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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 3 Apr 1974

Vol. 271 No. 10

Financial Statement. - Budget, 1974. Review of 1973.

The success of last year's budget policy is illustrated by the near record rate of 7 per cent growth achieved in 1973. The 1973 budget was aimed at expanding economic activity in order to take up the slack which had developed in the economy over the preceding years. That aim has been attained. Industrial production forged ahead. The services sector continues to expand. Farmers' incomes rose in current terms by an estimated 32 per cent benefiting from the general increase in world food prices and from our accession to the European Community in 1973. Disappointingly, a sizeable growth of 34 per cent in merchandise export earnings was more than offset by a rise of 36 per cent in merchandise imports, mainly due to a sharp increase in import prices, and the balance of payments deficit rose from £56 million in 1972 to £86 million. Despite this higher deficit, the overall external reserves at the end of the year were marginally higher than their end-1972 level due to continued capital inflow, reflecting international confidence in the economy.

While inflation continued to be a matter of major concern during 1973, on the brighter side there was a welcome rise of 6,000 in total numbers employed in contrast to the drop of 9,000 in the previous year. The numbers employed in agriculture continued to fall but employment both in industry and in the services sector rose by 6,000 in each case. Overall, there was a drop in the number of unemployed compared to the preceding year and, as well as an increase in the total population, some net immigration took place.

Economic prospects 1974

There is general agreement that the economic growth of our trading partners will not be as buoyant in 1974 as in 1973. Even before the energy crisis, there were signs of a slowing down in the pace of international economic expansion but since then, because of the difficulties created by both the price and the supply position of oil products, it has become clear that most of our fellow-members of the European Community and of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development are likely to experience rates of growth well below average this year.

The indications are that, on current trends, we can expect a growth rate of 3½ to 4 per cent this year, compared with about 7 per cent in 1973. While this is below what we would otherwise have achieved, it does represent a better prospect than seemed likely at the onset of the energy crisis.

Partly because of the likelihood of higher prices and the probable slowing down in economic activity, consumer demand in 1974 may not show much more than half the 6¼ per cent rise in volume which occurred in 1973. Investment, however, will continue to increase and should be helped by the substantial rise in the public capital programme to which I shall refer later. Assuming that our competitiveness is not seriously impaired by the increase in unit costs resulting from the third national pay agreement, industrial exports should expand quite strongly in 1974, though at a slower rate than in 1973. While conditions in external markets for agricultural products are unlikely to be as favourable as in 1973, agricultural exports are also likely to show a significant increase.

A further significant increase should take place in farmers' cash income while tourist receipts should also continue to rise this year.

The rise in the volume of imports should slacken significantly as a result of the slower growth in economic activity but the rapid rise in oil prices will increase the import bill considerably and result in a sharp rise in average import prices. When account is taken of likely import and export trends and also of the net current transfers from abroad, a deficit of the order of £140 million may emerge in 1974 as compared with an estimated £86 million in 1973. Most other non-oil producing countries are likely to experience a similar, if not, indeed, a greater, deterioration in their external accounts and it is internationally accepted as essential that means be found of financing these deficits without deflationary consequences.

Prices and inflation

Inflation continued to be a matter of major concern in 1973 and, indeed, it over-shadowed the encouraging performance in the economic field. The consumer price index rose on average by 11.4 per cent in 1973 as compared with 8.6 per cent in 1972 and, as in the previous year, food prices accounted, on average, for almost half of the increase. There was, however, a distinct improvement in the trend of food prices during the second half of the year. In the period between May and November the food element in the consumer price index rose by only 1.7 per cent—accounting for 12 per cent of the total rise— while in the previous six months it rose by 14.1 per cent—accounting for almost two-thirds of the total rise in the index. While this easing reflected the slowing-down in the rate of increase in meat and vegetable prices, a major factor was the removal of food from the scope of VAT, with effect from 3rd September last, as part of the Government's social and economic policies.

The dominant role played by external factors in aggravating the inflationary trends in the economy continued unabated in the past year. The substantial rise in our import prices, to which I have already referred, was some 20 per cent or about five times the rate of increase in the previous year, reflecting the higher cost of raw materials as well as currency changes and inflation abroad, which—because of our open economy—it is virtually impossible for us to avoid importing. External factors accounted for almost one-half of last year's increase in consumer prices.

The impact of import prices on the cost of living will be even greater in 1974 because of the widespread repercussions throughout the economy of the problem of world-wide commodity price rises of which higher prices for oil are only a part. Indeed, these effects are already apparent in the increased price of various oil-based products, including electricity and gas, and of other fuels the price of which has moved in line with that of oil. Thus between November, 1973, and February, 1974, prices of fuel and light rose by almost 30 per cent and accounted for about one-third of the increase in the consumer price index in that period.

The very big increase in incomes at home has also been an additional factor which fuelled the fires of inflation during the past year. The significance of the external factors to which I referred should not delude us into ignoring the fact that a rise in domestic incomes in excess of the rise in the volume of national output contributes in itself to a rise in consumer prices. Over the period since 1969 employee incomes have accounted for between one-third and one-half of the rise in consumer prices.

Most economic commentators are agreed that the average rise in consumer prices this year will not be less than 14 per cent, of which the direct and indirect effects of the rise in energy prices are likely to account for between 3 per cent and 4 per cent. Price rises of this order, whatever their source, pose grave economic and social problems for our community and the way in which we react to them is a clear test of our personal wisdom and of our sense of national responsibility. The Government are fully alive to the pressing need to shield the community as far as any democratic Government can from the harmful effects of inflation and they aim to achieve this by the pursuit in the coming year of appropriate economic and budgetary policies.

The wide powers of price control vested in the Minister for Industry and Commerce have been increasingly exercised and have, indeed, been strengthened. The new measures include the extension, from one month to two months, of the period of advance notice required before prices of goods and services can be increased, the freezing—at the level prevailing on 23rd June last—of the profit margins of importers, wholesalers and retailers on a wide range of commodities, and the fixing of maximum retail prices for various household goods. These controls can prevent unjustifiable increases in prices. Where however increased costs are unavoidable and cannot be offset by increased productivity they must necessarily be reflected in higher prices.

National Pay Agreement 1974

In my budget speech last year I said that the Government were committed to the principle that voluntarily-negotiated national pay agreements of a kind which met the economic and social objectives of the community were the best basis for economic development, stability and growth. The ratification of the 1974 National Agreement was the culmination of many months of hard negotiation. The income tax reliefs which I am announcing in a later part of my speech will serve to enhance the purchasing power of salaries and wages.

The new agreement is a complex and sophisticated one. By its imaginative and pragmatic approach it has virtually eliminated the problem of the widely differing terminal dates for various groups and thus should make for less complex provisions in the future. Now that the agreement has been ratified it is essential that all should co-operate fully in its implementation. The problems which the economy faces in the period ahead will become even more difficult if the terms of the new agreement are not strictly observed.

Many of these problems arise from external factors over which we have little or no control but the terms of the new national agreement, taken in their strictly economic context, will add to rather than alleviate the pressure on costs and prices. Although the economy's wage and salary bill for 1974 will be at least 17½ per cent higher than for 1973, the main effects of the new agreement will be carried through to next year when they will increase the wage and salary bill by as much as 14 per cent, if not indeed by more. In other words, wages and salaries are likely to rise by at least 14 per cent next year, apart altogether from any further increases that may be negotiated on the termination of the present national agreement. Increases of this magnitude cannot but make our industries less competitive unless they are matched by comparable increases in efficiency and productivity hitherto unachieved.

The new national agreement is not therefore a panacea for our problems What it does offer us however is industrial peace, an improvement in the relative position of low-paid workers and the elimination of sex-discrimination in pay. But it is essential that all sides should co-operate in enabling the very substantial pay benefits in the agreement to be matched by real increases in productivity and efficiency. Unless this is done the benefits will be eroded by price increases of our own making coming on top of those outside our control.

Status of women

The equal pay provision of the national agreement, 1974, will be applied to the Public Service in agreement with the staff. By the end of the present year over one-half of the former differentials will have been removed. Equal pay will be fully applied in the Public Service by the end of 1975. The Civil Service (Employment of Married Women) Act, 1973, removed the bar on the employment of married women in the Civil Service with effect from 31st July, 1973. The marriage bar has also been removed in the local authority and health services. The position of women in the social welfare code has also been improved and I shall be returning to this topic later.

New Department of the Public Service

The new Department of the Public Service was established last November. The Public Service Advisory Council, which I set up to survey the progress of the reorganisation of the Public Service, will report annually to each House of the Oireachtas. Its activities will provide a window through which the public can observe what is going on inside the Public Service. The public-spirited citizens who accepted my invitation to act on the council deserve the community's gratitude.

A major concern of the Department of the Public Service has been the application on an experimental basis of the separation of policy and executive functions in the Departments of Health. Transport and Power, Industry and Commerce and Local Government. The publication of the report on the restructuring of the Department of Health will soon be followed by reports on the three other Departments concerned. The question of extending the new structures will be considered in the light of the operation of the changes in these four Departments.

International monetary developments

The instability of the international monetary system continues unabated. At one time or another during the past year or so not only sterling but also the other major currencies have been in difficulty, largely or immediately generated by uncertainty, which resulted in large-scale inward or outward capital movements. These de-stablishing movements across the exchanges of the world are of great size and speed and are a relatively new, unwelcome and dangerous arrival on the monetary scene.

The persistent monetary instability, added to in recent months by a fresh set of problems thrown up by the energy situation, has held back progress on international monetary reform and also seriously affected EEC economic and monetary policy. Day-to-day uncertainty on the monetary front does not make for the speedy construction of a new international monetary system. Neither does it help greater co-ordination between groups such as the members of the European Communities, given their individual problems and the differences in their economies.

These unprecedented difficulties must be taken into account in assessing the lack of progress to date and in estimating possible future progress. The major immediate problem is of course the adverse effects of the inflated oil and other commodity prices on international payments. Considerable work, in which Ireland is involved, is being undertaken in the appropriate international bodies to find a solution to these complex problems. Even the most optimistic recognise that it will be a long haul.

Interest rates

Interest rates, as a consequence of international trends, rose by 4 percentage points in 1973 and are now at record levels. Unpleasant and unsuited to our requirements as these interest rate developments are, there is very little we can do to avoid them as they are determined by world influences. There are still strong forces tending to keep rates up, such as inflation, monetary instability, the energy crisis and balance of payments problems in many countries. The desirability of keeping interest rates here as low as possible is fully recognised and the position is being kept under constant review.

The conditions of the past year were particularly difficult for the building societies and there was a risk that sufficient funds would not be available to meet the demand for mortgages and that interest rates charged to borrowers would become unduly onerous. Measures taken by the Government helped to avert these dangers. The State subsidy made available in May, 1973, which is being continued for the time being, has made it possible for the societies to increase their rate of interest to investors by 1 per cent while providing mortgages at a rate of 1¼ per cent below what it would otherwise be. This represents a full year cost to the Exchequer of the order of £2 million.

