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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 15 Feb 1977

Vol. 296 No. 10

Bula Limited (Acquisition of Shares) Bill, 1977: Committee Stage (Resumed).

Debate resumed on amendment No. 2:
In page 2, subsection (1), line 18, after "acquire" to insert ", after full and final planning permission has been obtained for a partly opencast lead/zinc mine at Nevinstown, Navan, County Meath, by the Company".
—(Deputy O'Malley.)

In this amendment we are seeking the provision merely that payment be postponed until after planning permission has been granted, that is, if it is to be granted, to Bula Limited. This is normal procedure in the case of any company or concern buying property for development. It is usual to insert a clause in any contract of sale between the two parties concerned stating that the contract is subject to planning permission being granted by the planning authority. We see no reason for the amendment not being acceptable to the Minister or for his adopting the unusual course of paying out £9.54 million of public money to the shareholders concerned, in the absence of planning permission.

During his contribution the Minister said that the arbitrators, at the date of valuation—the 12th December, 1975—took into account the position of planning. Are we to assume from that that the arbitrators considered that no planning application was necessary? Certainly no planning application was submitted at that time. In view of the information that is now common knowledge in relation to relevant dates—October 20th, 1976, having been the last date for submissions and the 12th November, 1976, being the date of the arbitrator's decision—are we to assume that during a period of 22 or 23 days the arbitrators were able to consider the complexities of the valuations and at the same time to adjudicate on the decision, not only of the Meath planning authority but also, possibly, of the Minister for Local Government in respect of a planning permission submitted subsequently?

The Minister must have regard to the fact that there is no mention of a river diversion in the planning application before the local authority. These are some of the reasons for our maintaining that the Minister should accept the amendment. He should accept our proposal in the interest of the public who are footing the bill to the tune of £9.54 million. The Minister has no control in relation to the length of time it will take for the planning application to be considered. He referred on the last occassion to the case of Schering-Plough in Clonmel. He knows that many people may appeal against the granting of permission in relation to the Bula venture. For instance, members of An Taisce and residents of the area as well as other interests may make their voices heard. We recall the length of time that elapsed before a decision was reached in relation to an application in respect of the Dublin Bay oil refinery. After a few years of protest from the interests concerned, the case was heard orally, the hearing being conducted during a fairly considerable period of time. Afterwards there was a delay until the Minister's decision was given. Apart from this instance there are many reasons that can be cited for asking the Minister to accept Deputy O'Malley's amendment. It is normal practice in relation to contracts, particularly those concerning development, that no payment is made until such time as planning permission has been obtained. At least only the minimal deposits would be paid in such cases and these are returnable to the potential purchaser in the event of the permission not being granted.

The least the Minister can do in the interest of the public is to afford them the protection we are seeking for them in this amendment and not to subject them to a long delay such as the lengthy delays that have been experienced in regard to many planning applications during the past few years.

I had replied on the last occasion to the previous speakers on this question. There is no point in my repeating that reply at length but, for the Deputy's information, I might tell him that, essentially what I said was that the question of the planning permission was raised extensively at an early stage with the arbitration board. The relationship of that valuation was argued extensively and was taken into consideration in their final valuation. I pointed out that the chairman of the arbitration board had a specialist knowledge in this area and that, had we waited for a time when the planning permission would have been final, such a delay would have been reflected in the arbitrator's price. We have had a leisurely debate on this but I am making it clear that I am not prepared to accept the amendment because to do so would have the effect of putting the whole issue back into the melting pot.

Indeed, the wisest course to adopt might be to put the whole thing back into the melting pot.

Or into the smelting pot.

It has been in the melting pot for too long. I wish to bring it to a conclusion.

In view of the fact that this mine was acquired five-and-a-half years ago by the people who now constitute Bula Ltd., and it has not even got preliminary or outline planning permission, I am with the Minister in his endeavour to try to bring it to a conclusion, but I am afraid it is being brought to the wrong conclusion at the expense of the taxpayers. I put a number of specific points to the Minister when I last spoke here on this question, in relation to planning, which is fundamental to the whole of this operation, and the Minister did not answer any of them. Instead the Minister gave us a lecture on how iniquitous it was for certain people to have objected to Schering-Plough. That is no good to us in this situation. We know that there are a large number of people objecting very strenuously to this application for permission, probably more in numbers than ever objected to Schering-Plough, and on the face of it they seem to have infinitely better grounds for objection. The planning application that has been made, and has been sent back by the Meath County Council, because their queries have not been answered, leaves out what is probably the most important single physical factor in the whole thing, the diversion of a river for two miles.

Mr. Patrick Delaney, one of the leading planning consultants in Ireland in the advice that he had to give to Lazards in a very short time when they were advising the Minister, pointed out that in his opinion this company would have to provide a cash deposit or a bond for at least £½ million, and probably more. They are Mr. Delaney's exact words. While in theory a company such as this or any company could provide a bond to cover this sort of contingency of repairing the damage——

On a point of order, if these words are being quoted from a report, could we have that report and particulars of it?

It is Mr. Delaney's report to Messrs Lazards, one of the best publicised documents in recent times in virtually every paper in Ireland over the last couple of weeks.

Is this a document which was taken without lawful authority?

I have no idea where it was taken. All I know about it is that the Minister offered a copy of it to a distinguished journalist recently, and that journalist declined the Minister's offer.

That is not true.

If that is so, the Minister is saying that the journalist who reported this offer in the Irish Independent last Saturday week is telling an untruth. I do not believe that the journalist in question is telling an untruth.

There are serious implications for the House, if this document, the property of somebody else obtained in confidence, is going to be quoted in the House, when basically it is a document which has been the subject of larceny. As I understand the situation, it is a very serious matter for the House if a Deputy refers to the contents of a confidential document which has been stolen. We should have more than wild hearsay references.

Does the Deputy want to cover it up, like the Minister?

We should get back to the amendment which deals specifically with the matter of planning permission for the mine.

I am in full agreement with the Chair. In relation to planning permission it will be necessary in this case for the company to give a bond of not less than £½ million, or if they cannot provide a bond they will have to make a cash deposit of not less than £½ million. In practice I am informed by those who are familiar with the bond market, it is virtually impossible to get a bond of this kind from an insurance company today, particularly for a very large sum of this kind.

In the view of one of the leading planning consultants in the country this will be one of the conditions of the planning permission if it is ever given. We discovered last week that this company have no cash subscription at all to their capital and have borrowings of about £4 million, and they will have to put down at least £½ million in cash. This is not impossible but it will create considerable difficulties and it is one of the many aspects of planning generally and the obtaining of planning permission which has not been taken into account.

The acceptance of my amendment would avoid these enormous difficulties for the Minister and the taxpayer. The Minister refuses to accept the amendment in regard to a matter that any normal prudent businessman would regard as a matter of course before he committed any substantial amount of money. Even the most unsophisticated inexperienced person buying a house would, through his solicitor, ensure that there was planning permission before he committed himself. Even the most unsophisticated purchaser would insist on seeing the planning permission or would at least make it a term of the contract before committing himself. The Minister is paying out £9½ million of the taxpayers' money. Despite advice which he has received to the effect that the planning difficulties here are very considerable, the Minister blandly and blindly goes ahead with this proposal. I am entitled to ask where this £½ million is to come from. Will it be borrowed, if and when the planning permission is given? This is not a question of the likelihood or otherwise of this being made a condition. It is certain that it will be a condition. It has already been imposed, I understand, in relation to the Tara mine by the Minister for Local Government when he gave planning permission on appeal some time ago to the Tara operation.

The environmental problems that are created by the Bechtel proposed plans for Bula are infinitely greater that the environmental problems that are created by Tara, because Bechtel bank their whole planning on the fact that planning permission will be forthcoming to take out at least 50 per cent of the Bula ore by open-cast mining. In the last few days we have seen a picket placed on the Tara operation because of noise and excessive traffic in the area of the mine and because of the way the roads are being cut up as a result of this traffic. The noise problem must be fairly serious if the local residents saw fit to block the road in protest. Whatever noise or other environmental difficulties there are at present will be infinitely worse when we come to open-cast mining. The Meath County Council, as befits them, are very well aware of these difficulties.

