emigrants return home later in life they find, when they want to buy a pint of stout or a glass of whiskey or perhaps even footwear, that we are not satisfied with all the taxes imposed in the past but that we have, in fact, added further taxes, and it is proposed to increase taxation further as from 1st March next. This is not a great encouragement to our emigrants. Speaking on the tourist industry on many occasions we have referred to the increase in hotel bills, the increase in the price of petrol and various other increases. As always happens when legislation of this type is introduced, it has the effect of increasing the cost of living not only of our people resident here but of our exiles who return from time to time and who supply a large part of the finance that keeps the country going. We seem to be in a great rush to enact this legislation. In page 3 of the Minister's brief he said:

Among the three countries, apart from Ireland, that have applied for membership of EEC, Norway and Denmark already have a value added tax on the general lines of the EEC model and the United Kingdom has announced that it intends to adopt a value added tax as from April, 1973, in replacement of the existing purchase tax and selective employment tax.

The British are prepared to wait until 1973 while we are determined to get this legislation through hurriedly. It seems to me that the main reason why the Minister is anxious to get this legislation passed quickly is to enable him to get increased revenue. I do not want to misquote the Minister but I have heard him express himself along those lines. He has pointed out to the House that there are many people who are evading their responsibilities. I am satisfied that the majority of our people are meeting their responsibilities fairly and squarely. The main concern of the Government down through the years has been to extract more money from the people. Far from relieving the overburdened tax payers, this legislation will have the effect of increasing the burden.

The imposition of taxation has always been a serious source of worry to people engaged in business. From living among the people and discussing their problems one gets to know what the situation is at first hand. Often when a public representative calls on a businessman, a grocer, publican, garage proprietor or anyone else, he will immediately introduce the subject of turnover tax and wholesale tax and taxation generally. He will point out to you, and rightly so, that he is crippled with taxation, that it is nearly impossible for him to balance his budget, to keep his business going and that he is finding it increasingly difficult every day of the week. The implementation of the turnover and wholesale taxes has had the effect, as Deputy Belton said here this morning, of increasing their overheads generally and in the long run it is the consumer who must pay for all because the businessman, if he is capable of running a business, knows very well that all these overheads must be taken into account and passed on to the consuming public. Bigger businesses have had to employ extra staff with consequent increases in wage bills and in the cost of keeping accounts. These costs have been passed on to the consuming public with the result that there have been demands for increase in wages from workers. There have been protest marches. Many people have raised their voices in order that the Government of the day would do something to meet their problems. I am afraid that, as Deputy Keating said, there will be more and more of these with the passage of time.

Not alone have there been increases in the cost of foodstuffs but in many other commodities as well. A man who was engaged in the concrete pipe manufacturing business told me he was notified about the sixth increase this year in the price of cement alone. He told me some of it was attributable to taxation and some of it to the fact that workers had to be paid higher rates of wages. We all know that whatever the cause is—and I say it is taxation in the main and the fact that we are travelling along an inflationary road—it is the workers who have to try to provide new homes for themselves who, in the long run, will have to bear this additional charge. It is not surprising therefore that there have been so many strikes and so much unrest.

In page 5 of his speech the Minister refers to the publication of a White Paper inviting the views of interested parties on this proposed legislation. The Minister referred to the fact that he invited business people and others to make their comments on the White Paper in regard to the operation of the value added tax. He got replies from some 200 bodies. I have not heard of any body from Mayo being invited to comment in this manner. I can see no benefits or blessings in this piece of legislation for the people I represent in east Mayo. We hear a great deal about industrial development in these areas. I have not seen much of it and I cannot see this legislation doing anything to improve the position. Far from it. I believe the danger is that those who might consider going into these regions——

We cannot discuss the industrial development of the West under this Finance Bill.

I was making just a passing reference. We have a problem in the West on which I have frequently tried to focus attention. This legislation, far from benefiting these regions, will cause a still further deterioration. That was pointed out many years ago in connection with other measures and what was said then has been borne out by the facts. Recently there was an announcement that the population decline in the West continues.

The Deputy is travelling away now from the Bill.

We were told when the turnover tax and the wholesale tax were introduced they would not affect the rates. Our rates have increased as a result of the turnover tax by an extra 40s to 50s in the £. If this Bill becomes law—it will, of course, be bulldozed in the usual fashion through the House—I am sure we can look forward, with dismay, to still further increases in our rates; instead of being £7 10s in the £ they will be £8 in the £.

One's range is limited somewhat in this debate but one is tempted sometimes to go outside the scope of the debate. I apologise to the Chair if I have transgressed. I am bringing a few points to the notice of the Minister in the hope that he will consider them. He should give special consideration to the problem of the newspaper industry in the West, to the problem of the small shopkeeper and of those who find it so very, very difficult to meet their present demands. This legislation seems to me to be rushed and it will be a still further imposition on people who are in a poor position to carry any more burdens.

