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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 6 Nov 1973

Vol. 268 No. 9

Air Navigation and Transport Bill, 1973: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The purpose of the Bill is to enable effect to be given in Irish domestic law to the Convention on Offences and Certain other Acts committed on board Aircraft, drawn up at Tokyo in September, 1963, and the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft drawn up at The Hague in December, 1970. Some of the provisions in the conventions can be applied administratively while others require legislation. The enactment of this Bill will clear the way for this country to formally adhere to the conventions.

The Tokyo Convention came into force internationally on 4th December, 1969, after the twelfth ratification was made and The Hague Convention came into force on 14th October, 1971, after the tenth ratification was made. The Tokyo Convention is now in operation between 67 states and The Hague Convention between 57 states.

The principal states with which we have regular air services, that is, the US, the UK, France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Spain and the Netherlands, have already ratified either or both of the conventions.

The Tokyo Convention was intended to establish international co-operation with a view to ensuring that persons who committed crimes on board aircraft in flight would not escape apprehension merely for lack of jurisdiction; it made it clear that the state of registration of an aircraft had the authority to apply its laws to events occurring on board its aircraft while in flight in any place whatsoever; it provided the aircraft commander with the necessary authority to deal with offenders; it delineated the duties and responsibilities of the contracting state in which the aircraft landed including its authority over and responsibility to any offender. It also dealt with hijacking of aircraft but in this regard it confined itself to requiring a contracting state to restore control of the aircraft to the lawful commander and to permit passengers and crew arriving in its territory to continue their journey. It did not provide for the establishment of hijacking as an international offence and it did not call specifically for punishment of hijackers.

The Hague Convention of 1970 expands and strengthens the Tokyo Convention provisions in regard to hijacking by providing at international level for the definition of the offence of hijacking, the establishment of jurisdiction over it and its punishment by heavy penalties or extradition of the offender, where appropriate. The convention makes hijacking an international offence in that, with some exceptions, it requires states to establish jurisdiction over the offence irrespective of where it is committed, the nationality of the offender or the state of registration of the aircraft.

The purposes of the Bill can be grouped under three main headings. First, it clarifies the legal position in regard to crimes of a general nature committed on board Irish aircraft. Secondly, it empowers the commander of Irish aircraft and of aircraft of any other state party to the Tokyo Convention to restrain, disembark or deliver up to the competent authorities in the state where the aircraft lands, any persons on board who have committed, or are about to commit any general offence on board or who jeopardise the safety of the aircraft or persons on board. Thirdly, it establishes hijacking as an international offence irrespective of the nationality of the aircraft, the nationality of the offender or the place where the offence is committed. These are the main features of the Bill and I will explain each of them in some detail.

In regard to the application of Irish law to Irish aircraft in flight outside the State, the present position is that, except for certain internationally recognised offences such as murder, an offence committed on an Irish aircraft while outside the state is not amenable to the Irish courts in the same way as an offence on an Irish registered ship. This represents a serious gap in jurisdiction particularly in regard to offences committed when an aircraft is flying over international waters not within the jurisdiction of any other state. In such cases there is a danger that an alleged offender may escape apprehension merely for want of jurisdiction. The Tokyo Convention accords international recognition to the exercise of extra-territorial jurisdiction under the circumstances contemplated in the convention. The Bill reflects this by providing that any act or omission which would constitute an offence if committed within the State shall equally constitute an offence if committed on an Irish aircraft in flight outside the state.

As a logical extension of the provisions about jurisdiction, the Bill furnishes the aircraft commander with powers to deal with persons who commit offences on board or who by their actions jeopardise the safety of the flight. In such cases the commander of an Irish aircraft, or of an aircraft of any other State party to the Tokyo Convention, is empowered to take such reasonable measures, including restraint of the person, as he reasonably considers to be necessary to protect the safety of the aircraft or of persons on board, to maintain good order or discipline or to disembark him or to deliver him to the competent authorities of the State of landing. Provision is made to safeguard the rights of individuals and to ensure that they are not kept under restraint any longer than is necessary. The Bill specifies limits beyond which restraint shall not be exercised and imposes on the commander the obligation of reporting to the appropriate authorities on any persons under restraint, disembarked or delivered. It lays down penalties for failure by the commander to observe these.