Use of credit

The oil crisis has brought home to us recently the necessity for economising and for eliminating waste in the use of fuel and power. The rocketing cost of other basic commodities and raw materials which we must import for industry, for agriculture and for consumption makes it necessary for us to be frugal and selective in the use of all resources. Among these resources is credit, for capital is as basic and fundamental a necessity for economic development as oil or electricity. Industry and agriculture will have problems enough in financing essential investment without the community adding to the difficulties by improvident expenditure on luxuries and speculation. There has been an insufficient observance by financial institutions of the Central Bank's guidelines for credit. Some of the funds required to increase the productive capacity of the economy have been diverted to facilitate the few who engage in speculative purchases of property and securities. If there is not a more genuine, wholehearted. voluntary reservation of credit for productive purposes, new measures will have to be taken to ensure that credit is used in the public interest.

Programme for economic and social development

The preparation of an economic and social programme covering the four-year period ahead has been under active consideration for some time. The task could not be approached on the basis of blueprints for previous programmes; planning for the future has to be adapted and redefined to meet the changing conditions of the seventies. Uncertainty is the catchword of the present world-wide economic scene. For months past the dominant characteristics have been those of uncertainty and instability in relation to such factors as the supply and price of basic commodities including oil, the international monetary system, the likely pace of inflation and more recently the future evolution of the EC.

These and other uncertainties are expected to have a profound and pervasive effect on the economy and underline the necessity for a fundamental review of planning methods. As it is too soon yet to assess their likely full impact in the coming years the Government have decided that it would not be possible to publish a meaningful programme pending a reassessment of medium-term planning in the light of the current unsettled world economic situation. Meanwhile the Government will continue with their reappraisal of the strategies on which economic and social planning should be based.

The recently established National Economic and Social Council have now presented their first report. I am confident that the council's advice will be of great assistance to the Government, and I should like to thank the members for their participation in this important work. As the Government will wish to have the views of the NESC on future economic and social developments, I will be consulting the council in the course of the preparatory work on the new programme for economic and social development.

Budgetary outturn 1973

Last year's budget—which, as I have already mentioned, was deliberately aimed at the expansion of the economy—envisaged a nominal current deficit of £39 million. I use the word "nominal", because I specifically recognised that raising the growth rate would bring in more tax revenue and reduce the deficit. This is what happened, although I must admit that the process was assisted by the higher-than-expected price increases which boosted VAT receipts. Although expenditure was somewhat greater than expected, the actual deficit was £10.4 million.

The public capital programme, which is of critical importance in promoting economic growth, was fixed initially at a figure of £305 million, representing an increase of 23 per cent on the previous year's outturn. During the year, as a further boost to economic activity, the allocations for housing, telephone development, agricultural credit and industrial credit were increased. The provisional outturn for the year—at £319.7 million—represents a record increase of 28.7 per cent on the previous year. Details will be found in the recently published booklet Capital Budget, 1974.

Exchequer capital

Although receipts from the Exchequer's normal capital resources continued at a high level in the past year, they were below earlier expectations, possibly because the unsettled state of capital markets encouraged some potential investors to remain liquid. In these circumstances the Central Bank agreed, as an exceptional measure, to provide some funds for the Exchequer-financed portion of the capital budget by purchasing Government stocks to the value of £20 million.

It is desirable that as much as possible of the Government's capital requirements should be met from domestic sources. The interest rates payable by the Post Office Savings Bank and the Trustee Savings Banks were increased by 3 percentage points during 1973 and substantial improvements were also made in the terms of Savings Certificates, Investment Bonds and the National Instalment-Saving Scheme. The returns on savings placed in these schemes compare favourably with those available elsewhere and I hope that the recent upturn in receipts will be maintained.

A substantial amount of foreign borrowing was necessary last year, both on the international capital markets and from the European Investment Bank and the World Bank. Ireland's membership of the EC makes us eligible for long term loans from the European Investment Bank for specific projects. A number of such projects have already been approved and the funds received.

Nine months' transitional financial period

The Exchequer and Local Financial Years Act, 1974, provided for the change of the Exchequer financial year and the local authorities' financial year to the calendar year. The year 1975 will be the first calendar financial year for both Exchequer and local authority purposes. The period from 1st April, 1974, to 31st December, 1974, will be a transitional financial period which will have, in so far as the Exchequer is concerned, its own current and capital budgets and Estimates for Public Services.

As regards the timing of parliamentary business—about which I intend consulting the Committee on Procedure and Privileges of this House and that of the Seanad—no change will be needed in 1974, except that the expenditure estimates for the nine-months' period will have to be passed before the end of December next. From 1975 onwards the timing of the budget, of the Estimates for Public Services, of the consideration of those Estimates and of the annual Finance and Appropriation Bills will be altered. For the future, if the former pattern of timing is retained, the budget will be introduced in January or February. I might remind the House that the income-tax year will continue for the present to be the year commencing on 6th April: changing the income-tax year requires more lengthy preparation and this will be done as soon as practicable.

This year's current and capital budgets therefore refer to the nine months' period from 1st April to 31st December, 1974, as also does the Estimates volume published recently The Estimates for Public Services were settled in the first instance on the basis of the 12 months' period from 1st April, 1974, to 31st March, 1975, and were then converted to the nine months' basis. A summary sheet has been included with the Estimates volume showing the underlying figures for the 12 months' period. This will enable comparison to be made on an annual basis with the 1973-74 voted provisions, particulars of which, of course, appear in the volume. Similarly, in the case of the White Paper on Receipts and Expenditure, the capital budget booklet and the current budget tables, figures for the 12 months' period ending 31st March, 1975, have been provided for comparison purposes.

Capital budget 1974

The 1974 capital budget covers the period 1st April to 31st December, 1974. This year's public capital programme was first settled for the 12 months ending March, 1975, and then converted to a nine months' basis. The 12 months' total of £384.4 million is £64.7 million, or 20 per cent more than the outturn for 1973-74. The nine months' programme amounts to £281.6 million, or 73.3 per cent of the 12 months' estimates.

The main item in the overall increase of £64.7 million in the 12 months' programme is an increase of £18.7 million in total in respect of building and construction. Nearly half the increase relates to local authority housing and will ensure progress towards the Government's target of an output of 8,000 new local authority houses by 1975. Expenditure on sanitary services, educational and hospital building and the State building programme accounts for a further £8.3 million. The estimated requirement for the ESB for 1974-75 is £9.5 million or almost 30 per cent up on the preceding year and will cover new generation, transmission and distribution projects including the first instalment of expenditure on the new nuclear power station. Almost 40 per cent more than in 1973-74 is being provided for telephone development. Other significant increases are—industry £6.9 million, industrial credit £6.5 million and agricultural credit £4.5 million. Fuller details of the outlays and the financing are contained in the capital budget booklet.

The increase in the public capital programme will make an important contribution to the growth of national investment and production and is a vital element in the Government's budgetary policy of stimulating the economy, to which I will again refer.

Opening position of the current budget 1974

The period covered by the 1974 current budget is, as I have mentioned, the nine-months' transitional financial period 1st April to 31st December, 1974. The revenue for this nine-months' period is estimated at £669.2 million or only 17.1 per cent of the receipts which would flow in during the 12 months to 31st March, 1975. On the other hand, current expenditure for the nine months—at £716.3 million—is a significantly higher percentage—74½ per cent—of the estimated outlay in the 12 months. This difference is due mainly to the fact that, while expenditure takes place relatively evenly over the four quarters, about 30 per cent of tax revenue on average is collected in the last quarter.

This concentration of revenue in that quarter is attributable mainly to the deferment of certain customs and excise duty payments, to the timing of certain payments of Schedule D income tax, mainly on profits, and to the fact that two of the two-monthly value-added tax payments fall to be made in that quarter. As a result the opening deficit for the transitional nine-months' period, at £47 million, is over £25 million higher than that for the 12 months to end-March, 1975, which is estimated at £21.8 million. I should mention that claims for anomaly increases under clause 18 of the national agreement have been received on behalf of various groups in the Public Service. To the extent that such claims were settled, they have been provided for where possible in the Estimates volume. Some others have not yet been disposed of and, as the outcome cannot be predicted at present, no provision is being included in respect of this contingency in the budget arithmetic.

In the 12 months to 31st March, 1975, tax revenue will show an increase of £126½ million, or 19 per cent, mainly because of the strong buoyancy of income tax, which is likely to rise by one-third and of value-added tax—up by 21 per cent.

On the expenditure side, the Central Fund Services for the 12 months' period show an increase of 22? per cent, mainly due to the increased cost of servicing the public debt. The non-capital supply services show a full-year rise of £113 million or 17 per cent. The main increases are: £28½ million to cover the net additional cost of the National Agreement, 1974; Health: £28 million; Social Welfare: £13 million; Education: £13 million; Local Government: £9½ million; Posts and Telegraphs: £7½ million.

A sum of £10½ million is included to cover the cost of the phased transfer of the health charges and housing subsidies from the rates to the Exchequer. Thus local rates have been relieved of £30 million as a result of the transfers provided for in last year's and this year's budgets.

As the Estimates volume was circulated last week, Sir, I do not think it necessary for me to describe its provisions in detail to the House. The main item of expenditure being provided for in the budget—additional to what is included in the Estimates volume—arises in relation to social welfare and I shall outline later the Government's proposals in this field.

Budgetary policy 1974

The improvement in employment and the striking growth of the economy in the past year would have probably called for a neutral budget this year, were it not for the energy situation, unfavourable movements in world prices of raw materials, and recession in the economies of many of our most important trading partners. However in present circumstances it is clear that budgetary measures will be needed to maintain the real growth of the economy at a level close to full utilisation of capacity. It is particularly important to avoid creating a situation where a dampening of demand induced by the oil crisis and other countries' difficulties would be aggravated by domestic fiscal measures.

The increase in this year's public capital programme will contribute substantially to national output. Present indications however are that without a further budgetary stimulus the economy is likely to grow by only 3¾ per cent this year. This rate is better than that expected by most European countries but it is less than our capacity growth rate and will make little if any contribution to increasing net employment. The Government have therefore decided in line with advice received from a number of organisations, including OECD and the National Economic and Social Council, to give a further boost to the economy by not increasing taxation in this budget to cover the opening deficit or the tax reliefs and increased social welfare benefits which I will be providing.

This is the second year in which I have used fiscal policy to stimulate the economy by presenting a deficit budget. The results last year fully justified this approach and I am confident that this year's policy will similarly be justified in the event. But I wish to strike a note of caution. This policy has involved increasing public expenditure at an exceptionally rapid rate which, if unchecked, could pose problems for the future. Taken in conjunction with the expansion of the public capital programme, it involves a very large increase in foreign borrowing at a time when there are many calls on an uncertain international capital market. Furthermore, while it is proper that this year's large external deficit—which indeed will be increased by the budgetary stimulus—should not be regarded as a restrictive factor, it would be imprudent not to take into consideration the problems which could be posed next year if the deficit had not been reduced, or if satisfactory international measures had not been devised to finance the so-called oil deficit.