I am totally against this Bill. I will sit in this House, unless I have to serve on the Public Accounts Committee, through every Stage of this Bill. I will examine every section and every subsection and every line of every section and subsection. I will question every line in the Bill until such time as the measure is fully explained and the ordinary people, the small shopkeeper and the small businessman, fully understand the implications of this Bill.

This is a vicious piece of legislation which will bear very heavily, and unnecessarily so, on the business community. I can use the Minister's own speech to support me in this contention. In his speech the Minister talks about "the spreading of the tax over the whole process of production and distribution". I do not think this is desirable. He said earlier: "The introduction of the sales tax to this country —the turnover tax ... followed by the wholesale tax ... was one of the most significant measures in the tax field in recent years". It certainly was. When the turnover tax was introduced in 1963 it ignited spiralling prices and the spiral has gone on ever since increasing in momentum. Again, the Minister said: "The present sales taxes are relatively simple to operate and economical to administer". That statement alone is a complete condemnation of this piece of legislation.

What kind of system do we want? Of course the system we have is simple to operate and economical to administer. Why not leave the system alone? The Minister said: "The added value tax, on the other hand, has, as its principal feature, the spreading of the tax over the whole process of production and distribution". On that count alone this is a damnable Bill. Take, for instance, an animal, a heifer or a bullock; at the moment the turnover tax on the final product, the meat, is 5 per cent. Actually it is 6.52 per cent, thanks to some genius in the civil service. It is collected at the retail end of the production line, namely, the butcher. He must account for it. Under this legislation it is envisaged that the farmer will have to increase his price in order to get a rebate. The mart where the animal is sold will have to start fiddling, perhaps, with invoices in order to get a rebate. The slaughter house will also have to have invoices in order to get rebates. Finally, the butcher will have to have invoices to get rebates.

We are having a five-fold increase in the collection of tax. That is only one example; it applies equally to a sweeping brush, machinery, office equipment. Over every activity in the commercial and industrial spheres this tax is to be condemned. To my mind, it will mean that every firm must keep very accurate and complex accounts. I have not heard from the Minister nor read from any experts an estimate of the extra cost on business people which this tax will entail. I should like to have that estimate.

We are all aware of the increased cost in relation to the collection of taxes on behalf of the Government by private individuals in respect of wholesale and turnover tax. I suggest the damnable system now about to be introduced will cause a five-fold increase in the cost of collecting taxes for the Government. There is no need for this. One of the Minister's main criticisms of the sales taxes was where he stated:

While compliance by traders in the operation of these taxes has generally been very good the fact that such a large amount of revenue is now involved has raised doubts about the adequacy of the relatively simple administrative machinery of these taxes, and the Government have been considering for some time what improvements in the collection machinery could be introduced.

Here, I see, lies the reason for this Bill which is a blatant attempt to substitute legislation for what is admitted to be a relatively simple system. This Bill must be seen as another attempt by the Fianna Fáil Government to introduce a measure which will crucify again the people of Ireland. I forecast that when this Bill becomes law the revenue the Government will gain will be at least 50 per cent higher than current revenue under the wholesale and turnover tax system.

How does the Deputy arrive at that conclusion?

This Bill will go into every office and it is so designed that it will catch every person in the country apart from a few exceptions. I suggest it will catch farmers also. That is contrary to what the Minister said and I shall come to that at a later stage. This is the first Bill in our history which will, in effect, tax farmers' output. I say this because I am satisfied that the rebate, which is apparently granted under this system will not, in effect, neutralise taxation of the farmers' output. I believe there is a catch in this somewhere, and I think it is in the flat rate of rebate suggested. I believe that the intention is to tax farmers' output under this Bill. The extra revenue that will be gained from the agricultural community will cause a large increase in revenue for the Government.

Before going into the Bill I wish to quote some statistics from the 1965 Budget and the 1970 Budget. Revenue under the headings, tax revenue, motor vehicle duties and non-tax revenue— that is of course, the wholesale and turnover tax and so on—in 1964-65 amounted to £219,045,000; in 1969-70 this increased to £411,012,000, an increase of approximately 87 per cent. This was the level of increased taxation brought about directly and subsequently on the introduction of the turnover tax and later the wholesale tax and increases in tax revenue generally. It was 87 per cent in those six years. Over this period the consumer price index, according to the autumn edition of the Central Bank Report, which was based at 100 in mid-August, 1947, was, in 1964, 171 points and in 1970, 232 points. This means there was a 35 per cent increase in price levels between 1964 and 1970. In 1971 the index jumped to 256 points representing an increase over the period 1964-71 of approximately 50 per cent.

