I need hardly say that we all accept the sentiments expressed by Deputy Enright. As Deputy Browne said some time ago, we were prepared to give the Minister all Stages of the Bill today. I was highly surprised to get the impression from Deputy Desmond, speaking on behalf of the agricultural workers of Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown, I suppose, that he has a great many criticisms of the Bill. I am of the opinion that since that is so, and recalling the record of the Government parties on votes in the past—like the Taoiseach's vote on the contraception Bill last year—it may well be that Deputy Desmond would wish to vote against this Bill or put down amendments to it. For that reason, when the Second Reading debate has concluded, it might be wise to afford the Government parties an opportunity either to oppose the Bill totally, or to put down amendments to it since they appear to be rather unhappy with it.
We have no opposition to anything which will make the lot of the farm workers more attractive than it is. It is interesting to listen to speakers from the Government side of the House. Deputy Enright spoke with obvious and very clear sincerity, and a great deal of insight into the general situation. If he does not mind my saying so, he spoke as an outsider as, indeed, the other contributors from the Government side spoke, including the Minister himself. The Government parties have the tremendous disability in dealing with agricultural matters that within their ranks they do not number anybody directly concerned with agriculture. They have to rely on outside sources for their information.
Deputy Enright must be very well informed. He was speaking, and we are all speaking, of a vanishing race. I can claim at least 40 years' recollection of intimate acquaintance with the people we are talking about now. I can recall clearly the pre-war years when farm workers made up a considerable part of the population. I have seen with great regret—regret which is being converted rapidly into alarm—the decimation of the people of rural Ireland, both farmers and workers, the exodus of about 100,000 people from agriculture since 1961. I speak from memory but I think those figures would be accurate enough.
Deputy Enright was a little altruistic when he hoped that the implementation of the provisions of this Bill would serve to arrest this haemorrhage which is now becoming very dangerous for the future of Ireland. In this case I am not assigning blame to the Government parties only. For decades we have all been remiss about this. The question we must now face is whether we can tolerate this exodus any longer. I would ask the Minister and the House why it was not possible to improve the position of farm workers and farmers in a year when wages and salaries went up by about 30 per cent and in some cases a great deal more.
For instance, the Taoiseach last year got an increase in salary of £2,500 per annum but in the same year our farmers on average, according to the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, suffered a reduction in income of about 30 per cent. Rural Deputies know that farmers involved in livestock production suffered a reduction in income of more than 30 per cent. In many cases the producers of young livestock last year had no income whatever. In fact, they sustained very grave losses.
It is idle to pretend that a Bill of this kind can arrest the haemorrhage that could well be fatal for rural Ireland and Irish agriculture. We are at the point when the capacity to extract maximum production from our land will be impaired if any more people leave farming. That goes for farm workers and farmers. The Minister should give us the benefit of his thoughts on the varying of Directive 159. It is time for us to examine that same directive and its companion, Directive 160, to see whether they ought not to be radically redesigned in order to ensure that they do not hasten the exodus of farm workers and farmers from the land as I suspect they will. The insistence on a figure of about £2,000 a year income per labour unit as the target to attain the development farmer status must have a serious bearing for every farm worker. It is like the sword of Damocles over his neck. It may be that a farmer employing his sons on the farm will have to dispense with the service of his workers because if he does not he will not be able to show an income of £2,000 per labour unit.
There is a close correlation between the situation of the farm workers and the implementation of Directive 159. In the light of the review of the Common Agricultural Policy being undertaken these directives are wrong and do not suit our farming community. We cannot accept a directive from Brussels, or anywhere else, that will consign by far the greater number of our farmers to an inferior status, that would appear to hope that in the end they will disappear altogether from farming. I suspect that the motivation behind those directives is aimed at what used be called the Mansholt thesis of the development of semiindustrial farming.
This must be resisted by us with every resource at our command because the people we are fighting for are our own. We cannot tolerate this under any circumstances. I am talking about the continued survival of the people of rural Ireland and it is intimately bound up with the necessity for a radical reform of the directives I referred to. If we do not do this, we will have the greatest exodus ever seen from farming. Speaking about the Gael after the Famine John Mitchell said they would be as scarce as Red Indians on the shores of Manhattan. We must make a radical decision about this; are we going to tolerate it or not? My Party will resist these directives for all we are worth. I appeal to the Government to resist them but I want them to have the necessary resolve to do so. I want the Government to recognise the dangers there are in these directives in the manner of their present application. If they were applied with reason and humanity, they would do well enough but that is not happening and that is my worry.
The basis of Commission thinking is the notional idea called the modern farm. That expression has all kinds of dangerous connotations which can be interpreted in other ways but it seems to mean the highly developed, high acreage, immensely economically efficient farm and that is not the type of farm we have yet. It may be that we do not want that kind of farm. We want efficiency and modernity but we should get it into our heads that the institution we wish to preserve most of all is the family farm and as many of them as possible.