Another factor to be taken into the reckoning is the present high level of prices and the need to consider the trade-off between economic stimulus on the one hand and restraining the domestic causes of inflation on the other. There is finally the inescapable fact that, even if there are no further increases, wages and salaries will rise by about 14 per cent next year. All this points to the obvious conclusion that future budgetary policy must be carefully assessed in the light of the prevailing circumstances and that it is essential to bear in mind that, just as an expansionary policy is considered appropriate this year, a neutral or deflationary budget may be required in future years.

Before turning to the taxation reliefs which I am providing, I wish to refer to the general question of tax reform and measures to combat tax avoidance.

Second White Paper on Company Taxation

A further step on the road to reform of the entire taxation system was the publication recently of the White Paper on Company Taxation which contained the Government's proposals for a corporation tax at a general rate of 50 per cent, but with a reduced rate of 40 per cent in the case of small companies. Provision will also be made for an imputation, or credit, of a proportion of the corporation tax borne by dividends equal to income tax at a rate of 35 per cent. In other words, dividends which are paid out of profits which have borne corporation tax will not, in effect, bear further income tax in the hands of a shareholder unless he is chargeable to income tax at a rate higher than 35 per cent.

The proposed system of corporation tax recognises the need for higher savings by shareholders as well as by companies, virtually all of which have to resort to some degree of self-financing for investment purposes. The scheme of corporation tax now proposed also includes valuable reliefs sought over the years by various bodies and is an earnest of the Government's desire to promote further investment and growth in the corporate sector. The system of corporation tax proposed by the Government, which will come into operation on 6th April, 1975, is fully in accord with the EC Commission's acceptance of the "imputation system" as the most appropriate basis for a harmonised system of company taxation throughout the Community.

Taxation of mining profits

The Government have given long and careful consideration to the tax treatment of profits from the mining of non-bedded minerals. Whatever the reasons underlying the introduction of the 20-year tax exemption for such profits, it has become perfectly clear in the light of the present state of development of the industry that this exemption is now unnecessarily generous and that the same economic benefits could be secured for the country, together with additional benefits from increased tax revenue, by less prodigal incentives. The 20-year tax exemption is, as announced in September last, therefore, being repealed and replaced by a scheme of tax allowances which is designed to meet the specific needs of the Irish mining industry and on lines similar to those applicable in comparable economies.

The Government and the mining industry were anxious that the scope of the new allowances should not be finally determined until mining interests had an opportunity of making representations on an appropriate scheme of taxation. I have received submissions from the various mining interests which I discussed with them during the course of a series of meetings in recent months. Following consideration of the representations, the proposals announced last October were modified in some respects. The new scheme is given legislative form in the Finance (Taxation of Profits of Certain Mines) Bill, 1974, which was circulated to Deputies this week.

Briefly, the new tax provisions provide that the profits from non-bedded minerals will be liable, with effect from 6th April, 1974, to the normal rates of taxation after deducting a number of valuable incentive allowances. These allowances include immediate relief for 120 per cent of capital expenditure as it is incurred on prospecting and exploration and on new plant and machinery. The full cost of developing deposits of non-bedded minerals will also be allowed as the expenditure is incurred. To ensure that full pre-production expenditure in relation to mining operations is allowed for tax purposes, the cost of acquiring non-bedded mineral deposits is being allowed over the life of a mine, or twenty years, if shorter. Special provisions enable relief to be claimed in respect of certain capital expenditure incurred by existing mining companies before the commencement date of the new scheme and further relief, by way of tax abatement, is being provided in the case of marginal mines to ensure that they can continue to be worked economically. I am satisfied that these new tax allowances will provide the incentives necessary for the full development of our non-bedded mineral resources while at the same time ensuring that the mining companies will contribute their fair share in taxation for the social and economic needs of the people of Ireland.

Capital taxation

The Government's White Paper on Capital Taxation, published last February, proposed the replacement of estate duty and the present legacy and succession duties by a new package of capital taxes consisting of a capital gains tax, an annual wealth tax and a capital acquisitions tax on gifts and inheritances. This fundamental reshaping of the capital taxation system, which was promised by the Government before taking up office, is designed to bring about total or substantial relief for a very large proportion of people now potentially liable for estate duty, a greater equality in the distribution of wealth, and a more equitable sharing of the burden of taxation. Only those who realise, own or acquire significant amounts of capital will be asked to pay.

In accordance with the promise I gave in my budget speech last year, I have invited the views of all interested persons and organisations on the proposals contained in the White Paper. These views and representations must be received by the end of June this year if the legislative measures necessary to replace estate duty and to make the new system operative are to be introduced and passed during the present year. In response to this invitation, comments have already been received from a number of organisations. These and others received will be carefully considered and implemented where a good case can be made for them.

It is proposed that the present three death duties will be abolished in respect of deaths occurring on or after 1st April, 1975. As a corollary, the inheritance tax element of the proposed capital acquisitions tax will come into effect on that date. The annual wealth tax will also come into effect as from the commencement of the income tax year 1975-76. Capital gains tax will take effect from the 6th day of the present month while, to prevent avoidance, the gift tax portion of the capital acquisitions tax will affect gifts made on or after 28th February, 1974—the date of issue of the White Paper.

Thus only some of the new capital taxes will be in operation in the current tax year. The initial yield is likely to be small since the machinery of assessment and collection is unlikely to be in force until the last quarter. In the case of capital gains tax, as gains will have to be realised before revenue can arise, there will inevitably be a time lag between April, 1974, the commencement date for liable gains, and significant tax yields. I have estimated the yield for these taxes at £½ million in the 12 months to March, 1975, but, for the reasons I have mentioned, this is clearly not an indication of the yield from the new capital taxes when in full operation.

Tax avoidance

An important aspect of tax reform is measures to counter tax avoidance and evasion. Last year, when bringing in a number of anti-avoidance provisions, I said that one of the reasons why our rates of income taxation are so high is that a great many people who ought to pay a lot of tax pay little or, indeed, none at all.

I also referred to this question when replying to the debate on income tax allowances which took place in this House on February 19th last. As I then indicated, it is my policy in the interests of fair play to take firm action against tax avoiders and evaders and to ensure a more equitable tax system.

I have already announced that as from 10th January, 1974, the Finance Bill will restrict to a maximum of £2,000 a year the amount of interest on borrowings allowed to qualify for tax relief but that borrowings for genuine business activities will not be affected. In the light of the examples I gave, in last February's debate, of people with incomes of £13,000 and £24,000 a year claiming relief in respect of interest payments of £14,000 and £33,000 respectively, I think, Sir, further comment is hardly necessary.

Certificates of deposit

Interest payable on the maturity of certificates of deposit is chargeable to income taxation in the ordinary way, but a number of depositors have avoided the tax charge by selling the certificates before maturity date and obtaining what was, in effect, the accrued interest in the form of a capital sum. There will be provision in the Finance Bill to counter this avoidance device. It will apply to certificates of deposit which are acquired after today and to the appreciation after today on existing certificates disposed of before maturity.

Land development profits

I also propose to terminate two tax avoidance devices which are in operation in relation to land development projects. The first relates to section 20 of the Finance (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1968, which was designed to prevent avoidance of tax on land development profits. Such avoidance could previously be effected by selling the shares of the company instead of selling the building constructed. The section, which refers only to the construction of a building, does not cover development achieved by alteration, extension or reconstruction.

The second device in this area is where a company, by leasing an underdeveloped property at a nominal rent, can contrive a situation under which it can claim relief under section 81 of the Income Tax Act, 1967, in respect of interest on borrowed money and certain other payments made in the development period. By charging these expenses against the nominal rent in the development period, the lessor creates deficiencies which may be set off against surpluses arising when the premises have been developed and occupied at an economic rent.

Transfer of assets to tax havens

The Finance Bill will also contain measures to close off a loophole in the taxation code which has been used by some wealthy people in recent years to avoid income taxation. A feature of the arrangements I am referring to is the transfer by an individual of funds to a company specially set up by him in a country—a tax haven—which charges little or no tax on income. The arrangements made have the effect that liability to Irish taxation on the income from those funds is completely avoided. To close this particular loophole, I am proposing that, with effect from 1974-75, where an Irish resident has power to enjoy income from assets transferred abroad by him, such income shall be treated as his income for Irish tax purposes. Genuine commercial transactions will, of course, be excluded from the scope of this anti-avoidance measure. This loophole will also be closed in the capital taxation legislation.

Yield of anti-avoidance measures

The measures I have outlined to combat avoidance will ensure that revenue, which should properly accrue to the Exchequer, will not be lost. The amount to be gained by the Exchequer from these provisions will be in the region of £2 million in the 12 months to March, 1975, and £0.5 million in the nine months to December, 1974, but if these devices were to be allowed to continue they would soon become more widespread and the loss to the Exchequer in future years would be considerably greater.

Reform of personal income taxation structure

I now come to tax relief. Last year, in my financial statement, I adverted to the need to examine critically our present structure of personal income taxation. The aim of this was to devise a reformed structure which would be simple enough for taxpayers to understand and to produce a reasonably stable system which could develop, but whose basic structure need not be fundamentally revised for a considerable period. There are two major causes of confusion and misunderstanding regarding the present system. In the first place, it is not generally appreciated that the standard rate of income tax, at present 35 per cent, is effectively not more than 26.25 per cent for those with earnings up to £2,000 which qualify for earned income relief. Secondly, our progressive rates of income taxation are based on two forms of taxation, income tax and sur-tax, with somewhat similar, but not identical, charging rules and reliefs. Simplification which dealt with these and other difficulties could be approached in a number of ways yielding different results. A detailed examination showed that whatever approach was adopted, radical simplification of the structure would so affect the existing distribution of tax paid by taxpayers that the position of some taxpayers would be worsened in the absence of a subvention from the Exchequer. Therefore, a scheme designed to simplify the personal income taxation structure which would be acceptable to taxpayers generally, in as much as it did not worsen their existing tax position, must include an element of tax relief.

Apart from achieving the goal of simplification, I was also anxious to ensure that the tax burden would be distributed as fairly as possible in accordance with ability to pay. Taxation paid directly out of income has grown steadily heavier over the years mainly because of inadequately adjusted personal income tax allowances. The Government have publicly acknowledged the inequity caused by this defect in the present system and they are committed to a policy of reviewing the personal allowances at frequent intervals. As a first step, it has been decided to incorporate in a new simplified personal income taxation structure substantial increases in the main personal tax allowances which will give relief to every taxpayer with effect from 6th April this year.

In addition to increasing the single, widowed and married persons' tax allowances, I am simplifying the structure of personal income taxation by abolishing the concept of earned income relief. To achieve the same objective as earned income relief, the basic rate of income tax chargeable under the new structure on the first band of taxable income will be reduced from 35 per cent to 26 per cent. In the case of taxpayers whose taxable income falls within this band, the different personal allowances, if not modified, would be less valuable in terms of tax relief than before. To offset this, it is necessary to increase the allowances by one-third. However, in making this particular adjustment, I propose, as I have said, also to give relief to all taxpayers by increasing the single, widowed and married persons' allowances.