Does the Minister realise the difficulties that are created by proposals for widespread open-cast mining a half mile from a fairly sizeable town and only 100 yards from houses? The planning authority will have to take this type of thing into account and the period of extraction will also have to be taken into account. If 50 per cent is to be taken out by open-cast mining, and the mine has a life of 12 years, does this mean that this will go on for six years plus the preparatory period before that? The hours of working will also have to be taken into account. I went into these matters the last day but the Minister totally ignored them. The hours of working matter greatly in this operation. The open-cast lead and zinc mines in the Australian desert, for example, work 24 hours a day. Obviously this mine if it is going to be open-cast cannot work 24 hours a day because of the noise, dirt and everything else. These are matters that are so imponderable that anybody who would blindly walk into buying that situation before he knows the approximate answers to these is acting in a way that borders on financial lunacy.

The other important question is that of rationalisation of blasting. It is not a question of doing damage to the 300 or 350 houses in the immediate vicinity of this orebody. A very important question that has not been adverted to by the Minister is that this blasting which is an inevitable part of open-cast mining will have to go on within a few hundred yards, perhaps as few as 200 yards, of an underground mine in which there are hundreds of miners working. Obviously the planning authority——

Is that the Tara mine?

It is the only other part of it that is there.

Now we know where the retainer is coming from.

On a point of order, I suggest that Deputy Esmonde may not have been fully aware of what he said but whether he was or was not he should be obliged to withdraw the remark he has made.

I am not alleging financial interest. I am alleging an interest on behalf of another commercial enterprise which is inimical to the interest of Bula. It is becoming patently obvious that all the remarks made by the Opposition spokesman in this House have been made to denigrate Bula as much as possible and particularly the State participation in that enterprise.

May I suggest that if that argument is tenable it is even more tenable to suggest that Deputies on the other side, particularly the Minister for Industry and Commerce, have some very distinct interest in Bula having regard to the proposition the Minister has put before this House?

I have no interest whatever, financial or otherwise, in Bula but I want to make it quite clear to the House that this debate is proceeding on a very peculiar line when documents which have been taken from people without their permission are being quoted and utilised by the Opposition.

Why are we expected to accept that Deputy Esmonde and his colleagues on that side of the House have no financial or any other interest in Bula and on the other hand we are expected to accept that Deputies on this side have an interest in a mine which is not the subject of the matter before the House at all?

Some Deputy has stated that he had an interest or a possible interest in a mine.

How many Deputies on that side of the House have stated their interest or the interest of close relatives of theirs in that company?

May I submit that it is totally improper for Deputy Esmonde to suggest that the spokesman on this side is being retained by anybody other than by Dáil Éireann and that he should withdraw that remark?

A Fine Gael smear.

I have made it clear that I am not alleging any financial involvement. It is clear that the line taken by the Deputies on the other side of the House is to denigrate Bula.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce and his dealings in this matter are what is before the House. There is no attempt by anybody on this side of the House to denigrate Bula or anybody connected with it.

There was no personal charge made against Deputy O'Malley. There was a political charge against the Opposition. I cannot rule that out of order.

On a point of order, the statement made by Deputy Esmonde was: "Now we know where the retainer is coming from". We all know what a retainer means. It involves money, whether it refers to a jockey, a footballer or anybody else. You cannot get away from that.

Acting Chairman

There is no personal charge against Deputy O'Malley who was speaking.

It is a typical Fine Gael smear, a character assassination. They are good for nothing else and never were.

Acting Chairman

That remark is out of order.

Is the remark that Deputy O'Malley had a retainer from Tara to be withdrawn?

I wish to clarify that it was not a financial retainer.

Acting Chairman

Deputy Esmonde explained that he was not making any personal charge against Deputy O'Malley.

Would Deputy Esmonde clarify what he meant by a retainer which is not a financial retainer?

The course of the debate in this House is ample evidence.

I have a reasonable regard for Deputy Esmonde. I do not think he is doing himself or his reputation justice. Even if the Chair is unable to see the seriousness of the charge made I suggest Deputy Esmonde is and I would ask him to be man enough now to withdraw the charge he made.

I have made it quite clear that there is no personal implication on Deputy O'Malley financially, in the meaning in which Deputy Colley is taking it up.

It is clear that Deputy Esmonde is following the lead given by the Minister for Industry and Commerce in this debate. If the Chair will not insist on the withdrawal then on the Deputy's head be it. Before this debate is over he will regret it.

It is a personal threat. I have to take that in public life. I have already been personally attacked by Deputy Gibbons.

That is very tough. The Deputy will break my heart.

It is regrettable, not for me personally but for the standing of this House, that a charge of that kind can be made and allowed to stand. The very first words I uttered on Second Reading in this debate were, and I quote now from memory: "I hold no brief in this matter for anybody". Those words were true then and they are true now and they will be true until the day, in a month or two or three, whenever it is that this Bill is passed through this House. I make no apology to anybody for doing my duty in this House. My duty I am doing and my duty I will continue to do and I will not be diverted from doing my duty by mean, petty, vindictive and spiteful attacks that have been made on me, today by Deputy Esmonde and on television recently by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, when the very weakness of his own case leaves him no option but to seek to take advantage and to twist the fact that I alone was honourable enough to stand up in this House and say that I once had a paltry interest in a mine that is not the subject of this debate.

Efforts were made by the Minister for Industry and Commerce because of the weakness of his own case to try to cast doubts on me personally. I am not going to fall for that trap. I do not want to continue on that line because there is nothing that the Government, and in particular the Minister for Industry and Commerce, would like better than a diversion of this kind. I am taking advice about my rights in this matter, but whatever rights I may be advised I have and which I may exercise as a result of that advice, I will not exercise them until this debate is concluded in order that no diversion will be allowed from the merits of the proposal that the Minister put before this House and the details of which he will not reveal.

However, I am entitled in the circumstances to place some facts before the House. I said in my foolish honesty that I had bought, I understood, in 1972 100 shares in Tara at about £5. For his own purposes the Minister attempted to turn that into 1,500 dollars to make it sound more impressive. In fact, as a result of a search by my wife the other night, I found the contract note for the shares in question. They are dated 17th January, 1972. The number of shares bought was 50. The price was £7.95, not £5 as I had erroneously thought. The consideration was the princely sum of £397.50.

This is the sum out of which I was supposed to make my fortune. In fact, I lost more than one-third of that sum. I inquired from my colleague, Deputy Lalor, as to the giving of an undertaking by him. An undertaking of which I have a copy was given, as a result of a public request by Tara Exploration and Development Company Limited, by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, not by the Government, to that company in order to enable them to try to start getting their mine into operation and to try to arrange the financing of it. That undertaking was given on 1st April, 1971, about eight months before I bought these shares. The fact that it was given was publicised—I do not know whether or not by the Department—by Tara within a day or two of getting it. It was their duty as a public company officially quoted on two stock exchanges to give this information which was very relevant to the value of the shares. It was also necessary for them to publicise it so that they could approach the banks with whom they had been negotiating to try to get finance.

The undertaking was simply an undertaking in principle to give a mining lease. I think the signature is C.A. Barry, an officer authorised in this behalf by the said Minister. The last sentence reads that the lease will be granted on terms and subject to any covenants, conditions and subsidiary agreements the Minister may consider proper or desirable in the public interest. A more detailed undertaking so far as the names of townlands and things like that were concerned was given subsequently on 20th August, 1971, about four or five months before I purchased this miserable holding of shares, 50 miserable shares, as a result of advice from a member of my family who, as far as I recall, advised me at the time to buy a few thousand, but 50 were all I was able to rise to. Having regard to the way things turned out, it was very fortunate for me that I was not able to take the advice I was given in full because, instead of losing about £100, if I had been able to buy a few thousand shares presumably I would have lost a few thousand pounds.