This tremendous increase in Government activity caused certain increases in consumer prices. Nobody would mind if we had tremendous prosperity. We have had election manifestos, white papers, programmes for economic expansion and we have had marvellous by-election and general election rallies. But I put it to the House that one of the most vital statistics relevant to this debate concerns what has been the result of this increase in the Government's activity. The result, in the period 1964-1970, according to the Central Bank Report, 1970-71, is that the number of people at work decreased from 1,071,000 in 1964 to 1,066,000 in 1970, a decrease of 5,000 people at work in those years.

How is this relevant to the Finance Bill?

It is quite relevant in so far as the Finance Bill allows the Government to spend a lot of money to increase employment. The fact is that between 1964 and 1970 the number of people at work decreased by 5,000.

A debate on unemployment would not be relevant to the Bill. The Deputy may mention it in passing.

It is relevant in the light of all the money the Government have spent trying to increase employment.

It might be even more relevant if the Deputy told us where the decrease in employment took place and where the increases took place.

Is the Minister suggesting that a decrease in agriculture does not count?

The Minister is suggesting that the picture would be clearer if the Deputy would give the figures.

I do not care where a man is employed once he has a living wage that allows him to rear a family.

And to hell with what is happening in agriculture.

I would love to see an increase in the number of people in agriculture.

And so would we all, Deputy.

The amount of trouble the Minister's Government have gone to in the last ten years trying to find markets for agricultural produce leaves a lot to be desired.

We are getting away from the Bill.

That is one of the basic causes for people leaving farming in Ireland, they cannot get markets for their output and damn little Fianna Fáil have done to try to rectify that situation in the last ten years.

The Minister did say: "To hell with what is happening in agriculture."

I was paraphrasing Deputy Collins. It is the logical consequence of what he said.

The Minister said it.

Is the Minister disputing that there are 5,000 fewer people employed?

I am asking the Deputy, if he is giving that figure, to give the breakdown which puts it in perspective.

I am putting it in perspective.

We know the perspective.

Emigration is the perspective.

Tell us about emigration, too.

I cannot allow a discussion on emigration or unemployment. They do not arise on this Bill, which deals merely with a method of collecting taxation.

I must refer to the base of taxation, which is the people in the country. I want to point out that, according to the interim report of the Census of Population, the Republic's population was the same in 1971 as it was in 1926.

How does this arise on this particular Bill, Deputy? I cannot follow.

The Minister asked——

Do not mind what the Minister asked.

Whether the question was in order or not the Deputy did not answer it. I do not want to interrupt the Deputy.

The Minister is doing his best but not very successfully.

The answer might be embarrassing anyway.

It would be very embarrassing for Deputy Collins.

Despite all the talk we have heard from the Fianna Fáil Government there were 5,000 fewer employed in 1970 than there were in 1964. I got a three-page answer to a parliamentary question on 3rd November giving the reasons why and in answer to a supplementary question the Taoiseach said: "By the time the next census comes around I hope the figures will be better".

We say amen to that.

We say amen to that but it would be no thanks to Fianna Fáil.

We will be slaughtering the calves in a minute.

I would not mind discussing calves. In 1967, because of the crazy scheme introduced by the Government, farmers were giving away week-old calves because they could not sell them. That is nearly going back to the economic war. However, I do not want to deal with the history of this State. I prefer to deal with current circumstances.

This is a tax on all stages of production. It will increase quite radically the cost which the businessman will have to bear. I do not see many valid reasons for changing over especially since England are not going to change over until 1973. I do not see why we have to rush into VAT. I think we are making a mistake. I have read that there is quite an amount of opposition to this in England. We should have waited a considerable time before we went bludgeoning on with this type of legislation. We have been condemned in the past for aping British legislation. I would hate to think that on our accession to the Common Market we will ape European legislation. Surely we can think of our own systems, best suited to our conditions.

I want to restate something that was said when the turnover tax was introduced. It is wrong to tax essential foodstuffs. Essential foodstuffs should either be exempted from tax or should be at zero tax level. Apparently the Government are unconcerned about the rapidly rising cost of living, but the ordinary person in the street has to face up to it. The inflation from which the country has suffered in the past two years has brought a fair number of our people to their economic knees. People living on social welfare benefits, on private pensions or private fixed incomes from investments, have been having a lean time in the last three or four years, and the Fianna Fáil Government have done precious little to alleviate their circumstances.

The publication of the rates of value-added tax is interesting. Under the system there are four rates. There is 5.26 per cent; 16.37 per cent; 30.26 per cent. There is a special rate for dances—I do not know why they should get a special rate—of 11.11 per cent. It is interesting to note that we have a rate of 30.26 per cent. Admittedly it is on certain luxury goods but it is a very high rate and I wonder if it is completely justified. The rate of 16.37 per cent is a relatively high rate and it is to be spread over a fairly wide range of goods. The basic rate of 5.26 per cent will now apply to goods and services. This is an important innovation in relation to the tax system because it will apply to most things, including food and drink for human consumption and live animals, although there will be a rebate in relation to farming. At this juncture there is a valid case for exempting essential foodstuffs such as bread, milk, meat, potatoes and vegetables from value added tax. I would appeal to the Minister to exempt these products.