The main personal allowances under the new structure will be £500 for a single person, £299 at present, £550 for a widowed person, £324 at present, and £800 for a married person, £494 at present. The personal allowances of persons aged 65 or over will be further increased by £25, if they are single or widowed, and by £50 if they are married. These simplifications and allowances adjustments will apply to all taxpayers.

Deputies

Hear, Hear.

In the interest of simplification the existing complex scheme of 18 different income tax child allowances, which is now virtually incomprehensible to most taxpayers, will be abolished and replaced by a uniform child tax allowance of £200 per child. This means that the child allowance will no longer vary with the age of a child or a tax-payer's income and, in addition, it will do away with the irritation of the "claw-back". There will be an additional allowance of £70 in the case of a permanently incapacitated child.

Three other tax allowances have also to be increased to maintain their tax value for taxpayers whose taxable income falls within the first band chargeable at 26 per cent. Dependent relative allowances will be increased from £60 to £80, blind allowances from £100 to £140 and housekeeper allowances from £100 to £140. As regards the relief given for wife's earned income, which in the new structure will be entitled "working wife's allowance", I want to ensure that it and the married person's allowance combined will be twice the new single person's allowance. The working wife's allowance will, therefore, rise from £104 to £200.

Sur-tax as such will be abolished and incorporated in a new unified income tax rating schedule, ranging from a basic rate of 26 per cent to a maximum of 80 per cent chargeable on taxable income. The basic 26 per cent rate will apply to the first £1,550 of taxable income, 35 per cent to the next £2,800 of taxable income, 50 per cent to the next £2,000 of taxable income, 65 per cent to the following £2,000 of taxable income and 80 per cent to the balance of any taxable income.

The various tax allowances and deductions to which a taxpayer may be entitled will be deducted from gross income, whether earned income or investment income, in order to arrive at taxable income under the new simplified structure. In other words, the different treatment for income tax purposes of earned income and investment income is being removed. Under the present system, a married taxpayer with no children becomes liable at the top rate when his income is £8,995 earned or £6,995 "unearned". Under the new system the threshold in each case will be £9,151.

Under the existing dual system of income tax and sur-tax, some reliefs, namely, life assurance relief, health expenses, wife's earned income relief and age allowance apply for income tax only. As it would be anomalous to maintain this distinction under the unified system now proposed, these reliefs are being placed on the same footing as other reliefs and allowances and will be available in full to income taxpayers whatever their marginal rate of tax.

To mitigate any possible hardship which could be caused by the combined payment of income taxation and annual wealth tax, the White Paper on Capital Taxation said that appropriate adjustments would be made in the higher rates of income taxation. My proposals for a new personal income taxation structure in no way prejudge the need to adjust the higher rates of income taxation which will be considered before the annual wealth tax comes into operation. The merging of income tax and sur-tax and the removal of the discrimination between earned and unearned income are in part preparatory to the introduction of wealth tax.

The effect of the new structure on taxpayers' earnings can be summarised as follows. A single person earning £1,000 will save £27.85 a year. This saving rises to £34.85 on earnings of £2,500 and to a maximum of £57.80 in the case of a single person liable at the top rate of income tax. Expressed as a percentage of tax previously payable, these savings work out at approximately 18 per cent, 6 per cent and 1.5 per cent, respectively. A married person without children earning £1,000 will save £37.60 a year. This saving rises to £71.60 a year on earnings of £2,500 and to a maximum of £141.80 in the case of a married person liable at the top rate of income tax. Expressed as a percentage of tax previously payable, these savings work out at approximately 42 per cent, 14 per cent and 3 per cent, respectively. The proposed uniform child allowance of £200 means that gains to married taxpayers with children will in most cases be even greater than those of married taxpayers without children.

The scheme which I have announced represents a major reform of the entire structure of personal income taxation under which everyone will obtain substantial relief and some 60,000 persons will be removed from the tax net altogether. It will go a long way to making personal income tax more intelligible to the average taxpayer and will secure an easing of the growing administrative burdens on both the private sector and the Revenue machinery, particularly in regard to the operation of the PAYE system. It will result in a personal tax structure broadly similar to that already in operation in other EC countries.

The new system will apply as from the 1974-75 income tax year. Because of the many changes required in the Pay As You Earn system, it may be some months before the tax savings will be reflected in pay packets. I expect that the tax savings will be reflected in the take home pay from August onwards, but the total reliefs applicable to the income tax year 1974-75 will, of course, be given within that year.

The cost of the new income tax structure is £17.65 million in 1974, £27.25 million in the year to 31st March, 1975 and £32.10 million in a full year. About 75 per cent of these costs relates to the increased allowances, the amount relating to simplification as such being relatively small.

Retirement benefit schemes

Under the existing provisions governing the grant of tax relief in respect of retirement benefit schemes, there is a restriction which excludes directors and employees who are, in effect, owners or part-owners of their businesses from schemes which may be approved for tax relief. I am satisfied that the removal of the restriction is justified in present circumstances and will not provide an avenue for tax avoidance. The Finance Bill will make provision accordingly.

People who are self-employed do not have the opportunity of participating in superannuation schemes but provision was made in the Finance Act, 1958, to enable them to obtain tax relief in respect of payments made to secure a life annuity for themselves in their old age. This is a rather restricted benefit in the light of what is at present available for employees who are members of retirement benefit schemes and of what will in future be available to directors and employees who are effectively owners or part-owners of their businesses. In the circumstances, I think it equitable that self-employed persons should be able to obtain tax relief in respect of a wider range of retirement benefits so that they may make better provision for their dependants and their own retirement. Accordingly, I intend to provide in the Finance Bill for an increase in the limit of the premium, eligible for tax relief, to 15 per cent of net relevant earnings, subject to a maximum premium of £1,500 per annum.

Fundamental review of taxation code

Overhauling a taxation code is a formidable task at any time but it is all the greater when, as in Ireland's case, past delays in reform have made many tax provisions irrelevant or unsuited to present day needs.

The Government's plan for the reform of personal, capital, company and mining taxation are fundamental, wide ranging and unprecedented in the history of this State. These, together with the anti-avoidance measures, will lead to a more just and equitable distribution of the burden of taxation throughout the community and remove many unsound commercial practices and financial distortions.

Inevitably as in all great reforms the transition from the old system to the new may reveal passing problems or anomalies affecting some individuals or groups. We are anxious to minimise—and as far as possible eliminate—these difficulties.

We want to devise a tax system which is easily understood, acceptable as equitable and tailored to Ireland's needs. Therefore, as I have already said on the Government's behalf, we will welcome constructive representations and suggestions to achieve this objective.

Taxation of farming profits

The Government have for some time been considering the question of taxing farming profits. As the House is aware, farming profits have been exempt from income tax since 1969.

Before 1969 farmers were liable to income tax both in respect of the ownership of their land—under the then schedule A—and in respect of the occupation of land—under the then schedule B. Income was calculated on a notional basis and, broadly speaking, worked out at between one and a half times and twice the rateable valuation. In practice, as the normal personal and other allowances could be set off against the income, very few farmers were, in fact, called upon to pay tax.

As from 6th April, 1969, taxation under both these schedules was abolished. Since then profits arising from farming to any person, including a company, have been totally disregarded for income tax purposes. Despite this, farm losses could be set off against other income.

As far back as 1960, when farming profits were taxed—but on the minimal basis mentioned—the Commission on Income Taxation, in their fourth report, by a majority concluded that the virtual exemption of farmers was, against the general background of the tax, inequitable and that the then system, because of the administrative costs incurred both by the State and the taxpayer, was uneconomic in relation to the low revenue yield. They recommended that a gradual changeover be made to a system of assessment based on actual profits, to apply at first only to those with holdings of £100 valuation or more. Farmers with smaller holdings would be assessed on a notional basis. The commission's recommendations were not adopted by the then Government.

More recently, the taxation of farmers was again recommended— this time by the Committee on the Review of State Expenditure in Relation to Agriculture which was set up by the then Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries in 1967, and whose report was published by the Government in 1970. This committee recommended that after an initial period of five years during which a notional basis would apply, farmers should be liable to income tax on actual profits differing from the normal income taxpayer only to the extent that what they described as a land tax—which they recommended should be introduced in place of rates—should be deductible from the income tax payable.

I might mention here that farming profits are subject to tax in the other eight EC countries. It appears that an actual profits basis applies in Denmark, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom while a notional basis applies in Italy and Belgium. One or the other basis applies in France, Luxembourg and West Germany depending on size of turnover, capital invested or profit.

The impressive growth of farm income, especially in recent years, has focussed fresh attention on the tax exemption of farmers and made irrelevant many of the earlier arguments for exclusion. For example, total family farm income has grown from about £112 million in 1960 to an estimated £362 million in 1973 an increase of 223 per cent. In 1973 alone the growth was about 32 per cent. Admittedly, the growth factor for 1974 is of a lower order. However such a slackening in the rate of increase is not surprising given the previous record high level of prices for agricultural products and having regard to the recent increases in costs, attributable to the oil situation among other causes.

The exemption of farming profits has given a spur to tax evasion and avoidance which, as I indicated earlier, I am determined to take firm action against. It encouraged people with other income to buy farms so that they could attribute an undue amount of their income to farming activities and in this way considerably reduce their tax. It also encouraged tax avoidance in that farm losses could be offset against other income in order to reduce or wipe out tax liability.

It is clearly indefensible to take tax from the wages of a farm labourer while exempting from tax the large farmer. After careful consideration of all the factors involved, the Government have decided that farmers, the rateable valuation of whose land is £100 and upwards, will be subject to income taxation as from 6th April, 1974. It is estimated that there are about 170,000 farmers in the country. Of these, about 9,000 only will now become liable to income taxation.

Tax liability will normally be assessed on the basis of profits derived from farm accounts. In accordance with the usual basis of charging profits, the assessment of farm profits for the income tax year 1974-75 would be based on the profits arising in the preceding year. As, however, this will be the first time that farming profits will be assessed, farmers will be given the option of electing for assessment on the actual profits basis in 1974-75. The Government are aware of the difficulties of farmers who have not kept accounts up to now. To meet their problem, an alternative basis of assessment will be available under which gross farming profits will be computed on a notional basis by multiplying each £ of the rateable valuation by 40. From this gross sum deductions will be admissible in respect of rates, wages, and depreciation of farm machinery, in arriving at assessable profits. This alternative basis of assessment will be available to all farmers, whether or not they keep accounts. The proposed multiplier of 40 compares with the multiplier of 62 derived from the total farm income included in the provisional national income accounts for 1973.

Relief will be provided in the case of farmers the rateable valuation of whose land only slightly exceeds £100 and steps will be taken to guard against avoidance of liability by the fragmentation of holdings so as to bring the rateable valuation below £100.

Statistically, in calculating farm income, account is taken of the value of increases—or decreases—in stock. Increases in stock represent investment which does not immediately provide the farmer with cash. While the changes may balance out over a period, in a particular year stock increases may represent a large proportion of a farmer's income. For example, of the £75 million increase in farm income in 1972, £32 million arose from the increase in livestock numbers. In these circumstances, the timing of income tax payments would be particularly significant and the needs of farms in regard to re-investment would have to be taken fully into account.

