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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Apr 1972

Vol. 260 No. 7

Committee on Finance. - Financial Resolution No.3: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
— (Minister for Finance).

While speaking last night I was anxious to indicate that the investment of £64 million in our Civil Service was not being used to the best advantage. It would not be in order for me to mention again the changes that I would advocate in respect of the present closed shop which exists in the matter of promotion in the Civil Service. I would hope for a greater mobility within the Civil Service. I would hope, too, that there would be transfers from one Department to another, that the traditional lines on which the Civil Service seems to operate—that, invariably, one does not take any action unless there is precedent for it—would go by the board. In these times of change it is obvious that on many occasions because of the innovational nature of requirements, there would be no precedent for them. I would hope for men in the Civil Service who would realise that their role is not to look for a precedent for any particular case but, rather, to examine intelligently whatever proposals come before them.

It is my opinion that the Civil Service is not enjoying the respect which it should enjoy. Respect results from many considerations. I make the point that men of initiative and ability in the Civil Service are inhibited. On the other hand, I would point out that men of ability and initiative are not being recruited to the Civil Service because of the fact that the salaries do not compare favourably with salaries in the private sector. When there is re-examination of this whole matter and when reorganisation and mobility are taking place I hope there will be a recognition that if the Civil Service is to attract men and women of the calibre required, better salaries must be offered.

However paradoxical it may seem I would say that this would be a saving to the community. I hope that if there are other speakers who have views on this matter they will express them during this debate. The full potential of the Civil Service is not being explored with the result that we are not getting full value for the £64 million spent on the service.

Before moving on to other matters I shall take advantage of this occasion to refer to a matter that was mentioned during Question Time and in respect of which I tabled a question. I refer to the decision to exclude the 15th April in respect of unemployment claims by people who were forced out of employment by the power strike. I listened carefully to the reply given by the Parliamentary Secretary. At the moment there are workers who are on short time but who are allowed to include Saturday as a day for which they may claim benefit. They notify the exchange on a Friday of their being rendered unemployed and on the following Monday they are allowed to include the previous Saturday. I can not understand, how, in the present circumstances, any person could decide that Saturday, 15th April, should not be included for payment of benefit.

Let me return now to the case which I was making in connection with the EEC. I stated last night that I saw blatant contradictions in the statements by the chief spokesman of the Labour Party, Deputy Justin Keating. I said that on other occasions he had stated here that the greatest impediment to social and economic advancement in this country arose from what he called British imperialism, and I agree with him in that connection. However, in so far as membership of the EEC gives us an opportunity of breaking away from that serious impediment to our advancement, in an EEC debate Deputy Keating recommends that we should not change. He talks about looking for associate membership and envisages a situation where, perhaps, we would continue to trade with Britain and be at the mercy of the British. I cannot accept that that is a logical case to advance. Speaking in the EEC debate on Wednesday, 8th July, 1970, Deputy Justin Keating said at column 700, volume 248, of the Official Report:

I want to say that through we are opposed to an enlarged European Community we are not opposed in the very least to the closest fraternal contacts between nations, provided they are equal. We are a party with contacts through the Socialist International with our brother parties all over the world. We are the upholders of the idea of internationalism. We have contacts which neither of the other parties possess throughout the world and we are far from being ashamed of them—we are very proud of them— ... We see no conflict between a genuine nationalism and a genuine internationalism. You cannot have one without the other. In repudiating a European Community and its basic ideologies and its basic outlook we do not for a moment repudiate the brotherhood of man and, more especially, the brotherhood of the oppressed peoples all over the world.

That to me is strange coming from Deputy Justin Keating. On the one hand, he would seem to advocate that we should not join the EEC; on the other hand, he tells us that his party has contacts with and is attached to the Socialist International, and would demonstrate to us that these connections require of them the acceptance of integration and mutual concern. We all know that in the matter of the EEC the prime movers in it were leading European socialists. Today leading European socialists, trade unionists, are the keenest exponents of the EEC. Apparently Deputy Keating is not prepared to unite with them.

Unite with whom?

Unite with these socialists.

Workers of the world unite.

There are a couple of people in the Common Market and I would not call them socialists.

They call themselves socialists, and this is the difficulty.

There are a lot more socialists there than here.

What the Deputy might consider a socialist, I would not necessarily consider him as such. The Deputy is the best judge of a socialist.

Affiliated members of the socialist party.

There might easily be a socialist over there.

Where? He must be hiding.

Deputy Dowling might be one.

Deputy Keating is not prepared to join with the people who advance the cause of what they call true socialism in Europe; yet he tells us that he and his party have contacts with socialism. The socialists with whom he has contacts must be a very special kind of socialist. I would be hoping that at some future date when he would have the opportunity, he would indicate to us what type of socialism he has in mind.

The fact that we do not agree 100 per cent with what some of the socialists in Europe or elsewhere are doing does not make us any less socialist. Furthermore, anyone who suggests that all the socialists in Europe are in favour of the EEC does not know what he is talking about.

Similarly, anyone who suggests that all the socialists in Ireland are against the EEC does not know what he is talking about. I am very happy that we have in Dublin and in Ireland men with a long tradition in the trade union and socialist movement, men who are well qualified to speak on the subject, and who support our entry into the EEC. Here I should say I had the pleasure of listening to Deputy Tully on a radio programme and he made this very point himself. It is extraordinary to me that the people who have been associated with the workers in this country, the people who have been pursuing true socialism here, are now in favour of our joining the EEC.

All of them?

Quite a few of them, practically most of them, and it seems that only the more recent acquisition to socialism is against it.

That is a ridiculous statement.

We saw one of them on television last night.

We shall all start laughing if Deputy Dowling talks about socialism.

Maybe the key to all this is in the last phrase I quoted from Deputy Keating's speech in which he talks about the "brotherhood of the oppressed people". Maybe Deputy Justin Keating wants us to continue as an oppressed people. Maybe he thinks that the cause of his socialism or his political philosophy could best be advanced if we continued to be an oppressed people and this explains his concern that we should stay apart from Europe. A line on the attitude of the anti-Marketeers towards Ireland can, perhaps, be found in the manner in which they have defaced the country and the city.

We are not defacing the country or the city. The Deputy should be more selective.

You are the anti-farm workers' party now, the anti-farmers' party.

Who are?

The Labour Party.

Driving home last night along O'Connell Street, towards the end of the street ahead of me I saw a sign erected by Dublin Corporation, a rather large sign, which advises people to turn left. You may not turn right at the Parnell Monument. This has been selected as the position for the anti-Marketeers to put their "EEC No" slogan. At the moment it reads "Turn left—EEC No". There may be some significance in that and there may be some connection between what I said earlier on and that slogan in O'Connell Street. My answer to that and my advice to the Irish people is "Make the right turn and vote Yes".

I would say "Turn left for the EEC".

If a citizen of this country wants to get a birth certificate or a death certificate, he is required to pay a fee. If a student is a candidate for a State examination, he has to pay a fee and in those particular matters I would not be inclined to disagree, except for the fact that in other areas, where people and companies are getting a service from the State, they are not required to pay a fee. I am thinking particularly of planning applications and planning appeals. These exercises engage the attention of quite a few members of the staff of the corporation initially and later on of the administrative and technical officers of the Department of Local Government. These gentlemen are scarce and busy, and I think there is much more urgent work they could be doing. On the other hand, the people whose applications and appeals they process are not required to pay a penny for the service. Invariably the bulk of these appeals relate to rather large investments and big developments and I think the time has come when any applicant for planning permission, and certainly any applicant whose case goes on appeal, should be required to pay a fairly substantial fee. I think again of the case I mentioned—the citizen looking for a visa. He must pay for it presumably because of the special attention he is getting from the State service. Bearing that in mind, bearing in mind the capacity of the people engaged in these developments to pay, I do not see any valid reason at all why they should not be required to pay a fee.

I want finally to say a not customary but understandable word in connection with the pseudo or pretended opposition to this budget. Deputy Donegan is, I think, an economist. He is a man who knows how to handle money and how to handle it successfully.

That is not a good description of an economist, I can assure you.

I understand how one can criticise and say, as Deputy Fitzpatrick said, that he was disappointed that there was not an extra half million pounds available so that in any future by-election, if he walked along some boreen and met three cailíní at the end, he could guarantee them that the lane would be repaired before the by-election was over. He looked for an extra half million and he referred to other areas where he thought more money should be available. Deputy Creed did likewise, but I thought it rather significant that none of these speakers indicated where any of the money it is proposed to spend now should not be spent or how this additional money should be collected. There is an obligation on anybody who advocates the expenditure of additional money to give some idea as to where economies might be effected in one field so that this money might be available, or else to indicate where additional taxation might be introduced so that the money might be produced. Perhaps Deputy Donegan will so indicate when he is explaining his opposition to this Budget.

I have stated here before—perhaps not a popular thing, and this will be one slight criticism of the budget which I will offer—that I believe in what late father would have told us, that if possible at all, you should not have anything unless you can pay for it. Shakespeare said that borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry. I apply this to my own family, to my own way of life, and I accept in total the advice I got. I am quite happy I did. There are times when we must forgo certain pleasures, times when we must forgo certain purchases if we have not got the money for them. I understand that a case can be made for hire purchase and for borrowing in certain circumstances. I borrowed money to buy my own house and apart from the fact that I had to do it, I can see the wisdom of borrowing for some capital item which will be there when I will have disappeared, but generally speaking, I would like to confine myself to this principle of paying your way as you go along. Ultimately it is the safest way.

That is what this budget did not do.

I did not say it did. I prefaced my remarks by saying they were, perhaps, slightly critical of the budget. On the other hand, I am not saying that I criticise what has been done in the budget in so far as I do not criticise myself for having borrowed to pay for my own house. I want to place on record that I do not accept as a worthwhile long-term policy too much reliance on borrowing.

There is another thing I should like to say and here, again, I am expounding my own philosophy. If there is anything of lasting pleasure to be got in this world it can only be achieved by effort, hard work and self-sacrifice. I would hope that we will not depart from that principle. One can enjoy an occasional ephemeral pleasure or satisfaction by adopting a policy contrary to what I suggest but in the long term the best and only worthwhile system is one in which effort is compensated by reward. However desirable it might be for some people, you cannot have a lasting worthwhile situation based on the idea that reward can be gained without effort.

Having regard to the number of jobs which are required to be done, I do not think it is good that any able-bodied unemployed man should receive any form of financial assistance. There are times when such assistance must be given. There should be in some Department a special unit to examine the situation in the country, to discover areas where labour is required and to direct able-bodied men who are not already gainfully employed to those areas. I do not say that it must be work requiring great capital investment. I travel around rural roads and see banks extending ten feet from the fence, joined by a drain. The roads are left in this condition until the point is reached where major reconstruction is carried out. I do not see why able-bodied persons could not be employed on the widening of these roads. There are other areas where such men could be employed. In the city of Dublin there are many sites lying semi-derelict that could be cleared for housing. Able-bodied men could be offered a worthwhile wage for developing these and other sites that could be rendered suitable for housing. At the moment good agricultural land on the perimeter of Dublin is being used for housing.

Agricultural land is our most vital possession. You get the real value of this land by estimating what one acre of County Dublin land could produce over 20 to 100 years. I would not mind moving out to the Dublin mountains where there is land that could be made suitable for housing and other building purposes.

I was amused when Deputy Tunney asked me how I would criticise the budget and referred to me as an economist. I am not an economist. I left school when I matriculated.

The Deputy looks like one of those able-bodied men that Deputy Tunney would send out to work.

Yes, and I have dug a few drains in my time. I should like to tell a story relating to a man, whose name I will not mention, who for years was an eminent Member of this House. When I became a Deputy in 1954 I called on him. The inter-Party Government had just floated their first national loan. He said to me: "They have robbed the savers and now you are asking them to save." As I was leaving he said: "There is another thing about these fellows that you would want to watch. Here is a case of panem et circenses. Most important of all, if you have not got the bread, you will give them plenty of circuses.”

Deputy Tunney's rather grim suggestion that the only pleasure obtainable in this valley of tears is through hard work, effort and sacrifice places him with the good priests in the Cistercian monasteries and the good nuns in the most stringent orders and places all the rest of us in the modern situation which he is right to criticise but which exists, and not only in this country.

He is not the first politician to have missed his vocation.

I agree. We must face facts and we must accept the world as it is. The facts and the world are rather different from what Deputy Tunney believes.

I turn to page 19 of the circulated version of the Minister's Financial Statement and I quote:

On the other hand, the economy is, for the third year in succession, running at well below capacity. Unemployment is high. We lack the economic buoyancy required to tackle quickly and effectively the adaptation which membership of the EEC will demand. If priority were given to these factors budgetary policy should be primarily directed at improving the growth performance of the economy.

Faced with these competing requirements, the Government have opted for growth rather than stability.

Over the last years, particularly in the last financial year, the Government's finances have been going very well. Revenue has been extremely buoyant. Yet, the growth rate of our economy is down to 2½ per cent; unemployment stands at approximately 77,000. The Government are lauding themselves because of the social welfare increases.

What are the facts? As indicated in the Review of 1971 and Outlook for 1972 circulated before the budget, the consumer price index is up by 9 per cent since 1970. According to the review, the greater proportion of those increases have been in regard to clothes and food. All this has happened at a time when the terms of trade have been with us. People here who have heard me speak on budgets in previous years may say that I am like a gramophone record because I always start by indicating these economic facts. My reason for doing this is that I remember a disastrous situation in 1966-67 when, as a result of the Korean War and the Suez crisis, the terms of trade turned completely against us. All our exports dropped in value while the price of imports went sky-high.

In the review issued by the Government it is stated that from mid-1970 to mid-1971 import prices increased by 6½ per cent but export prices went up 7½ per cent. During the last two years the Government have had things running with them. In such a situation it is the job of the Government to look after the public purse, to give incentives to the economy to enlarge itself and become more buoyant and if things have gone too far to effect a slowing down. This is within their power and it has been done by other modern governments. However, our Government have been so tied up with their own problems that they have not had time to take this action.

Great play was made by the Minister of the fact that agricultural credit will be up £18 million. The fact is that the Agricultural Credit Corporation have succeeded, by way of deposit and bond schemes and various other means of encouragement to investors, in borrowing £18 million and lending it themselves. From the capital budget not one penny is being provided. The ACC are doing this work and they are to be encouraged on an excellent job. They are the people who should get the credit, not the Government.

In the Book of Estimates reference is made to subsidies on pig meat. It is stated that bacon and pork exports are down from £4,875,000 in 1971-72 to £4,700,000 for 1972-73—a drop of £125,000. This is because the Government neglected to do anything about the price of pigs. The price of feeding stuff increased, less pigs were produced, and the people at home were eating more bacon and pork with the result that our exports decreased. However, the Minister took credit for an increase of 50p per cwt. to the pig producers. The direct result is an increase in the home price of bacon from 90p per cwt. to £1 per cwt. The old age pensioners, the widows and the State pensioners who got parity must realise that they will pay in relation to the cwt. of bacon in our shops at the rate of £1 per cwt. For those who might not know anything about the difference between the weight of a live pig and the pig carcase, I would point out that the amount of meat obtained from the carcase is 60 per cent or less than the weight of the live animal. The increase of £1 or 90p per cwt. on the home trade is related to that fact and the 50p increase is on the liveweight.

The Government have produced a deficit budget and have given as their reasons growth of the economy and a decrease in unemployment. However, there is something else that has not been said in this debate. I know a man who disliked the word "chancer" and he insisted on calling such a person an "adventurer". I would describe the Minister as an adventurer. If all goes well, on 1st April, 1973, we will enter Europe, there will be a transfer of agricultural subsidies to Brussels and a much smaller payment by us to Brussels. The cost of bringing up the price of agricultural goods to the increased prices the farmers will obtain will be largely borne by Brussels. The probable sum to be saved by the Government next year approximates the sum for which they have budgeted as a deficit this year. One could fairly say that a Minister who would budget for a deficit this year on the basis of a windfall next year which may or may not occur—it depends on the agricultural policy in Brussels— could be described as a political adventurer. This budget could and should be regarded in that light.

It could even be regarded as an election budget. The Minister stated in his budget speech: "Faced with these competing requirements, the Government have opted for growth rather than stability." No matter how buovant revenue is this year our stability depends on a pattern of events; the success of the referendum on 10th May and the progression of the agricultural policy of the EEC on the same lines as at present. If this does not happen we may take it that the statement of the Minister that the Government were going for growth rather than stability will be a pigeon coming home to roost and that growth may occur in the year to come but stability may not occur in the year to follow.

I welcome the extra amount for grants to industry. I hope industrialists will come here to take up these extra grants and I know the Industrial Development Authority will only give those grants when proper industries present themselves and when it is clear that we are not wasting money. There has been savage and severe criticism of the excursions of one or two individuals, who were unsuccessful, into this field but in general the application of these grants has been a credit to those who made the decisions. Therefore, the contemplation of the figure of £99.2 million for grants allocated from 1952 to December, 1971, as contained in the capital budget, is a pleasant one. We hope for a great increase in employment as a result of these activities in the year to come.

Industrial credit stands at £25.98 million as regards the amount so far allocated. At first sight, this compares almost unfavourably with the activities of the IDA but when one considers that our commercial banks play such a big part—or did in the past—in financing industry, particularly new industry, by overdraft accommodation, one realises that the Industrial Credit Company's activities were supplemented very largely by the activities of these banks. On the other hand, one could say their activities could only be regarded as a welcome supplement to the larger amount provided by the ordinary commercial institutions. Something that was said on budget day by the late Deputy Sweetman—God rest him— and by others and has been deprecated is that we do not seem to have the number of public flotations that would allow people to take part in the development of industry and that we have lagged behind in this regard. I am aware that the Industrial Credit Company provide services of this sort but if one considers the numbers who avail of these services, they are not as large as they should be.

The present ability of semi-State industrial undertakings, or any semi-State undertakings, to finance themselves must also be mentioned in regard to the budget. I mentioned the spectacular success of the Agricultural Credit Corporation in this regard but others also come to mind. Irish Shipping, the British and Irish Steam Packet Company and others have succeeded in financing themselves. This is very welcome. If Deputy Haughey had been around I think his very active mind might have produced this: I should have thought there would be extra provision for grants for market investigation in view of this extremely crucial year before we enter Europe. A special type of grant could have been provided for this particular purpose and expansion of what we are now trying to do in this regard would seem very necessary. There are also the marketing and research ends. I know that grants and incentives are available but I think it is necessary this year to pay greater attention to this facet of our industrial expansion. Neither is there extra provision for business trips to the Continent to make contacts and assess positions. This is the year when businessmen should do these things and they should be encouraged to do so to a greater degree than heretofore. This is an omission I should like to see remedied.