On page 12 of the White Paper on the Proposals for a Value-Added Tax, which was laid by the Minister for Finance before each House of the Oireachtas in March, 1971, it is stated, “the tax is not an inherent part of a trader's costs”. I do not believe the suggestion that there will be no costs on a trader who has to collect this tax for the Government. The introduction of the value-added tax will increase considerably the expenses of traders and businessmen because under the system traders and businessmen will have to have a complete accountancy system, including detailed invoices of purchases and sales, which they will have to produce for inspection when necessary. It is going to shake a good few firms to have to spend money collecting money for the Government I would suggest that the Minister consider rebating to businessmen and traders a sum sufficient to cover the increased cost of collecting this tax for the Government. It would be a relatively simple exercise within the system suggested and would serve as a sugar coating on the deadly pill that traders will have to swallow. Some gesture of this kind would be very welcome in trading circles.

With regard to the question of the elimination of double taxation I should like to refer to page 15 of the White Paper which states:

The amount of this double taxation is calculated at £3.5 million a year. It will be eliminated under the value-added tax because traders will get credit, against their liability, for tax borne on all expenditure which is incurred for business purposes except certain items, like private motor cars, as indicated in paragraph 47.

I came across a contradictory statement on page 39 and I should like the Minister to clear the matter up for me. It states:

When the value-added tax comes into force building work (including demolition, development, construction, decoration and repairing) will be chargeable at 5.26 per cent. Steps will be taken, however, to limit the impact of the tax on private dwellings, Government and local authority properties, hospitals, churches and institutional buildings generally to what it is under the present system.

In other words, special steps will have to be taken to reduce the impact of this tax on such buildings. The White Paper continues:

This will be achieved by providing that only 60 per cent of the consideration for construction work or for the delivery of immovable property will be chargeable to value-added tax.

This is contradictory to the spirit of the changeover to value-added tax. I fear that the charging of 5.26 per cent tax on a wide variety of buildings not referred to in the White Paper will cause a sharp rise in the cost of those buildings. There is contained here a source of revenue which is not being admitted to by the Minister from buildings such as offices and so on. I should like to know why special procedures have been introduced to cope with that problem.

The speed with which value-added tax has to be returned is not matched by the speed with which rebates to traders will be made. I feel there should be a special provision for the speedy settlement of claims in relation to rebates.

On page 18 of the White Paper, when discussing the effect of the changeover on retail prices, it states: "These factors should tend to the lowering of prices." I do not believe that. When the turnover tax was introduced the opportunity was used by traders to increase prices. When the wholesale tax was introduced an opportunity was also taken to increase prices. We changed over to decimilisation recently and this was used, especially by retailers, to increase prices. I should like to repeat what Deputy O'Higgins said yesterday, that this Bill should not be put into operation until such time as there is an effective scheme in force so that a keen eye may be kept on any increases that occur. It will be necessary to have some increases in order to recoup the expenses of gathering this tax and I have suggested a method by which this can be overcome. A submission of the NFA that there should be a zero rating in respect of some agricultural items has been rejected. There was sense in this suggestion and the Minister might reconsider the matter.

In relation to newspapers, and in particular provincial newspapers, the Minister has reduced the tax from 16.37 per cent to 5.26 per cent, with the exception of advertising content. It is well known that many provincial newspapers are not economically viable but they are a vital part of the fabric of our society and they deserve special attention. They deserve special consideration and perhaps the Minister would consider reducing the VAT on advertising as this would help in relation to the revenue of the provincial papers.

I note that exports will not be liable to VAT and this is as it should be. However, I do not know what the position will be in the Common Market. Will we be able, as an independent nation, to establish our own tax at the three rates or will we have a direction from Brussels in this matter? Will we be told we must conform with the rates prevailing in Europe? This is an important matter and the position should be clarified. We are not at the same stage of economic development as the EEC countries and we should make it clear that we wish to maintain our independence in regard to these rates.

There are a number of exemptions and, in general, they are sensible but I do not understand why services rendered by professional people should not be included. In relation to getting exemptions, I understand there are proposals to balance the revenue under this heading. Goods such as essential foodstuffs which are charged at the rate of 5.2 per cent should have zero rating under this tax system. This opinion has prevailed in this House since the introduction of the wholesale tax.