While the Government are anxious to avoid or mitigate as far as possible any disincentive effect that income taxation in general may have on effort, they are satisfied that added care must be taken when income tax is being imposed for the first time—as it is now, in effect—on a particular activity. They recognise that farmers may have particular problems in this matter and I can assure them that full cognisance will be taken of their special circumstances. Consultations will be held with the National Economic and Social Council and with representative farming organisations regarding the considerations to be borne in mind in the taxation of farm profits. These consultations will also cover capital taxation and include consideration of the steps to be taken to encourage investment and greater production.

An area of agriculture where special treatment can be justified for taxation purposes is the blood-stock industry. Representations have been made to me in connection with the capital taxation proposals that stud-farming is a particularly high risk business where capital may be tied up for long periods without yielding income and substantial losses may be incurred. I am, therefore, considering what special treatment of the industry should be provided for under the capital and income taxation proposals.

Finally, I should refer to one of the incidental—and unjustifiable—effects of the exemption of farmers' profits which has attracted adverse criticism from many quarters. It arises from the fact that, because farming profits are exempt, a married farmer, for example, may set the full personal allowances appropriate to a non-farming married couple, both of whom are at work, against any income his wife earns. Thus, not only is the farmer himself free of income tax but in such situations his wife may pay little if any tax on her earnings. The same issue arises where the farmer, whether married or single, has non-farming income of his own. To deal with such cases, it is proposed that, in the case of farmers not now being brought within the scope of income taxation, only one-half of the appropriate personal allowances will be set off against non-farming income, whether of the farmer or of his wife. This restriction will apply as from 6th April, 1974.

Because of the need for consultation, of the uncertainty at this stage regarding the bases of assessment which will be chosen by farmers, and of the time required to establish a system of assessment and collection, it is difficult to predict the amount of tax which will be paid in the 12 months to March, 1975. I am, therefore, not making any provision under this head in my budgetary arithmetic.

Social Welfare

I now turn to social welfare benefits.

I would remind the House that last year the Government's proposals, in accordance with its pre-election promises for improving and extending the social welfare and health services, involved provision for record additional Exchequer expenditure of £52.5 million in a full year. A great variety of improvements in the social welfare and health services was provided for. The increases in the rates of social insurance benefits, social assistance payments and children's allowances far exceeded what would have been needed to cover the increase in the cost of living and went a long way towards bringing their level into line with that in neighbouring countries. In today's budget, provision is being made for another major advance in the social welfare field.

In 1973-74 Exchequer expenditure on social welfare amounted to £132.4 million, an increase of 43.3 per cent on the previous year's expenditure. Those figures clearly underline the extent to which the Government since assuming office have demonstrated in practical terms their concern for those who, for one reason or another, are not in the active labour force and therefore are in need of community help. The measures in question were not confined to the improvements which were granted in all rates of existing benefit, substantial though these were, but extended also to the introduction of new schemes to give assistance to underprivileged groups such as unmarried mothers and handicapped children. A start was also made towards putting a more human face on the social welfare services; the means test was substantially relaxed, the pensionable age was reduced to 69 (the first reduction since 1908), a significant sum was allocated to improvements in the home-care welfare services and the care of deprived children, and the position of women in the social service system was also alleviated. The abolition of the remuneration limit for social insurance and the scheme of pay-related benefits, which are now being introduced, are further desirable developments in a just society. The steps which were taken to improve the quality and flow of information to the public about the social welfare services have brought relief to many needy persons who formerly went without.

In the coming year the Government will continue along this path of social reform and have accordingly approved further wide-ranging improvements in all of the income-maintenance services, including those administered by the Department of Health, which will cost a total of £50.14 million in a full year, £37.62 million in the year to March, 1975, and £25.13 million in 1974, of which the Exchequer will bear £32.59 million, £24.47 million and £16.36 million, respectively. Following the pattern of early implementation which was set last year, all improvements will take effect from July next.

Common decency requires that the community as a whole should provide the less well-off not just with means of subsistence but with a rising standard of living in real terms. Therefore, I am providing that from July next all rates of social insurance and assistance payments, together with associated health allowances, will be increased by 18 per cent, an amount which, compared with the rise in the cost of living since last year's increases, will ensure all beneficiaries a significant rise in their real standard of living. Additionally, and in keeping with the Government's pre-election commitments, the qualifying age for old age pension is being reduced again by another year to 68. A few examples will illustrate the magnitude of the proposed improvements.

The new rates of contributory old age pension for a married couple, where both are over 68 years, will be £15 compared with the sum of £12.35 which is payable at present where both are over 69 years. A contributory widow pensioner with three children will receive £15.45 compared with £13.05 at present, while the deserted wife's allowance for a woman with three children will be increased from £12.15 to £14.50 per week.

Children's allowances will also be increased in all cases, the allowance for the first child from £2.00 to £2.30, for the second child from £3.00 to £3.30 and for the third and subsequent children from £3.75 to £4.05 per child.

The means tests for non-contributory pensions and allowances will be further eased by increasing the amount of assessed means which will be disregarded from £4 to £5 a week. As a result, the full pension or allowance will be payable to persons whose assessed means do not exceed £5 per week while persons whose assessed means are as high as £11.50 will still be able to qualify for a reduced rate of pension.

I am also glad to be able to announce that steps are being taken to close several indefensible gaps in the income maintenance services which have remained over the years. Perhaps the most notable gap has been the absence of an adult dependant allowance in the old age non-contributory pension scheme. In effect, a pensioner whose spouse was not old enough to qualify in his or her own right for a pension did not receive any increase in pension for that spouse, and so received, at current rates, a maximum of £6.15 a week.

One intolerable result of this provision was that a person in receipt of £9.25 a week in unemployment assistance allowance for himself and his dependent wife could drop £3.10 per week in assistance receipts on qualifying for an old age pension. From July next, an adult dependent allowance of £3.65 will be provided in those circumstances. Taken together with the 18 per cent increase in the personal rate of pension, this will increase the rate for a married non-contributory pensioner couple, with a dependent spouse under age 68, from £6.15 to £10.95 per week.

A new scheme of social assistance for wives of long-term prisoners will be introduced.

A further scheme of assistance will be provided for unmarried women over 58 years who are in poor circumstances.

At present, when a social welfare beneficiary dies his dependants may for a time be subject to a good deal of hardship because, while the benefit to which the dead man has been entitled is immediately terminated, it may take some time for a widow's pension to be paid out to his widow. To prevent any recurrence of such hardship, from July next the benefit will be extended for six weeks beyond the date of death in such cases, and be payable to the widow. Finally, in recognition of the critical need for an ordered approach to combating the problems of poverty in this country, I have allocated a sum of £100,000 to allow pilot schemes of poverty research to be put in train.

For the farmers.

I hope that the information which will be gleaned from those projects will provide the basis for an objective assessment of the nature and extent of poverty in this country and for the formulation of policies for preventing it where possible and dealing with it effectively where it occurs.

(Interruptions.)

As regards the financing of social insurance, employers will be asked to bear the same proportion as last year of the cost of improvements in view of the further relief which they are being afforded in their rates liability on industrial and commercial premises. I would point out that, compared with our EEC partners, the Exchequer in this country continues to bear an excessively high proportion of the cost of social insurance.

A more detailed statement of all of the foregoing improvements will be found in the summary of the principal features of the budget which will be circulated when I conclude my speech.

Public Service Pensions

Last year I narrowed by one month the period for which public service pensioners had to await parity. Pensions for the public service—including retired civil servants, members of the Defence Forces, gardaí, teachers, local authority and health board employees and the widows of these groups— were increased by reference to 1st July pay rates, the increased pensions being paid from 1st October. I have now decided to eliminate this time-lag by providing that the revised pensions will be paid as from 1st July each year by reference to the rates of pay in force on that date. Similar increases will apply to military service pensions and other Army pensions including special allowances. Thus, public service pensioners will receive their increases with effect from a date earlier than ever before and in line with the operative date for increases payable to other recipients of pensions from State funds. The cost this year will be £600,000. This sums is additional to the amount of £400,000 already provided in the estimates volume for the nine months to end-December, 1974.

It remains for me only to summarise the budgetary position and conclude.

I opened with a deficit of £21.8 million for the year to end-March, 1975 and of £47 million for the transitional nine months' period to December, 1974. The nine months' deficit is higher than that for the 12 months because, as I have already explained, expenditure is spread relatively evenly over a full year but only about 71 per cent of tax revenue is collected in the nine months' period. A small amount of additional revenue, £2.5 million in the 12 months' period and £0.5 million in the nine months, is expected from the anti-avoidance measures and from the partial introduction of the new capital taxes.

The cost of the major income tax reliefs and of the reformed structure of personal taxation will be £27.25 million in the 12 months' period, and £17.65 million in the nine month period, £32 million in a full year. The cost of the Exchequer of the major social welfare improvements and the improvements in public service pensions is £25.07 million in the 12 months' period, and £16.97 million in the nine months. These factors bring the deficit up to £71.65 million and £81.15 million in those periods, respectively.

Last year, I allowed for the first time in the budgetary arithmetic for unspent balances of Exchequer issues which are in the hands of Departments at the end of the previous year. I propose to allow £5 million this year in respect of similar balances, which are of a recurrent nature and are available in the following year to reduce the call on Departments' estimates. When this final item is deducted, the deficit is reduced to £76.15 million for the nine months' period and to £66.65 million for the 12 months to end-March.

As I have indicated, the Government have decided to provide a further boost for the economy in the current budget, on top of that arising from the level of the public capital programme, by not increasing taxation to cover the deficit. The injection of additional purchasing power into the economy, through the opening deficit, the income tax reliefs and the social welfare benefits, is expected to raise national output, over what it would otherwise be, by one percentage point in this calendar year and by one-and-a-half percentage points in the 12 months to March, 1975. Increased economic growth will, as it did last year, generate additional revenue and reduce the deficit.

Conclusion

My budget today has three main aims.

The economic aim this year—as it was last year—is to promote growth and ensure that the economy operates at a level close to full utilisation of capacity. Last year, my budgetary policy was signally successful in promoting economic growth and creating increased employment. This year, against a background where the problems presented by the likely slowing down in economic growth internationally are compounded by the energy crisis, it is vitally important for us to ensure economic growth at the maximum possible rate and that employment is further increased in the year ahead.

The social aim of today's budget is to continue along the path of reform begun last year by the Government. This year, as last year, a worthwhile improvement in real terms is being made in the value of social welfare benefits. Further, today's budget continues the work—commenced last year —of extending the scope of the social welfare services themselves, of easing means tests and lowering qualifying ages. In sum, it aims at making the social welfare services more compassionate in their operation.

The third main aim of today's budgetary measures is greater equity in the sharing of the tax burden in the community. It is the Government's aim to reshape fundamentally the entire code with this object in view. Today's budget provides in particular for the reform of income taxation and the long overdue easing of the tax burden by widening the base to include the wealthiest farmers, simplifying the structure and providing for major reliefs.