Section 11 establishes hijacking as an international offence by providing that an offence is committed by anybody regardless of his nationality who on board an aircraft in flight wherever it may be and regardless of its State of registration, unlawfully interferes with the control of the aircraft. Attempted hijacking and other acts of violence connected with hijacking also constitute such an offence. The offender will thus be amenable to Irish courts and subject to prosecution or extradition, as appropriate. In this way hijacking, including attempted hijacking or other acts of violence connected with hijacking, is established as an international offence. These provisions, taken in conjunction with the corresponding provisions in the legislation of other contracting states, are designed to ensure as far as possible that a hijacker will find no place of refuge.

The Hague Convention applies only if the place of take-off or the place of actual landing of the aircraft involved is outside the State of registry. The effect of this is that a hijacking of an aircraft on a domestic flight within its own country is not covered by the convention. A further limitation on the scope of the convention is that it does not apply to aircraft used in military, customs or police services. In the interests of affording the greatest possible protection to all forms of aviation, the Bill goes beyond the Hague provisions by extending the offence of hijacking to all cases of unlawful seizure of an aircraft, including a state aircraft, where:

(a) the act is committed by a citizen of Ireland or a person habitually resident in the State;

(b) the act is committed in or over the State, or

(c) the aircraft is an Irish controlled aircraft.

For example, a hijacking of an Aer Lingus aircraft flying between Dublin and Cork will be covered by the Bill although it is outside the scope of the convention. This will make for consistency in the application of Irish law and provide more effective and all-embracing legislative provisions to deal with hijacking.

The convention requires that the offence of hijacking shall be punishable by severe penalties. The Bill reflects this requirement and the enormous gravity of the offence by providing that an offender, on conviction on indictment, shall be liable for a term of imprisonment up to life imprisonment. It also provides that if a state does not extradite an alleged hijacker it shall without exception whatsoever submit the case for the purpose of prosecution. Contracting states are accordingly afforded the choice between extradition and prosecution and no substantive change in our existing extradition law is called for. Section 15 of the Extradition Act, 1965 provides that extradition shall not be granted where the offence in question is regarded as having been committed in the State.

In the case of offences committed within the territorial area of the State, therefore, we would discharge our obligation under the convention by way of prosecution. However, section 11 of the Bill by creating hijacking an international offence automatically brings it within the jurisdiction, no matter where it is committed and section 2 says that the offences may for all incidental purposes be treated as having been committed in the State. Some might seek to establish that as a consequence hijacking is not an extraditable offence in any circumstances. To safeguard against this it is necessary to provide that section 15 of the Extradition Act shall not apply in such cases.

Section 11 of the Extradition Act provides that extradition shall not be granted for an offence which is a political offence or an offence connected with a political offence, and a hijacker may escape extradition if the offence is in that category. It will be a matter for the courts to determine whether or not the offence is a political offence.

Before concluding, I should perhaps, say a few general words on why we are taking the Tokyo and Hague Conventions together in this Bill. The previous Government had a Bill prepared in 1970 to enable effect to be given to the Tokyo Convention which came into force in 1969. Unfortunately, however, as history has shown, that convention did little to halt the spate of hijacking and it became clear that it would be necessary to expand and strengthen the Tokyo Convention provisions on hijacking. The Hague Convention of 1970 did this by declaring hijacking an international offence. Since then other forms of interference with aviation, not covered by either the Tokyo or Hague Conventions, have been devised and it became necessary to draw up a third convention at Montreal in September, 1971 to cover these unlawful acts—they relate mainly to armed attacks, sabotage and similar acts of violence, other than hijacking, against aviation and its installations and facilities. It is proposed to ratify the Montreal Convention as quickly as possible but I have decided that the introduction of the Bill to enable effect to be given to the Tokyo and Hague Conventions should not be deferred any longer. Consequently, I am having a separate Bill prepared to give effect to the Montreal Convention and I would hope to introduce it in the near future.