These two undertakings of which I have no recollection of their coming before the Government and which Deputy Lalor says did not come before the Government were given months before I purchased this miserable little holding for £397. They had no bearing on the matter and, in fact, I did not even know they were given other than what I read in the daily newspapers.

I am putting these facts on the record of this House so that this diversionary tactic by the Minister and some of his ill-advised cohorts might once and for all come to an end, and we might get back to dealing with the merits and demerits which seem to far outweigh the merits of this proposed agreement. I hope that is the end of it so far as the Minister and any of his supporters are concerned.

The other factor involved, and the final one to which I want to make reference, is that when I pointed out that I voluntarily gave this information in the House when I was under no obligation to do so, the Minister in his sly fashion said: "Oh yes, but you knew I would find out about it". I knew perfectly well that the Minister or anybody else could not find out about it. No register of shareholders is kept in Ireland for this company. In fact, I was never registered as a shareholder and I never actually became a shareholder. There is no way the Minister or anyone else could prove that I or anybody else was a shareholder. I knew that perfectly well.

That was another lie by the Minister.

The Minister learns these things in Pembroke Lane.

Acting Chairman

The Deputy may not say that is another lie by the Minister. He must withdraw that remark.

May I hear the Minister reply to the charge?

Withdraw the remark.

Like Deputy Esmonde's withdrawal, Sir. Is that the kind of withdrawal you are looking for? I will clarify it like Deputy Esmonde if that is what you want.

Acting Chairman

There was no personal accusation in the case of Deputy Esmonde against Deputy O'Malley. So far as I could gather Deputy Colley said the Minister has told a lie. He must withdraw that remark.

You are a decenter man than that, Sir. Act on your own advice and not the advice you are getting.

Acting Chairman

I will act as the Chair.

Like Deputy Esmonde may I clarify what I have in mind?

Acting Chairman

Deputy Gibbons must not refer to the Chair or to officials in that fashion.

I made no reference to any official, Sir, regardless of what advice you are getting.

The fact is that we are now dealing with a smear, a deliberate, baseless smear, produced primarily by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Stretching the situation very far, one could forgive the Minister for having done so in this House. What I cannot forgive him for is that cold bloodedly and with premediatation, he went on television and repeated this baseless smear. Deputy O'Malley disclosed in this House without any obligation to do so the fact that he had purchased 50 shares in Tara. I think he said 100 at the time. He had no obligation to do so. When Deputy O'Malley pointed out that he had disclosed this fact voluntarily, the Minister pretended he had information which would have enabled him to-disclose this fact. I say "pretended" because, on the face of it, the Minister could not have that information.

If he had that information, then presumably, he has information about the purchase of shares in that same company by colleagues of his in the Government, or close relatives of such colleagues. Those purchases, if made by members of the Government or close relatives of theirs, were made by members of a Government who were in negotiation with Tara in regard to the terms of their lease, unlike Deputy O'Malley who was a member of a Government who were never in negotiation with Tara in regard to the terms of their lease.

The undertaking referred to by Deputy O'Malley was given by Deputy Lalor as Minister for Industry and Commerce. It was an undertaking to grant a lease. No company I am aware of who had a licence to explore for minerals and discovered minerals were ever refused a lease. So, they were getting an undertaking to do what had been done in every other company. As quoted by Deputy O'Malley, that undertaking contained the paragraph which clearly left the Minister for Industry and Commerce, whoever he might be, totally free as to what terms he would impose on Tara.

In addition, since no mining lease had been granted for many years prior to this, the fact is that the Fianna Fáil Government set up an inter-departmental committee to advise on the kind of terms which would be appropriate in the new situation where Ireland was now a recognised centre for mineral development. There is no way in which not only Deputy O'Malley but even Deputy Lalor as Minister for Industry and Commerce could have any knowledge of what terms would finally emerge in regard to a lease with Tara but members of the present Government were involved in negotiations with Tara and in fixing the terms of the lease and I think we are entitled to ask for a categoric assurance that no member of this Government and no close relative of a member of it has purchased any shares in that company.

I recognise, as do most people, that the Minister for Industry and Commerce produces this as a diversionary tactic, that he was cornered and that he is covering up something in regard to Bula and that he wanted at all costs to divert attention from it. I could make some unkind comments on that reaction but I shall not. It would be possible perhaps by stretching one's charity a very long distance to forgive the Minister for doing that in the heat of debate here but I cannot forgive him for cold-bloodedly and with premeditation repeating that baseless smear on television. I marvel at the enormous restraint of Deputy O'Malley in the face of this provocation by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I marvel at it particularly because there is no Deputy, on this side of the House certainly, who has a greater knowledge than Deputy O'Malley of the contents of the reports he received as Minister for Justice of the necessary surveillance of the activities of Mr. Justin Keating in his communist activities.

On a point of order——

(Interruptions.)

Is it in order for one Member to accuse another Member of telling a lie?

Acting Chairman

When the Deputy rose I was about to intervene——

Your people over there spent two years doing it to me and the Minister for Industry and Commerce played a leading part.

Acting Chairman

——to say that the Chair takes it that Deputy Colley is withdrawing the statement in which he said that the Minister told a lie.

He never said that.

In deference to procedure in this House, if I have said something which is contrary to the practice and procedure here I withdraw it but I repeat that in the absence of a firm denial by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, the evidence shows that he made a statement to the effect that he knew of Deputy O'Malley's purchase of shares without any evidence to back up that statement.

Acting Chairman

Deputy Colley has withdrawn the statement.

Since this matter has now been travelled for some time by the Opposition I should like to make a few observations. First, let me make the gravamen of my criticism of Deputy O'Malley absolutely clear. It is not a matter of one share, 50 or 100 shares; it is a matter of a Minister purchasing shares in a company about which collectively, he might be required to make a decision or had made a decision. I think that is a conflict of interest situation and it is very foolish, if no worse, for any Minister to have done that. I believe it to have been an improper thing to do. But it is the purchasing by a Minister that I think is the fault. That Deputies own shares is, I think, perfectly normal and that Deputies will buy and sell shares is perfectly normal. Indeed, if Ministers are appointed when they own shares, personally I do not think they should buy or sell any shares while they are Ministers but in my view they should certainly not buy or sell any about which they might be required to exercise judgment. I think that is a fairly clearly understood position; it is fairly clear in other countries and I think it ought be clearer here. I think it was a piece of foolishness, if no worse, on the part of Deputy O'Malley.

The Minister said Deputy O'Malley participated in Government decisions in this regard.

Yes, I did. I have the record of the files of my Department which say that prior to the granting of the undertaking that the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Lalor, deferred a decision at his departmental conference until the matter went to Government. I believe on the basis of these departmental files that the matter was discussed in Government. Deputy Colley understands perhaps better than most people that there is collective responsibility. I want to make this perfectly clear: I think it is improper for any Minister to buy even one share in any company, or to sell it, or to make any decision about its acquisition or disposal——

The Minister is on a weak wicket there.

——in any company about which he may be required to make decisions or about circumstances in which he will have collective responsibility in regard to it.

Does that apply to all companies?

It would not necessarily apply to all companies—it could apply to all companies but I think one would need to exercise a great deal——

You do not like dealings in shares, foreign shares or Irish?

——I do not think that a Minister ought to buy or sell shares. My position about that is perfectly clear but especially he ought not to buy or sell shares where the decisions of the group of people of which he is one, the 15 people, have an important effect on the economic well being of that company. That is a clear division.

Could we have a categorical assurance from the Minister that no member of this Government or close relative of a member of this Government has bought any shares in Tara with which they were in negotiation?

Come now, Minister.

What did they teach you in Pembroke Lane about that?

(Interruptions.)

Obviously, I cannot give that assurance because I do not know how the Deputy defines "close relative". I can speak for myself with absolute clarity; I have had absolutely no share dealings of any kind while a Minister in foreign shares, Irish shares, mining shares or any other shares. I cannot give the sort of blanket assurance Deputy Colley asks for and he knows I cannot because he is an experienced lawyer and therefore he knows that is a lawyer's question. I am assailed with great passion for descending from the proprieties of debate when I reproach a former Minister for having done something which I think, if it is discussed in the country and if the attitudes in this country and in other countries are taken into consideration——

What is the Minister hiding?