TABLE EXPLANATORY OF THE CURRENT BUDGET, 1974

REVENUE

£ million

EXPENDITURE

1st April-31st December 1974

1st April 1974-31st March 1975

1st April-31st December 1974

1st April 1974-31st March 1975

Tax revenue (excluding 2 below)

548.40

791.80

1 Debt service and other central fund charges

120.00

165.00

2 Motor vehicle duties

17.70

26.00

2 Payments to Road Fund

11.80

17.30

3 Non-tax revenue

103.14

123.06

3 Supply services (non-capital)

584.48

780.39

669.24

940.86

716.28

962.69

4Add:— Income tax anti- avoidance measures Capital acquisitions tax

00.50—

2.000.50

4Add— Social welfare, etc.Public service pensions

16.360.60

24.470.60

00.50

2.50

16.96

25.07

5Deduct:— Reform of income taxation structure

17.65

27.25

5 Deduct:— Estimated departmental balances

5.00

5.00

6 Net deduction

17.15

24.75

11.96

20.07

652.09

916.11

7 Deficit

76.15

66.65

728.24

982.76

728.24

982.76

Department of Finance,

3rd April, 1974.

CURRENT BUDGET TABLES

1974

INDEX

TABLE 1. Comparison between (i) budget estimates and (ii) actual revenue and expenditure in 1973/74

TABLE 2. Main heads of current government expenditure

TABLE 3. Receipts and issues of Road Fund

TABLE 4. Certain receipts and expenditure of the Exchequer and of local authorities

TABLE 5. State expenditure in relation to agriculture

Tables relating to public capital expenditure will be found in the separate publication entitled “Capital Budget 1974”.

For comparison purposes, figures for the period 1 April 1974 to 31 March 1975 are shown in italics in tables 2 to 5 inclusive.

Note—The Tables do not take account of 1974 budgetary adjustments.

TABLE 1

COMPARISON BETWEEN (i) BUDGET ESTIMATES AND (ii) ACTUAL REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE IN 1973/74.

Estimated

Actual

Estimated

Actual

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

1. Tax revenue (excluding 2 below)

628.40

665.32

1. Central Fund services (excluding 2 below)

131.00

132.88

2. Motor vehicle duties

24.37

24.35

2. Payment to Road Fund

16.24

16.17

3. Non-tax revenue—

3. Supply services (non-capital) (a)

647.48(b)

654.29

Post Office

46.30

46.30

Miscellaneous

56.33

56.94

4. Deficit

39.32

10.43

TOTAL

794.72

803.34

TOTAL

794.72

803.34

(a)Includes Exchequer grants to the Road Fund of £3.29 million and £5.69 million, respectively.

(b)The original provision was £607.67 million to which was added £43.81 million in the budget for social welfare, roads, agricu public service remuneration, aid to developing countries and improvements in Gaeltacht grants; a deduction of £4 million was made for estimated Departmental balances.

TABLE 2

MAIN HEADS OF CURRENT GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE

(£000)

1969/70

1970/71

1971/72

1972/73

1973/74 Pro- visional

Apr.-Dec 1974 Esti- mate

1974/75 Esti- mate

Service of Public Debt

88,841

101,438

115,621

127,288

151,554

145,238

188,550

Social Services

144,271

178,595

211,128

247,189

338,045

297,867

396,541

Social Welfare

59,010

71,776

83,938

92,382

131,425

112,475

148,865

Education

53,143

63,196

75,155

91,385

110,182

91,896

122,618

Health

32,118

43,23

52,035

63,422

96,438

93,496

125,058

Economic Services

98,234

111,662

126,871

142,082

129,648

104,519

140,659

Agriculture

71,225

76,923

87,415

91,157

67,559

52,921

67,750

Industry

8,980

11,376

14,048

17,941

21,996

17,408

24,224

Transport

15,003

19,558

21,393

28,286

35,007

29,703

42,572

Forestry and Fisheries

3,026

3,805

4,015

4,698

5,086

4,487

6,113

General Services

58,346

73,351

85,651

108,788

130,959

105,961

144,808

Post Office

19,942

25,377

29,291

34,643

39,891

33,270

45,148

Defence

14,602

18,561

22,181

29,584

32,873

27,041

38,024

Justice, including Gardaí

11,810

15,007

17,530

23,537

31,751

23,678

32,156

Public service pensions

11,992

14,406

16,649

21,024

26,444

21,972

29,480

Payments under arrangements relating to own resources of EEC

1,172

5,972

6,200

9,000

Other Expenditure (a)

22,633

26,299

31,803

36,945

47,161

56,491

83,136

TOTAL

412,325

491,345

571,074

663,464

803,339

716,276

962,694

Public service remuneration included in above figures (b)

108,833

133,985

162,700

200,154

253,129

230,304

314,056

1969

1970

1971

1972

1973

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

Gross National Product

1,491

1,665

1,889

2,232

2,674

Current Government Expenditure as % of GNP

27.7%

29.5%

30.2%

29.7%

30.0%

(a) Includes sums amounting to £16.55 million and £28.58 million for estimated increases in public service remuneration for the periods April-December, 1974 and April, 1974-March, 1975.

(b) Comprises the pay of civil servants (including industrial employees), national and secondary teachers, the Defence Forces, Gardaí, and the Exchequer contribution to the pay of health board employees and vocational teachers.

TABLE 3

ROAD FUND

ESTIMATES OF RECEIPTS AND ISSUES

RECEIPTS

ISSUES

1973/74

April-Dec. 1974

1974/75

1973/74

April-Dec. 1974

1974/75

£000

£000

£000

£000

£000

£000

1. Opening balance

1. Road grants (a)

19,324

15,905

22,770

2. Motor taxation, etc.

16,167

11,800

17,300

2. Administration, etc.

2,533

2,510

3,350

3. Exchequer grant

5,690

6,615

8,820

TOTAL

21,857

18,415

26,120

TOTAL

21,857

18,415

26,120

(a) Including payments on foot of previous years' allocations.

TABLE 4

CERTAIN RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE OF THE EXCHEQUER AND OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES

Exchequer

Local Authorities (a)

Revenue

Non-capital issues

Expenditure from revenue

State grants received

Rates collected

£000

£000

£000

£000

£000

1959-60

129,856

128,682

55,104

24,480

21,412

1960-61

138,839

139,565

57,885

26,476

22,058

1961-62

151,686

152,393

64,165

28,792

23,203

1962-63

163,478

168,335

67,379

32,725

22,776

1963-64

184,419

186,638

71,323

34,871

24,466

1964-65

219,045

222,011

82,973

41,210

26,061

1965-66

240,761

248,542

90,588

46,465

29,761

1966-67

272,843

272,051

98,959

50,676

31,534

1967-68

305,409

305,621

107,430

57,472

34,702

1968-69

345,480

353,849

119,595

64,728

38,294

1969-70

411,012

411,550

141,790

74,177

42,953

1970-71

481,506

490,429

166,686

87,763

49,932

1971-72

569,402

571,602

203,391

108,648

60,160

1972-73

659,070

664,541

227,693(c)

129,040(c)

70,250(c)

1973-74

792,913

803,339

272,860(d)

169,556(d)

71,230(d)

April-Dec. 1974

669,235(d)

716,276(d)

254,778(d)

164,831(d)

59,120(d)

1974-75

940,860(d)

962,694(d)

319,900(d)

213,848(d)

73,000(d)

NOTE:—(a)Local Authorities comprise County Councils, County Borough Corporations, Borough Corporations, Urban District Councils, Town Commissioners, Regional Health Boards, Vocational Education Committees and County Committees of Agriculture.

(b) The revenue of local authorities comprises rates, State grants and other receipts, e.g., rents, fees, etc.

(c) Approximate.

(d) Estimated.

TABLE 5

STATE EXPENDITURE* IN RELATION TO AGRICULTURE FROM 1971-72

1971-72 £000

1972-73 £000

1973-74 Provisional £000

April-Dec. 1974 Estimate £000

1974-75 Estimate £000

1. Price supports and marketing aids:

Dairy produce

29,818

26,952

4,675

2,656

3,825

Beef, mutton and lamb

1,210

1,452

481

367

471

Bacon and pork

4,875

4,065

25

Cereals

307

427

5

1

1

TOTAL **

36,210

32,896

5,186

3,024

4,297

2. Production incentives paid direct to producers:

Beef cattle incentive grants

6,745

7,935

9,647

6,450

8,300

EEC Dairy herds conversion scheme

200

300

Sheep grants

1,793

1,835

2,500

2,260

2,260

Farrowed sows

41

4

10

Small farm incentive bonus

421

799

900

750

1,000

TOTAL

9,000

10,573

13,057

9,660

11,860

3. Payments to reduce production and overhead costs:

Lime and fertilisers subsidies

7,637

7,880

7,965

4,700

6,670

Reduction of land annuities

1,323

1,389

1,452

771

1,543

Relief of rates on agricultural land

24,405

27,914

27,468

23,000

27,900

TOTAL

33,365

37,183

36,885

28,471

36,113

4. Long-term development aids (mainly of a capital nature):

Arterial drainage

1,411

1,144

1,565

1,435

1,889

Land reclamation

4,447

4,130

4,430

3,600

4,840

Farm buildings and water supplies

4,213

4,706

4,702

3,665

5,718

Equipment grants (milk coolers, forage harvesters and poultry)

170

192

356

152

246

Improvement of livestock

371

427

491

319

554

Loans at reduced interest rates for breeding livestock

5

100

135

135

Rural electrification

1,245

1,420

1,546

842

1,684

Improvement of Land Commission Estates

904

836

857

682

977

Other rural improvement schemes

1,219

1,098

1,165

850

1,173

Horticulture

369

248

356

239

386

TOTAL

14,349

14,206

15,568

11,919

17,602

5. Disease eradication:

Bovine T.B.

3,459

4,649

5,690

3,900

5,195

Brucellosis

1,649

2,521

4,615

2,800

4,600

TOTAL

5,108

7,170

10,305

6,700

9,795

6. Education, research and advisory services:

Education

2,465

2,567

3,359

2,385

3,748

Research

3,064

3,670

4,344

3,437

4,421

Advisory services

1,378

1,663

1,810

1,535

2,045

Technical services

620

882

971

885

1,081

Rural organisations

41

90

63

55

72

Land and buildings for Department of Agriculture

434

533

594

679

925

TOTAL

8,002

9,405

11,141

8,976

12,292

7. Administration of Acts, Regulations and Schemes

1,060

1,467

1,624

1,397

1,840

GRAND TOTAL

107,094

112,900

93,766

70,147

93,799

NOTE:—Figures are net of appropriations-in-aid (receipts).

* Includes both capital and non-capital expenditure.

** The reduction since 1972-73 arises mainly from the ending of Exchequer liability for export losses on the coming into operation of the EEC Common Agricultural Policy.

We have just listened to a fraudulent and grossly irresponsible diatribe——

Deputies

Oh!