The removal of the infamous extra company taxation imposed in 1970 with the claim of the Minister that it reduces company taxation to 50 per cent is welcome but we must remember that the walls and roof of this House have resounded with the pleadings of Deputies, and sometimes with political abuse from Deputies of the Minister and Government, for the imposition of this extra taxation. The reduction of company taxation to 50 per cent is nothing marvellous. The figure quoted at the time of the intolerable imposition, which we must regard as having been removed at the behest of the Opposition Parties because of their vigorous action, was 46 per cent in Britain. So, let nobody say that because he has rid his soul of a mortal sin he is in the state of grace when he has four or five more sins on his soul.

We have not lowered company taxation to a more attractive level. Old companies are the ones that suffer in this regard. The president of the Irish Management Institute speaking in Killarney the other day referred to what he would do with industrialists coming here. I consider his statement most unwise but it is a fact that new industrialists coming here enjoy freedom from income tax for new exports and in the main they are coming here to export for a long period of years. Old-established industries operating for perhaps 100 years, which have employed Irish families and paid them decently, paid their own taxes, because they were largely supply industries for our own people, are not enjoying these freedoms from tax for new exports. Even if they had a high proportion of exports before the introduction of this measure, these were not new exports and existing industries do not enjoy this freedom from tax given to new export industries. Companies and the business community generally did not gain anything from this budget which did not do a single thing for them with the exception of the removal of an iniquitious imposition which riled everybody in the House.

I should like to pass to the question of local government and money for housing and I should particularly like to mention the bad housekeeping of the Government in taking £7 million of surplus funds from the Central Bank and injecting it into the expenditure above the line rather than applying it to capital sums. Those of us who work on local authorities either in Dublin or in the country are fully aware that there is a slowing down in regard to funds for housing. To remain in order I may refer only in passing to the problems of my constituency and that is all I shall do.

The Drogheda housing programme has been placed in jeopardy by the refusal, for over a year, to grant final sanction for a scheme of houses at Scarlet Street. The planning of our housing programme in Drogheda was a detailed one. We have 150 marriages a year in the two parishes of that town. If there is not continuity in that programme young people looking for a house will not get it. For a year we have been refused final sanction for the building of those houses and a loan for so doing. That means that when the last 12 houses in this important expanding town are allocated within the next few days, or for all I know today, there will be no more houses to allocate in that town perhaps for a period of 18 months. The failure to sanction was not the wish of the Minister for Local Government. It had to do with the housekeeping of the Government and whether or not capital sums were available to the Department of Local Government for allocation for these important matters.

The other day Deputy FitzGerald questioned the number of Departmental Estimates which had been exceeded and the number for which the money had not been spent. If one looks at this year's Book of Estimates one finds colossal discrepancies in it. The targets in some cases were never reached and in other cases were far exceeded. I leave salaries out of this to some extent because there were increases during the year which were not foreseen. In our fundamental capital programme, and the most fundamental part of that programme is housing, we have failed to sanction plans for local authority houses which are lying in the Department of Local Government ready for such sanction. As against the number of people coming forward for houses we have a grave deficiency.

So bad was our housekeeping that when there was a windfall of £7 million from the Central Bank instead of applying it to health or the capital budget we had to apply it to stuff a hole in the bottom of the boat. The Minister said that it is a non-recurring item and if expenditure runs at the same figure, or at a greater figure next year, or in excess of the figure that he has estimated for next year, then it is just an extra £7 million off taxation that has to be found in the next budget, bearing in mind again the adventurous nature of the exercise, that there is hope that the removal of agricultural subsidies in great part might constitute an even greater windfall on the next budget occasion. I want to specify clearly the stated policy of my party on this matter. Any increase in the cost of living that will occur after our entry to the EEC—to which we are dedicated—the bulk of that money, if not all of it, should be devoted to increases in social welfare payments and the old, the sick, the infirm and the pensioners who are not well off should be looked after from that windfall. This budget to me indicates that an adventurer has decided that a windfall shall be devoted to stuffing another hole in the bottom of the boat.

The Minister defined how he is going to finance the deficit. He said:

When added to the social welfare and other concessions and taking account of the opening gap of £8.6 million, they bring the overall deficit in the budget to £34.8 million. To finance part of this deficit I propose to bring into the Exchequer an exceptional non-recurring receipt of £7 million from the Central Bank.

I remember the rows and the ructions in this House about the question of raiding the road fund. Was it not a very angelic exercise compared with the taking up of this capital sum so that a soft budget could be produced? Deputy Tunney asked how I could criticise the budget. Perennially, for as long as I have been here, my good friend, Deputy Paddy Burke, when people in Opposition were going up the stairs to vote against the budget has said: "Ah, they are voting against the old age pensioners." He has said that every year since 1954. It is a very good ploy because there is no way in which one can defeat such an attitude. Nothing succeeds like success and even if the amount for the old age pensioners in a budget of £500 million is only £1 million, which would be .2 per cent, it can be said that one wants to put on extra taxation if one is against the budget and if one says it is a terrible thing to take capital moneys and put them in the wrong place. That is not so.

What will happen in next year's budget? Every businessman knows that a business does not exist on just one profit and loss account, one trading account and one balance sheet. It is very difficult at times to contain all the things that occur within one calendar year. He must look at everything in a balanced way and have the ship sailing on a course that will be satisfactory for a number of years. He must look forward in relation to capital expenditure. He must even decide whether he can afford certain repairs and renewals against his net profit. That is where this budget can be faulted. This budget is a stop-gap budget to make things pleasant. It is an adventure on the basis that there is another windfall coming next year. It takes no account of various other factors nor does it give any great incentive for the expansion and growth which is referred to by the Minister. He said:

The balance of the deficit—£27.8 million—will be financed by borrowing. To the extent that the budgetary measures give rise to increased economic activity, there will be a consequential increase in revenue which will reduce correspondingly the borrowing requirement.

Many people have been critical of our national debt. I am not one of them. I think our national debt in relation to the number of our wage earners and our wage earners' salaries is not over-burdening and that as long as we are extremely wise in our spending and as long as we apply our capital spending to items that are going to be creative of permanent economic activity and employment then we can continue to carry our national debt.

Of course, the £1 we borrowed in 1950 is very easy to repay today. Its repayment stands at £1, principal and interest, whereas that £1 in 1950 could do much more for this country than the same amount could do today. That is a simple fact of economic life which helps the borrower but which robs the saver. Borrowing must be serviced and the fact is that today we are entering into a commitment to borrow £27.8 million but we are not going to apply the greater portion of that amount to productive capital expenditure. I remember a leader of this House, who, on embarking on an election campaign, made a positive commitment not to remove food subsidies. However, after the election, subsidies on food were removed. In my opinion they should not have been removed because in order to keep down the cost of our industrial goods we might have taken the same line in relation to food as Britain had taken. When questioned in this House on his change of mind, that Taoiseach replied with an Irish saying, the Gaelic of which I have forgotten but which, in English, was: "We cannot cat the seed potatoes."

Ní féidir na sciolláin a ithe.

I thank the Parliamentary Secretary. This budget has resulted in the ship of State having to feed the seed potatoes to its crew because of bad housekeeping by the skipper and that same crew. At a time when the terms of trade were right it should have been possible for us to have good husbandry and to have ensured that there would be available adequate provision for social welfare recipients and, at the same time, not to take the extraordinary step of budgeting for a deficit of £34.8 million.

In his speech the Minister tells us that the additional spending power of £35 million provided for in the budget and of another £30 million in the capital programme will create enough additional spending power to ensure that the growth rate will increase by 1¾ per cent as a result of that alone. I question that because we have budgeted for a deficit in many of the budget provisions for the purpose of providing extra payments of various kinds which, of course, will to some extent generate additional spending power but which will not be related to a very high increase of growth rate. If an old age pensioner finds that he is now able to buy an extra ounce of tobacco, this will not result to any great extent in an increased growth rate. What would contribute to such an increase would be the provision of more money for housing and such matters. The succeeding paragraph in the Minister's speech is very interesting because by it he seems to be hypnotised by the question of growth and stability. I quote from page 43 of his statement:

I referred earlier to the competing requirements of economic policy. In opting for growth, as against stability, through a budget deficit I am, indeed, taking a calculated risk —a risk that I may be fuelling the fire of inflation rather than the engine of growth. It is essential, therefore, that there should be a widespread acceptance of the need to redouble our efforts to check price and cost inflation. Unless we do so, much of the effectiveness of this budget will be dissipated. We will fail to take full advantage of the boost which the budget will give to the economy if we allow the additional purchasing power to be eroded through continuing inflation. Not must we be content with merely a holding operation with preventing price and cost inflation from getting any worse. We must aim at a worthwhile reduction in the rate of increase in costs and prices. This year, for the first time since 1959, prices will not have to be increased because of changes in taxation. This contribution to price stability must be matched by a positive response from both sides of industry through the new National Pay Agreement. This must take the form of a new agreement, markedly less inflationary than its predecessor, which will supplement and strengthen the budget's contribution towards moderating the pressure on costs and prices and increasing employment and growth.

That is the Minister's conclusion on the budget. I do not believe that we will contain inflation which, as somebody has pointed out, began with Adam. Creeping inflation will be with us always. By having more efficient productivity and, sometimes, by creating employment, it is possible to get a stability but a stability which might be different from that desired. The controlling of inflation was attempted as far back as 100 years ago at the time of the industrial revolution. There was an acceptance up to then by the working man that he would get no extra pay for working longer hours but that was accepted no longer.

I wonder if the average yearly increase during the past three years of 7 or 8 per cent will present to people who are now very hard pressed to make ends meet a situation in which they will be prepared to believe what is contained in the last paragraph of the Minister's budget statement. Should this be the case, I venture to say that it would be the first time it has happened in any modern State in the 1900s, short of a State which did not have the democratic right to either throw the Government out or go on strike. I am not advocating such a thing. That would be a dreadful situation.

I agree that a slowing down of inflation would be most important. However, the Government have sat back for the last two years and done nothing about managing the economy. They have now arrived at the point of the return of the prodigal but if they have they are leaving notes with their creditors to the tune of £34.8 million. If they can get home across the stormy and difficult land which they traversed in their rake's progress, then it is possible this country could benefit, slowing down inflation to the state the Minister desires, namely, no inflation, if this is allowed by the people. Then there would be a new beginning next year but, unfortunately, I fear the prodigal has gone too far and that the temporary expedient of budgeting for a deficit by writing promissory notes and leaving them behind him will not succeed and that this country may not be facing the pleasant prospect that the budget would seem to indicate.

The capital end of the budget has been neglected to some extent. An Bord Iascaigh Mhara have roughly £1 million this year. That is not enough. Anyone who knows anything about fishing knows the deficiencies of our fishing fleet. I do not think the bargains made in Brussels in connection with fishing were all that bad. They at least give us ten years. While that is true, now is the time to start to make capital investments so that we shall be ready when that ten years is over to face whatever challenge comes to us. I think that budgeting for a deficit and bringing funds from below the line to above the line is wrong. Fishery harbours get £0.65 million and this is confined to Killybegs, Castletownbere and Dunmore East. What about Clogherhead? The pier there is falling apart and the county council cannot provide the capital to do anything about it. The Board of Works have been there many times. We have been communicating with them as much as possible but nothing has happened. What about all the other places that need attention around the country? These will be needed if we are to expand our fleet to the stage to which we should and if we are to be ready in ten years time.

What about the money for these improvements? Would the Deputy suggest borrowing it?

Certainly. The capital budget is all borrowed.

I thought the Deputy was being critical of borrowing.

I am being critical of borrowing for consumption purposes. I am critical of taking money from the capital budget, below the line expenditure, and using it for consumption purposes during the year in question. If you borrow £34.8 million, take £20 million of it and spend it in this year, that is £20 million which the Irish nation has got to repay and on which there is no yearly return. If you spend £20 million in the improvement of a harbour, or the purchase of boats on which the fishermen repay the capital sum, on the eradication of bovine tuberculosis and brucellosis, or on schools for our children, you have then got something which will be of benefit to people in the future and about which they can say: "Over the next 35 years we are committed to pay for that." That is the first precept of budgeting, through which the Minister has driven a coach and four.

Where would the Deputy get the money for the social welfare benefits?

The Deputy is back to the days of the Paddy Burke speech. Since I came in here in 1954, when the old age pension was included to the extent of 0.2 per cent of the total budget sum and when, having gone up those stairs to vote against the budget we would be told: "You are voting against the old age pensioners." If the Government had not sat back over the last two years, had watched the national housekeeping and had budgeted properly last year and the year before, they should have sufficient money coming from current taxation to provide a reasonable sum for social welfare recipients. That is happening in every nation in Europe, and why can it not happen here, when revenue was never more buoyant? If it had not been buoyant the Government would have been sunk for £60 million or £70 million. What is wrong is that we are budgeting for a deficit of £34.8 million of which we are borrowing £27.8 million, and a large portion of that £27.8 million is not proper to capital expenditure.

I hope that the Minister's statement that Bord Fáilte will now be able to pay the grants to the hoteliers will be acted upon. I presume that during the year he had to borrow again for this. Grants for hotels are, in my view, proper to below the line expenditure, because the hotels will be there to create employment, to pay income tax and indirect taxation on the food and drink they sell. Therefore, the Irish nation can benefit from that in the years to come.

Land project expenditure has been reduced from £4.5 million to £4 million. I asked a question about the normal delay from the time of application until a farm project was passed. The answer given yesterday was five months delay. Today Deputy Donnellan asked a question about a farmer, the name not being given but being supplied to the Minister, in whose case there was a two years delay. Maybe the five months was an average, but all I hope is that Deputy Donnellan's farmer was an exception.

This year expenditure for Irish Shipping is going from £3.69 million to £9.53 million in the capital budget. That includes four bulk carriers that are being built on the Clyde and I understand a car ferry will operate from Rosslare to Le Havre. We all understand the expenditure that has been undertaken in Wexford by hoteliers, the expenditure on roads there in order to expand tourism in that part of the country. It is a most important development, and the bombshell that burst upon us about nine months ago when it was discovered that the ferry was being taken off was sad indeed. Any of us who are involved or interested in that sort of thing did our bit and now apparently the decision to build our own ferry is made and it is going to be, I presume, a major part of the figure of the £9.53 million. I think that with intelligent effort by everybody, this will pay, but even if it did not, even if it were to some extent producing a reasonable loss, if there is such a thing, surely the person who comes in here as a tourist will buy a drink, will buy food, will buy clothes and will spend money, and as well as increasing the gross national product and providing employment for everybody, will also pay taxes so that like every other nation, these are the things to which we just have to address ourselves. These are the things that will advance our economy and provide new jobs and if we had lost on the cost of a new ferry all the capital investment made in County Wexford, that would have been a disastrous day indeed.

I finish by saying what I said in the earlier part of my speech, namely, that I do not believe in budgeting for a deficit. If a deficit is going to occur, it should occur during the year and the Cabinet should take its steps. There are plenty of steps a Cabinet can take. I do not believe in borrowing and placing that national debt upon the backs of the Irish people to be repaid in the long term. I do not believe in that as an expedient at this time or at any time, unless the expenditure involved has a direct relation to earnings or services for the Irish people. It is only then that this House of housekeeping and Parliament should decide that it can spend the people's money for purposes which must be repaid over 35 years or thereabouts.

A welcome feature has been the ability of the semi-State companies to borrow themselves. It indicates belief in our economy and that is an extraordinary thing, bearing in mind our situation in the North of Ireland. We are going to suffer on tourism this year because of that situation. There is nothing we can do about that except behave ourselves both at Question Time here and outside the House and make known the fact that we, of course, disagree with the administration there as it was before it was abolished or suspended for a year, and what they were doing, and that we await reforms, not in years and not in months but in weeks. There are some signs that reforms are coming and this will help our economy this year and that is why I have mentioned it in my speech.

This is a budget which one would regard as impossible to criticise. When everybody gets something and nobody has to pay any more, there is no criticism, but examined in depth, there is the fact that it is the budget of a rake's progress, the budget of an adventurer who hopes that the removal of farm subsidies from our own exchequer responsibilities next year will mean that we can do it again and the removal of £7 million from the Central Bank and its non-application to capital opportunities which are so necessary for the people is, in my view, a classic example of just what this budget is.

One must agree with Deputy Donegan that this budget does not give rise to much criticism in view of the fact that so much is given out and no taxation imposed. The budget indicates in a broad way what will be the policy of the Government for the future years with regard to development and investment. My first interest in what the Minister had to say related to regional development. He has indicated that further steps in this direction have been taken by virtue of the fact that the regional organisations have submitted their plans to the Government and also by virtue of the fact that the Government are about to examine them. We have learned also that the Industrial Development Authority have their plans submitted and it is to be hoped that in the near future the Government will make known to the public what those plans are so that all of us will be in a position to examine them, to think about them and to make further suggestions, so that when they are finally implemented, they will be of much more advantage to the particular areas they propose to help.

Associated with this is the fact that the Minister for Foreign Affairs has once more in the councils of Europe pointed out to the people concerned that regional development is a very important aspect of the policies of this Government. So much of our future in the west of Ireland and along the western coast will depend on what eventually is concluded as a result of all the examination, all the investigation and all the negotiation.

The Minister is very pleased with the amount of money invested in the various savings funds and this is a good thing. One hopes that it will continue and that a large amount of the money being made available to the consuming public will find its way into those savings rather than be spent on foreign goods, spent in a manner which, as the Minister suggests, may again help us to upset our balance of payments. There is some obligation on the Government and on us in the House to get this message across to the public because there is not much advantage to the public in making benefits available in one particular year and next year finding ourselves tightening the belt on them again.

The agricultural policy of the Government covers a very wide field and much money has been made available under the many various headings. The largest lump sum which seems to me to be made available is the contribution of the Agricultural Credit Corporation. This is an organisation which is doing much good throughout the country, but of late it has been suggested to me that some of the money is not finding its way into the hands of the proper people for agricultural development. Some people who are not making their living by farming, who are making their living in other ways, are getting grants to buy land. This to my mind is not a good policy and I understand that it was not always the policy of the Agricultural Credit Corporation to do this. First, a lot of this money is used to buy up land in some congested districts where it is badly needed by the congests there and, secondly, I think it is a contradiction of what is to become the EEC policy with regard to the restructuring of land if we decide to enter the EEC. I think it is very wrong that a situation should arise wherein in the past six or nine months before we enter the Common Market, much of the land that may be needed after will have disappeared from the land authority or may not be available to the land authority which may wish to use it for restructuring land.

Another thing that strikes me about the Agricultural Credit Corporation is this: How is it proposed to marry the activities of the corporation to the proposed schemes which would become available under the EEC? We are selling the EEC to the farming community on the ground that cheap capital will be made available to them for development and I think the figure of interest mentioned is something like 3 to 4 per cent.