——will be seen as a piece of foolishness, if no worse, that he put himself into a conflict of interest situation. The interesting thing is that in response I get threats. Deputy Colley used the phrase when Deputy O'Malley was a Minister about my "communist activities". What greater smear is there than that?

If it is not true.

I specifically deny communist activities at any period of my life when I was a member of the Labour Party, a Labour Party Deputy or a Labour Minister. I see the Deputies smile but if you want to go back beyond the statute of limitations, 20 years, long before I had ever run for elective office, I was a member of organisations, and this is widely known, about which that could be said.

About which what could be said?

They could be described as being communist activities of 25 years ago.

Was the Minister a member?

Yes, and that is widely known.

When did his membership cease?

The Deputies say also that I have a very distinct interest in Bula or I am covering up something in Bula. What they have done in counter-attacking is to try to smear me both politically and financially. What does the phrase "some very distinct interest in Bula" mean? If the Deputies opposite are going to strike righteous attitudes, they had better be consistent about it. I have seen the effort to use a smear from the other side of the House in a way I have not seen in my eight years of membership in this House. I have seen it coming back from those benches in the last half hour in a very savage way.

(Interruptions.)

I have taken some time in replying to these points. If we are to get back to the decencies of debate, let us do so.

Do not lecture us about decency.

The Minister can blame his colleague, Deputy Esmonde, for the fact that we are on this topic.

He followed the Minister's lead.

The Minister is a fine one to talk about decency.

Any fair reader of the record of this debate will be able to analyse where the innuendo, the smear and the descent into what seems to me a disgraceful approach to this debate has come from.

Hear, hear.

I am perfectly willing to go back to debating the amendment if that is the wish of the House. If people want to go on in the bear pit——

Tell us what you are hiding.

I hope the record shows what the Deputy said. That is a perfect example: "Tell us what you are hiding". What is that but smear and innuendo?

The agreement——

It is only smear when it comes from this side.

The Minister can say that on television if he likes.

What I said on television I believe was an absolutely justified criticism——

Resign, you are discredited. The people will let you know——

We are really getting to a foolish stage of debate when words like that are bandied around. I believe that for Ministers to deal in shares in companies about which they may be called upon to make decisions is, to say the least of it, very foolish indeed. As I said, if we want to get back to the debate, we were talking about planning permission.

Before the Minister gets back to that, would he care to tell the House on what he based his statement that he knew of Deputy O'Malley's purchase of shares?

I did not say that.

For $1,500.

I did not say that.

The Minister said he would have disclosed that if the Deputy had not done so.

I said he thought I would do so because——

(Interruptions.)

It was so incredible that——

The Minister will have to do better than that.

Deputy O'Malley was honourable enough to tell the House of his full interest, which he did not have to do, and the Minister tried to twist it into an admission which he had made under duress from the Minister. This is typical of the Minister's tactics.

They teach him those tricks in the party.

I hope the record shows Deputy Gibbon's remark. That is another perfect example of the smear.

The Minister is a fine one to talk about smears. Do not talk to me about smears. I can talk more about his efforts to smear than anybody else in this House.

(Interruptions.)

It would be better if Deputies tried to get back to the amendment.

I was on planning permission when I was interrupted by Deputy Esmonde.

Acting Chairman

Amendment No. 2 is before the House. We have been discussing side issues for some time. It would be preferable if we could get back to the amendment and discuss it objectively.

As Deputy Esmonde is leaving we might be able to do that.

Actually the Minister sent him away.

I was going through some of the difficulties that arise in relation to open-cast mining from an environmental point of view. I was pointing out the cost, which is likely to be very high, of complying with the likely conditions that would be imposed. Because those costs are unknown at the moment it is impossible to make any investment in respect of the shares in this private company, particularly for a minority holding at this figure, and say with even approximate certainty that one is doing the right thing.

I feel I am entitled to ask what consultants advised the Minister in relation to the environmental effects of the proposed open-cast mine. I understand a firm from Surrey were advising him for some time, but were found, for some reason, to be unsatisfactory and an Irish semi-State body, the IIRS, were brought in in August, 1976. They gave certain advice regarding noise from the open-cast mine which was somewhat fundamentally at variance with the advice already given. The first advice was given to the Department. Then they were consulted by Bula Ltd. and a preliminary meeting was held with them in the middle of December, 1976, on various environmental matters. In February, 1977, the IIRS accepted a commission to act as consultants for Bula Ltd. This was agreed after discussion with the Department of Industry and Commerce.

In his Second Reading speech the Minister gave a list of people who had advised the Department from various points of view. One of them was the IIRS. We assumed, until I made this discovery as a result of my more recent inquiries, that they were acting in an independent capacity, as a semi-State body, acting in the public interest, worried about the environment and anxious to preserve the environment as best they could. I now discover they are private consultants to the company concerned, which is a different situation. One of the strangest things of all, I understand, is that one of the Minister's directorsdesignate of Bula Ltd. is the head of the section in IIRS that deal with the environment. The Minister should be frank about this matter because the IIRS have made inquiries from various State and planning bodies as to whether they would be required in this matter. They were told "no" and that there was no objection to their giving advice to the Department. Now they end up as consultants to Bula and one of their senior officials is proposed by the Minister as a director of Bula. To put it mildly, this creates a difficult situation for the public at large because the semi-State body which we had assumed, from what the Minister said, was looking after our environmental interests as a whole, now have, on the nomination of the Minister, one of their senior officials as a director-designate of the company. This is not a trivial matter. It requires full explanation and is causing a great deal of heart-searching within the IIRS as to exactly where they stand and what their loyalties are in this situation at this time.

I understand that the appointment has not been made because it has to be ratified by the board of the IIRS. For some reason that I cannot fathom but which must be known to the Minister there has been no board of the IIRS up to quite recently. As far as I know there was an interval of several months between the expiration of the period of office of the last board and the appointment within the last few weeks of this new board. The newspapers commented on the fact that anybody, no matter how able, who had even the faintest taint of Fianna Fáil about him was removed from the IIRS board.

Could the Deputy give a reference to that newspaper allegation?

To which newspaper allegation?

The newspaper allegation that I removed people from the board of the IIRS because they had Fianna Fáil connections.

Hibernia some weeks ago gave a list of people who had been removed from State boards whose qualifications would appear to have warranted their retention. The Sunday Independent had some similar comments to offer.

We now have the situation where the IIRS are installed as environmental advisers or consultants to Bula and apparently also to the Minister. It is only now that these environmental problems which are major and basic in this affair are being fully tackled by the IIRS. It is beyond me how the Minister can suggest that either he or the arbitrators were able to take into account planning conditions and difficulties as of 12th December, 1975 or even how they could have done so in respect of 20th October, 1976, which was the last date for the receipt of submissions to the board of arbitrators. I have the names and qualifications of the arbitrators and none of them, as far as I know, has any planning or mining qualifications. We are entitled to ask if the Minister received any reports from anyone other than Bechtel which were not as optimistic as Bechtel's report on the question of the possibility of widespread open-cast mining. My belief is that he did. He got a preliminary report in September from the IIRS when they were advising him, as opposed to Bula. They expressed considerably less optimism than Bechtel about the environmental question.

I suggest that the Minister should now publish the report of the IIRS on the question of the feasibility of widespread open-cast mining from the environmental point of view. The precedent I would suggest for the publication of this report is the fact that the Minister for Industry and Commerce published the report of An Foras Forbartha on the location of oil refineries during the hearing of the appeal on the planning application for an oil refinery in Dublin Bay. In fact, the publication took place while the public oral hearing was in progress. It seems to me that what the IIRS have to say on this matter is very similar to what An Foras Forbartha would have had to say. The content may not be the same but the principle and the circumstances are the same.