It is fraudulent because workers were induced by this Government to enter into a national pay agreement under false pretences. It is fraudulent because the Minister and his colleagues have been going on in a pious way about inflation when, in the course of the past year and again in this budget, they propose to fuel inflation to the detriment of the poorer sections in the community.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I propose to show that in the mismanagement of the capital programme by the Government they have directly contributed to inflation. We note from the Minister for Finance that he proposes to bring in a huge deficit this year. Giving him the benefit of the doubt, one could take the figure of £66.65 million for 12 months or £76.15 million for nine months. In the special circumstances of this year, and giving him the benefit of the doubt, he is proposing to budget for a deficit of £66 million.

In our economic circumstances, some of which are outlined by the Minister in his speech, and having regard to the international climate particularly in relation to oil prices and the shortage of various raw materials, it is gross irresponsibility on the part of the Government to bring in a budget providing for a deficit of more than £66 million. Having regard to the constraints in the supply of raw materials, the effect of the increase in oil prices and the consequent limited capacity of our economy to grow in the coming year, any stimulus to the economy above its capacity to grow is a direct production of inflation by the Government. It is not by the workers, the trade unions, the shopkeepers or the industrialists, it is by the members of the Government.

Even giving the Government the full benefit of the doubt, it is clear that in the circumstances a deficit of £20 to £25 million would be the maximum consonant with achieving the most growth without producing inflation. However, the Minister proposes to exceed that figure by almost three times. We have seldom heard such irresponsibility from a Minister for Finance in the history of this House.

In referring to the fraudulence in regard to income tax allowances and the way the workers have been had, I would draw the attention of the House to the fact that in the 1972 budget, the last budget introduced by a Fianna Fáil Government, there were increases in income tax allowances. Merely to restore the position as it was after that budget one would need to increase income tax allowances by approximately 25 per cent. The Minister has not made any provision for automatic adjustment of income tax allowances in the present situation of raging inflation under this Government.

Let us take the example of a single man earning £40 per week, approximately £2,000 per year. The figures I shall give are approximate but if the Minister examines them he will find they are pretty close. Under the Minister's proposals the single man will have a reduction in tax of £25.50. Merely to restore his position to what it was after our last budget he should get a reduction in tax of £70. A single man on £2,500 will get a reduction in tax of £25.50 but to restore his position he should get a reduction of £70. A single man on £3,000 per year, approximately £60 per week, will get a reduction in tax of £25.50 but, like the others, he should get a reduction of £70 merely to restore his position to that obtaining in 1972.

A married man earning £2,000 per year will get a reduction in tax of £38 but to restore him to the 1972 position he should get £87. A married man on £2,500 a year will get £60.50 but he should get £86; on £3,000 per year he will get £60.50 but he should get £87. A married man with two children earning £1,500 per year will get a reduction in tax of £36 but he should be getting a reduction of £70 to restore him to the 1972 position. If he is earning £2,000 per year he will get a reduction of £37 but he should be getting £114; on £2,500 he will get £82 reduction when he should be getting £115; on £3,000 per year he will get £95 reduction when he should be getting £115. When the workers were induced by the Government to sign a national pay agreement on a promise of substantial income tax reliefs, they were entitled to expect that at the very least there would be a restoration to the position Fianna Fáil created in 1972. They have not got that or anything like it.

With regard to the social welfare provisions, if one were very generous to the Minister one could say that he has merely compensated for inflation and has added the customary real increases we have become used to under Fianna Fáil. However, that is being generous to the Minister. The proposals of the Government last year involved expenditure of £39 million on social welfare benefits but this year the expenditure is only £25 million in a full year and £16.97 in the nine-month budgetary period. I suggest those figures tell their own story. They state clearly what the Government have done.

I would remind the Minister that according to the OECD economic report on Ireland issued in the last few days, this year he had the benefit not only of the £30 million available last year but of a further £30 million from the EC. What has the Minister done with regard to social welfare? He has reduced considerably the effort made last year with the benefit of the EC money. Has the other £30 million sunk without trace in the sea of inflation?

(Interruptions.)

Apart from the catastrophic price rises, which I shall deal with later, what has happened to our economy under this Coalition Government? We have heard the Taoiseach and Ministers, including the Minister for Finance no later than today in his budget speech, boasting of the growth achieved during 1973 and claiming, as he did today, that it was due to the Coalition Government's handling of the economy and in particular to last year's budget. Lately, mark you, they have been telling us that the growth will be very much less in 1974 and they are now trying to hide behind the skirts—or, perhaps, I should say the burnouses—of the Arabs to explain this away.

The facts are quite different. Most of the growth achieved during 1973 was achieved under Fianna Fáil and it was when the Coalition took over that things started to go wrong. If anybody wants to suggest that this is a partisan view I would refer him to an article by Mr. Brendan Dowling of the ESRI published in Business and Finance on 28th March of this year in which he discusses this budget that we have heard today. This is what he says:

The condition of the economy facing Mr. Richie Ryan on the eve of his second budget is far less healthy than that of a year ago. All the indicators suggest stagnation or a downturn in the second half of 1973. Comparisons with levels of activity at the beginning of 1973 are misleading because of the rapid growth experienced in the first half of that year. If GNP, for example, were to be measured on a quarterly rather than on an annual basis, it is likely that the growth recession would come into sharper relief. Those with an interest in the macroeconomic effect of the budget will remember that last year's budget was officially described as expansionary and designed to rause growth rate. Yet, it seems clear that by the time of the budget most of the growth had occurred and that from then on there was stagnation.

It may be that the Minister does not believe that. Judging by his speech today he does not believe it. If he does not, then, in that case, I should like to remind him of a few statistics. The figures I am about to give are the increase per quarter over the corresponding quarter of the previous year. In the case of transportable goods the pattern was—indeed, this is the pattern in the whole economy— that there was an upsurge during the middle of 1972, and it kept going up as we stayed in office, and then started going down when the Coalition came in.

The figures are: first quarter, 1972, increase 2 per cent; second quarter, 1972, increase 2 per cent; third quarter, 1972, increase 6 per cent; fourth quarter, 1972, increase 7½ per cent; first quarter, 1973, 14 per cent; second quarter, 1973, 12 per cent; third quarter, 1973, 8½ per cent. The graph is clear. Those are the figures in relation to transportable goods. In the case of manufacturing industry the corresponding figures are: first quarter, 1972, 2½ per cent; second quarter, 1972, 3 per cent; third quarter, 1972, 4½ per cent; fourth quarter, 1972, 7½ per cent; first quarter, 1973, 11 per cent; second quarter, 1973, 13 per cent; third quarter, 1973, 11 per cent.

Now the Confederation of Irish Industry Economic Review, labelled “Winter 1974” indicates that in 1973 as a whole the sale of cement increased by 12.7 per cent over 1972. They go on to point out that the great bulk of that increase occurred in the first quarter of 1973. Furthermore, and this bears out that last statistic, the housing figures issued by the Department of Local Government show that dwellings begun or authorised in 1972-73 amounted to 32,797, and in the first nine months of the Coalition Government's term of office they amounted to 17,106. It is obvious therefore that 15,691 new starts would be needed in the last quarter in order to achieve the Fianna Fáil figures of 1972-73 and that requirement is getting close to the amount achieved in the first nine months of the Coalition.

All of this signals a serious decline in house completions in the coming year and, indeed, reports from the building industry indicate that that is so. The picture that emerges therefore is quite different from that painted by the Minister for Finance. The picture that emerges is that when the Coalition took over the economy started its downturn and that downturn has not unfortunately stopped. There are reasons for that and the main reason is the mismanagement by this Government of the economy.

A review of the economic performance of this Coalition Government over the past year shows a series of incompetent decisions and actions, some of them extremely serious. Their most glaring failure has of course been in the field of prices. Far from keeping their solemn promise to the people before the general election to stop the price rises and to stabilise prices, they have presided over the greatest price rises in our history, and that was before the oil crisis affected prices; I am speaking of up to mid-November, 1973. As the National Prices Commission report for January, 1974, said:

The fourth quarter of 1973 saw an all-time record increase in food prices.

All the estimates available, including those of the Government, indicate we will see a much greater increase in prices in this coming year. The Government plead external inflation as their excuse. External inflation did not start in March, 1973, and they made no qualification about external inflation when they made their solemn promise to the people in the general election campaign.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Apart from these external factors which the Government are pleading, the Government have themselves contributed to internal inflation through the incompetence of last year's budget and because of their gross mishandling of the capital programme. I propose to spell out their mismanagement in these areas in more detail. We had, first of all, the announcement of their decision on mining taxation; secondly, the restriction on loan interest as a charge against income tax liability; thirdly, the announcement of the decision on the Kenny Report on building land; fourthly, the publication of the White Paper on Capital Taxation; and, fifthly, the oil crisis.

Recently a Fine Gael Deputy was reported in the newspapers as saying that our attitude in Fianna Fáil on some of these matters was right wing and a few—not many—political commentators said something similar.

Extreme right wing.

I want Deputy Desmond and his colleagues, particularly his colleagues in the Fine Gael Party, and particularly the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance who are sitting over there, to ponder this: if this House is agreed on both sides that what we want is a free enterprise economy, then labelling actions or reactions as either right or left wing makes no sense. The real question is —and this is a pragmatic one—is this for the betterment of the economy or is it not? If on the other hand the aim of the Government is to produce a doctrinaire, socialist economy then let them say so and we will argue that one with them. They should not be pretending that they want a free enterprise economy and, when it is shown up that their efforts are hindering the economy, start talking about left and right wings. The Government can have it one way or the other but they cannot have it both ways.

The party of total free private enterprise.

(Interruptions.)

From my knowledge of the members of this Government I have no doubt that the defects in last year's budget were due to their incompetence. However, there are some people who did not know them as well as I do and they thought that the defects were due to inexperience. But now, after a year of mismanagement, most people recognise that this Government are simply incompetent in the handling of a free enterprise economy. The basic stance of last year's budget was wrong. It makes no sense for a Government at a time of acute inflation deliberately to increase the price of almost every commodity including such necessities as clothing, footwear and fuel. When one adds to this a heavy impost on the taxpayers to ease the burden of rates on office blocks and other commercial properties while ending up with increased rates on private homes and a deliberate squeezing of the middle income group, particularly by the notorious clawback on the children's allowances, the picture of an incompetent budget clearly emerges.

A long time ago the Government made an announcement on mining taxation. This announcement was followed by a thunder of silence until yesterday when the Bill appeared. In the very long interval grave uncertainty prevailed. The decision by the Government was of course not necessary. The existing legislation enabled them to get any sum they wanted out of mining but the effect of what they did, the breach of the undertaking given by the law of this land, was to undermine gravely confidence in this country and indeed to attack seriously the hard-earned reputation of this country as a place where a deal made was one that was adhered to. There have been serious consequences in the industrial development field flowing directly from that announced decision of the Government and the Government have tried to cover up those serious consequences in that field.

If the Minister does not know them he is not fit to be Minister for Industry and Commerce. Is the Minister blind?

(Interruptions.)

A veiled threat the Deputy cannot follow up. It is a shyster's technique.

(Interruptions.)