On the other hand, if the Agricultural Credit Corporation continue to make money available at from 6 per cent to 8 per cent, who will decide who gets what under those circumstances? It is too soon to go into this matter in detail but it is something which should be explained to us more fully when the opportunity arises and I suppose that will not be until after the referendum.

Another aspect of the agricultural policy of the Government is that more money is being made available so as to prepare the country and the farming industry in a general way for entry into the EEC. This it is proposed to do by making more capital available for the expansion of herds and of various agricultural products. From figures available to us from the Agricultural Institute it is obvious that much development can take place on most of the land in the country. In my constituency it appears, if the figures are correct, that all the land will be capable of carrying about twice as much stock as it carries at present. Unfortunately, not all the land in the country is of the same quality. In my part, the northwest, the land is of an inferior quality. Undoubtedly, given proper farm management, its output can be increased by increasing the amount of grass produced. This will mean that it will have to carry more stock. Here, I am afraid, the law of diminishing returns will operate pretty quickly because the land, even under present farm management, is not capable of carrying this stock throughout the winter.

A farmer who manages his farm in such a manner finds, coming to the spring of the year, that his farm is badly damaged by poaching and in most cases by excessive poaching. This must affect his ability to produce grass in the coming summer. As I understand the management of such places it is almost essential that the stock be taken off the land at this time of the year and that they be looked after in buildings or in shelter of some kind. I have advocated on other occasions that farmers who own inferior type land should get extra grants so as to enable them to provide the necessary accommodation for their stock during the winter. This may mean in some cases the provision of cement so that the cattle may be in a position to lie and to be fed on dry ground. It may mean the provision of buildings to shelter the animals over this period.

It is essential that the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries should examine this matter. Perhaps my remarks would be more appropriate to the Estimate for that Department but I take the opportunity of making them now. Until such time as the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries decide to approach the problem from this point of view there is not much point in telling the farmers concerned that their land will be capable of producing more under Common Market conditions. As I have said already, the law of diminishing returns will operate pretty quickly. If the farmers carry extra stock the land will be so badly poached that they will not be able to continue to carry the stock.

The Minister pointed out that credit unions will not have to pay tax in the future. This announcement has been very well received both in the House and outside it. I come from an area in which a credit union has been started recently and I understand the objects of the union. The Minister's decision is a very welcome one. However, the extraordinary situation is that in one part of the country a credit union failed because there was nobody to borrow money from it. Here, the Minister can do two things.

He can help to encourage credit unions and he can help to encourage farmers to use the funds of credit unions. He can do this by exempting farm buildings or other developments carried out by farmers out of funds provided by credit unions from rates over a certain period of time. This would induce farmers to make use of these funds at local level and would take some pressure off central funds. It would enhance the reputation of credit unions and make them much more attractive. It would be another step in the development of co-operation between farmers.

Another matter in regard to agricultural policy that struck me when reading the Minister's statement was the necessity for the exercise of a certain amount of care. We learn now that there is great demand for small cattle throughout the country, that they are being bought up for the British market with the intention, I understand, of achieving self-sufficiency in beef for the British people before 1985. It is difficult to understand how such a policy can succeed. There must be an awareness in us as a people and in the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, who have the obligation of directing policy, of this matter. We must ensure that the country is not denuded of those cattle because, if it is, we will not be able to take advantage of the incentives being made available in the budget for the development and expansion of agriculture. All the aspects that I have mentioned are very important, particularly to those areas which have no industry and are living solely on agriculture.

The Minister referred to the provision of money for pensions for farmers. I expect that this is in the context of the EEC. Is it the intention to provide pensions for farmers before we go into the EEC? This seems most unlikely. I should like to have further information on this matter.

Deputy Donegan found himself in disagreement with the Minister on this question of deficit budgeting and to a certain extent one must agree with him because certainly it is not the husbandry that most of us were reared on. Nevertheless, so many suggestions are being made that people should use credit and borrow for development of industry and so on, that it appears that it is accepted by the economists that this is legitimate business and those of us who know little about economics have no choice but to accept it.

The previous speaker also referred to the fact that there was a windfall from the Central Bank to the extent of £7 million. The Minister pointed out that this would not become available until next year and that the sum would be much smaller. However, there are sources of money available to the Minister for Finance that I suggest he should set about tapping.

Some weeks ago I asked a question about the amount of unclaimed funds in banks but I did not get much information. I also asked a question regarding the same kind of funds in the Post Office and in the Circuit Courts. I suggest to the Minister that when he is drafting his Finance Bill he might consider inquiring about such moneys. The banks have had the use of these funds during the years and they will continue to have use of them if the law is not changed. I see nothing wrong in the Government taking possession of the funds and using them in a general way for the good of the people. I may be told that money can be borrowed from the banks by the Government but I do not think this meets the situation.

Nobody can fault the stated policy of the Government regarding equal pay for equal work and the sooner it is implemented the better. The Minister made the point that as a result of equal pay it would be necessary to ensure economy and efficiency, particularly in the public service. The Minister also stated that some of the more important posts in Government Departments are open to all comers and this is to be welcomed. We must accept that the best people should get those posts and it is hoped that when they obtain the posts they will remain the best people. However, this may have some ill-effects. I do not think it unfair to say that it may cause some doubts or frustration in the Civil Service. Many people in the Civil Service aspire to the top posts and if they find that their way is blocked it can be frustrating for them.

There are many people in the Civil Service who have not had the opportunity of obtaining university grants. Their parents may not have been in a position to give them higher education and the extra experience that other candidates for the top posts may have. There is an obligation on the Government to do something about this problem. This can be done to some extent by providing opportunities for civil servants—naturally with pay—for post-graduate education and for giving them an opportunity to acquire experience outside the Civil Service so that they may be able to complete on an equal basis for the top jobs. However, the universities will not make much of a contribution towards this policy when we consider the limitations they have placed on night lectures.

Another matter I should like to discuss is the making of appointments, particularly in semi-State bodies. The Government have a major responsibility for these organisations but from time to time we hear stories which suggest that the appointments procedure in those bodies is not completely fair. Interviews are held and people are appointed but from the stories we hear sometimes it is difficult to justify the exclusion of some people. I realise this is a difficult problem and naturally enough those who are excluded are the people who are likely to complain. We must be cautious in our criticism on the matter but one or two cases come to mind in this connection. I hope that such cases are very much in the minority.

The social welfare benefits in the budget have been generous and this is to be welcomed. One of the most valuable concessions is the free travel that is made available for certain categories. It has enabled old age pensioners to visit their families and to travel about and the fact that it has been extended to include other categories shows that the Minister is conscious that the scheme is successful and is appreciated by those who have availed of it. I am sure it is the wish of the House that the people will have the health and the time to use this concession to their advantage.

I have some criticisms to make in regard to the considerable amount of money the Minister has been able to give away. There are three areas in which I feel a more generous attitude could have been adopted. One is the tax relief to married women; there has been no mitigation of taxation in this case; the second is regarding estate duty and the third is the control of local taxation.

Many married women would work provided they did not consider they were working entirely for the benefit of the Government. At the moment where the income of husband and wife is over £2,000 per year the full rate of taxation is applicable. If the husband is earning £1,500 and his wife is earning £600 they must pay 35p in the £— the full rate of taxation. This is not the position that obtains in other countries. Many married women would like to continue working for the first few years of their marriage and it would be beneficial to the State if they got the requisite tax reliefs to enable them to do so. This is the time the home is being set up and if the married woman got a reasonable tax allowance she could continue working and thus avoid borrowing money for the purpose of furnishing the home. There are also women who have reared their families —I am thinking in particular of nurses who are in short supply in this country, as in other countries—who would return to work if they got a reasonable remission of taxation. The Minister has given parity to State pensioners and I cannot understand why he does not give some consideration to this matter. However, there may still be time for him to remedy this discrepancy when he introduces the Finance Bill.

In regard to the second point, estate duty, the Minister said he was raising the minimum amount on which duty must be paid from £5,000 to £7,500. This is quite unrealistic and is really no benefit and is not taking account of the inflation of prices. The cases I meet most often in my area would be of farmers dying and leaving widows. Any small farm suitably stocked would exceed £7,500 in value. For many years I have been alone in advocating that any reliefs given in estate duty should be deducted from the whole estate but I cannot get any Minister for Finance to accept that principle which seems to me to be fair. Why should anybody with an estate of, say, £7,505 have to pay estate duty while somebody with an estate of £7,500 would pay no duty— It would not cost the State very much and would make the situation equitable; it would be very fair, particularly to widows with dependent children if the Minister would do what I ask and deduct all the benefits accruable from the total estate. I have advocated that; I have put down amendments to that effect without avail and even in my own party I have been unable to get any mass support but I am again putting it to the Minister this year, as apparently he has money to burn, judging by his speech the other day. He should at least deal with this gross injustice.

The third point is control of local taxation. We are supposed to be going into the EEC. We have a considerable advantage as regards production of livestock here and in Britain as against other EEC countries in that we are able to rear our livestock in the summer and largely maintain them on grass which does not entail as much labour in that period nor does it entail the expenses which the continentals, who would be our competitors, would have to meet. But we are facing ever-increasing local taxation applying not alone to the farms. Local taxation is escalating to such an extent largely— but not entirely—due to increased health charges. There is a general inflationary increase about which the Minister should do something. Some contributions have been made by certain Departments and I think the Department of Health contributed £5 million and we never heard the end of that from the Government side. It was supposed to reduce local taxation but it was really only a fleabite. If the Minister were budgeting for a situation to increase our production, which is particularly necessary on the these hold of the EEC, he should straight away have tried to reduce charges by dealing with local taxation. Every local body, whether town commissioners or urban or county council finds rates escalating and local taxation is hitting people hard. The Minister should move in this regard with the idea of reducing inflation because that is one of the major causes. Those are the three points I wanted to make in regard to the budget proposals, to begin with. Otherwise, I wish to discuss the general situation and the policy the Minister has adopted.

He got plenty of advice from the Irish newspapers to do what he did. I should like to congratulate the political commentators in that this is the one thing they seem to have been right about so far. They suggested the Minister should budget for a deficit. In other words, they were advising him to do what the British Chancellor of the Exchequer did quite recently. The idea is to reduce and control inflation. My sympathy lies with any Minister for Finance facing a budgetary situation where you have political instability and it cannot be denied that we have gross political instability here. Secondly, we have industrial unrest, evidenced by the fact that even at present nobody knows what will happen exactly in regard to the electricity supply. Thirdly, as is shown by the fact that we have become a high cost economy in the last three or four years, we are not any longer competitive as we were heretofore in our exports. Also, we have had a rise in the cost of living of approximately 9 per cent in the past 12 months, a pretty sizeable jump.

It amuses me to listen to those who advocate that we should not enter the EEC, that we should take in each other's washing and gradually sink into a poor-class economy, when they talk of the charges that will accrue in the EEC. These charges have already been appearing in the cost of living and I think if we do enter the EEC there will probably be a halt in the cost of living, not that it will necessarily stand still. Successive Ministers for Finance have tried to clean up the mess created by the introduction of the turnover tax which was succeeded by the wholesale tax which totally destroyed our economy. That situation has been gradually getting worse and to meet social and salary demands taxation has been increased. There is no use in pretending that the financial outlook is anything but disastrous and in view of that the Minister took the risk of doing what the British Chancellor did and budgeted for a deficit. Whether he will get away with it or not is another matter. I should say it largely depends on whether the people will accept that it is necessary to work the standard hours they are working at present and try to increase production.

It is not the Minister for Finance or the Government—even if it were their job the Government would not be competent to do so—that maintain the equilibrium and social status of a nation; it is those who work and produce. Reducing taxation has allowed people to produce more and, perhaps, has created a bigger circulation of money. Let us hope that money will be put to better use. It may go into savings. I have long felt that if people saved we would have a healthier economy. The policy of living for the day has reduced us to our present condition in which we are one of the highest-cost economies in the western world and unable to produce and export on an equal basis with other countries.

This policy has also wrecked our tourism which is in a very difficult position because of the instability in Northern Ireland and also because of the lack of control and law and order in the Twenty-six Counties. It cannot be denied that there is no real and full administration of justice here. As well as that it is a recognised fact that the people who are responsible for the administration of justice here are falling down on the job. By that I do not mean to infer that the Garda are not doing their duty. They are doing their duty to the fullest extent. When they bring in people for offences that have been committed the usual procedure is that information is refused or they are let off. We have had a series of bank robberies and other things and that has militated very seriously against our tourist industry.

I want to indict the Government for lack of foresight. The only connection we had from the tourist angle with Continental Europe was the ferry service between Rosslare, which happens to be in my own constituency—we miss it very much down there but it affects the country generally—and Le Havre. That ran into difficulty some time ago. No real attempt was made by the Government—I suppose it was a Government decision and a Department of Finance decision, too—to supply relief for that. I know for a positive fact that several ships became available which could have been utilised for the purpose of continuing that ferry and offsetting the national loss which accrues from the falling off in tourism. The finance was not available. It was a short-sighted decision.

The question of the financial outlook is a gamble on the part of the Minister for Finance. In a way I do not blame him for taking it. He was landed with a situation in which he had either to go on with the old sorry story of taxing the life out of everybody or trying to produce a new policy. There was the temptation that in the event of our getting into the EEC there would be a considerable liberation of funds and he felt justified in taking the risk he has taken. It is significant that the sum he allowed in creating this deficit is in the neighbourhood of £34 million or £35 million and the sum he hopes to collect on entry to the EEC by the saving on subsidies is that exact sum. If I accuse the Minister for Finance of being a gambler in regard to the difficulty with which he was faced I do not think I am being unjust. He is gambling on the fact that he will get his £35 million back from a saving on subsidies, to expand our economy and that this revenue will be sufficient to overcome the greater part of this deficit and that when next year comes along and the general election is getting closer he will be in a position to hand out social welfare benefits to keep his party in power. That may well be the case but we would have to have a stabilisation of industrial unrest here.

We cannot hope to expand our economy, we cannot hope to compete with our rivals in the EEC countries, and this applies particularly in the industrial area, unless we have industrial peace. This is the overall position. We will soon be in competition with Continental Europe and with the UK. We will be an open economy and unless we are able to put our house in order financial chaos faces us. The British have introduced legislation and they are in the throes of struggling at the moment to get away with that legislation, to force it on the people and to keep their prices down to make them economic. Unless we are prepared to do the same, unless we are prepared to bring our industrial relations into alignment with Continental Europe, we face disaster in the industrial arena.

In the EEC, except for the extraordinary escalation of rates, we are able to face the issue in agriculture, we are able to expand in agriculture and we should get a sizeable return in the overall revenue to enable us to carry on in spite of this budget deficit but unless this Government face the issue of the establishment of law and order, which is the right of every democratic country to have and which has been denied to this country through vacillation over the last two years, and unless they are prepared to sit down and hammer out legislation to stabilise and have industrial peace, we face a very bleak future.

The Parliamentary Secretary in charge of fisheries is here at the moment. I and a great many Deputies who live in maritime constituencies are not satisfied that our fishery future is assured but we have ten years to get our fisheries into order. There is nothing in this budget to suggest that the Government have realised that that is a priority, something that must be got down to at once. We are competing in fisheries with countries that have put a massive investment into fisheries, we are competing with overseas floating factories and although we could gain immeasurably by the expansion of our economy in the EEC we must prepare to meet it. That is one of the challenges we must meet.

We have always undercapitalised one of our greatest and most natural sources of production. For some reason this country has always operated on the idea of turning this country into an industrialised USA. I think the idea originated with the late Mr. Seán Lemass who was a great industrial progenitor but the things that really count here and the things we should invest our money in are our natural resources—agriculture, the development of industries based as far as possible on our own raw materials and the development of fisheries. Although we have only ten years in which to do it, I suppose our production could be increased ten to 12 fold.

Perhaps the blame cannot be laid particularly at the feet of the Parliamentary Secretary since he has not a say in the inner esoteric councils of the Government. The fact that this industry has been neglected is one of the reasons why I suggest that this budget is a gambler's budget and is designed to ensure that the referendum is carried. It is not a general election budget because there is not sufficient law and order in the country now to enable an election to be held. If there was to be a general election now it might be controlled by the gun as has happened in the past. This budget is nothing more than a day-to-day one and in 12 months time, unless this deficit is cleared by an expansion, and I cannot see from where an expansion will come, unless we get it as a result of membership of the EEC, the Government will be in the position of having to impose the taxes that they did not impose this year.

Which Government?

That is if they are there then but as I have said they could not dare have a general election at this time because they are not able to maintain law and order which is the first principle of a general election. Unless they concentrate on the things that really matter they will be back to square one next year.

I have not had an opportunity of listening to many of the Opposition speakers who have contributed to this debate but I can assure them that they have my sympathy because it is obvious that they are disappointed that the budget has been so good. The last speaker referred to the fact that no taxation was imposed in this budget. He seemed to regret that this was so. Perhaps his regret is from a political point of view. He was inferring that Fianna Fáil had not the courage to impose taxation. I want to remind the Deputy that at no time have Fianna Fáil been afraid or reluctant to impose taxation when it was neccessary to do so. On the occasions on which we imposed taxation we were criticised severely by the Opposition.

We are very pleased that this budget has been received so well by the people. It is a budget which is all give and no take so far as the people are concerned. It is easy for an Opposition to criticise a budget and to point to omissions in certain areas. The last speaker referred also to local taxation. Of course, this is a matter that is always fair game. It is a taxation that hits ratepayers in particular.

The Parliamentary Secretary can say that again.

I served on a county council for 20 years and at every Estimates meeting statements were made to the effect that ratepayers would not be able to meet the increased rate and that the rate collectors would have great difficulty in collecting rates payments. The position is that with each year the paying of the rates has become much easier. There are two reasons for this. One is that the position of the ratepayer is improving continually because of the increase in prosperity throughout the country and, also, because an increasing amount of the taxation is being covered by central funds thereby relieving the ratepayers of a very large amount each year. The smallholder about whom we have heard so much in the past is now exempt from rates up to a valuation of £20 and there is a sliding scale in operation up to a £33 valuation.

Mr. Dunne

On lands.

This has been of tremendous benefit to the smallholder. If the amount being taken now at local level were to be discontinued, if rates were to be abolished, the result would be that the total sum would fall on the taxpayers. There would be an increase in taxation affecting all sections of the community while, at the same time, the big farmer and the large business concerns throughout the country could be relieved of having to pay their share of rates. I would not advocate such a course.