I quote now not from the Lazard report, which is offensive, apparently, to some people, but from one of the numerous newspaper accounts we have had of it in which they, the newspapers, quote Lazards as saying in relation to planning permission generally:

Bula's initial application to the planning authority does not include application for consent to divert the river. This diversion is critical to the overall profitability of Bula's undertaking. We are advised that the planning authority may not be prepared to consider these applications separately. At the least, delays beyond those included in our cash flow are therefore probable. Alternatively, there is the risk if Bula is allowed to proceed with initial development that consent to the river diversion may subsequently be refused.

In the light of that statement, is the Minister really serious when he says that the arbitrators took the planning problems into account? How could they have taken such problems into account? How could they allow for such enormous imponderables as Lazards mention there? It is not possible to do so.

I regret that I am forced to repeat many of the questions I asked previously which were not answered by the Minister. I repeat them in the hope that they might be answered today. The question of planning is not just one of the minor hurdles along the way. The question of planning permission and conditions attached to it is fundamental to the resolution of every one of the investment or financial criteria which I set out here at length and in detail in my speech on Second Reading and which I summarised towards the end of that speech in 20 points. The Minister said two of the points were true and 18 were untrue. He said it was true that planning permission had not been obtained and that permission to divert the river had not been even applied for. Those points were numbers one and ten but numbers two to nine could not be answered by anybody unless number one had been complied with. Numbers two to nine were fundamental criteria for the valuation of this company and those criteria could not be complied with and the necessary knowledge could not be there unless point number one, the granting of planning permission, was already complied with. The obtaining of planning permission and knowledge of the conditions attached to it are fundamental to the whole concept of this rather ill-fated investment. Without this, it is a leap in the dark.

By agreeing to pay this money the Minister has put himself in a position into which no prudent person would put himself. He has been outmanoeuvred and out-negotiated by four very fortunate people. I am not denigrating them or their company but I am critising the Minister who has put the taxpayer in this position and put the four surviving shareholders and the representatives of its deceased one in a happy personal position. They have got a vast amount of money. As I have said repeatedly, it is their good luck that they were able to out-manoeuvre and out-negotiate the Minister so successfully. I am entitled to criticise the Minister who has allowed himself to be walked into this situation.

Does the Minister accept the possibility that planning permission might not be granted?

We are really having a repetition today of the debate the last day. We had a repetition the last day of some of the debates we had on the Second Stage. We are going round and round in circles. I said on the Second Stage and on the last day we discussed the matter that everybody who is not striving to be mischievous is seeking the best possible trade-off between the protection of the environment on the one hand and the exploitation of the ore on the other hand. It is not for me or for any other Deputy to offer expert or pseudo-expert opinion as to where that best trade-off is. That is to be determined by the responsible people under our planning mechanism.

Those people should be able to do their task without interference and without coercion from any of us and without either pooh-poohing difficulties or generating this hysteria. I believe they will do that task. I believe that the best trade-off will be found. Our planning mechanism exists to protect the environment, on the one hand, and to enable economic life to go on, on the other. If our planning mechanism is allowed to function uninhibited, if people are not terrified and if hysteria is not generated, it will reach a decision. That is its job, which I believe it will do well and fairly. That is all I seek.

We come back to the essential point of the people in this House, or our expert advisers, trying to be wiser than the people who are experts and who have given advice to a board of arbitrators, where I understand the chairman was a planning expert, where they went to visit the site on the ground and where it is quite a normal procedure to arbitrate before things are settled in a definitive way. I am repeating myself. I believe that is their job. I believe they will do it. I believe all the relevant considerations were properly put before the arbitrators. I believe those considerations were looked at by the arbitrators. I believe the balancing of those considerations came out in the amount settled by the arbitrators. Now I believe that if the mechanism is not hindered in its operation it will do what it is designed to do, that is, to give us the best balance of environmental protection and economic development. I do not believe it will do other than that by going to extremes in either direction. I believe it will find that trade-off. It is not for me to say where that is and I will not try to influence them.

The Minister omitted to answer my question or at least to answer it in any fashion that to me is intelligible. Might I ask him again if he accepts the possibility that planning permission might not be granted?

I do not accept that planning permission of any kind for that orebody would be completely unreachable and that it would be completely unremovable from the earth.

Does the Minister accept the possibility that planning permission might prohibit open-cast mining?

We are getting into hypothetical areas.

We are paying £9½ million.

The areas were areas of speculation on my part. I said that I believe a reasonable balance will be reached. I do not have enough expertise—it would be foolish of me to pretend to it—and it is not my job to make guesses as to whether this will be by method X or Y. The best way to express it is somewhere along a spectrum. I do not know exactly where on that spectrum the final balance point will be reached.

I agree with what the Minister has just said. He is making a perfect case for this amendment. He does not know, and neither do we, where along the spectrum of which he speaks the balance will fall. Is that not an excellent reason for deciding that he will not acquire the shares until he has the planning permission and know where on that spectrum this balance falls?

It is precisely because considerations of that kind are taken into account in the arbitration mechanism that it exists. That is what it did very carefully and very thoroughly with expert people who even went there to have a look, as I said.

The last day—volume 296, column 1219 of the Official Report—the Minister said:

The board consisted of three people, one a lawyer and an engineer, a rare combination in those important skills, a man who had considerable experience of planning because he had been involved in planning applications and planning permissions; another an accountant with money skills, and the third an engineer with technological skills.

The three members of the board were three Englishmen. The main argument put forward by the Minister for not accepting Deputy O'Malley's amendment is that they were experts in planning. He said last Wednesday, and he repeated it again today, that he was satisfied that they had planning ability and experience. As far as we are aware they had no knowledge whatsoever of our Planning Acts or the planning applications in this country. We do not know if they had such experience of English planning laws. The Minister's argument for not accepting Deputy O'Malley's amendment is that they had knowledge of Planning Acts and planning applications, according to his own statement. We feel that is not an argument for refusing to accept Deputy O'Malley's amendment.

We might as well have the names and the circumstances so that the public can check and see that the Minister is not right in saying that those people are three planning experts and that they came to the right conclusion.

I said the chairman.

The chairman was Cedric Barclay, electrical engineer and shipping owner. The other two members were Michael H. Hinton, an accountant in Cork, Gully, chartered accountants and liquidators, and Richard J. Soper, an engineer and a barrister. It may be suggested that the barrister had some planning experience in that he took part in applications for planning permission or in CPOs but so did Deputy Barrett, Deputy Colley and I during our time and we would not hold ourselves out as experts. Of those three gentlemen one dissented, I am told, but under the terms of the agreement of 12th December, 1975, the three of them signed the report on the basis that it would appear to be unanimous. I do not think it would be right to speculate or to say which of them dissented. One of them apparently was of the opinion that the valuation was far too high.

It is absolutely idiotic for the Minister to say that those three men were capable of taking into account all the planning considerations and valuing the property accordingly. It may well be that the barrister is familiar with English planning law. His practice may have to do with planning or he may have experience in planning. But English planning laws are completely different from Irish planning laws. Planning law is not the accumulated common law of centuries. It is a wholly statutory and modern thing. Each country has its own type of planning law and that law in England is quite fundamentally different from what it is here. Even if they had some experience of English planning law I do not think it could be claimed by the Minister that any of them had any experience or knowledge of Irish planning law or Irish planning permission.

It seems to me that these men, while very good men in their own respective fields, had no great knowledge of mining and no particular knowledge in this specific field. That was one of the criticisms made by Mr. Fraser of Lazard Brothers. He said that in England they had given up this type of arbitration and described it as a kind of a hit-and-miss thing. He said they now concentrated on arbitration by very skilled men, expert evaluation, and that was much better than three distinguished arbitrators who were tending, only because of the enormous conflict of evidence, to pick a kind of middle figure that seemed to them to be reasonable in the circumstances.

The Minister locked himself into that outdated system of arbitration. I should like to remind him, when he runs behind the skirts of these arbitrators at every possible moment to try and defend himself, of the fact that the State has habitually refused to lock itself into an arbitration where it may be suited by the result. A classical example—it is one that is in use daily—is the Land Commission. Anybody who knows how the Land Commission operate is aware that, if there is disagreement about the price of land the commission are trying to acquire, the landowner from whom it is being acquired can appeal to the judicial commissioner on the question of price. The judicial commissioner, having heard the evidence, fixes a price. If the Land Commission or the State do not like that they need not go ahead with it.