It is clear that legislation alone is no panacea for the crime of interference with aviation. Hijacking of aircraft and other attacks against the safety of aircraft continue. The threat is as great as ever. Our efforts as an individual member of the international community to improve the situation involve action on two levels; on the one hand we have developed practical preventive security measures at our airports and on our air services and on the other we are assisting through this Bill in the creation of a structure of international law designed to outlaw the hijacker. However, until all countries are committed to ridding aviation of the scourge of interference, hijackers will not be entirely discouraged. Committed states may, therefore, be forced to think in terms of multilateral measures against defaulting states. A recent international conference on air law held in Rome considered proposals to this end but failed to reach agreement; these efforts are continuing and I will not hesitate to bring in any further legislation necessary to give effect to any further instruments in this field.

The present Bill is not a contentious one. We are seeking to give the force of law to the provisions of two international instruments designed to promote the safety of aviation and which have been signed or adhered to by all the major countries of the world. The airline industry and the airline pilots associations have called for adherence to the conventions. I commend the Bill to you in the assurance that all Deputies of the House will support it and in so doing make Ireland's contribution to a peaceful and safe development of civil aviation throughout the world.

We on this side of the House support this Bill. Like the Minister, we believe it to be very necessary at this time because of happenings in recent years. We know there are other offences covered in the Bill but the most important offence covered is hijacking. It is right and proper that such a Bill should be introduced to give effect to the international conventions of Tokyo and The Hague. Centuries ago there was the offence of sea piracy and even in those days the nations were capable of getting together and reaching agreement with regard to laws to cover this offence. It is far more important that we should get together now and deal with hijacking. In the days of sea piracy it took a number of people to take over a ship with the weapons they had at the time. Now a man can take over an aircraft with a hand grenade. This sort of thing has happened. It must be a terrible experience to be a passenger in a hijacked plane. Almost always the passengers are innocent victims who have no connection with the country or the political beliefs of the hijacker. It is high time the various countries engaged in air navigation got together to deal with this problem.

The Bill gives police powers to the pilot and this is a very practical approach. It also eliminates many court complications which exist with regard to extradition, which at present is a lengthy process. It is good to see that the penalties provided for are severe enough to deal with this terrible offence.

I wonder whether the Bill would cover an event such as occurred last week which could surely be described as an internal hijacking. There are a few things that many people on this side of the House and elsewhere would like to know. They would like to know whether armed security people at Mountjoy Jail were withdrawn last July with the exception of one man who is only on duty during visiting hours.

That is outside the scope of the matter under discussion. We must get back to the Bill.

The Minister for Justice answered that at the weekend.

The Minister for Justice gave a non-answer. We would like to know whether a proper flight plan was submitted to the appropriate authority on the occasion of the helicopter flight.

We are dealing with two conventions at the moment.

We support this Bill and hope it will be successful. Could the Minister tell us how many nations have similar Bills contracting to uphold these conventions? The number of nations involved will be the proof of whether the Bill will be successful or not in what it is designed to do.

I appreciate that we have very effective security on our airports. Aer Rianta are training their airport police properly. They try to ensure that there are not hijackers at the point of embarkation. I am sure that the measures taken are working effectively. We hope the Bill will be effective and help to rid the world of that dreadful evil —the modern hijacker.

The purpose of this Bill is self-evident because of the spate of hijackings which have taken place throughout the world in recent years. The conventions of the Hague and Tokyo are only attempting to tackle the problem. I do not think they have gone far enough to satisfy the airline pilots or the world travellers with regard to safety. Passengers and crews are entitled to safety. I believe that the Minister should bring in a Bill to ratify the Montreal Convention as soon as possible, as promised in his brief.

The Minister mentioned that 67 states have already agreed to ratify the convention. We would like to know the names of the 67 states. As the Minister is aware, the problem of hijacking has been peculiar to two particular sections of the world—the Middle East, with its Arab-Israeli conflict, and the US, with Cuba and South America. What countries in these areas have ratified these conventions? There is no point in a country like Ireland ratifying them when countries like Libya, Iran, Arabia and Syria have not done so. These nations have been involved in air piracy.