We know that so far as the medium-sized farmer is concerned the matter of the payment of rates is now much easier because of the present high price for cattle. In the past the proceeds of the sale of four or five cattle might have been necessary to pay a man's rates whereas today the rates could be paid as a result of the sale of two cattle. The shopkeeper, too, is finding it easier to pay the rates because of the increased prosperity in the country and, consequently, the increasing demands for the goods he sells. However, we find the Opposition harping on this question of local taxation simply because they wish to criticise the budget. I suppose the Opposition believe they are expected to be critical of Government action. However, we are satisfied with the reaction to the budget from all sections of the community.

The budget is a typical Fianna Fáil one in so far as we have once again come to the aid of social welfare recipients. We have set ourselves a policy of increasing each year the social welfare services. We have been doing this consistently and we hope to be able to continue to do so.

Mr. Dunne

Bring them up to Northern Ireland standards.

All the time we are narrowing the gap between social welfare payments here and in Britain and we hope to be able to reach the position whereby that gap will be closed completely. This is a far cry from the days when social welfare recipients might get an increase of, perhaps, only a shilling or a half-crown. We are proud of our record in this field. Perhaps I will leave it to Deputy Dowling to speak of the record of the Coalition Government in this respect.

They were the first Government to give an increase in social welfare payments.

I do not believe in going back on what happened at the time of the Coalition Government because we must deal with the position as it is today. I am glad to know that children's allowances are under review and we are hoping that increased benefits can be made available especially to the larger and poorer families.

Some speakers have described this budget as an election budget. I do not know whether by that they mean the referendum or a general election. Many times in the past I have heard the term "election budget" but on all of these occasions the Opposition have been disappointed because it has never been the tactic of this Government to introduce a budget for the purpose of winning votes. We have increased taxation when it was necessary to do so and when we found ourselves in the position, as on this occasion, to give benefits without increasing taxation, we have done so. If it is called a budget to win the referendum, maybe it would have the other effect. People are already saying we are able to do these things outside the EEC, that we are doing quite well and will be able to continue as we are. This is the effect it could have. However, these people should know that outside the EEC we would not be able to continue to make the social welfare payments which would close the gap between the payments here and those in the North of Ireland and Great Britain.

This budget has been helpful to other sections of the community as well as the social welfare recipient. The agricultural community have benefited. The last speaker said that fisheries was neglected in this budget. This is very far from the true position. Investment in the fishing industry has been made a top priority of the Government in recent years. Ever since the Government White Paper of 1962 we have continued to invest more and more in that industry. Even with the best will in the world, it is not an industry in which investment can bear fruit overnight. There is more involved than investing millions of pounds in it. The fleet of boats has to be increased. The landing facilities must be improved. The personnel to man the boats must be made available and there must be young people coming on. There must be investment in the processing industry as well in order to provide an outlet for all fish caught.

With all these things going on together, it will be seen that quite a large investment by the Government is required each year. It is in the context of our entry into the EEC, which gives an assured market to our fishermen for the first time, that the real investment in fisheries can take place, because it is in this context that those engaged in the industry can see their future. We are very satisfied with the expansion that has taken place, especially since the late sixties. In the year gone by 58 new boats came into the fleet plus many secondhand boats. We are proud of the progress that has been made on the major fishery harbours and believe it is money well spent. We look forward to the day when Irishmen will be able to exploit to the fullest extent this great natural resource around our shores. This is the policy to which the Government have committed themselves and are pursuing at present.

We are also very pleased with the reaction of those people who contribute to the Exchequer by way of income tax, especially the lower paid workers, 50,000 of whom have been released from the tax net due to the concessions given by the Minister for Finance in this budget. We are also glad that the Minister has been able to make concessions to those lower-paid workers who are still in the income tax net. With the expansion which is hoped for in the economy we hope to be able to give greater concessions in next year's budget, that by that time we shall be members of the EEC and that our economy will expand at a faster rate than before. In that event our social welfare recipients can again look forward to increases.

I have great sympathy for the Opposition parties who feel they must criticise a good budget like this. I would ask them not to criticise the budget but welcome it. They should be glad that Fianna Fáil policies have borne fruit and that we are in a position to give those benefits to our people. I think the country would appreciate the Opposition all the more for that.

The last speaker mentioned industrial disputes as being a drag on our economy and seemed to suggest that legislation could cure all ills in the trade union field. We believe otherwise. We believe that the only thing that will get us on the right road and keep us there is commonsense and a sense of responsibility among those engaged in industry, realising that having a properly run economy is to the benefit of the whole nation. We are glad that this responsibility is being shown at present. This is far better than all the legislation that could be passed.

Unfortunately, due to other work I was not able to stay in on this debate as long as I should like to have done, but from reading the reports of the debate one may gather that, while there is a certain amount of criticism of the budget, it is not so severe as it was on former budgets. I suppose this arose from the fact that this is a progressive budget.

As the Minister pointed out, he has taken steps to improve the range of social payments which I think in general was welcomed by the House. He has taken other measures in the budget to which I shall refer briefly later on, but one could say at the outset that this is a budget which makes for, first, growth which is to be welcomed; secondly, job opportunity which is also to be welcomed; and thirdly, price stability. I hope we shall get it and this depends on a large number of people. It is no use for the Minister to take measures here to moderate inflationary trends if it is not brought home to the people at large that inflationary trends can destroy the basis of this economy. This is amply evident to us, in the sense that if we look at any newspaper or record, we shall soon see that the money which was devoted here to national development did not achieve the results we had hoped it would achieve at the time we were investing. The reason for that is that it was cancelled out mainly and largely by a selfishness, which is inherent I am afraid in our people, which tried to take advantage of a prosperous spell to seek a higher return for their labours than would otherwise be the case.

That is in relation briefly to price stability, which depends for its objective, as I said, not merely on the Government, as the Minister concerned in promoting the budget represents only one member of the Government, and he has exhorted us time and again, each and every one of us, to use all the influence we could bring to bear on this very sore point. It is not merely the trade unions who are guilty of this price inflation. Every member of the community has an obligation here, and unless we exercise discretion in this matter and each of us uses what influence is possible, then this mad race of pay and prices will continue and prices always outpace pay, not merely here but in every country where this race starts. Unfortunately, with all the prophets we have, and we have a number of them between the sore thumbs we have outside who complain and the professionals at home and abroad, inside and outside Government, no one has come up with a cut and dried solution for stopping this trend. This is no blame to those who study this whole matter and speak on it as a subject now and then. It has baffled not merely Governments but economists in every country at every time to find a solution which will be deemed to be the ideal one.

The Minister in this budget has gone as far as any other Minister who ever came into this House with a budget to impress on this House and on the country the necessity for moderating demands in regard to incomes, pay, wages, salaries and so on. In his budget speech, he has dealt with the aim of providing a better social system which would be expected to emerge from a more prosperous economy and there are those who will talk in terms of social uplift, higher social benefits and so, on, but the main point is that we cannot have this better range of social services unless we work for it, and if we persist in pushing pay demands beyond the point of production at every level, then we are on the road to nowhere. I hope this will not turn out to be the case.

In this context, let me compliment the Minister off-hand here on succeeding in 1969 in implementing the pay agreement, because the Minister came in in a valley period. I might, perhaps, refer for a moment to the Review of 1971 and the Outlook for 1972 which incorporates the Third Prograame for Economic Development. The review is issued under the control and guidance of the Department of Finance and takes an objective view of the economy as such. In the introductory part of this review, at paragraph 2, it is said:

The pace of economic growth slackened between 1968 and 1971. In 1968 national production rose at a record rate of 8 per cent. This was followed by a lower but more sustainable growth rate of 4 per cent in 1969. In 1970, this rate declined to 2½ per cent. The slowing down in the growth of national output in that year was partly attributable to strikes in the cement and banking sectors which had a net retarding effect. Economic activity recovered somewhat in the course of 1971 and it is estimated that over the year as a whole national production expanded by 3 per cent.

There you have in a very brief paragraph part of the story. This is the story which I am trying to relate to the budget before the House. This is the state of affairs which faced the Minister during his period and the state of affairs which we shall have to continue to live with unless we can get a cooling down in labour relations.

Here let me pay tribute to the Congress of Trade Unions. Earlier, I mentioned the pay agreement. Congress is to be congratulated on making a fresh start on this whole matter of labour relations. The action of congress from the time the agreement was made is worthy of some praise. If this agreement is preserved so that the economy can avoid the convulsions of the past, it will be a milestone in our industrial progress.

Having said that, let me also say that it is to be hoped that this attitude will be sustained for the future, not merely on the part of congress but on the part of whatever Government are in power because unless we can balance the pay claims of the various members of the community and relate them to reality, then we shall price ourselves out of every market, including the home market. At this point in time, as a Dáil—to use a current expression—we should never let it be said that we will reach that point. This House has been in existence for 50 years and one would fervently hope that these basic agreements will be preserved and will continue into the future. It is in this that hope lies. It does not matter whether we go into Europe or not, if those agreements are not preserved we will have business neither at home nor in Europe.

In his statement the Minister made plain enough the reasons for the partial failure to sustain growth between 1968 and 1971. Anyone reading the financial statement will infer from it the first elements which may be expected to retard growth in the future if industrial strife continues. We witnessed a share of industrial strife in England. Sometimes we reject British attitudes and sometimes we accept the good parts of the British system of government. Whatever system of government Britain may have, if Britain is not able to regularise the relations between labour and Government, Britain will have no business going into the Common Market either. I assume that this is why the Minister, in his short but very coherent and closely knitted statement, dealt with this point about the rate of growth being important. This is why he has gone for growth, even, as he said, at a calculated risk. He is right to take a calculated risk at this time. It would be a pity if his efforts were cancelled out in the industrial or other sectors of the economy.

As I have said already, we all welcome the provision of money for social aims. When one looks at the total picture of the budget, the total expenditure on the current side, one realises the amount of money involved in making even a modest contribution to the social welfare side. We are very good at calling for social welfare improvements. We often forget to look around us to see where they will come from.

The point I am trying to make— perhaps I am labouring it—is that those social improvements must come from the earnings of those of us who work, no matter at what we work. If we want better conditions for social welfare recipients, we must develop a better sense of purpose when it comes to work. This does not mean that a person has to work harder. It means better organisation of work, better time on work better marketing systems, and so on.

As the Minister devoted a paragraph to the EEC, it is appropriate to mention that we must do something about these matter if we are successful in the referendum on 10th May. We have never been very good at co-operating with one another, either in the production and sale of agricultural goods or in the production and sale of industrial goods. If we want to make the most of a larger market we must provide better marketing systems. Emigration has practically ceased but we have not been able to create the job opportunities we should like to create. This is due to a number of elements within our own control. I am not talking about the control of the Government; I am talking about the control of the economy as a whole.

A considerable number of people leave the agricultural sector each year and this affects the total jobs created. If we want to extend our economy, if we want greater job opportunities, if we want better price stability and a more generous range of social benefits, we must work for these objectives.

During the year agriculture fared quite well. Prices were maintained and we escaped the minor booms and slumps which we experienced in the past. Another matter we must give attention to is the question of a constant supply of goods. If we enter Europe with its enlarged market it will not be of benefit to us or our customers if we can supply goods today but cannot guarantee supplies for tomorrow. We must have an all-year round supply. This should be considered not only by this House but by the voluntary organisations and by labour in order to ensure that our country can guarantee continuity of supply.

In the last three years we have gone through a disturbed period not only in our relationships at home but also in the North of Ireland. Having regard to these facts, the modest growth rate of 3 per cent is not too bad. We are on the upward trend and let us try to keep it that way. There are many matters which could be mentioned in the context of the budget but it might be more appropriate to deal with matters which are related to various Departments when the opportunity presents itself in this House.

In these times very many people make speeches and frequently I am appalled when I read some of the destructive criticisms that are made. At this time we want builders, not wreckers. We should try to get away from the practice of denigrating every scheme and project that is introduced here. In connection with our application for EEC entry, I was pleased to see that our officials were complimented in Brussels on the manner in which they presented our case. This fact should be mentioned here because we are so accustomed to listening to the "knockers" inside and outside this House. Despite the fact that three other countries were negotiating in Brussels, our officials were praised for their work. They had the White Paper prepared for the Government to publish, the Minister's speech was translated into four languages and was distributed and it was agreed that they did a good job of work. This fact should be recorded in this House.

If we can implement some of the Minister's suggestions and advice in the financial statement and if we can make a sustained effort we will succeed. Those people who seek improved social welfare benefits must realise that we have to work for them. Our objectives should be to create greater job opportunities and a balanced system of pay increases which will not wreck the economy. Even if we never intended to join Europe it is important but seeing that we do intend to enter the EEC if we carry the referendum, it is doubly important that we should stick to this aim which covers those heads and see how we do in the years ahead.

I shall say very little on this but I agree with Deputy Carter that we should be constructive. I welcome the budget because of what it offers the underprivileged section of the community who are in great need at present. For that alone I have no hesitation in welcoming it.

But I must also look at the political implications of the budget and I should fail in my duty if I did not say that I think it is a political gimmick. That is how I see it. We have a Government that can talk in terms of the country being in dire straits, things being bad and how they will have to be tough. The record of Fianna Fáil is such that they will convert a serious financial situation into one that is advantageous, depending on the political climate. This has always been their policy. Long before I heard of politics or this House, they have been engaged in that. They are running true to form. Perhaps it is this instinct for survival which exists in Fianna Fáil that governs every move. This was certainly a political budget geared to get a "yes" in the referendum and also geared to an election in the very near future, I might even say, on June 14th. Certainly, they see the time is ripe; they must get a "yes" in the referendum and they will juggle with figures and produce those that are required and also produce a nice comfortable budget for the people, having conditioned them beforehand —this is the important thing—to expect the worst. This has been tremendous psychology on the part of Fianna Fáil all through the years. We all know the way it has worked; they say that things will be bad, that prices will go up and then they produce a nice budget to suit the circumstances. Perhaps that is good politics but not in my thinking. It is not honest politics even if it is a good tactic from their point of view.

Because of that I am always suspicious of them: I cannot help it. I remember the former Minister for Finance going on television early in 1969 and making a broadcast to the effect that things were bad, that the country was facing an economic crisis. Then, when they realised an election was in sight this concept was obliterated; the whole idea vanished like an early morning mist and they asked: "What economic crisis?" Even the tape of that broadcast disappeared in RTE and nobody knew anything about it. It was even suggested, when we asked: "What about Deputy Haughey's statement about an economic crisis?", that it was a figment of our imagination and they replied: "what economic crisis?" To have the audacity to say that, having announced this on television seemed dishonest to me. Everything was then nicely arranged and it was followed by an election.

Unfortunately, the public are deluded time and again by this trickery. I wonder will the new generation realise this and perhaps say: "We will not be fooled any more". Recently, when I was in Washington, I was discussing President Nixon's trip to China with a coloured taxi driver who said: "We are not fooled by that here since education came to us. Years ago he could fool us, but not any more". The same may hold good here.

Did the Deputy ask if he was a Democrat or a Republican?

I think the message was that people are not deluded any more into thinking that this is all in their interests. I am not opposed to a deficit budget. The Government have applied the brake too much but what is really wrong with the country is that the brake has been on then off, then on and off again and we do not know where we are going. The country has been like a car careering downhill as a result of this stop-go policy which we have had for too long, with no real programme. We have had vague, philosophical dissertations such as the Third Programme for Economic Expansion which they have now admitted is an abject failure but there has been no realistic approach to the problem. We have had this stop-go policy producing stagnation. They apply the brake, put on levies and hire purchase and other restrictions are applied with heavy taxation, which can be crippling. We are the highest-taxed people in Europe at present. This has produced a stagnant economy. When they realise things have become so bad that there can be no growth they say: "We have messed it up again; we had better do something to get the economy moving". They had to have a deficit budget to try to create consumer spending which they had to have a deficit budget to try to create consumer spending which they tried to avoid a year ago. They are realising the old economic approach and theory are wrong, that you cannot have a stop-go policy that will benefit the economy but that you must have a proper programme and policy by which you abide and which must be realistic.

Everything has been governed by expediency and every process was geared to that approach. That was bad for the country and has now got us into the present situation which is not a happy one economically. We are in dire straits and the Government had no alternative but to go for a deficit but, as the Taoiseach admitted and the Minister said, it is a gamble; it is a risk that has been taken but there was no alternative. I admit that because of the way the economy had been operated.

Last year we had a new Minister for Finance, Deputy Colley, who produced a disastrous budget which really slowed down economic growth. It was unfortunate that the Government threw into that job a man who did not know anything about it and who made one blunder after the other. He had to take the present approach as a calculated risk this time but it was obvious to all that he had to do it. The economic advisers in the national newspapers advised him in what was needed for the country. I think I remember reading in the Sunday Independent an article telling the Minister that he would have to produce this type of budget and I think he had no alternative. Now that he decided on a deficit budget I think he should have gone a step further. He should have said we have a political problem on hands in regard to Northern Ireland. The Taoiseach has wasted a lot of time since the Health initiative was announced. He has wasted valuable time and I think he will go down in history as the man who may have wrecked any chance we may have had of the reunification of our country because of his dilly-dallying and his waste of time discussing terms of reference of an all-Party committee on the North.

We are getting away from the budget.

I think it is relevant to the budget because it is very relevant to our future. You cannot consider the budget for our country without taking into account the disastrous consequences of the political situation existing here today.

We can only discuss economic matters on the budget.

I do not think any man has the right to sit back and dillydally about the situation when we should be planning for the entire Thirty-Two County State that will give us a degree of economic independence which we badly need. We should be planning proper social welfare changes, the introduction of a proper social code that will put us on a par with Northern Ireland so that those in the North who may be hesitant about joining us may say: "We will not lose as far as social services are concerned". It is significant that £28 million was available from the Associated Banks last year and they have announced that it was not called on. It was available for loan and it was not used in the last year. This is disgraceful when you think that it could have been used very effectively to put our social services on a par with those in Northern Ireland and to make the first significant step on the path to reunification. We can all applaud the Minister for producing a great budget but he did not go far enough. He did not take the imaginative and visionary step that was necessary. Instead he plays around with a few pence which actually create a wider margin between those in the North and our people. The margin between the social services in the North and those in the Twenty-Six Counties is now wider than it ever was before. I would be failing in my duty if I did not criticise the Minister for the opportunity that was lost. While Stormont is prorogued we should have been doing this. Instead the Taoiseach is arguing about the terms of reference of the all-party committee on Northern Ireland.

The Minister gives 13p in the £ to the old age pensioner. The cost of living went up by 9p in the £ and if the pensioner is a tenant of Dublin Corporation his rent goes up by 4p in the £. If it is reckoned in terms of pennies, and it is in terms of pennies where the under-privileged are concerned, they have not benefited but they live in hope until this comes into effect in October. There is no increase for them. This is a state of false euphoria which is being created and no account has been taken of the rise in the cost of living which will occur between now and October when the benefits become due.