That has been the position for many years, and properly so, because the Land Commission do not wish to get locked into situations where the land would be too expensive for them. Because land is so expensive, and consequential annuities on the division of land are so high, the Land Commission find it hard in some of the more prosperous parts of the country from the agricultural point of view to get people to take land. They are now using their power to get out of the arbitration decision. They are going back to owners, as they can do within weeks of the judicial commissioner giving his decision, telling them the land is too dear and they do not want it. It is causing a lot of difficulty and upset for the landowners, some of whom have sold their stock in the belief that the land would be taken from them. They have to restock at a higher price, but from the State's point of view it is a reasonable and wise precaution. If the Land Commission are prepared to do that in respect of small farms valued at £20,000 or £30,000, why is the Minister not prepared to do it in respect of something which has now-been valued, to his cost and to ours, at £40 million? He is not even going to buy the mine for the figure; he will have a minority interest and can be outvoted daily on every topic.

The Minister has not made a good argument against accepting this amendment. He has told us that he has expert advice. It appears that he is preparing his defence against the possibility of this project failing. He is anxious to be able to show that it would not be his mistake if that happened, that the mistake would be the fault of the experts. That is a longterm defence by the Minister. The Minister has accused us of asking questions which were put at an earlier stage of the debate. On 2nd February, replying to Deputy O'Malley, the Minister criticised the figures he put forward as the amount needed for developing the mine. He said that Deputy O'Malley gave a range of figures between £35 million and £45 million for preproduction capital investment and continued, as reported at column 703 of the Official Report of that date:

In my view the lower figure he suggested would be the upper figure of the expert estimates I have received, and estimates substantially lower have been made by reputable experts after detailed studies.

We have heard a lot of talk since the debate on this Bill began about scales of estimates. I understand that at arbitration Bula covered a field from something more than £60 million up to £104 million as their expert estimate of the value of the mine. However, the Minister accepted the figure of £35 million as a preproduction capital investment figure and the upper limit.

We have been endeavouring to extract from the Minister a figure or a range of figures which would be the upper limit cost on the assumption that the planners would specify that a list of precautions would need to be taken in connection with the mine. It should be remembered that every precaution that has to be taken costs money. The Minister made great play of the fact that he is worried about the environment and listening to him on one occasion I got the impression that he invented the environment. If planning permission is obtained in relation to opencast mining the company may be involved in expensive investment. The Minister should give us some projection in relation to costs. He has told us that he is satisfied, on the advice given to him by experts, that planning permission will be granted and that it will not lay down conditions that will prove too prohibitive. He is confident that they will be able to fulfil the most stringent conditions and at the same time be in a position to provide the capital required for the overall development. The amendment would build in necessary safeguards in respect of which we have a national responsibility. We want to protect the interests of those who will put money into the enterprise.

I am putting the question that the amendment be made.

It might as well be put because the Minister will not answer the questions. Some very interesting questions were put to him and I hope note has been taken of that.

Amendment put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 55; Níl, 61.

  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Brosnan, Seán.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Gibbons, James.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.

Níl

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • Fitzpatrick Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanangan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Halligan, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Justin.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Toal, Brendan.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Lalor and Browne; Níl, Deputies Kelly and B. Desmond.
Amendment declared lost.

I move amendment No. 3:

In page 2, subsection (1), line 18, before "shares" to insert "not less than forty-nine per cent of the issued".

The purpose of this amendment is simply to spell out—unfortunately it is not spelled out in the Bill—what the Minister has told us he is acquiring, namely, 24 per cent by purchase and 25 per cent by gift. The total number of shares at the moment would come to 449,000 on the basis that there are 1,000,000 shares issued, all incidentally for a consideration other than cash, and if this represents what is happening, and we have to some extent to take this on faith because we have not seen the agreement, then there is no reason at all why the Minister should not accept this amendment. It is plain and straightforward and simply puts into words what the Minister himself has told us.

There are very significant words in this subsection: "The Minister may acquire shares of the Company in accordance with the Agreement...." This is not just an ordinary straightforward buying of shares. It is buying in accordance with the agreement, the agreement being the agreement of 12th December, 1975. We have not seen the agreement. We made a valiant effort to try to get it and the Minister refuses to disclose it for reasons that only give rise to suspicion in the public mind. These particular shares covered by this subsection are not being acquired in the open market, or anything like that, because this is a private company. They are not even being acquired openly in the private company, pari passu, or with equal rights in other shares. They are being acquired “in accordance with the Agreement”. We have not seen that agreement and, not having seen the agreement, how can this House, if it is doing its job conscientiously, vote to acquire shares in accordance with an agreement it has not seen? It may well be that the Minister may end up with less than 49 per cent. There may well be contingencies provided for in this agreement whereby he will end up with less than 49 per cent. We want to be told if that is right and, if it is right, then the Minister will accept the amendment. If it is not right he may have to take certain other courses.

These words "in accordance with the Agreement" are enormously important because there could be ten or 20 clauses in that agreement covering the rights of acquisition of shares, the right to dividends, the right to vote and various other rights. I have demonstrated already—the Minister by his silence has agreed—that although he is purchasing 49 per cent of the shares and even if he were to get the 10 per cent Wright holding to vote with him, that combined total of 59 per cent of the shares would in certain circumstances be outvoted at a general meeting by the 41 per cent held by the Roche, Wymes and Woods shareholders. This is a monstrous situation. Not alone is the State in a minority but it has built itself into a permanent minority even if it acquires a majority holding in terms of shares, by virtue of the Wright family voting with the State or selling their shares to the State, it will still be in a minority position when it comes to voting. We pay £9½ million at the very least for that. That situation is covered by the words in the subsection "in accordance with the Agreement". If the Minister has been telling us the truth in relation to the shareholding, let us at least put in the words concerned. This is in accordance with what the Minister has stated and, for that reason, I shall be very surprised if he fails to accept the amendment.

As is obvious from the newspapers in the last few days, there is every possibility of additional shares coming on the market. I do not mean on the open market but on the very limited market that is available for shares of a private limited company, particularly in a minority holding. I am referring to the Wright family shares. They may want to sell as a result of the death of Mr. Patrick Wright; in certain circumstances they may have to sell in order to raise cash to pay capital acquisitions tax for which they will be liable. Incidentally, I want to make it clear that the liability for this tax arises only because unfortunately Mr. Wright died. If he had not died there would be no liability for tax of any kind. There is no liability on the other four individuals concerned. It arises in relation to the Wright holding only because Mr. Wright died last April. Some of the family may want to sell because they may not want to be involved in this rather messy operation. They may need to sell in order to pay the tax and presumably the only person to whom they can go to sell the shares is the Minister because he is the only one in the market with unlimited funds. As it was rather nicely put the other day, he is almost in the position of an institutional investor; this phrase was used in the form of what I presume to be a kind of mock advertisement. He is almost an institutional investor with unlimited taxpayers' funds, ready to invest large sums in speculative undertakings. He is available to take up the Wright shares and such other shares as come on the market. There is nobody else.

It is very unlikely that the 41 per cent block will buy the Wright shares. I do not know where they will get the cash unless they borrow more. However, the Minister has unlimited institutional taxpayers' funds available. For example, he might buy all the Wright shares, he might go up to 59 per cent and, because of the words "in accordance with the Agreement" he would be in the same position as if he had 40 per cent because he would be outvoted by the 41 per cent. I cannot guard against this. All I can do is to try to ensure by way of amendment that at least the Minister does not end up with less than 49 per cent. That is the purpose of the amendment. It is in accordance with what the Minister has said and I can only assume that he will accept it.

I can accept the amendment.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 4:

In page 2, subsection (1), line 20, to delete "£9,540,000" and to substituted therefore "£1,000,000."

Is there any hope that this amendment will be accepted?

No, I regret to say.