I wish to restate my total opposition to this Bill. The Minister stated that the present taxes are relatively simple to operate and economical to administer and this is one of the best arguments in favour of retaining the system. I do not see any reason for complicating the collection of taxes and I consider we are bowing to Brussels just as in the past we bowed to England. This is wrong, we should not have to bow to any centre of power. This Bill is a vicious measure. It is an attempt to get at increased sources of revenue and it has not been explained fully to this House. There was a mild attempt in the White Paper and in the Minister's speech to state that revenue under VAT will be similar to the revenue available under turnover and wholesale taxes. This will be seen in the years to come as an attempt to get at sources of revenue hitherto untaxed, including farming activities. In future years my allegations will be borne out. I will go through every section of this Bill; I will question every line and every sentence in it until such time as it is explained to this House and to the people.

I am sorry to have prevented the Minister from getting in but in such an important Bill it would be rather early to ask the Minister to reply until such time as Deputies have been able to offer an opinion on what is almost a revolutionary change in taxation.

With regard to taxation proposals, the tendency in this country in the past few years has been to eliminate gradually the small man. From the point of view of the Minister for Finance it may be desirable to have the major taxpayers collectively grouped so that they may pay the large sums involved into the coffers of the State. People who pay fairly considerable amounts of taxes are encouraged to pay them as soon as possible.

The Minister for Finance is searching the highways and the byways for revenue in order to meet the strong inflationary demands created and he may have regarded this tax as a haven of refuge just as the introduction of decimalisation recently was responsible for securing for the tax gatherers—of whom the Minister for Finance is the official head—a considerable increase in funds. One of the most disquieting features of this type of tax is that it is enabling the Minister for Finance to get money in advance.

Before I go on to stress that point I wish to deal briefly with the reason the Minister has given for introducing this tax. He maintains that as we are to become members of the EEC—a move with which I concur—it is necessary to have any question of taxation within the market equated before vital decisions are taken in which we will join later. Of course it has taken them all the years they have been in existence as a Common Market to equate their taxation.

Digressing from this immediate discussion in regard to value-added tax, in the matter of entering the EEC with a unified financial policy, I do not see there is any case whatever for us to equate our taxation policy. The Minister for Finance finds himself faced with a situation, which I cannot say he has inherited from his predecessor, where he is in considerable deficit in funds to meet the many charges that come his way. I should be happy to see the Minister for Finance getting all the funds he finds it necessary to get provided always that I was satisfied the priorities were right. However, that is a matter for another day's discussion.

The point is are we to make this revolutionary change in our tax structure with the goodwill of Dáil Éireann? I am a confirmed European. I always have been. I have always felt, in contradistinction to some of my colleagues, that Europe is our future because it gives wider scope and enables us more than anything to have fiscal freedom and to take our own line in regard to negotiating markets. But that does not mean that we should jump into the EEC and with undue haste try to bring our taxation into alignment with theirs.

In the early part of the speech the Minister dealt with the reasons for this tax and his sole reason, as far as I can see, was that we should bring ourselves into alignment with the EEC. I take that with a pinch of salt and probably the Minister had his tongue in his cheek when he said it. Of course he has brought in this taxation because he is financially embarrassed and the only way in which he can equate the balance of payments and meet demands is by introducing this new tax.

I note that the Minister said this tax is in alignment with other taxes, the wholesale and the turnover taxes, and that these have been producing sizeable revenue for the Exchequer and that they are easy to collect. This tax may be easy to collect but we know that the turnover tax was a human disaster and the hardships it left in its wake will never be fully assessed. The turnover tax, the first of these new taxes, was responsible for pushing out of business innumerable small concerns throughout the country.

I have always felt that Ministers for Finance are in a somewhat more difficult position than their colleagues because their job is to get as much money as they can into the coffers in the most efficient way possible, and not to care overmuch about the human background. He will pardon me if I say so, but I think the Minister for Finance here was rushed into this by his advisers whose natural concern is not with the general public, not with the electoral prospects of the Minister's party, with which I have no concern. His advisers were concerned purely and solely to get in money, and it seems the Minister has accepted that advice, that whichever way he can get money it must be got at as early a date as possible. The Minister has fallen for that advice hook, line and sinker.

The general tendency of taxation policies of Ministers for Finance has been to get the money in in advance and in this connection I wish to give a simile in relation to the value-added tax. It is a tax that is collectable immediately, before the individual concerned, the producer, has had any chance of getting the money that is payable to the Department. The Department have the money in the kitty and they could not care less how the producer gets it.

In legislation introduced here not very long ago it was thought desirable that payers of income tax would have to pay in advance, whatever their commitments might be. This has caused untold hardship. I am talking about the less well off people because they are the people who suffer the greatest hardship in this case. Innumerable people are paying tax and they have been told by the Minister for Finance or the Revenue Commissioners that they have to pay the tax when it becomes due on the 1st January and that, if they do not do so, they will be charged an increased rate of interest on it before the end of the month. This is an advance charge being thrown on the public, thrown on people who are not big enough financially to have somebody to advise them. The value-added tax will have exactly the same effect on the small business people.