There are no imaginative measures in relation to married women who must work and who are essential to the economy. There is nothing done for them. There is no incentive for them to work. We are talking about equality for women. We should be talking about giving them the same allowances, the same benefits as we are giving to men. This we have not done. I feel justified in criticising the Minister for not taking the bold step that was necessary at this vital point in our history when we are talking about equality for women. I would have thought the Minister might have done something about working widows whose contributory pensions were provided by their husbands stamps or their own stamps and who have had them raided as unearned income or income which is taxed, which is very wrong. The Minister might have said this is unjust. It is unjust.

We should have introduced a capital gains tax. I do not think it right in a country such as ours where land speculation is rife, where people can buy and sell and make vast profits, that they should not pay a penny tax. I do not mind people making profits but I do not think a person has the right to make £30,000 or £40,000 a year and not pay a penny tax. That is what is happening. I am not exaggerating. This is not something I have dreamed up. It is actually taking place. People can buy and sell property and land and make vast profits without paying a penny tax. We could nearly go in and start teaching the ordinary working people how to do it and we could all start that. It is a terrible injustice that those who have money can get away with this. The Minister says it is difficult to collect a capital gains tax. It is no more difficult to collect than PAYE, wholesale tax, turnover tax or any of the others. We should have had a capital gains tax so that it would be seen that there is a proper distribution of taxation in our country. I read in the library that Mr. Seán Lemass, when he was in opposition, was calling for a capital gains tax. Six months later he was in Government. I have had repeated questions tabled about this. This tax was introduced in Britain in 1966. This is 1972 and we have done nothing about it. It should have been done.

Deputy Carter did not use the word apathy but he said people must work harder. There must be an incentive. You will not get rid of national apathy unless you introduce something like this.

Quote me in full.

I am not quoting the Deputy but he said we must work harder.

I qualified it. The Deputy is taking that out of context.

I will not refer to the Deputy at all then. So many people are talking about working harder but I think the leadership is missing. The example must be given which would encourage people to work harder and not feel they are carrying the yoke all the time, that it is borne equally across the line. It is an unjust society when there are 20 per cent of our people in a state of poverty while 5 per cent own 71 per cent of the wealth. This is unjust and an improvement in the social services will not make one whit of difference in the number of people who are living in poverty at present. We have done nothing to eliminate poverty. We are only widening the gap again. The tax allowance will not make one bit of difference to a man with a family. Where we needed a means test, in relation to childrens allowances, it was not applied. I do not consider that I am being destructive in making these criticisms. I am merely calling for measures that should have been applied in this budget. I know it is not possible to help everyone but there should have been a more equitable distribution of wealth on this occasion so that those people who are living in poverty might have been helped and given a sense of belonging to our society instead of being left as outcasts.

Nothing has been done to eliminate poverty from our society. A way of doing this would have been by the introduction of an income supplement scheme whereby when a man's income is below a recognised level, he is supplemented to an extent that brings his income above the poverty level. Such a measure could have been included in the budget at no great cost, especially when one remembers that there was £28 million in the Central Bank which was not used despite the fact that we had 80,000 people unemployed. A few weeks ago a sum of £9 million was borrowed by the Minister on the German market although there was £28 million here from which no one was borrowing. There is something radically wrong with a Government that were not aware of the existence of this amount of money and we are entitled to know why they were not so aware.

We should not borrow any more money from abroad while there is such money here. This £28 million could have been utilised for improving the social service and in providing employment. By the provision of employment we would have saved on the payment of unemployment benefit and assistance. Also, as a result of more employment, there would have been more money in circulation which would have resulted in increasing the rate of return of tax to the Exchequer.

We have listened to a Minister say here that nothing is to be done in regard to the mines. The Navan mine is considered to be the largest in the world. A vast amount of the wealth of this country is going abroad and there is no tax being paid on it. No Government have the right to allow that to happen. This Government will stand indicted before the nation for what they are allowing to happen in respect of the mines. Action should have been taken very quickly in this regard and a decision reached as to the utilisation of the mines in a way that would best benefit our people. All we are told is that the EEC is the only answer to our problems. That is not so because a remedy to our problems would be the proper utilisation of the natural wealth of the country, the proceeds of which could be used in the provision of employment, in the improvement of social welfare benefits and in the elimination of poverty. The fact is that Fianna Fáil have the primitive instinct for survival. That is all that is keeping them in existence. They are able to pull off the necessary trick of juggling figures so as to produce a budget that deludes the people into thinking that everything is all right. The people are saying that they cannot understand why no extra taxation has been imposed. Down through the years they have been conditioned to expect the imposition of extra taxation. They are amazed that there was no such imposition this year. I am not playing politics but pointing out the failings of the Government. They have not had time to consider the important matters because of their preoccupation with inter-party strife.

Neither have they given consideration to the situation which, as they admit, is responsible for the decrease in tourism and in investment from abroad. I refer to the tragedy of Northern Ireland about which the Government are doing nothing. They have taken no initiative whatsoever in the matter but are prepared to sit back and play politics. They should be trying to do something towards solving the problem. It is a pity that the public are not more aware of these facts.

The Government remind me of the woman who is very much in debt but who spends £1 on a sweep ticket in the hope of winning some money. That is the sort of thing the Government are doing in respect of the EEC.

After the introduction of decimalisation prices increased without people realising that this was happening. There was a psychological trick played on the people. The Government got away with that. At the time I asked that a price freeze be imposed for a mandatory period of three months so as to give the people some confidence that prices would not increase. The Government took no such action. They talked of national apathy. There is national apathy because the people no longer have any confidence in the Government. Confidence in the country is much needed now but what is wrong is that there is a lack of leadership in the Government. This is the great tragedy of the matter. When I asked about the possibility of introducing a prices freeze the Taoiseach scoffed at the idea but last week an OECD report called for a prices freeze. Nothing has been done about that yet.

This budget is a political one. It is a political stunt introduced as an expedient to get us into the EEC without any realisation of what the EEC means. Vague figures are quoted. We are told by a Parliamentary Secretary that 50,000 new jobs will result from membership of the EEC but the same Parliamentary Secretary was unable to say how many jobs would be created as a result of the injection into the economy of £20 million. If he cannot give the number of jobs that this will create, how can he project what will be the position in EEC conditions? As I have said, this budget was framed to ensure that the people will vote "yes" in the referendum. I forecast that following that there will be a general election, probably in June, and then there will have to be an autumn budget and a continuance of the stop-go policy of the Government. It is a pity that this opportunity was not availed of to provide a proper social services code. That would have been a bold and imaginative effort on the part of the Minister and would have given the people in the North some reason for saying that we in the South are sincere in our efforts to bring about the reunification of the country. It would have been a major step forward in this regard.

Why did the Deputy not vote against the budget?

I am not opposed to the granting of increases to old age pensioners but I have a right to offer constructive criticism of the budget as a whole.

Mr. O'Donnell

In contributing to the debate at this stage it would be difficult for one to find something to say that has not been said already. However, I suppose there are some aspects of the budget on which one could not comment too often. On reading the Minister's review of the economy for 1971 and the prospects for 1972, what struck me forcibly was that in a budget speech of 44 pages, in which the Minister dealt with the industrial sector, the agricultural sector, the public service sector and others, he did not, except for a few sentences, deal with one of the most important sectors of our economy, that is, the tourist industry.

The Minister said:

Receipts from tourism are expected to decline during 1972. The extent of the decline will be influenced by the future trend of events in the North but even a substantial improvement in the situation there might not permit all lost bookings to be recovered.

I regard that statement from a Minister for Finance who should be concerned with the economic problems of the country as being highly irresponsible. He has failed to identify the real problems confronting this industry and merely makes a passing reference to the problems of the North of Ireland and their impact on the tourist industry. The Minister takes no corrective action to help this industry which employs both directly and indirectly 160,000 people, and which plays a vital role in the balance of payments.

There is nothing in this budget which will help hoteliers, guesthouse owners, the travel trade, and the transport companies, who are bearing the brunt of the serious decline in tourist bookings, to overcome the difficulties with which they are faced. Many of the hoteliers and guesthouse owners have entered into very heavy financial commitments in the last couple of years and have been left waiting for grants from Bord Fáilte, and many of them are committed to the repayment of substantial loans which they incurred in the provision of accommodation with the full encouragement of the Government and the tourist board. This budget speech clearly indicates that neither the Government nor the Minister for Finance fully appreciate problems which confronted this industry in the past two seasons and which are more serious this year for various reasons. Is the Minister, for instance, aware of the situation in Bundoran in whose economy the tourist industry is a very important factor, where the tourist trade was largely composed of tourists from Northern Ireland and Britain, particularly Scotland? Has the Minister taken any trouble to investigate the extent of tourist bookings this year in any of the holiday resorts in the country?

I am not concerned only about larger hoteliers. I am concerned about the ordinary person who is dependent for his livelihood on an income from this industry. It is a deplorable state of affairs that the Minister has taken no steps in this budget to grant some measure of relief to those people who are in serious difficulties now. I am still more surprised in relation to the various capital budget provisions. On page 14 it says:

The size and composition of the 1972-73 programme are designed to give a marked impetus to the economy. Major constituents are housing and ancillary services £50 million; educational buildings £15 million; electricity development £33 million; industrial grants £29 million; industrial credit £14 million; agricultural credit £17 million and agricultural credit £18 million and telephone development £14 million.

I agree entirely with these allocations, particularly in relation to educational building, housing and industrial grants, but there is no provision here for the special needs of the tourist industry. There was scope this year for an imaginative budget which would have recognised the problems of the tourist industry. There were obvious lines of action which could have been taken by the Minister for Finance. For example, he could have provided duty free facilities across the Irish sea; there could have been tax concessions given to hoteliers and guesthouse owners; there could have been special concessions for tourists in relation to two commodities which are of vital importance to them, namely, drink and petrol. Other continental countries give special price concessions in respect of drink and petrol for tourists. This year we are faced with a reduction of £22 million on last year's earnings. If the Minister had taken the steps I have mentioned, the industry might have been able to recover a certain amount of the business that has been lost.

I am very pessimistic about the future of Irish tourism, confronted as I am with the clear evidence in the speech of the Minister for Finance that the Government have no policy in regard to tourism, that the Minister for Finance is either unaware of the problem or could not care less. Most of the Minister's speech is presented against the background of our possible and probable entry into the European Economic Community next year and the Minister in relation to agriculture, to manufacturing industries, to regional development has emphasised the need for gearing up our economy for the competitive era that lies ahead and talks about enabling the Irish farmer to be in a position to compete with his counterparts in Western Europe, to streamline his production and so forth. It is a pity that the Fianna Fáil Government did not think about this ten years ago. It is a pity that the Fianna Fáil Government did not think about this when we had the First, Second and Third Programmes for Economic Expansion, and may God forbid that we will ever have a fourth. While the Government may have many problems which distract their attention, I do not think they would be so foolish as to expect the people of this country to swallow anything that would be termed a Fourth Programme for Economic Expansion.

The steps which the Minister now proposes to be taken, the steps he is taking and the financial provision he is making to enable agriculture to get ready for entry to the Common Market should have been taken ten years ago. That was the time to gear up our agricultural industry to ensure that it would get the maximum advantages from the new opportunities presented by membership of the EEC. Instead of that, we have had for the past ten years a continuous series of stop-gap measures, of changes in policy, one line of production being encouraged today and another line of production being encouraged tomorrow. The result was that when the Irish farmer should have been preparing for entry to the EEC years ago and when the Government should have been encouraging him to do so by having a long-term realistic plan for agriculture, we have had a series of stop-gap measures.

The outstanding example was the period when the Government spent four or five years encouraging farmers to increase milk production and when every incentive was given to them to increase milk production. Out of the blue, the then Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries, Deputy Blaney, almost overnight put a brake, a halt, on the production of milk. We had the accursed multi-tier system of payment for milk which the present Minister has recently announced has been disbanded or terminated. That multi-tier system of price payments did more damage to the dairying industry and more to undermine the morale of the dairy farmers and the people involved in dairy processing than any single measure introduced since the foundation of this State. The same applies to other branches of agriculture to which the Minister referred—the bacon industry in which pig production has been up and down. The same applies to other lines of production as well and it is a terrible pity, if not a national tragedy, that we have not had over the past decade a realistic, long-term, comprehensive and enlightened Government policy for agriculture.

I look forward to membership of the European Economic Community. I have the greatest confidence in the ability of our farmers and of the people engaged in the food-processing industries of this country to produce products of top quality which will compare favourably, and more than favourably, with the products of the land of any country in Western Europe and it saddens me to think of and to realise the obstacles with which the Irish farmer, the dairy industry, the bacon industry and the food-processing industries have had to contend over the past decade, with fluctuations in Government policy, stop-gap measures and never knowing from day to day what was going to happen. If the agricultural industry had had the advantage of a proper Government policy over the past decade, we would be in a position today, entering the European Economic Community, in which our agricultural industry would be not merely able to compete efficiently or effectively with the agricultural industries of Denmark and elsewhere but would be far in advance of those countries. I sincerely hope that the belated steps now being taken will enable, or at least help, our agricultural industry to overcome some of its difficulties, and I particularly hope that the abolition of the multi-tier system of payment for milk will restore the confidence of the Irish dairy farmer in his industry and will encourage him to plan ahead.

The one hope I see from membership of the Community from the point of view of the agricultural industry, the one thing that appeals to me very much, is the fact that at long last the Irish farmer and Irish food processers can look forward to a stabilised market with guaranteed prices or probably an expanding market at guaranteed prices. If the Government give the farmer the necessary incentives and realistic assistance, I have no doubt at all that our farmers will be able to reap the maximum advantage from access to this great new market on the Continent of Europe.

The Minister also talks about regional development in his speech, the need for a regional development policy if we are going into Europe and how vitally important this is to the overall economic development of our country and particularly in relation to the future of the under-developed areas of Ireland, particularly on the west coast, and this also refers to the Gaeltacht. I have very fixed and strong views on this because of my former apprenticeship with the organisation founded by that great apostle of rural Ireland, the late Canon Hayes, and I have talked about regional development, community development, many times in this House. The Minister has left it until the eleventh hour or the last minute to do something practical to gear up the agricultural industry for entry into Europe and the same can be said of the Minister's proposals for expediting the formulation of a proper policy for regional development.

He has not really given any guidelines here; he has given very little indication of the line of action the Government propose to take. He has not said whether or not certain obvious types of assistance will be given to the western areas, such as subsidisation of transport, with a view to encouraging industrial development and tourism. Transport is a vital factor in regional development. From what I can gather, the Minister has not gone into the matter. I realise that final arrangements have not been worked out and that a final formula has not, as yet, been agreed on in regard to the EEC regional development policy.

Over the last ten or 15 years various organisations, economists, sociologists, professional persons, acamedic and otherwise, have been pleading for the introduction of a proper regional policy. We have heard all about community development down the years. When the then Taoiseach, Deputy Lemass, was in office, a major international seminar was held in Gormanston College on the subject of community development, which is at the basis of regional development.

Great plans were outlined in the House as to how the findings of the seminar would be implemented. A short time later, when the famous encyclical, Mater et Magistra, was issued, we were told that there would be a new deal for the undeveloped areas, a new deal for the west, a new dynamic regional policy to encourage the development of industry, and so forth. Nothing happened. Now we are going into the EEC. If something practical had been done in regard to regional development we would be more advanced at this stage than any other country in western Europe. We should be going into the EEC in a position to set guidelines and to give a lead to the other European countries and advice to the EEC Commission that will be responsible for regional development.

When historians come to look at the progress, or lack of progress, in this country from the time we obtained freedom in this part, the 1960s will be regarded as the decade of wasted opportunities. I sincerely hope that the 1970s will yield better results. Entry to Europe will offer increased opportunities. Whatever the Minister may say about the opportunities involved in having access to this market of 200 million people, our success in grasping these opportunities, in overcoming the obstacles presented, will largely depend on ourselves. The Minister said that this is probably the last budget that will be presented to the House without consultation with Brussels. I believe that the future of our economy and of our people will be determined largely by the type of Government we will have. The 1960s was a wasted decade in many ways. The new opportunities presented in the 1970s will be unprecedented. They represent a new economic horizon. I repeat that it is my firm conviction that while membership of the EEC will represent new opportunities and that our progress will be influenced by the various organisations within the EEC, our future will be determined by the type of Government that we have here. Therefore, I sincerely hope that we will not have in the remainder of the 1970s the type of Government that we had in the 1960s and that we have at the present time.

With regard to manufacturing industry, the Minister referred to what he called budget strategy, particularly in relation to employment and redundancy. He said:

Every effort is being made to combat redundancy ... the strategy of today's budget is guided by the Government's continuing determination to do everything possible to prevent redundancy and increase employment.

In the past 12 months there was a considerable increase in redundancies in manufacturing industry. Unemployment had been running at a very high rate, higher than at any time in recent years. I do not believe in using unemployment or redundancy for political purposes but we are worried about it, concerned about it and it has occurred in most constituencies. It has occurred in my constituency, particularly in the Shannon Industrial Estate. I hope the steps now being taken by the Minister will be successful. I hope that it will be possible to generate in the coming 12 months additional employment adequate to absorb those who have become redundant and to provide jobs for those who are unemployed.

A significant development has taken place, with which in fairness I must say I thoroughly agree, that is, the recent legislation for the setting up of Fóir Teoranta, a company set up within the framework of the Industrial Development Authority, having responsibility to come to the aid of industries that are running into difficulty. This is an excellent development. I am pleased to see something that I mentioned in the House some years ago on the occasion of a debate on the Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce. I was glad of it because there had been a number of cases where industries ran into difficulties and subsequently had to let their employees go where, if timely action had been taken, if the problems had been identified in time and corrective action had been taken, some—not all—of these industries would have been saved. I have in mind industries in my constituency which could have been saved if the proper corrective action had been taken at the right time. I do not mean fire brigade action. That is not enough. Frequently the unions were not informed about a firm's difficulties until the doors were about to be closed. Although efforts were made to bring in the public representatives and to get the Minister to take fire brigade action, in many cases these efforts were not successful. I think it was worthwhile establishing Fóir Teoranta and I hope they will fulfil the hopes we have placed in them.

The Minister and Government speakers have made many references to those whom we might class as the less well-off section of our people, the social welfare recipients and pensioners of various categories. All of us welcome the benefits that have been given to those people. For many years I have been interested in the problems of pensioners and on three or four occasions I have been connected with Private Members' Motions in relation to various categories of pensioners. However, I do not think the increases given in the budget herald a new era in social welfare thinking on the part of the Government. I regard the increases as the minimum the Minister for Finance could have given. The State pensioners have been pleading for parity for years and the matter has been discussed many times in this House.