The purpose of amendment No. 4, which is simple in terms of figures at least even if it is not simple in anything else, is to reduce the amount payable from £9.54 million to £1 million. There is no particular sanctity so far as we are concerned about £1 million. It is a figure taken roughly to represent the value of 24 per cent of the shares in this company on the basis that the most prestigious valuation, that of Lazard Brothers, was £7.75 million for the entire value of the undertaking.

Throughout the debate there has been a misapprehension among many speakers that 24 per cent of the shares of the company are worth 24 per cent of what the company is worth. At the outset I wish to make it clear that that is not so. They are not worth 24 per cent of what the company is worth, or anything like it. It is noteworthy that Lazards did not value the 24 per cent which the Minister was purchasing at 24 per cent of their valuation of the entire undertaking. They just said that for the purposes of the arbitration their valuation of the entire undertaking was £7.75 million.

That is what they were asked to do.

They did not go on to say that 24 per cent of the shares in the undertaking was worth 24 per cent of that figure. I assume they were not asked to but they did not volunteer the information in any event. I want to make it clear that 24 per cent of the shares of Bula Limited are not worth 24 per cent of what Bula Limited is worth.

Let us leave aside the question of its value at the moment. Accept any value at all, even the valuation of £106 million or some of the other rather extraordinary figures. That does not matter. The point is that a minority holding in a private limited company has very little rights. It is quite different in a public company because shares can be bought and sold on the stock exchange and a large block in a public company, such as 49 per cent or even 24 per cent, would be a very significant and powerful holding. It would enable the holder to wield enormous influence in the company. If a person had 49 per cent he would be virtually in control because, generally speaking, there would not be any fully organised combination of votes against him. In particular, in the memorandum and articles of a public company or in any agreement that it would sign and subsequently have to publish, there would not be anything that would prevent him wielding the power that 24 per cent or 49 per cent would give him. However, a private company is totally different.

In this company there are only three sets of shareholders, there are only three blocks. There is the 41 per cent Roche-Wymes block, the 10 per cent Wright block and there is now the 49 per cent, the Minister's block. We are dealing with only three entities in practice. It does not matter if some of the blocks are split up among a number of people almost invariably they will act together and the whole set-up seems to envisage this.

Because there are three blocks and because it is a private limited company, anyone who has not got 51 per cent of the shares and pari passu with unfettered voting rights or, alternatively, a smaller amount that allows him to exercise total control over the company—in this case it is the 41 per cent, the Roche-Wymes-Woods block—has no say in the company and no control over its affairs. Anybody with 25 per cent or more would be able to block a special resolution of the company and that is a limited power. Outside of that they would not have any powers of control. Therefore, while the Minister is advised by an eminent merchant bank that the whole undertaking is worth £7.75 million, it is clear that 24 per cent of £7.75 million. What the 24 per cent would be worth is a substantial discount of what 24 per cent would be. Twenty-four per cent of £7¾ million would be close to £2 million, about £1.8 million or £1.9 million.

To put a figure of £1 million on the shares in these circumstances is generous, bearing in mind that the £1 million is not being invested in the company. It is a tax-free payment or handout to four individuals. It is not helping Bula Ltd. We have demonstrated that Bula Ltd. needs help because it is starved for cash. It has heavy borrowings and no cash subscribed capital, or cash assets of any significance. This money will not create a single job or bring the company nearer production by one day. If I appear to denigrate the company I am sorry. I am simply commenting on the objective facts as gleaned from the file in the Companies Office. I am not to be taken as accepting the principle that the Minister should seek to buy a minority shareholding in a private limited company because I propose an amendment of this kind. I would have no objection to his buying a minority shareholding in a public company where he would not be caught in the same way. I have no objection to his buying a majority shareholding in a private company. He has the worst of both worlds in that he is paying a vast amount of money to four individuals for their use and benefit without a penny of it going to the company. The fact that I am proposing an alternative figure does not mean that I agree with the principle. I am faced with the problem on Committee Stage that the principle has presumably been accepted by the House and I could not put down an amendment that would be in conflict with that principle.

I have gone into great detail in regard to the valuation of this company. If the Minister was prepared to be more forthcoming about it and tried to justify what he has done, rather than hiding behind the coat tails of the arbitrators, I would not have to go into it again. If he is going to continue his previous posture I will have to go through the details again. I will have to show the extreme wastefulness of the proposal. There has been a lot of talk about the Lazard valuation. The reason for the talk is that Lazards are a firm of distinction in this field and have great ability and experience. I imagine they charge high fees for work of this kind. I have a question down to the Minister in regard to the fee. It would be worth knowing what the fee is in view of the fact that their advice was disregarded.

At the Minister's request another company made a valuation of £960,000, which is less than the amended figure for 24 per cent. That company is a subsidiary of the Industrial Credit Company and they might be expected to have the public interest in mind. They might not be as experienced or as renowned as Lazards but they have experience in this field and would be prudent in their valuation. Their valuation for the entire undertaking, was approximately 10 per cent of what the Minister is paying for 24 per cent. The Minister will probably tell us, as he did in relation to Lazards, that they were not told to make a proper valuation, that they were only told to make a negotiating figure. Incidentally, Lazards have denied that they got that brief and their denials have been reported in the newspapers and have not been denied by the Minister. From my limited knowledge of Mergers Limited. I am sure that they were not making a fake valuation for the purpose of trying to cod the arbitrators.

That is a complete travesty——

In effect, that is what the Minister is saying.

It is not what I am saying.

The Minister referred to "negotiating values". Since Mr. Fraser of Lazards took the gravest exception to these references to negotiating values, I can only assume that, like Lazards, Mergers Ltd. did not produce a negotiating value; they produced what they genuinely thought 100 per cent of the undertaking was worth. In any other country it would be regarded as incredible that a Minister could pay ten times more for 24 per cent of something that his own semi-State advisers told him 100 per cent of it was worth and that he would try to brazen it out and say: "The arbitrators fixed the price. There is nothing I can do about it," after leaving it wide open to a very unfavourable and unsuitable figure, as, in fact, he ended up with. If it becomes necessary I will go into the detailed question of valuation of this company. I have a lot of notes here on it. I do not want to go through it all now at this juncture, in the hope that it may not be necessary to do it and that the Minister may be somewhat more forthcoming than he has been hitherto on the whole question of this evaluation. This £9.54 million, most of which it is proposed apparently to pay now and the rest next year and in two years from now, will earn no return for eight years at least. I do not think that is disputed.

It is common case that the borrowings cannot be repaid for eight years, and since they have first claim on everything, it is very hard to see how a dividend can be expected within eight years or how tax on profits can be expected within eight years if it is a question of repaying borrowing and making allowance in the accounts for the extraordinarily generous write-offs there are in the 1974 Mining Taxation Act.

I have good reason to assume I am right in saying that it would be eight years at least before a dividend would be seen. Therefore, if that £9.54 million were invested—and I express this in two ways, positively and negatively —at the going rate, say, at 15 per cent, and that were compounded, at the end of eight years, one would have a figure of £29.18 million. That is expressing it in the positive sense. Express that in the negative sense—the other way around. The Minister will have to borrow this money for capital investment—this is not an investment at all, it is only a purchase, but I presume it will be classified as capital, coming under the capital budget—and pay interest on it at approximately 15 per cent, which is roughly the going rate for money now, for eight years. Compounding that interest—because, remember, he will have to pay interest in year two on the interest he paid in year one—gives you the same figure reversed, £29.18 million. What appears here as an innocent, insignificant, we are led to believe, £9.54 million ends up with a payment, assuming there are no rights issues, guarantees or anything else necessary, of £29.18 million.

That is, in fact, what the taxpayer is paying, because he has to repay the borrowing and repay the interest, and there will be interest on the interest as we go along until such time as a dividend is earned, and it is impossible, in my view, to see a dividend arriving within eight years in the particular circumstances of an undercapitalised company such as this.