Without many nations taking part these conventions are not worth the paper they are written on. They are worth nothing unless countries which have been involved in air piracy are also members and have signed the conventions. The pilots and passengers of Irish airlines are entitled to protection. Passengers and crews throughout the world are entitled to it. We have responsibilities towards our own nationals and people travelling on our national airline.

I would like to know how the Minister intends to protect nationals against other non-nationals flying on our airlines and being involved in air piracy. One of our airlines has leased a plane to Algeria or the Middle East. Much more clarification is needed on this Bill. The airlines of the world should boycott international flights of countries harbouring hijackers. We will never see a satisfactory solution to this problem until that is done. Through misguided views some countries may harbour hijackers. At present conventions are being signed and agreements made but the problem of hijacking is continuing.

The Minister should explain the situation in regard to Irish crews flying Irish planes which are on lease to foreign countries. At present there are two Boeings on lease to Siam. What is the legal situation with regard to the air crews? What guarantees of safety have they? What protection is being given to passengers on Irish flights or to Irish people flying on international flights on airlines which have air marshals on their planes? Some of the American airlines have armed air marshals on board. This is very dangerous. Inevitably some innocent passenger will be killed as a result of the action of one of these air marshals. Is there any protection in this Bill? What is in the Montreal Convention on this? Will the Minister in his capacity as Minister for Transport and Power bring this problem to the attention of the negotiators of the next convention? Many passenger flights on the international lines carry air marshals. An innocent passenger could be involved because for some political reason concerned with the Middle East or Cuba or some such state trouble broke out. What protection is being given to our people who travel on business on such airlines and who cannot get other flights because of their schedules? I would like the Minister to consider my point about air marshals.

I should also like the Minister to explain the extradition procedures involved in domestic flights, for example, a flight between Dublin and Cork, if the flight is hijacked and ends up in some middle-eastern oil sheikdom. What protection is there in the Bill for our passengers and crews, national or non-national? What protection is proposed in any other legislation for our planes and cargoes, crews and passengers? This is a very important consideration particularly as regards extradition and I should like the Minister to explain the situation.

The question of the hijacked helicopter has been ruled out of order and I shall not contest that ruling but this is the first time that we ourselves have become involved in an intimate way with hijacking or air piracy. I feel it is really relevant to the Bill but I shall not go into it in view of the Chair's ruling.

The relevant point on this Bill is: what 67 states are involved? Does that number encompass states whose nationals are involved in air piracy? Does it include such places as Libya and Algeria and the other states I mentioned? Perhaps the Minister would enlighten me in his reply.

I also commend the Minister for bringing this Bill to the House at present. It is fairly wide in its scope and covers a very important facet of daily life and it is necessary to have it on the Statute Book. Over a period it may not require any implementation but it is still highly necessary. When enacted it will fill a glaring omission regarding the jurisdiction of Irish courts in regard to hijacking of aircraft.

If offences were committed on an Irish aircraft outside the jurisdiction of the country, up to this, with the exception of some serious offences such as murder, Irish courts had no jurisdiction to try such cases. The Bill closes that loophole and provides that offences committed on an Irish aircraft no matter where the aircraft may be flying at the time, can be tried by Irish courts. As the Minister said, this is covered by the Tokyo Convention. This is important because up to now there was quite a lot of legal difficulty when aircraft commanders had not proper authority to handle the situation when offences were committed on their aircrafts. This led to many legal entanglements which perhaps eventually allowed a criminal to go free because of a legal loophole. The Bill is desirable and necessary as it closes such loopholes.

The Minister mentioned that he would be introducing a further Bill in regard to air transport. I am not clear as to what he has in mind but I would bring specifically to his attention the present position in regard to security at our airports and at all airports into which we operate. He mentioned the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Belgium, Holland, Italy and Spain and it seems they have ratified the Hague and Tokyo Conventions. I should like him to say in respect of our airports and at airports of countries to which we operate what is the position in all these cases regarding security, first, from the point of view of dealing with people carrying arms and endeavouring to embark on aircraft. This is important.