One category of people have received some additional concessions and I am sure nobody would begrudge them these benefits—I refer to the veterans of the War of Independence. It annoys me when I hear the word "republicanism" being bandied about this House and when I see the treatment that has been given to some of the veterans who rendered Trojan service to the country. We have treated the veterans and their families in a shameful manner. As a result of the hardship which they endured during their service to the country many have suffered from declining health throughout their life. Many of them have died at a comparatively early age and have left their widows and families in poor circumstances. I recall the many pleas made here by a former distinguished colleague, General Seán MacEoin, on behalf of those people.

There are very few veterans left and each year their ranks are diminishing. It has frequently been pointed out that no financial obstacle should stand in the way of giving some help to those veterans. Some generous treatment for these people would not bankrupt the State and the people would not object to some concessions for them. In his financial statement the Minister stated that it was decided to give additional assistance to the veterans of the War of Independence and to their widows and to increase funeral grants. It was also decided that widows would benefit from the free travel scheme.

By this statement the Minister acknowledges the truth of my statement. We have now got to the stage of providing increased funeral grants for these veterans but it is rather a pity that we had to let it go to this stage. It is not any great reflection on the Government or on this Parliament that we have got to the stage where we are increasing funeral grants from £25 to £50 for the holders of special allowances.

The Minister has decided to extend the free travel scheme to the widows of veterans and this is to be welcomed. I am sure it will be of considerable assistance to the people concerned. I had not analysed the concessions that had been given under the heading of "Veterans of the War of Independence" but I realise that they are quite meagre. The Minister could have been much more generous. Perhaps because of my family background I have had occasion to help many of these people in my constituency. The examinations and the means tests applied to applicants for special allowances are disgraceful and are much too strict. I regret that the Minister did not abolish the income limits in relation to applicants for special allowances because it would not have cost very much. I have always regarded the system under which the special allowances operated as ludicrous.

I was pleased to see the Minister giving some relief to parents of children permanently incapacitated by mental or physical infirmity. In recognition of this the Minister proposes to increase the allowance by £50. It is only in recent times that we have realised the magnitude of the problem of mental or physical infirmity which besets a considerable number of children. Not only have public representatives and local authorities begun to recognise the magnitude of the problem and have taken steps to help in the matter but local communities are helping in this matter. It is only right and proper that this voluntary effort should be subvented to the maximum degree possible by the Government.

It is obvious that this budget has silenced the Opposition judging by the brevity of their speeches and the frequency with which they change Members in the House. On other occasions we have had quite long debates in regard to certain aspects of the budget but on this occasion it is obvious that the budget has really sunk home. Some Members of the Opposition do not seem to realise the number and extent of benefits made available in the budget. However, in my speech, limited though it may be, I shall endeavour to bring home to Deputies who are unaware of the magnitude of the increases some of the facts of the budget.

The budget has been welcomed by all responsible people. The Press and the public have given their views on it. Anybody present at the debate or anybody who read the budget speech will have no two views about the budget and will see that it was a budget which took into consideration the weaker sections of the community and the matter of the expansion of the economy. We were told in the past by the Opposition that these were essential factors of a budget. We have heard most speakers make contributions of five or six or ten minutes duration where they normally spoke for two or three hours in criticism of the budget. Obviously, no criticism can be levelled against this budget. They have dealt with the EEC and other related matters.

I should like to get one point clarified in regard to the statement made by Deputy Cosgrave on Thursday, 20th April, as reported in volume 260 column 707 of the Official Report. In fact, I should like to know if he said this before I deal further with the matter:

Not even the new computers that they have promised could find a sea green incorruptible in Fianna Fáil now.

I want to know if this is right before I deal with the pedigree of Deputy Cosgrave and Members of Fine Gael. I shall give them an opportunity to let me know before I finish my speech. If they do not, I may be able to tell a little more about the incorruptibles Deputy Cosgrave spoke about and about some of the corruptibles he is associated with. I want this clarified:

I do not want to do him an injustice. It may well be that he was erroneously reported and for that reason we shall have this opportunity.

I welcome the fact that the Minister has given fairly comprehensive thought to the weaker sections of the community. This pattern has been developed by the Fianna Fáil Government over the years whereby each year the weaker sections get some allocation of the moneys available to meet their needs. There was a leaflet issued on this occasion and it is quite obvious that Deputies opposite have not read this leaflet. They referred possibly to one or two of the advances made in the present budget. It is well to bring the situation up to date, to make it clear and put it on record for the benefit of those Deputies who have probably missed the budget debate and the papers that carried reports of that debate which was fairly comprehensively covered by the newspapers which gave a fair summary of the benefits.

Apart from the injection into the economy which will allow it to expand, thereby possibly providing more jobs through greater industrial employment opportunities, it is important that every Government should think comprehensively as the Fianna Fáil Government have been doing through the years and as they have done on this ocasion. I should like to see far greater increases in social benefits and I know that if the capacity were there to make them, the increases would be much greater because it is our desire to ensure that the weaker sections of the community get a fair ration of what is available this year and in future years when Fianna Fáil are in government. I am sure as the years go by, with these increases mounting up, the people will see that the suggestions put forward regarding additional benefits will be examined and where promises have been made, these will be honoured.

The advance made on this occasion in regard to the retirement pension at 65 is very important. I shall not deal with all the figures but a person with an adult dependant whose rate at present is £8.40 will from October next get £10.35. This increase is possibly overdue and I am glad that this amount at least was made available. I hope in future the increase will be much greater but it continues the pattern that has been developed and I am positive that when more money is available the increases will be much greater than those made in this very creditable, realistic and forward-thinking budget.

In the case of the contributory old age pensioner, for the person with an adult depedant, from age 70 to 80, the present rate has been increased from £9.35 to £10.35. While this increase is minimal, these people have not been forgotten as they have been on too many occasions in the past and the increase will give some relief. I hope the factors which sometimes offset these increases will also be taken care of such as increases in the price of foodstuffs and so on with which I shall deal later.

I am glad that the Minister with his forward social thinking has thought of the people aged over 80 and I welcome the new provision giving them additional benefit which will bring up the pension for a person with an adult dependant to £10.85. These are people who have made a substantial contribution to the creation or development of this State and are entitled to this benefit and a good deal more. I am glad that people aged 80 or more are at last getting some reward for the services they rendered. They rendered great service over the years and are entitled to any concession we can give or any benefit we can make available to them.

Widows' contributory pensions have been increased from £5 to £5.60, a further step forward. They have not been forgotten. The disability, unemployment and invalidity benefits have all been increased. The personal rate has been increased and for a person with an adult dependant there has been an increase from £8.40 to £9.30. The maternity allowance has been increased from £4.95 to £5.55. It is important that these figures should be repeated because it is obvious that they have been forgotten. They have not been referred to in the debate.

The orphans' contributory allowance has been increased from £3.30 to £3.80. There have been increases for child dependants. In the widows' contributory pension for each child there has been an increase from £1 to £1.50 and in the case of all other insurance schemes for each of the first two children there has been an increase from £.90 to £1.35 and for each subsequent child from £.65 to £1.

In the case of the old age non-contributory pension and blind pension, people up to the age of 80 will go from £4.65 to £5.15 and people over 80 will go from £4.65 to £5.65. I hope the question of non-contributory pensions is one the Minister will give further attention to in the future because there is a greater margin between contributory and non-contributory than there should be. For a variety of reasons and through no fault of their own these people are non-contributory pensioners.

The rates here are low but they have not been forgotten.

The widows' non-contributory pension and the deserted wives' allowance has increased from £4.65 to £5.15. Unemployment assistance, urban, for a person with an adult dependant has gone from £7.05 to £7.75 and, rural, from £6.65 to £7.35. An orphan's non-contributory pension has been increased from £2.50 to £3.00. The deserted wives' allowance for each child has gone from £.90 to £1.35.

The disabled persons' maintenance allowance has increased from £4.40 to £4.90. The infectious diseases maintenance allowance for a person with a dependent spouse has gone from £8.70 to £9.50 and for each child from £.75 to £1.15. These are all creditable increases but when we have the money available they will be much greater. This is an indication of the forward social thinking of the Fianna Fáil Government and the Fianna Fáil Minister for Finance. If we go back over the years, we will see how this pattern evolved and the party that evolved this pattern by assisting this weaker section. The weaker section of the community is forever in their thoughts.

The free travel scheme is being extended to all persons aged 70 or over. This is welcomed by everybody. The free electricity allowance is being trebled for the period October to March and doubled for the balance of the year. This, again, is an indication of forward social thinking and a realisation of the problems of the aged and something to which nobody can object except to say that it is not enough. I would not consider it enough but it is a fair share of what is available. The death grant payable in respect of insured adults is being increased from £25 to £35 and the allowance payable to incapacitated pensioners for prescribed female relatives who are caring for them will be extended to cover corresponding male relatives. This is very desirable, long overdue and a realisation of the problems of the people.

Deserted wives without dependent children will qualify for the allowance at 40 instead of 50 as at present. This shows that all the defects are now being remedied and when we enter the Common Market with more money available, I am sure the increases will be of a greater magnitude. This may be one of the reasons why some people do not want us to enter the EEC. They probably feel that while people exist in misery or at a very low level they will have their opportunity to exploit them as they have in the past. We know that many people thrive on the fact that people are depressed from time to time, that people have social problems, problems sometimes created by the people who themselves hope to gain from their development. The Exchequer provision for social welfare and related services will be increased by £8.3 million in the current year and by £11.6 million in a full year.

We come now to public service pensioners, a group of people who have given substantial service to the nation. This parity is being granted not before time. It is a fulfilment of a promise by a Fianna Fáil Government to retired civil servants, gardaí, teachers, members of the Defence Forces, local authority staffs and the widows of these groups. These people have been subject to unfair criticism. Their services have often gone unnoticed because many of them worked in the backrooms but their services have contributed to the development of this State. This is long overdue and I hope these people will enjoy these concessions for many years. The cost of this will be £1.9 million this year and £4.2 million in a full year.

The widows of veterans of the War of Independence are to benefit from the free travel scheme from 1st October, 1972. The fact that these widows did not benefit before was an irritant to us all and now that it has been removed everybody will be pleased. The funeral grant of £25 payable in respect of holders of special allowances is to be doubled and extended to military service pensioners. These concessions will cost £130,000 this year and £200,000 in a full year.

I shall not deal with agriculture because there are many speakers more competent than I to do so. However, it is worth nothing that a large amount of money has been made available for improvements which will benefit farmers large and small. I am not competent to say whether it is enough or how the money should be allocated but considerable concessions have been made and people more competent than I will deal with them.

I am glad to see in the income tax section that it is proposed to increase the single and widowed allowance by £50 to £299 and £324 respectively, and to increase the marriage allowance by £70 to £494. The income tax child allowance will be increased by £20 for each child. We are told that these changes will remove some 50,000 taxpayers from the income tax net and reduce the income tax bill of a single person by £17.50 a year while it will reduce the income tax bill of a married man with no children by £24.50 a year and a married man with four children by £1 a week. The cost of these reliefs for the year 1972-73 will be £11 million. Of course, there was no reference to this in the speeches from the Opposition but it is important that if they are not aware of these facts, at least the public would be made aware of them.

There are changes, too, in respect of age relief so that the minimum age relief for persons of 65 and older is being raised by £25 to £175 in the case of single and widowed persons and by £50 to £300 in the case of married persons. We are told that as a result of this change and the increased personal allowances, the new exemption limits for persons of 65 or older are £474 and £499 in the case of single and widowed persons, respectively, and £794 in the case of married couples, costing in all for the year 1972-73 the sum of £120,000.

In respect of incapacitated children it is proposed to increase the child allowance by a further £50, that will be a total of £70 in respect of a child incapacitated permanently by mental or physical infirmity. This increase was overdue and perhaps on the next occasion the Minister may be able further to increase the amount.

In regard to health expenses, the upper limit of £500 on non-reimbursed medical expenses that can be claimed as a deduction for income tax purposes is being abolished. There are improvements in the occupational pension schemes and various other schemes. All of these improvements are an indication of the type of forward social thinking behind the budget. It is an indication of the concern of the Government with the problems of the weaker sections of the community.

We hope that as the position improves it will be possible to improve benefits further. There has been some criticism in relation to industrial development and the state of the economy down through the years. It has been suggested that adequate attention was not paid by the Government to these problems and that, because of that, we now have an unemployment problem. Of course, we all know that the problem of unemployment is due to many factors, most of which are outside our control. We know, too, that where possible, the Government have taken corrective action in order to ensure that firms who have not adapted to present day conditions or who are finding themselves in difficulty will get sufficient assistance to put them back on a sound footing.

Members of the Labour Party have alleged that there was a lack of foresight on the part of the Government down through the years and that the problem of unemployment has resulted from a lack of proper thinking. I have here a paper entitled Economic Freedom which was published by the ICTU. This is a very important document in that it supplies very important information. It tells us that the industrial growth of this country during the period 1958 to 1969 was 97.7 per cent while the figure for the EEC countries was 84.4 per cent. This is an indication that when we enter the EEC our growth rate should increase substantially. It is evident from these figures that we are better off now in this regard than are the EEC countries. This proves that the Government have taken the correct action during those years.

This document tells us also that during that period the GNP of this country increased by 58.5 per cent while in the UK the increase was only 40 per cent and in the US it was 61 per cent. Therefore, we were only a fraction behind that very large country in respect of GNP. Surely this is an indication of foresight and comprehensive thinking by the Government. This document was prepared by congress and indicates that this country is a very effective unit. It tells us that the annual average growth rate in industries during the same period was 6.8 per cent in respect of Ireland which is more than the figure for Belgium, France, Norway, the UK and Denmark. I believe congress. I am sure they have produced these figures after intensive research. The document was produced for the anti-EEC campaign but it indicates in very definite terms that our GNP and our agricultural and industrial development rates have been greater than those of any other country. I shall not bore the House with all that is contained in the document but I would advise members of the Labour Party, especially those who have been critical of the Government, to read it thoroughly.

Either we believe what is contained in this document to be a factual assessment of the situation or we believe what is said by members of the Labour Party. There is a contradiction in terms between the two but I prefer to rely on the information issued by congress because no doubt they have put more research into their findings than have some of those people who have spoken from the Labour benches this evening for six or ten minutes and then left the House.

The comments in this document are even more important than the figures. At any rate, the overall indication is that the Government did their job well during the ten years covered in the review. We are told that the fluctuations in trade are not peculiar to this country but occur throughout the world. The document lists a number of matters that contribute to some of our problems. We cannot hamper the technical change or the development of science. These are factors which to some degree have created some of our problems.

It would be worthwhile for Fianna Fáil to have printed many copies of this document so as to make the people aware of how effectively they have been doing their work. It tells us that the Irish trade union movement, naturally, would insist that price increases arising from membership of the EEC would be compensated by increased wages. However, certain Deputies have stated here that while food prices would increase there would be no increase in wages. It is the duty of congress to ensure that workers are compensated for increases in the cost of living.

The document also reveals a number of other amazing facts, some of which I shall relate. It refers to a construction worker, a 35 year old bricklayer, with a minimum of five years experience earning 65.93 dollars in Dublin. This does not make sense. Normally a bricklayer would start serving his time at 16 or 17 years and would be out of his time at 21. A man of 35 with only five years experience is not a bricklayer. He is a worker who is just brought in and given a card. Congress would be wrong to tolerate this situation and I would ask them to ensure that tradesmen have served their time properly.

Again, there is reference to food prices going up by 20 per cent. This figure is used by Deputy Corish and other members of the Labour Party in connection with the EEC campaign. Do you know what is included in the food prices? A roll of toilet paper. According to this document, congress also want us to eat bully beef out of a can, but most, if not all, of our housewives buy fresh meat. Aspirins are also included. Deputy Corish was in the Hague with me and he knows as much about food price variations as I do. He knows the difference between the price structure in the Hague and that in Brussels and that there is a big difference between the two cities although they are both in the EEC. Even in Dublin you will find a difference between the prices in one supermarket and another. The arguments that have been made in relation to food prices in the EEC are erroneous and misleading. Only the other night I challenged the chairman of the Defence Committee, Mr. Ó Loinsigh, on the list he had, and he said that, of course, they were not for comparison purposes, that they were not meant that way. If they were not meant that way, they were meant to mislead the people.

No matter where you go you will get price variations, whether it is between different supermarkets or between the supermarket and the small grocery shop. However, it is completely dishonest for people to give a set of figures over which they cannot stand. The producers of this document cannot stand over the figures which are given. The price of 1 lb of tea is given as £1.20 in the EEC. This is a deliberate distortion. We know full well that tea is not produced in the EEC countries and, therefore, its price is not affected at all. The fact that 1 lb of tea costs £1 in Germany does not mean it will cost that price here; nor does it mean that we will pay the same price as in the EEC for coffee, salt and the other commodities which are included in this list in order to mislead the housewives into believing that they will pay more for these items.

As I say, these figures have been used by members of the Labour Party, including the Leader, Deputy Corish. I do not know whether it was a deliberate attempt on his part to mislead or whether he accepted the figures given. I have probably done that on occasions and I shall give him the benefit of the doubt. Nevertheless, some of these figures are completely erroneous. A new list is being compiled giving a realistic assessment of the situation. There is no doubt that some prices will increase under EEC conditions.

I forecast a rise of 23 per cent.

Then the Deputy's figure is even 3 per cent better than what is here.

The Taoiseach and other members of the Government have given another percentage. Where did they get their figures?

The food basket prices which have been bandied around this country have shown themselves to be completely erroneous and when I challenged the chairman of the committee, Mr. Ó Loinsigh, in Ballyfermot the other night, he said that the list was not meant for comparison purposes but was just to show that these were prices being charged in the EEC. Of course, people in the EEC would probably say: "If you go to Dublin you will be charged the earth for foodstuffs." They could probably produce a food basket here which would be far higher than their own. I have no doubt that if they went around some of the shops——

What did the audience think after the Deputy had spoken?

Sixty-seven voted "No" and seven voted "Yes".

The Deputy is wrong. Only four voted "Yes".

He must have made a terrible case.

But I want to tell the House this was a Labour Party meeting, a packed meeting with Labour Party "lefties" and Sinn Féin. This was a meeting of a particular group of people who had particular questions to ask, many of them with no sense at all. The challenge was to produce an alternative. The speaker from the Labour Party was a dismal failure. He did not even speak about the EEC but about various other matters. Of course, Mr. Ó Loinsigh was there. I was at a meeting in Ballyfermot the previous night where everybody voted in favour of entry to the EEC. There was not even one dissenter on that night, while there were four dissenters on the following night.

So you won the two on aggregate, on corner kicks?

Yes. Let me go a little further into this.

That document is annoying the Deputy.

It is annoying Deputy Corish.