During the long silence in regard to the Government's intentions on mining, a large foreign corporation made an offer for shares in Tara, an offer which was substantially higher than the quoted price of the shares. There are many people in this country, and outside of it, who want to know how such an offer could be made in the absence of precise knowledge of the Government's intentions regarding taxation and royalties from the Tara mines. Unless the Government can show clearly that they had no contact, direct or indirect, with that foreign corporation during that period in question a very serious situation arises——

——one indeed which would certainly call, unless the Government can clear themselves, for a public sworn inquiry.

The dirtiest sort of recklessness.

I want to draw the attention of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, in particular, and of his colleagues to the fact that they have had many months in which to deal with this matter and they know that what I have just mentioned is commonly talked about. They have had the opportunity of dealing with it and the Government Information Service, which flogs out all sorts of information, has never come out with a clearcut statement to say that no member of the Government had any dealings, direct or indirect, with that company. The Government should bring out such a statement tomorrow and there would be no need for such an inquiry.

We were never in their pocket like you, George.

Maybe they are not telling Deputy Desmond what is going on.

(Interruptions.)

I have mentioned the Government's decision to restrict loan interest as a set-off against income tax. This was supposed to be directed against speculators but the real speculators have a way around it. There is no major problem in getting around it and it has improved the position of speculators from the UK in this country who are given an advantage over Irish citizens in this matter. One effect it has had is that it has crippled a number of Irish executives who have no wealth but their salaries. Such people have had to borrow to pay for the buying of their own homes and because of the Government's limitation of building society loans to £7,500 have had to borrow from other sources at a very high rate of interest. Such people are being heavily penalised to the extent that loans on their homes exceed about £13,000. That is the major effect of the alleged action against speculators. I suggest it is further evidence of the incompetence of this Government.

After a delay of about a year the Government announced they had accepted in principle the majority report of the Kenny Committee on Building Land. But again, as in the case of the mining decision, no decisions of detail were announced there and then, as should have been done in both cases. What is the effect? In the case of building land further continuing uncertainty has been allowed to prevail with very serious consequences on the availability of building land. This is due to the failure, the incompetence of this Government in handling ordinary common decisions of government. They do not know how to handle them and they cannot visualise the consequences of the way they handle them.

The White Paper on Capital Taxation is perhaps the classic example of this Government's incompetence. It is a badly prepared and unthought out document and parliamentary questions have revealed how little thought was given even to providing the machinery to implement it apart from the direct consequences of it. The proposal to apply a wealth tax at a high rate to the least developed economy in the EC when a number of our highly developed fellow members do not have one displays a total ignorance of the vital role of capital in providing jobs and growth in our economy.

The consequences of publication of this proposal have already been serious and have led some members of the Government to endeavour to backtrack; but if the wealth tax is actually applied at our present state of development the consequences for even the poorest members of our society will be extremely grave. I have mentioned also as one of the matters affecting the whole economy and one of the examples of mishandling by the Government the oil crisis situation. It is now established clearly that, because of unnecessary restrictions, having regard to the level of supplies available, not only was panic buying provoked directly by the Government and thereby needless hardship inflicted on industry and on the general public but also that the oil companies have been allowed to make many millions of pounds extra profits at the expense of the Irish consumer.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

The capital budget is the most serious example of the failure of this Government. I would like Deputies to remember just how important to all of us is the Capital Budget. On it depends employment, growth in employment and the whole long-term prospects of our economy. On the 14th December, 1973 speaking here on the Adjournment debate regarding the Government's mishandling of the economy I said, as reported at column 2022 of the Official Report for that day:

I know that when the truth emerges they will try to hide behind the consequences of the oil crisis but, for that reason alone, and if for only that reason, I want to put on record in this House the mismanagement of the economy by this Coalition Government before any effects of the fuel crisis.

I went on to point out that there had been a catastrophic drop in receipts for national loans and in net receipts from State savings schemes. Taking these matters into account as well as other figures that we were able to extract, I estimated that there was to be bridged a gap of £100 million. I asked that either my figures be shown to be wrong or that the Government tell us what steps they proposed to take to deal with that gap. I got no answer to that question.

When the House resumed after the Christmas recess we had a special six hour debate on the state of the economy. Again, I raised the matter of the gap that was to be bridged but, as on the previous occasion, I received no reply from the Government. Finally, I put down a number of Parliamentary questions to the Minister for Finance but he refused to give the information requested. Like Mr. Micawber, the Minister was hoping that something would turn up. In the meantime he was madly covering up his failures but the truth had to come out. Now we have it in the Capital Budget 1974 and I quote from page 7 paragraph 14 of that document:

The shortfall of £40.4 million in the Exchequer's "normal resources" and the increase in Exchequer outlays of £21.7 million left £62.1 million to be found from so-called residual sources, in addition to the £37.7 million anticipated in the budget—a total of £99.8 million.

I would suggest that my estimate of £100 million was not far out. This paragraph goes on to explain how this money was found and it says:

...To meet this, £35.4 million was obtained from the proceeds of two foreign loans, £8.8 million from the European Investment Bank and the World Bank and £20 million from the Central Bank as an exceptional arrangement. The balance of £35.6 million was obtained by reducing the liquidity of departmental funds from £62 million on 31 March, 1973, to £26.4 million on 31 March, 1974.

In other words, the £20 million was got from the Central Bank by what is referred to "as an exceptional arrangement" while departmental funds were reduced by £35.6 million. The seriousness of this may not be obvious to everybody at first glance. Let us take first the question of the £20 million. We know that the Central Bank issue guidelines regarding credit and, as part of their activities, prescribe certain ratios of deposits to be deposited with the Central Bank by the commercial banks. Similar ratios are applied to all capital flowing into the country. The object of this exercise is to enable the Central Bank to control the amount of money in the economy and the money which, in that way, the Central Bank take out of circulation, is invested outside our economy. But we know now that the Minister for Finance, he who has been bemoaning inflation, goes to the Central Bank and gets from them £20 million that had been taken out of circulation in order to protect us from inflation and that he pours this money into the economy.

Hear, hear.

Then the Minister goes to the departmental funds—the phrasing is beautiful—"the liquidity of departmental funds"——

Trick-o'-the-loopery.

At paragraph 13 of the Capital Budget 1974 we find that the Minister purports to explain the failure of the national loan and the colossal drop in State savings schemes. In his efforts in this regard he tells us that this situation is due largely to the fact that the unsettled state of capital markets prompted many potential investors to remain liquid. Other investors decided in their wisdom to remain liquid but the managers of the departmental funds had no such option and the people whose money is involved in those funds cannot be very happy with this form of management of those funds.

Furthermore, it seems to be the position that the running down of these funds in that way—actually taking more out of them than was left in them on the 31st March—would seem on the face of it to be fuelling inflation in the same way as the Minister did with the £20 million from the Central Bank. The picture that emerges from all of this is that of a Government scrambling around madly for money and eventually taking desperate measures to lay their hands on capital anywhere they could get it. We are coming very close to a picture of a Government that are unable to handle the economy, a Government that are running the economy close to bankruptcy. However, there is a worse feature of all this. We look at what the Minister proposes to do in the coming year and we find that, where last year he proposed to have residual borrowings of £37.7 million, this year he proposes residual borrowings of £92.8 million. From where is he to get this money? I wonder whether the Minister has some information to suggest that the international markets will be much better in the coming year because he explains in paragraph 12 of the Capital Budget 1974 that, as an exceptional measure, £8 million was advanced to the Agricultural Credit Corporation by the Central Bank, via the Exchequer, to obviate the need for foreign borrowing which was considered undesirable in the circumstances then prevailing. Has the Minister some information to suggest that the circumstances will be vastly better in the coming year? If he has, he must be the only person in the world in that position. He proposes to increase enormously his borrowing.

It is time that the Minister came clean and told the House and the country how he proposes to finance the public capital budget. In the past year he was at his wits end to try to finance it. That is clear from these figures but now he is proposing even more from that source. Is he proposing to wipe out altogether the departmental funds? How much of the money taken out to protect the economy against inflation is he proposing to take from the Central Bank and pour back into the economy?

This is not the work of a responsible Minister for Finance or of a responsible Government. It is grossly irresponsible, as I said at the beginning. This Coalition Government are heading faster and faster on the road to the almost complete chaos in our economy produced by their two predecessor Coalition Governments. It is quite clear that what the economy requires from the capital point of view is a worthwhile inducement to people to save in the State savings schemes. I did not detect any proposal from the Minister today to do that. More than that, and more importantly, what is required is the restoration of confidence in the ability of the Government to manage the economy of this country. The terrible failure of the National Loan and the enormous drop in savings is a clear indication of the lack of confidence there is in the ability of this Government to manage the economy. The figures I have just quoted to show how the Minister handled that problem bear out that lack of confidence and justify it. It is time for this Government to turn over a new leaf before they run us into the ground.

This budget should have been modestly expansionist, as I indicated. I would have thought, taking the best view of the situation, a deficit of £20 million to £25 million would have been tolerable as allowing for growth related to the capacity we have for growth in this coming year and still not lead us further into inflation. Instead of that we have had this unbelievably irresponsible Budget Statement by the Minister, backed by every member of the Government, of a £76 million deficit in circumstances in which no reputable economist could possibly justify such a deficit.

The job of the Minister of course was so to arrange Government expenditure, and if necessary taxation, as to ensure he did not end up with a huge deficit of this nature. He did not do either. I do not blame him personally for that, although it is primarily his responsibility as Minister for Finance. That is what a Minister for Finance is for. He has to make himself unpopular sometimes with his colleagues and he has to make himself unpopular with the voters. But it is his job, his responsibility, as Minister for Finance, to take the hard decisions and to protect the economy of this country. That Minister and his colleagues have run away from their responsibilities. They have not tried to prune Government expenditure or to apply taxation where appropriate to reduce this deficit to manageable proportions. They have just run away from their responsibilities.

This again is very reminiscent of their predecessors in Coalition Governments—running away from their responsibilities. The best estimates of the cost in this coming year to the economy of the increased price of oil is that it will amount to between 3 per cent and 4 per cent of GNP. That means that if we achieve a growth of between 3 per cent and 4 per cent there will be no increase whatever in the domestic standard of living. The whole increase in growth will have to go to pay for the extra on oil.

What should the stance of a Government be in circumstances like this? Should they not be clearly seen to do everything possible to stimulate exports, because we can only pay for this by increased exports or running down our external reserves? I noticed nothing in this Financial Statement which was designed to take that course, a course clearly required by the facts of our economy and of the world economy. Viewed from that point of view, viewed from the correct budgetary stance that was required, viewed from the circumstances of what is required to stimulate exports in the economy, viewed from the point of view of the fraudulent nature of the income tax reliefs announced and of the reduction in the pattern of help to social welfare recipients—the first year I ever remember that happening—viewed in the context of all these things but above all in the context of the enormous deficit the Minister is providing for, nobody can describe this budget as other than as I described it when I stood up, as a fraudulent and grossly irresponsible budget.

May I say a few words?

Not at this stage, Deputy. There will be a general debate on the budget and the Deputy may speak then.

May I say it is a slight on the budget?

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