In some American countries there are mechanical detectors of various kinds and various methods are used to detect the carrying of arms, or any kind of weapon such as a knife, by those embarking on aircraft. It is highly desirable to check whether passengers are armed when embarking. I had hoped the Minister would ensure that such detectors would be available at every airport in this country. I should also like him to ensure under the conventions mentioned that our Government should consult with the governments of countries to which we operate flights so that airports in these countries would also have methods of detecting whether or not a passenger was armed when embarking there.

This is something that may or may not arise; it is unforeseeable but it is something we must ensure against. It is difficult to legislate against the chance in a million but the chance in a million does happen. Therefore, it is important that such methods of detection be available at all our airports. The times we live in demand such protection. It is also important that as thorough a check as possible is made of the luggage of persons embarking on aircraft.

I am sure the Minister will agree that security at our airports and at the airports to which we have regular flights, should be tightened up considerably. We are endeavouring to legislate against a remote chance, but we must do so if at all possible. People might wonder what interest a rural Deputy from Laois-Offaly would have in a Bill of this nature. Nowadays from time to time everybody uses an aircraft. That is why I thought I should mention those points. I welcome the Bill and I congratulate the Minister on bringing it before the House this evening.

This Bill got the reception I anticipated for it. It was welcomed by all sides of the House. The Deputies who spoke said that we have an obligation in an international sense to see that highjackers have no places of refuge. As Deputy Barrett said, to really make highjacking impossible, every country in the world would need to sign and ratify these conventions. We can only work towards this.

As I said a recent international conference on air law in Rome considered proposals for taking multilateral measures against defaulting states. Agreement could not be reached in Rome on that matter, but I am sure it will come up again at the next air conference and we will certainly be urging that something of this nature should be done. We are very conscious of the necessity to eradicate hijacking from aviation.

Deputy Burke wanted to know the number of countries who signed the convention and I can read them out to him if he likes: Argentina, Australia, Barbados, Belgium, Brazil, Burundi, Canada, Chad, China, Colombia, the People's Republic of the Congo, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Holy See, Hungary, Iceland, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Japan, Kenya, Korea, Laos, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Libyan Arab Republic, Malagasy Republic, Malawi, Mali, Mexico, Netherlands, Niger, Nigeria, Norway and Pakistan. That covers most of them.

I called out Libya.

Algeria? United Arab Republic? The Minister may have called out Libya. No Egypt? No Algeria? Did the Minister call out the United States?

I did not. They are probably in the same position as we were in until today, that is, that even though they had signed it they had not ratified it. It is desirable that all states should ratify the convention. The more states who do, the more difficult it is for those states who did not, to avoid doing so. It is up to us at international aviation conferences to stress this point and, if necessary, to try to bring in multilateral measures which will affect all countries.

That is the only solution.

Deputy Burke made a point about some of our people not being protected on international flights. There is nothing much we can do about that. This Bill makes hijacking an international offence, and that is as far as we can go. We cannot go further than the Tokyo Convention which we are now ratifying. It is up to every airline to introduce measures to secure their passengers but, as against that, hijackers will always manage to find their way aboard unless security at airports is tightened up.

The three Deputies who spoke were concerned about security at our airports. At the moment it is costing £100,000 in the three Irish airports for security. Deputy Enright asked about detectors. They are now being used at the three airports. On the ground we will do what we can to see that people intent on hijacking do not get aboard planes. The Montreal Convention which we will be dealing with in a Bill later on, will ensure that aircraft on the ground cannot be attacked or sabotaged.

This convention takes care of the actual in-flight position and gives power to the commander to apprehend people who are attempting hijacking. It extends the jurisdiction of Irish law into international law. We will be continuously closing loopholes as they appear to prevent hijackers from having the free run they had for the past number of years. This is closing a very big and very important loophole. The Montreal Convention will close another and tightening of security on the ground will make it as difficult as possible for people with the intention to hijack to get on board aircraft. In time all these measures will eliminate hijackers—to go back to Deputy Burke's analogy—as pirates were eliminated in the Middle Ages by concerted action at international level.

Question put and agreed.
Committee Stage ordered for Tuesday, 13th November, 1973.
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