I shall give the Deputy a few hundred if he will distribute them for me.

This document produced by congress indicates to the workers what they will miss if they enter the EEC. There is reference here to an evening out. I think this is very important. It says that everybody takes an evening out some time and The Financial Times evening out is as follows:

Four people have a meal together at a good restaurant with two aperitifs——

that is a very nice word——

——and two bottles of vintage wine. They go to see a cabaret, travel five miles by taxi, have a bottle of champagne while looking at the cabaret.

I wonder how many workers in Dublin would be able to have a bottle of champagne while looking at a cabaret, or two bottles of vintage wine and take a taxi five miles? Whom do they think they are codding? This is the congress that talks about the roll of toilet paper and are trying to convince people to vote "No". It certainly beats the band. Reading a little further on we find—and this is something which is very important for Deputy Desmond to know:

For this entertainment in Brussels you pay 165 per cent more than in Dublin. In Paris it is a little cheaper; Rome is between Paris and Brussels; and Dusseldorf is by far the cheapest, but still 50 per cent more than in Dublin.

This indicates to me that people who want a night out are going to come to Dublin and will not go to Brussels or Dusseldorf, so that we are going to have a big influx of visitors as a result of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions producing a paper telling us about the four people having the meal, with two bottles of vintage wine and going to see a cabaret, going home in a taxi, at a price 165 per cent cheaper than in Brussels. This is the type of stuff they are dishing out to Irish workers. How many Irish workers can afford to have all these things each week and go home in a taxi? This is not realistic but, nevertheless, is very interesting.

In relation to women's clothing, this paper says that the prices include two medium priced summer dresses off the peg, from a multiple store, a pair of medium priced nylons, a pair of day shoes, and in the case of men's clothes, they selected mass-produced well-known makes so they were not considered wholly fashion wear in this context but the ordinary popular quality in common use. This is the important thing—in Brussels, women's clothes cost 124 per cent more than Dublin prices. The price in Dublin is 21.85 dollars and in Brussels, 62.80. It may not be surprising that Parisians pay even more for the same off-the-peg clothes, costing 85.40 dollars. In Dusseldorf, the price was much the same as in Brussels, 64.33 dollars but Rome was comparable with Paris at 83 dollars. If this is factually correct, there is no doubt that we are going to flood the Common Market with all these goods at prices 163 per cent less than those at which they are able to produce them, so that this is a great argument why we should go in, but, of course, congress are giving this as a reason why we should stay out. We are able to provide this evening out at a cost 165 per cent less and we are able to provide women's clothes at 124 per cent less, so we are going to have a large influx of people to buy cheap clothes, Irish-made, which we can produce at a figure 124 per cent less and have an evening out at a price which is 165 per cent less.

That, however, is not all. The same applies to men's clothing and we see now that congress have done a very good service in producing this document for a very different reason. I would ask Deputy Desmond to convey my congratulations to the people who compiled this document and shown that as a viable entity entering the Common Market, we will be able to provide cheap food and provide women's clothes off-the-peg at a price 124 per cent less than the price in Brussels so that there is no question of our market being flooded with cheap stuff from the Continent because apparently we are 165 per cent cheaper than they are. So we see that the arguments used in the EEC campaign are completely at variance with the arguments they are using in Dáil Éireann.

Who is right? Is the Labour Party right or is congress right or is the Labour Party trying to cod the people or is it congress? Somebody must be right and somebody must be wrong, but this is in print and I accept the word of congress. I am quite sure that, when a fellow gets his evening out 165 per cent cheaper and women are able to buy clothes off-the-peg 124 per cent cheaper, the only thing that is dearer is apparently the roll of toilet paper, so they have done a service and have indicated clearly that with the potential development and the development taking place in relation to gross national product, in relation to the average rate of industrial growth and of agricultural growth over the years and the general industrial growth in relation to the EEC, we are ready to enter the EEC and, in fact, are going to give these fellows a run for their money, because we have all the things necessary. The cheap clothing cannot come in because we are the cheapest.

Our industrial growth has been 97.7 per cent as against their 84.4 and if we continue to increase at the rate at which we have increased in relation to industrial growth and reduce prices still further, the market is going to be much greater and it shows clearly to me that on entering the EEC, we are going to clean up and that there is great scope for development of all these industries. We are told that all the manufacturers of women's wear will go out of existence but congress tell us different, and they have done a very comprehensive study. Maybe Deputy Desmond has another system somewhere but this shows clearly that we are equipped to meet the competition, wherever it may be. The gross national product has increased in the ten years 1958 to 1969 by 58.5 per cent, in the US by only 61 per cent and in the UK by 40 per cent, which shows how well up the chart we are and again in relation to average annual industrial growth rate, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Denmark and the United Kingdom were all far below us. This shows clearly that Fianna Fáil policy over the years has now been acknowledged in full by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions and gives the lie to the many statements made in this House and outside by members of the Labour Party and opponents of the EEC who are using every type of distorted argument to convince people.

There is very interesting reading in this document and while I do not propose to delay the House too long in dealing with it—I may get a bundle of them and circulate them—it is of interest to know that it says here:

Even more important is the saving in job content and the profitability of these industries which will benefit. The loss of the whole of the export of footwear to Britain, if we stayed out, would be counterbalanced by a gain in the footwear section as a whole of its exports to Britain.

If we stay out, all the people in the footwear industry will lose their jobs, according to Congress. If we do not go in, all the people in Guinness will lose their jobs. In my constituency, in Ballyfermot, Semperit have established a £6 million very viable project giving valuable employment. If we do not enter, undoubtedly this concern also will go to the wall. They will not try to get over a tariff barrier of 7 or 14 per cent when they can produce in Austria for 7 per cent or 14 per cent less. The people I fear for most are the unfortunate people in the building trade. If we lose all the jobs that the Labour Party say we will lose there will be nobody to buy houses, nobody to build houses, nobody to go into houses. We had this situation in 1957 and it might be the policy of the Opposition party to revert to it.

The programmes of Dublin Corporation and other local authorities have guaranteed small builders and the building industry continuity over a very long period. When we enter the Common Market, with the availability of more jobs and the increases which congress have promised to obtain for their workers to compensate for the increased prices in commodities, I hope more people will be in a position to own their own homes, more will be employed in the building trade and we will have a situation wherein the schemes which were launched some years ago, which have taken root, making homes available to young married couples at a reasonable rate, by the Dublin Corporation, the land banks, where they get a special allowance of £200 if they are on the waiting list or if they are a tenant, plus a supplementary grant, if they are entitled to it, plus a loan. This makes the position very attractive. I hope this will not be taken away from our people. I hope more money will be available and that when we enter, with the compensatory factor which has been mentioned, we will have a better situation for all.

I could dwell at great length on this. I should like to know from the Fine Gael branches if, in fact, Deputy Cosgrave made the statement I have quoted:

Not even the new computers that they have promised could find a sea green incorruptible in Fianna Fáil now.

Did he say that? I will give him the benefit of the doubt if anybody says he did not.

What is the reference?

The reference is Volume 260, Thursday, 20th April, column 707. I am giving him the opportunity. I do not want to deal with pedigrees but we will be doing that in a couple of minutes. Time is running out. Find out if he said it. If he says that he did not say it, that he was misquoted, that is fair enough.

He said it all right. I was here.

There are quite a number of matters that I have to deal with. The budget was so good that it will take me a little while to deal with them all. I have dealt with the social welfare aspects, the aids to the weaker sections of the community, the aperitifs, the bottles of wine and the champagne, the great time we will have here, and the low cost of women's clothes off the peg. Now I want to deal with the capital budget.

Did the Deputy deal with unemployment benefit?

Yes, I made my views known on that.

The Deputy said it was increased. He covered that point.

I covered the entire field of social welfare benefits.

Unemployment benefit?

I stated that I did not think that enough was made available but that what was made available was what was within our means and that when we enter the Common Market we will make them available. We will not do what you did.

The Deputy said unemployment benefit was increased.

I will go over them all again, just in case. If the Deputy wants me to go over these benefits again, I will go over all of them again. I will read them out in detail.

The Deputy need not worry. He and his wife never had to live on £9.30 a week.

I did. When I married I lived on £3 4s a week. That is the difference. I know what it is like. I lived in a corporation house. I know what it is like to pay differential rent. I am not a middle-class snob like the Deputy. I got it hard. I was often hungry. The Deputy was not. To deal with the capital budget, under the heading of "Building and Construction —Housing," the outturn in 1971-72 was £37.83 million. The estimate for 1972-73 is £41.78 million. Under the heading "Local Authority Housing," it is stated:

The provision included for local authority housing in the 1971-72 budget was £19.5 million. A supplementary allocation of £1 million was made in October, 1971.

This was in order to inject more money into building and construction and housing. It shows again that the Government were ever thoughtful of this problem and conscious that additional effort had to be made. I quote from paragraph 22:

This additional allocation together with savings on other housing services enabled expenditure on this programme to rise to an estimated £21.6 million in 1971-72. The allocation for 1972-73 is £23.9 million which includes £6 million for housing to be provided under the guaranteed order project.

The guaranteed order projects were schemes whereby the Minister has sought to have a large number of low cost houses made available as quickly as possible. Quite a lot of money has been made available. These houses are being provided. We can see them as we travel through our constituencies. This is a very creditable and very realistic project. The fact that £6 million has been provided for guaranteed order projects shows clearly the outlook of the Government and of the Minister. I continue the quotation from the notes on provisions included in the public capital programme:

This project is being carried out largely by the National Building Agency Limited on behalf of local authorities.

Paragraph 23 of the notes is as follows:

Output in 1971-72 was about 5,000 dwellings as compared with 3,700 in 1970-71 (in which year output was affected by a cement strike) and 4,706 in 1969-70. On 31st January, 1972, work was in progress on 7,734 dwellings, as compared with 7,105 a year earlier.

Under the heading "Grants and Loans", the notes say:

Expenditure on grants for the erection and reconstruction of houses and loans by local authorities for house-purchase is expected to amount to £17.2 million in 1972-73. Expenditure in 1971-72 was £15.8 million.

Under the heading "National Building Agency", the notes say:

An allocation of £0.68 million is being made to the National Building Agency Limited for its industrial programme under which the Agency expects to have about 350 dwellings completed in 1972-73. Expenditure in 1971-72 was £0.45 million.

Under the heading "Sanitary and Miscellaneous Services", the estimate is £8 million as against £7½ million last year and the bulk of this is on water supply and sewerage schemes required for new housing and new industry and on improvements to existing services. The miscellaneous services include fire fighting and fire prevention, rehabilitation of itinerants, library services and the provision of swimming pools.

You see here, again, £4½ million more was made available this year. Again, the Government and the Ministers concerned have shown forward social thinking and forward planning. They have planned in the same way for the same net result as was achieved in accordance with the gross national product and industrial development, as shown in the paper, Economic Freedom, produced by the Congress of Trade Unions.

The Capital Budget 1972 makes the following comments:

Expenditure on the erection and improvement of national schools during 1971-72 amounted to £3.70 million. A sum of £4 million is being provided for 1972-73. The policy of amalgamation of small rural schools is continuing. To the total of 80 special schools for mentally and physically handicapped children presently in operation, plans have been completed for the addition of a further eight such schools in 1972-73. The provision of modern heating and sanitary facilities in existing schools is continuing.

All this shows that money is being made available to help in the field of education. Additional money is also being provided for reformatory and industrial schools.

With regard to health, we see that a sum of £5.75 million is being provided in 1972-73 as compared with £4.30 million in 1971-72. The Capital Budget 1972 states:

Projects completed in 1971 include a new assessment unit at St. Augustine's, Dublin, a new psychotic unit and staff chalet at Delvin, Co. Westmeath, a new staff home and training school at Lisnagry, Co. Limerick, and adaptation work at Carriglea, Co. Waterford. Work is nearing completion on new units for adults and staff chalets at Moore Abbey, Co. Kildare, and also on new adult units, a workshop and staff accommodation at Peamount, Co. Dublin. Other schemes in course of construction are new units for children at Palmerstown, Co. Dublin, Celbridge, Co. Kildare, and Cregg House, Sligo, and adaptation work at St. Patrick's, Kilkenny and St. Anne's, Roscrea. Work is expected to begin during the year on several schemes, including new units for children at Tracton Park, Cork, new adult units at Clonsilla, Co. Dublin. Celbridge, Co. Kildare, and Kilcornan, Co. Galway, a hostel for school-leavers at Glenmaroon, Co. Dublin, an assessment unit at St. Vincent's, Dublin, and a day care centre at Waterford. Planning is proceeding on new centres at Galway and Limerick and on additional units and facilities at other centres.

It is necessary to make the position clear because no member of the Opposition mentioned anything that had been done in relation to social welfare benefits or the matters I have mentioned. The Capital Budget 1972 also states:

Tenders have been approved for a 50-bed psychiatric unit at Galway Regional Hospital and it is planned to provide further units at six other centres. Tenders for the provision of Work Therapy Units at Ballinasloe, Castlebar, Portlaoise, Letterkenny, Skibbereen and Sligo Mental Hospitals have been sanctioned and planning is well advanced for units at other centres. Work continues on schemes for the renovation and upgrading of existing buildings at Ballinasloe, Cork, Ennis, Enniscorthy, Monaghan, Mullingar, Sligo and Youghal Mental Hospitals. Planning is in progress on improvement schemes at Castlebar, Killarney, Letterkenny and Portrane Mental Hospitals. Work is in progress on the adaptation of a building at Ushers Island, Dublin, to provide a 60-bed centre for disturbed adolescents and adolescent drug experimenters.

This shows that efforts are being made to deal with these problems but there has not been any indication from the Opposition that there has been any activity. In the short time they took to deal with these problems they moaned and groaned but did not refer to the progress being made or the plans for the future. It is obvious that Deputies did not read the Capital Budget 1972; it is obvious they did not listen to the Minister's speech or read the newspapers. If they had done so they would have known about the progress being made. The Capital Budget 1972 refers to accommodation for the aged and it states:

The building programme to replace unsatisfactory accommodation in county homes by modern units has been in progress since 1966. Schemes at present in progress will provide a further 1,230 beds. Major schemes in progress are at the county homes in Ennis, Castlebar, Roscommon, Sligo, Longford and at the County Hospital, Tullamore. Planning is in progress for new or improved accommodation at other centres. Special welfare homes for aged persons who do not need to be hospitalised will be a feature of the programme. The first of these homes is nearing completion at Kilrush. Tenders have been approved for welfare homes — 40 beds in each — at Carlow, Dungarvan, Nenagh, Roscrea, Bray and Boyle.

This shows that there has been much activity in regard to providing accommodation for the aged. The Capital Budget states with regard to general hospitals:

Projects completed include new operating theatres at the Mater Hospital, Dublin, and the Shiel Hospital, Ballyshannon, and a new nurses' home at Temple Street Hospital, Dublin. Works in progress include a major scheme of improvement at St. Laurence's Hospital, Dublin, and the provision of an intensive care unit at Jervis Street, Hospital, Dublin. Planning is in progress on other projects.

It is obvious from this that money is being made available and that progress is being made but it is necessary to put on record what is being done. I am sorry that no Deputy from the Opposition indicated that he appreciated that progress is being made. The only reaction was one of hostility to the budget. No credit is given for the improvements that have taken place. The Capital Budget 1972 states:

Among the schemes completed at health board hospitals during the year were improvements of facilities and provisions of new equipment at Galway and Limerick Regional Hospitals, and provision of a new operating threatre and other facilities at the County Hospital, Tralee, improvements to the paediatric unit at St. Finbarr's Hospital, Cork, and a new dispensary, dispensary residence and nurses' home with some hospital accommodation at Kilronan, Aran Islands. Work is continuing on improvements at St. James's Hospital, formerly St. Kevin's, Dublin, and at St. Colmcille's Hospital, Loughlinstown, Co. Dublin. Planning of the new 600-bed Regional Hospital at Cork has been completed and tenders have been invited.

This demonstrates that the Government have examined every aspect of general hospitals and have given financial help. If we enter the Common Market we will have more money available to ensure that every section will receive benefit from improved medical facilities.

I shall not deal in detail with agriculture because there are many others more competent than I who will discuss this matter. However, I should like to point out that the Estimate for 1972-73 is £18 million. The Capital Budget 1972 makes the following point:

Because of the rapid increase in demand for agricultural credit the original allocation of £6.3 million for the Agricultural Credit Corporation for 1971-72 was increased to £13.5 million. The growth in deposits enabled the extra demand to be met without Exchequer assistance. It is expected that the ACC will be able to finance 1972-73 expenditure without help from the Exchequer. As in 1971-72, the Corporation expect to finance the bulk of their transactions from repayments on existing loans and receipts from their deposit schemes.

The ACC are to be commended; unfortunately they do not always get the credit they deserve. With regard to forestry the Estimate for 1972-73 is £3.95 million. It is stated in the Capital Budget that the provision is in respect of land acquisition, planting and development. The amount included for land acquisition in 1972-73 is £0.72 million as compared with £0.46 million in 1971-72. The area planted was 25,000 acres. The business of a Government is pretty comprehensive and far beyond the capacity of the Opposition who do not seem to realise that it involves such a wide field or to visualise the vastness of the problem. One can see from the documents which are made available to us and to the Opposition that a vast amount of work has been done to ensure that every aspect of Government gets fair consideration.

In Fisheries also there is an increase. The provision last year was £1.04 million and this year is £1.92 million. The expenditure is on grants and advances for the acquisition of boats and gear, the installation of ice plants and the improvement of boatyards. Nobody is forgotten by the Government and again we see that the Government's business is pretty comprehensive, much more so than the Opposition seem to realise. They select one aspect of it and make a speech on that. Some have spoken for ten, or 15 or 20 minutes. That is the sign of a good budget.

There is a variety of other matters one could mention in regard to transport, the air companies, CIE, B & I, Irish Shipping and investment grants for ships. The outturn there last year was £16.24 million and the estimate for this year is £24.50 million. We are broadening the scope and one senses the vastness of the operation. Examining these documents one can appreciate that this is a pretty comprehensive matter to which the Opposition will have to give more thought if they ever hope to be able to tackle it.

The provision for industry in 1971-72 was £31.41 million and the 1972-73 estimate is £37.79 million. The original allocation for the Industrial Development Authority for 1971-72 was £23 million; it was increased during the year to £29 million. Expenditure was £27.75 million and for 1972-73 the estimate is £28.2 million. This is being provided for expenditure by the authority on grant payments, industrial estates at Galway and Waterford and advance factories. One readily realises the importance of the industrial estates, which are now providing valuable and viable employment, and also of advance factories. Provision is being made to ensure that more factories and more job opportunities will be available and that industrial estates will continue to prosper.