Small business people cannot afford to employ accountants. For that matter, business people in the middle grade cannot afford them either. The Minister must be aware that in many cases small business people are not capable of dealing with taxation. We are creating a situation here that will result in all small business people being forced out of business. Indeed, many have been forced out already because of the huge supermarkets that are to be found all over the country. If one motored through the suburbs of this city, say 20 years ago, one would have seen many small businesses but one after another these have been forced out of business. The introduction of VAT will be the final blow to those that still remain. The Minister may invite me to produce evidence to substantiate what I have been saying but, of course, the evidence is there already. What the wholesale and turnover taxes have done towards putting small people out of business is mild compared with what will happen when this new system is introduced. This system of taxation is not a suitable one for this country. Because of the turnover and wholesale taxes—the latter, incidentally, is not an equitable tax—there has been a gradual disappearance not only of small businesses but of some very strong firms that had been in existence for generations. I am a believer in democracy in the full meaning of that word and I am a believer in the small person being entitled to an equitable deal, but big combines, whether they be capitalist or trade union combines, are not satisfactory.

There is no longer an equitable deal for all. The big taxpayer will undoubtedly be able to produce a cheque for taxes because he has absorbed the business of his associates. The Minister said that the turnover and wholesale taxes are easy to operate. Of course they are but they will not be nearly as easy as the value-added tax which will pour the money into the coffers. In speaking in this debate I am at a loss for quotations, having come in in a hurry and without any notes but so far as I am aware the Minister estimated that he would collect £80 million by this tax. He is more likely to collect £120 million by it. He will then come here and with great gusto declare that the value-added tax has been a tremendous success. It may be a success in bringing in revenue but the misery that it will leave in its trail will have to be seen to be believed.

Having spent most of my life in rural Ireland I have considerable knowledge of life in rural areas. Not only have I been associated with the people as a parliamentarian but I have been associated with them also as a medical doctor and it is in the latter sphere more than any other that one becomes aware of and understands their human problems. I want to tell the Minister that in rural Ireland there is great apprehension in respect of local newspapers. While some people may not read a daily paper, almost everybody in rural Ireland reads the local papers. They are part and parcel of rural Ireland. These provincial newspapers have been going through great difficulties because of the imposition of taxation and because of the inflationary system in which this country finds itself. The position is such that many of them have found it impossible to continue publishing and in places where there were three or four papers there are now only one or two. Maybe from the point of view of the average Deputy that may be an advantage because instead of having to submit speeches to three or four papers he will now have to submit them to only one or two. However, the point is that these papers served the public well and those that have not gone by the board are barely able to exist. For those that are still being produced, the introduction of value-added tax must surely be the straw to break the camel's back and it is likely that many more will cease publication. Some have been taken over by the daily papers. This new taxation will put an extra charge on the daily papers so that they too will be hit very hard.

Five or six years ago one could buy a daily newspaper for a couple of pence. Now the Irish Times costs 5p and the other papers cost 3½p. They will find themselves in a position where they will not be able to carry on. The first thing they will do is to cease publication of the rural papers which are not paying. We will then have no rural papers in Ireland. Does the Minister not consider that that would be a great disadvantage to rural Ireland? The daily papers will throw aside the rural papers in order to increase their own circulation. I am not accusing the daily combines of trying to destroy the rural papers. I am accusing the Minister of wrecking journalism in this country.

The Deputy appreciates that I did reduce the incidence of taxation on newspapers.

I am reducing its incidence on all newspapers.

I was unaware that the Minister was lessening the burden on all papers.

On all of them.

The increased burden will still be there. If the Minister can tell me that by abolishing turnover tax and wholesale tax and simply putting on the VAT, not specifically on newspapers but on all papers, that he is going to reduce the overhead charges on Irish journalism I will withdraw anything I have said. But the Minister is not going to do this. He is increasing the overall charges. I wrote to the Minister, and I thanked him for the concession to newspapers, but at the same time the concession will not ease the burden or save rural journalism. This concession will not save journalism anywhere. Of all the things necessary nowadays to keep democracy and freedom of speech alive journalism is the most important, whatever one thinks of journalists. Whatever one agrees or disagrees with them journalism is absolutely necessary to the democratic way of life here. I would ask the Minister to consider that fact. The Minister has come in here without sufficient information.

I must revert to the turnover tax. Originally the economic adviser to the Fianna Fáil Government, whom I will not mention here because he is not a Member of this House, was responsible for absolutely destroying the economic life of this country when he advised the then Minister for Finance—not the present Minister—to introduce turnover tax and said that he saw it as a sure source of revenue and that all the Minister would have to do each year was to increase it and, hey presto, everything would be grand.

The Revenue Commissioners who are responsible for collecting the tax and who will be responsible for collecting this VAT opposed the advice given by this distinguished fellow whom so many people refer to as being the great architect of modern production in this country. It was a political and economic disaster of the first order. The Revenue Commissioners who have to collect this tax advised the Minister against it. They pointed out to the then Minister for Finance the disastrous situation which would accrue from all this, but the Government went on with it.

I wish to say a few words about the people to whom I belong and about whom I know more than I do about any other group—the farmers of the community. At the present time the farming community, through their sales of beef in this country, are keeping the country from sinking into total economic disaster. Anything that tends to lighten the burden on the agricultural community would be welcome. I understand that the agricultural community require more than £100 million to be pumped into agriculture to put them into a strong position so that they may face and be able to accept the market which will be at their disposal when we join the EEC. I believe we will join the EEC. Any extra taxation on the farming community, even though their brothers in the city which the Minister represents may feel the farmers have got away with it for years, would place an extra burden on them. Under the existing rate of taxation there is no specific charge on the farming community. There has been no great inflationary charge on the farming community as regards their own actual products. There have been indirect inflationary charges which the farmers feel strongly about but these do not affect the small man as much as the big man. The small man is in the majority and must be considered.

There has been a tremendous escalation of rates. The escalation of rates is due to the combination of turnover tax and wholesale tax. There is no direct charge on the farmers. Agricultural commodities are free of tax. That is a fair comment. Even the Minister cannot gainsay that. The Minister may not like what I am saying at the moment. The next procedure which I shall mention is the very complicated system which was devised by officials in the Department of Agriculture who, incidentally, are not keen on the VAT. It applied to the markets and to agricultural charges as a whole. The officials worked out an extremely complicated scheme which they were good enough to explain to me. I am not as clever as some of these people and could not fully understand it, but so far as I could make out the scheme was that a fellow who took the beast into the mart to sell it was not going to be charged any extra tax because it was assumed that the VAT had already applied to anything he had utilised for the purpose of bringing his beast into a state which enabled him to sell it. Therefore there was not to be any extra charge on him. There was a catch in the scheme. When a man sold a beast the mart was responsible for producing the amount of the VAT and paying it to the Exchequer. Therefore, it is only begging the question.

It is quite obvious if one brings a beast for sale that, and is not directly charged the tax, one is going to get less for the beast. The fellow buying the beast will, in his own mind, take off a percentage. Prices will escalate and actually the man selling the beast will be charged. I am not very clear on this. I am not clear from the Minister's speech as to whether the very clever people with degrees in economics, who always rather frighten me, decided the scheme was unworkable or not, or whether the scheme is to apply, or whether it was accepted in principle that the farmers are producers and have already paid sufficient VAT on fertilisers and foodstuffs, which were not previously taxed, and in their extra expenses in regard to labour because of the escalation of costs in this country. There will certainly be increases in wages. Rates have increased. This does not apply to the farming community alone but to the country as a whole. Rates have increased fourfold in the last few years.

I am trying to convey to the Minister that he, as Minister for Finance, is dependent on agricultural production in this country to produce the wherewithal to keep the wheels of the economy going to pay for the raw materials imported, to keep our balance of payments and our balance of trade right. In other words, it is the base and foundation of our industry here even though many people are leaving the land but collectively and indirectly it employs many people and is responsible for keeping us alive here. Agriculture is the greatest avenue of production provided the Government can see its way at least in the relief of taxation.

One other point with regard to agriculture is that concerning machinery. I am subject to correction on this, but I believe that agricultural machinery to date has been free of turnover tax and wholesale tax, with certain reservations. There are certain minimum amounts to which import duty may be reduced. The Minister has not made the situation clear on this point. We do not know what is intended. This is one of the secrets of this age. The Minister has not told us whether it is to be taxed. If it is taxed this means a further imposition.

Twenty years ago, or even ten years ago, that would not have made very much difference because farms were run largely with manual labour. There was a much bigger employment content in the rural community. Now it is declining all the time. Even if the Minister is not looking at the human side of the question, he must look at the revenue he will get in. For the purposes of production, the cheaper the farmers costs were, the more they could produce, and the more they could produce, the more they helped to maintain the balance of payments and the trade balance, and the finances available to import raw materials to keep the wheels of industry turning.

Whether the Minister has the money to pump into industry I do not know. He does not seem to have money to cope with the continuing problem of inflation which is devouring and ruining this country. If the Minister imposes extra charges on raw materials, he will increase the charges on the farming community and there will be a backlash which will hit everyone.

I have said enough to demonstrate to the Minister that this tax is not suited to us, without many exemptions. It is not so much the tax that worries me but the change that is coming over the whole of Irish life. We are a nation of small owners and always have been. Whether we live in a castle or a cottage, we have always been proud of the fact that we own our own property and that we are free. The trend of taxation is gradually eroding that. It is gradually creating a new outlook on life which is alien to all of us.