In the period from 1952 to 31st December, 1971, a total of 890 large and medium sized industries had been approved for grants, amounting to £99.2 million, of which £56.5 million had been paid. The capital investment involved is £322 million. When at full production these projects will employ an estimated 79,000 workers. From 1st April, 1967, to 31st December, 1971, grants amounting to £4.68 million, of which £2.95 million have been paid, were approved in respect of 695 small industrial projects with an employment potential of 8,800 workers, involving a total capital investment of £10.6 million.

On adaptation grants approved between 1963 and 1968 and re-equipment grants introduced in 1968, a total of £23.8 million has been paid on foot of grant approvals totalling £35.6 million. Expenditure on industrial estates and advance factories has amounted to £5.71 million in the period 1966 to December, 1971. All this shows the Government have not been asleep and have been doing their job. This is backed up by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions who have acknowledged this in the paper to which I referred earlier.

In 1971-72 a budget of £3.25 million was made for capital expenditure by the Shannon Free Airport Development Company on factory construction and allied purposes at Shannon and elsewhere in the Limerick-ClareNorth Tipperary region and on the provision of houses and community services at Shannon. The allocation was subsequently increased to £3.75 million. Expenditure was £3.52 million. In 1972-73 provision of £3.74 million is being made. For grants by Shannon Free Airport Development Company to industries at Shannon, mainly for buildings and machinery and the training of workers which is very important, provision of £500,000 is being made as compared with 1971-72 expenditure of £0.28 million. For grants for new houses for workers at Shannon £0.07 million is being made available as compared with £0.05 million expended in 1971-72. Not only is the development of industry, its adaptation and re-equipment catered for but so also are homes for the workers. The business of Government is not as easy as some Opposition speakers seem to think when they say: "The Government did not do this, or do that." It is a business that must be dealt with in great detail.

Employment at the Shannon industrial estate decreased in 1971 due to a recession in the two key markets of the US and the UK. There were 25 manufacturing firms, 11 commercial and service concerns and eight warehousing concerns in operation at the end of 1971. These employed 4,249 persons. Ninety-three factory buildings and 12 warehouses were completed; five factory buildings were under construction; 889 houses and 167 flats were completed by the company and a further 319 houses were under construction. This shows the thought behind the development and expansion at Shannon and its employment potential, notwithstanding that some people said that rabbits would be running around it some years ago. Instead, we now have the situation where we have many important industries there.

We could also deal with Irish Steel Holdings and other concerns but I do not want to take up the time of the House. Yet, certain matters must be mentioned in order to ensure that the public and the politicians fully understand what government is about.

The provision for industrial credit in 1970-71 was £9.82 million and the outturn was £8.38 million. In 1972-73 this will be increased to £14 million, a fairly substantial increase. Provision for capital expenditure by the Industrial Credit Company Limited and their wholly-owned subsidiaries in 1972-73 is £10 million. I might also deal with other matters but I shall not do so now other than to say in relation to telephones that I hope the scheme for the development of an effective and efficient telephone service in Dublin will be expedited. Industrial and building development is being hampered at present as a result of lack of facilities in certain sections of the city, notwithstanding the fact that he outturn for last year was £11.11 million and the estimate this year is £13.73 million. The provision for 1972-73 is being spent on the installation of new telephones, the provision of local overhead and underground plant and the enlargement of the existing exchanges, the extension of automatic working into new areas and the provision of additional trunk circuits and on other needs to improve the quality of service and to cater for the growing volume of traffic. I hope the Department of Posts and Telegraphs will take into consideration new and developing industrial sites to ensure that the services are available in advance of the industries so as not to impede in any way industrial development. The lack of facilities in some areas at present requires immediate attention.

I am very happy about the way the trade union organisation and the workers have measured up to the National Pay Agreement and that we have had a period of industrial peace. I would appeal to workers and to responsible trade union officials to ensure that we have continued industrial peace. For a period we had a very bad name abroad probably magnified by erroneous statements about Irish workers and the trade union set-up here. A fair amount of false propaganda percolated out of the country and probably coloured the minds of some industrialists who might have come here to establish new industries. I hope industrial peace will continue and that agreements will be fully honoured both by employers and by workers, agreements that will ensure that workers get a fair return for their labour and ensure that our industries are able to compete in conditions of freer trade. I have absolute confidence in Irish workers. I am certain they are as good, as intelligent, as efficient as workers anywhere else. They have been sought after in the US, in Britain and on the Continent. I am certain that when we enter the EEC we will have an efficient labour force which will be able to meet the competition there. I have no fears in relation to Irish workers. As congress has stated, if there are increases when we enter the EEC due to price rises, the job of congress will be to ensure that workers will be compensated. This is as it should be.

We have some problems in industry at present. I am sure they will be solved with commonsense and with time. There are irritants and factors which affect all of us from time to time. Some of them have undesirable national effects, others have undesirable local effects but sometimes these things are treated in a shabby way by employers who in some cases refuse to talk until the damage is done. I am not referring to any particular dispute but speaking in a general way of employers who fail to talk until a problem develops and then hope that the public, the Government, the trade union organisation, the Labour Court or somebody else will come in and solve their problems. The more we meet and discuss problems the better chance we have of meeting additional competition. When we appeal for industrial peace we hope that industrialists will equip themselves to deal with the situation, that many more personnel officers who understand people, who understand problems, will be made available to ensure that when workers are dealing with management they will be dealing with people who understand people and not with people who understand a production line and nothing else. One of the weaknesses of management is that managers have tended to do everything themselves. They may understand production line problems and cost factors but they probably do not understand people and their problems. It is desirable that the industry should attune itself to the situation. Many industrialists have employed personnel officers and these have given excellent service. They make it easy for people who want to negotiate on a commonsense basis because they understand problems. That is their field. I would appeal to industrialists who have not yet met this basic requirement to put their house in order and employ proper personnel officers. Individuals differ. A person may be nervous or difficult to deal with but it is the job of a personnel officer to understand these things. However, misfits who have proved themselves a disaster on the production line or at some managerial level have been pushed into personnel work and further confused the situation. There are personnel officers who are in that position because they were misfits elsewhere. This is not right. These people should be properly trained and equipped. These misfits have caused a variety of problems for unions, workers and the concerns employing them. An efficient personnel officer is as important as a highly technical manager.

There is always a tendency after budgets to increase food prices and decimalisation increased the cost of living. I hope the Department of Industry and Commerce will ensure that there is no price increase as a result of this budget because there is no reason why there should be. Some traders may have bought in large stocks of certain items in anticipation of increased taxation and may now try to offload them at the expense of the public. I hope that the Department will keep an eye on this matter especially at this stage when these traders might be inclined to increase prices. It is the practice of certain shopkeepers to avail of budgets as a means of increasing their income. They did the same in respect of decimalisation. Some of these people made substantial profits after decimalisation. I hope that for a period there will be stabilisation of prices.

Some of the statements made by the scaremongers here were designed to create unrest in the minds of the people. However, I think I have indicated clearly that the country as a whole will benefit from the provisions of this budget.

I welcomed the extension to Ballyfermot of the industrial retraining of workers and I hope that it will be possible to extend it to other centres in the near future so as to ensure that persons who lose their jobs as a result of free trade or greater technological change will be fitter to meet the challenge of new employment. In this way, too, people who have been retrained will be available to work where new industries are being developed. While the figure for unemployment is higher than I would wish it to be, there are many factors outside our control that have contributed to this problem One of these is that there has been no outflow of people from this country for some time, but rather that we have had people returning from Britain because of the bad economic situation there. As well as the unemployed there are people who are unemployable and various others who could not be put in the unemployment category.

I would ask the Minister to ensure that there is provided a register that would indicate exactly how many people are unemployed as distinct from unemployable, so that we would know what is the situation rather than to have to listen to figures being bandied around this House in relation to the number of people in receipt of social welfare benefits. We should like to know also how many people are being retrained for alternative employment. There is seasonal unemployment, too, in many firms and there is the factor of female labour. In the sweet manufacturing industry, for instance, there are lay-offs before Christmas and Easter because by that time each year programmes have been completed. It is at such times that Deputies table questions regarding unemployment. Women who take part-time employment apply for benefit on the termination of that employment and these, too, are included on the unemployment register. All these factors must be considered when discussing the problem of unemployment. There is no use saying that when the people opposite were in office there were 100,000 unemployed or that 60,000 people were leaving the country annually. We must know what capital is available to ensure the expansion of the economy.

This budget provides for the injection into the economy of a large amount of money by way of grants which will help solve the problems of various industrial concerns. It is well known that the Government agencies are anxious to identify in good time those firms that may be running into difficulty so as to ensure that everything possible will be done to help them.

The Redundancy Act has meant payments to people during the period of retraining. Recently I attended a conference of the Parliamentary Union in the Cameroons. I listened while a number of committees were discussing the problem of redundancy. There were representatives there from all over the world and I realised, having listened to them, that we were far ahead of them in regard to the problem of redundancy and that many years ago we had put into practice some of the schemes that these people were only beginning to think about now. I was amazed to hear that some of the African countries, as well as countries from other Continents, have been examining the scheme of redundancy that we have here. It was gratifying to hear that. They seem to know as much about how we operate the scheme as we know ourselves. They have studied in depth the scheme we have for retraining workers and they were impressed by our method of paying grants and travelling allowances in respect of persons who are moved to where employment is available, and a variety of aids to workers on which they intend now to work.

It was not the only matter in respect of which this country was mentioned. It was mentioned many times during the course of the conference in relation to the progress we have made, the industrial development and aids to industry. In some cases we were very far ahead in our thought in relation to social welfare compared with some countries, and some European countries too. It was indeed gratifying to discuss with the politicians of the various EEC countries their fears prior to entry to the EEC and the situation as they see it now. Many of them had fears and these fears were far beyond the fears that have been expressed here. The fears expressed here, exaggerated as they are, were far behind the fears they felt at that time.

They are now quite happy that this is the answer to the problem and quite happy about the set-up and they hope to welcome Ireland into this Community in a short time so that they can avail of the opportunity to discuss matters with us and have available the knowledge we have as we can gain from their knowledge in relation to what defects we may have. In this way we will have a Community in which we can examine in detail grave defects where we have defects in relation to any matters which need attention.

There are many matters, small and large, which need rectification here. I do not say that everything is perfect or that there could not be greater improvements in some sectors. I feel that there could be greater improvement in all sectors, but this again must be related to our capacity to make the necessary finance available.

This budget is designed to ensure that when we enter the EEC, in the belief that we will enter and I am quite positive we will, the people of this country, who are realistic and intelligent, can examine the situation in relation to the problems of the EEC, how it will affect themselves and their families and not alone how it will affect their children but their children's children. This is important. We cannot just be concerned about one factor alone. We must take a broad view of the situation in all its aspects, and particularly in relation to the future aspects, because the future of this country is very important. It is important that we plan for the future and do not plan merely for today or tomorrow, saying that maybe something will happen the day we enter the EEC, having no regard for the wide variety of advantages that will flow from our entry.

I am quite certain that when the decision is made and people have examined the situation in detail, once they examine the anti-EEC literature, they will see how exaggerated it is. Having examined the literature they can then make any inquiries they like, and I suggest that they should make these inquiries with regard to some of the claims made here and in this literature. If they make inquiries, I am quite certain that the housewife, who is a very intelligent person, will know in a very short space of time who is trying to mislead her. This has been displayed on very many occasions in the last number of years, despite all the types of propaganda which we heard in the pre-election time.

Again I would like to say that it is rather disturbing that we cannot have here effective debates without complete distortion, and there has been distortion. I asked some time ago, if I could get clarification of what Deputy Cosgrave said as it appears in this book. I do not want to deal with it until I get clarification, but deal with it I will and the longer it takes to get the information, the more trying it is going to be on the people concerned. It would appear from this that everybody in Fianna Fáil is corrupt. This has come from the Leader of the Opposition and I had hoped that by now some member of the Opposition would have come in and said that this is not what he meant or not what he said, and we would then forget about it for the time being until such time as it is clarified; but if Deputy Cosgrave wants to talk about corruption and corruptible people, we can talk about the corruption and the corruptible people. It is very much my concern that it would put a number of members of his party to shame. I do not intend to do that if I get the answer to my question; if I do not, I will have no hesitation in dealing with the matter in a very wide way, in such a way that he will be sorry he ever uttered such words.

In regard to the credit unions I am very glad that the Minister has clarified this matter at this stage because it is a matter which has caused concern in the minds of many people who are operating credit unions at the moment. These credit unions have a very important place in the community. They have done wonderful work in the various areas in which they operate and no words of mine would be adequate to describe the work done and the service provided by the personnel who operate them. I am happy to say that in my constituency there are quite a number of branches doing this very valuable and important work. It is something which should be supported in every way possible, so as to ensure that people who for one reason or another wish to avail of it will have this very important and very confidential service readily available to them.

Before the credit unions were developed to the point which they have now reached, we had many money-lending vultures who extracted vast sums of money from unfortunate people. In some cases one found that they paid back many times more than the loan they obtained. The credit unions are doing a very important job and they have averted much distress. They are confidential and very creditable organisations and I hope the Minister will give comprehensive consideration to any problem that may arise in relation to them and so eliminate the fears which some people felt, and indeed fears which I felt myself, for a period that rough justice might be done to these credit unions. I know many of the people who operate credit unions and I am glad to say that this fear has been removed for the time being. I hope that when a full examination takes place, the credit unions will benefit from any decision the Government will make, that they will be enabled to develop and ensure that the good work they are doing will be multiplied and increased.

Credit unions encourage people to save and are able to advise them. When people got into the grips of hire purchase companies and money lenders which put them in difficulties not for two months or six months but, perhaps, for a lifetime, they were assisted by the credit unions. Some of these money lenders are still in existence but the credit unions have done wonderful work in eliminating the probblems with which people in certain areas were confronted. As I have said, the credit unions have improved the areas in which they operate. People have been encouraged to mix with one another in their neighbourhood and they understand one another's problems better. The organisers and officers deserve credit for the excellent work they have done and continue to do.

Unfortunately, many credit unions are housed in unsuitable accommodation. Dublin Corporation have been of great assistance in this connection, although there have been problems which delayed the erection of halls or offices for credit unions. I hope local authorities will make available as quickly as possible facilities which will benefit the area in which credit unions operate. These organisation have helped the local authorities in many ways. They have prevented the development of problems in relation to the payment of rates and rent, although some people push the credit unions aside when they seek a concession or a piece of ground on which to erect an office. I would appeal to local authorities to give special consideration to these voluntary organisations who assist them in their work and, therefore, ensure that the community will benefit and that the property in an area will benefit. People are in a position to make their homes look better both inside and outside and they are saving the local authorities money. On page 40 of his speech the Minister said:

Before coming to my concluding remarks there are two important matters to which I wish to refer. The first of these is equal pay for women, which the Government accept in principle and which is now affirmed as a national aim. The second relates to efficiency in the public service.

I am glad the Government now affirm equal pay as a national aim. There are problems in relation to this both for women and for men, but the implementation of equal pay would eliminate some of the discrimination against women workers which has been evident for so long in certain places.

The Minister refers in quite some detail to the question of efficiency in the public service. An increase in efficiency is to be welcomed either in the public service or outside it. There is room for improvement in efficiency in relation to the services we provide as Deputies as well as to the service provided by civil servants or servants of local authorities. Efficiency must reach such a high pitch that we shall be able to take our place among the other nations of Europe. We have all come across cases where there has been too much red tape, where there has been a lack of understanding between the officials administering a service and the people who are seeking that service. An increase in efficiency will benefit everyone.

Everyone has on occasion to make contact with some Department of State. Some people have to contact Departments daily. This is one of the very important matters mentioned by the Minister — the need to ensure maximum efficiency in the service. We are all aware of this problem.

Every action brings a reaction. These reactions have to be examined in order to improve the quality and efficiency of the service. By using foresight and seeking expert advice where necessary and with the aid of computers and mechanisation a very high standard can be achieved. Equipment may be a large factor in some of the problems. Efficiency is retarded by lack of adequate modern machinery.

The question of the housing of certain Departments and certain personnel and their proximity to one another is another very important matter. This does not relate only to Government Departments. In Dublin, for instance, one may have to travel to 23 or 24 offices in order to get information in relation to one or two problems. This is undesirable. There should be proper planning of housing for public offices. We should not rely on the outmoded system of sending a messenger from one building to another. In Dublin city there is one problem that affects people and Departments—the traffic problem. To send a despatch from one building to another may take a considerable time. The planning and location of the various services is a matter that must receive immediate consideration.

If Members of the House were to pool their ideas there would be a large pool of suggestions as to how certain sections could be administered so that we could get a better service. The service provided for Members of the House is sometimes inadequate. The telephone service in the House is absolutely deplorable. This matter must be rectified without delay. I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance to take note of the telephone service in the House. It is chaotic at times. I do not know the answer. It takes longer to make one telephone call than it does to write 40 letters at times. There are other services that Members could benefit from.

The question of providing a photostat machine was under examination. Deputies often want a copy of a document without delay. There are no photostating facilities here, even where Deputies could pay for the service. The services to Deputies must be increased. If greater efficiency is demanded in the public service, we, too, must be able to provide efficient service.

I do not like to interrupt my colleague in Dublin-South-West but I understand that this is a matter for the Committee on Procedure and Privileges rather than the Office of Public Works and we have had a demonstration here.

That is right.

I do not know if anything has come of it.

Do you think that limiting the time a Deputy could speak would facilitate the House?

I hope additional facilities will be provided that would enable us to assist others. Very often we could assist the civil servants and the officers of this House if we had the necessary facilities.

I know that Deputy John Bruton of the Fine Gael Party has done research in relation to services that could be made available to us, such as library and other services. These are all important. The efficiency of the public service and of the Houses of the Oireachtas and the Members are all important. We could, with a little co-operation, by the pooling of our problems and having them examined by the Committee on Procedure and Privileges or any committee of the House and passing on the recommendations to the Departments concerned, improve our own position as well as improving the efficiency of the service.

There are so many branches and departments of the public service that it is difficult at times to know where one should go to get information that one requires. Somebody should be appointed to whom Deputies could go in this House and say that they wanted certain information immediately. I refer to documents or information that would be required from Departments. A Deputy may want a document within half an hour. Very often a Deputy coming into the House requires information and comes in with inadequate information. Some of them chance their arm.

That is very obvious.

I am not saying the Deputy does.

I am saying you do.

I am not blaming the Deputy at all. I am forgiving you tonight after your confession here. The service here to Members of the Oireachtas could be improved.

There is a variety of matters that I have not touched on yet. I did not get an answer to the question I asked the Fine Gael Deputies. I will hold on for another while just in case it comes. If it comes in good time, I will be able to deal with it. I do not want to go into any great detail on it.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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