I cannot speak for the city of Dublin. I can only speak for the people I know who complain bitterly about what has happened. Nobody in rural Ireland is happy with the changing circumstances. If ever a death blow is dealt to private enterprise, be it small or large, it will be value-added tax. I do not know what negotiations are going on between the Minister for Foreign Affairs and those with whom he is discussing these matters abroad. I do not know whether he has indicated to his colleague that this tax is necessary and that we must push it through immediately. I feel that it is not necessary. We could very well go on as we are. The existing taxes have made a disastrous crack in our economy but it would be better for us to go as we are going.

The Minister should listen to this debate. If he finds that he cannot amend this Bill to deflect the consequences I have mentioned away from the economy as a whole, perhaps he could leave it in abeyance until we are a member of the EEC and then bring in whatever adjustments are necessary. If he goes ahead with this Bill he will not ease the economy, he will not ease his own burden and he will not ease the burden of those who advise him. He will cause untold suffering. Nobody likes to be put out of a business he has been in for generations. This will happen if the Minister goes ahead with his present proposals.

It is my duty as a public representative to voice some of the views of the people of my constituency which is one of the largest constituencies in the country covering the counties of Offaly and Laois. It is a constituency with quite a large urban population. In this constituency there are numerous small villages and towns. There are large numbers of farmers, large numbers of grocers, and large numbers of people with small businesses. For this reason it is important that I should state the views expressed to me by those people.

It would appear that this Bill is introduced in a valley period in politics. I do not think that phrase is particularly apt. Normally this Bill would be introduced at a time when the Government had a period of years to run in office. Coming at this time the Bill is unwise and dangerous. If it is passed, its effects will be serious. I should like to mention the situation in regard to small grocers' shops not only in Laois and Offaly but throughout the country. In every small village and small town and, in fact, in many big towns, the family grocer, as he is called, carries on a business and provides a very important service. The many thousands of such people have served the country well. The grocer, his wife and his family depend on their business for survival. These business people are slowly but surely being taxed out of existence.

Quite a number of small family grocers got in touch with me about this value-added tax. There was fear in the hearts of many of them that the final deathknell was sounding for them and that shortly after this tax goes on they will be forced out of business. The enormous burden of rates on these people is crippling them. They have to pay the ESB charges which are rising daily and the post office charges which are also rising. Some of them have to pay social welfare stamps for their employees, although very few of them can afford employees. Over the past few years they found life becoming much more difficult daily and, at the end of each week, they found that their profits were getting smaller and smaller and, indeed, dwindling away.

This is the situation in which the small grocer, the small family businessman, finds himself today. With the cost of living soaring these people, together with other sections of the community, daily find that their standards of living and their weekly incomes have decreased. It is undeniable that the small family grocer is being pushed out of existence. If the value-added tax is put into operation there will be heard, not too long afterwards, the fall of the auctioneer's hammer in many grocers' shops. As surely as night follows day the small family grocer will be forced out of business. The small family grocer is a supporter of every section in this House. He is a person for whom all of us have the highest respect. It is incumbent upon us to recognise that small family grocers are barely able to survive and if we allow their profits to be still further reduced we will be failing in our duty on their behalf. If the value-added tax is put into operation every small grocer will need a qualified accountant to keep his books. These people are barely able to survive and the value-added tax will be the final straw that will break the camel's back.

A number of years ago there were two by-elections, one in Cork and one in Kildare. Prior to these by-elections, the turnover tax had been introduced. Everybody warned that the tax would have a serious effect on every section of the community. That proved to be the case. When everybody was up in arms about it there was a wage increase granted which helped to stifle public protest and bring about acceptance of the tax. This was the start of the economic difficulties in which the country has found itself in the last few years. Various speakers on this side of the House indicated the serious effects the turnover tax would have. The tax was imposed against the advice of people on this side of the House. It was pointed out at the time that it would be a mistake to impose the tax. It has proved to have been a mistake. I am not saying that everybody on this side of the House is wiser than those on the other side of the House or than the Department of Finance but our warnings as to the tax being a mistake have proved to be correct.

In the Budget of this year the turnover tax was doubled. This has led to a substantial increase in the price of food and other essential commodities. It is now proposed to replace that tax with a value-added tax. I shall come back to that matter in a few moments. It is appropriate to mention at this stage that there is one other factor which has contributed to the increase in the cost of living, namely, the introduction of decimal currency. It was necessary to introduce decimal currency but its introduction has led to an increase in the cost of living. It should not be forgotten that one section of the community that had to bear the brunt of the cost of decimalisation were small grocers and people in that type of business. They had to meet the increased cost out of their own pockets and they did so voluntarily. Housewives also had to meet the consequent increase in the cost of living. For their sake also it would not be wise at the present time to have a value-added tax.

Already the consumer has to bear a substantial increase in the cost of living. If the value-added tax is imposed the situation will continue in which costs increase while wages remain static. In view of the large-scale redundancies and high unemployment a value-added tax will have a more serious effect than the Minister or any of his advisers believe possible. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
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