There is one other figure I want to refer to briefly. I do not want to go into the personal affairs of the family, but this is blazoned over the papers for the last few days, that is, the figure which the Revenue Commissioners have put on the late Mr. Wright's estate, which, I assume, consists almost entirely of his holding of shares in Bula Ltd. When the calculation is made it is found that the Revenue Commissioners' valuation of Mr. Wright's shares in Bula Ltd. is almost identical with the calculation I made for the purpose of speaking about this valuation in my Second Stage speech.

I stated there that by doing what he was doing the Minister was, in effect, creating a post-tax amount of capitalised profit or available profit for the shareholders in Bula of a little over £29 million. That figure was pooh-poohed by the Minister. He sneered at it and when I asked him to prove how it was wrong he told me he could not be bothered with that sort of thing, that it would give the financial journalists an evening's entertainment working out how it was wrong.

It is significant that nobody worked but how it was wrong. Deputy Staunton rushed in one day to say it was wrong. That is not quite the same thing as working out that it was wrong. Deputy Staunton, unfortunately, did not give us the benefit of his calculations to disprove my figure, nor did he suggest any alternative figure for the concept on which I was speaking. We merely have the statement of the Minister and Deputy Staunton that it was wrong. There has been nothing from anybody else to state that it was wrong. However, very significantly, there is a valuation placed by the Revenue Commissioners at Dublin Castle on the holding of the late Mr. Wright which is almost entirely on all fours with my calculation of the creation of tax-free profit in respect of those shares.

I would give the calculations as follows. I do not know anything about the late Mr. Wright's affairs, but it is clear from the circumstances of this whole episode that the great bulk of his estate would have consisted of his shares in Bula Ltd., the money he was paid in respect of his land, and the contingent value of the further sum which is to be paid if and when the mine goes into production. If one accepts that his shares which are being sold to the Minister would make £1.8 million, which is my calculation of his share, 20 per cent of £9.54 million —and that was presumably the figure accepted by the Revenue Commissioners—that leaves a balance from an estate of £6 million of £4.2 million. Deducting, say, £200,000—and I think that would probably be generous— for assets that were not connected with Bula Ltd., leaves a balance of £4 million in respect of his 10 per cent holding in Bula Ltd., or his prospective 10 per cent holding when the Minister would buy up the 24 per cent and take the 25 per cent.

That values Bula, from a profit point of view, at £40 million. Ten per cent of its shares have now acquired, as a result of the Minister's action, a value of £4 million, in the view of the Revenue Commissioners. Therefore, 51 per cent of the shares acquire a value of just fractionally over £20 million; in fact, £20.23 million was the figure I gave on Second Stage. This was borne out precisely by the Revenue Commissioners. In the other case the 24 per cent sold to the Minister and the 51 per cent retained by the two blocks of existing shareholders amounts to 75 per cent. I said that the Minister, in what he had done, had put a valuation in terms of post-tax profit on those holdings of £29.8 million. I was told that I was mad in this regard. I then grossed that to give the pre-tax figure on which that would have to be based but I was told that I was mad in that regard also. At least I have the satisfaction of knowing that the Revenue Commissioners agree with my figures. I find the Commissioners a methodical group of men in matters of valuing shares. They are not a group who can be codded easily. They are extremely experienced in delving into realities. They do not skim the surfaces, as Deputy Staunton or, indeed, the Minister might do. Give or take £100,000 they bore out exactly what I said the figures were. They bore out also my assertion that the gross tax value had been created by the Minister.

I shall be interested to know whether either the Minister or Deputy Staunton will take on the Revenue Commissioners and tell them that their calculations were wrong, that their valuation of the Wrights' shares was wrong. They had a perfect yardstick. In one sense I am sorry for the Wrights. They had no escape so far as this matter was concerned. The Minister had bought 24 per cent and this immediately put an extraordinarily high price on the rest of the shares. It would be interesting to see what anybody who might wish to buy one or two per cent of the shares would be asked to pay. But the Minister or the 41 per cent group might have the right to veto anyone coming forward to purchase shares.

These, then, are a few observations I wish to make on the question of this valuation generally in the light of recent developments and even since I spoke on the Second Stage. I can go into this question in greater detail, should that be required, after I have heard what the Minister and other Deputies have to say in this regard.

There are a number of scattered points that I would make first. Deputy O'Malley has been making reference to two allegations that have appeared in newspapers but which have not been contradicted by me. I do not take the lack of contradiction as affirmation. Anybody who has been in the position of being a Minister knows that lots of allegations have been made which do not conform with the facts and that one sometimes contradicts but, on other occasions chooses to remain silent, having regard sometimes to such questions as, for instance, the importance of the place and the seriousness of the allegation and so on.

Lest the technique be used that because something has not been contradicted it must be true and at the risk of giving more importance than I consider should be given to some newspaper report, I wish to comment first on certain figures which appeared both in the Official Report and in some of the newspapers. There are two figures in the Dáil record which, I think, any examination of the record would show, were bona fide misprints. I had not the opportunity of reading the rough script in time to have these misprints corrected immediately. One of them relates to the appearance of the figure 40 instead of 14. What I said and what I meant was £14 million. I was talking of the lower end of the spectrum of the valuation but it appeared as £40 million and some reports in the media have suggested that I gave a figure of between £40 million and £63 million.

The other misprint related to the question of the amount of royalties per ton for the more than 25 million tons of ore taken out during an 11-year period. The figure was 10 pence per ton and not £10 as the record shows. However, the sentence that followed made clear what the correct figure was. I am happy to correct the record now in that regard.

The other group of areas I wish to correct relates to an on-going series of articles which have been written in the Irish Independent by Mr. Bruce Arnold and in which he claimed a number of inaccuracies on my part. On the question of how many Lazards reports or documents there were—it is important to note that the words attributed to me correctly are document or report—there is a Lazards valuation which is a single document and a single value was given but there is also the sensitivity report, a Lazards document presented to the arbitrators and which has been referred to in print by others. This gave a whole grid of valuations.

Perhaps I should endeavour to give the reason for the cause of genuine misunderstanding rather than any wish for obfuscation on the part of anybody. Some of the confusion in the reporting of this matter has arisen in the following way: people know now that there were Bechtel, that there were a number of Carsbergs, that there were Lazards, that there were Mergers and so on but the original understanding on the part of the journalists was that there was only one of Lazards on our side and that was the one to which a great deal of prominence was given. When I talked of a number of reports I was talking in the general sense and when I talked about there being more than one Lazards document, I had in mind the sensitivities analysis to which I made reference but it is correct that there was only one valuation, to use that specific word.

What is the date of the sensitivity chart?

I do not have the answer to that.

Was it contemporaneous with the valuation?

It was during the period that Lazards were covering. It was approximately contemporaneous but I am not certain of the date. Just a short while ago I disagreed with Deputy O'Malley when he counterposed two thoughts—that a valuation which on the one hand was honest and objective and a valuation which on the other hand was for the purpose of negotiation were neutrally exclusive.

Valuations are undertaken for a variety of reasons. There are valuations for probate, for insurance, valuations made by a purchaser, and by a vendor. Nobody suggests that the techniques are in any way reprehensible or improper or that there is anything bogus about any of those valuations. They are perfectly well understood. Perfectly clear techniques are used which are perfectly correct. But the valuations do not come out the same. For example, in the practice of a court, those who appear for prosecution and defence have access to the same laws and are both honourable people in good standing with the court. Yet their pleas, using the same knowledge and the same court of law, come out rather differently very often, and there is nothing peculiar, dishonest or abnormal in that situation.

We made it clear to Lazards that there was an arbitration procedure, that they were one of our advisers in this and that we wanted a valuation for the purpose of an arbitration proceeding. It is quite clear from the mandate that their job was to advise us in the valuation of Bula for use on our behalf in the arbitration proceedings for the acquisition of equity. Arbitration and acquisition come into that, so they were on our side of an arbitration proceeding in which we were purchasers. To call that a negotiating valuation is not to imply any impropriety on the part of Lazards, but neither were Bechtels, Carsbergs or Sykes valuations improper. These are all people, with Lazards, of very high standing. Anyone who is concerned to look at arbitration proceedings and at the submissions made to them in any sort of neutral spirit, knows that what I am saying describes the situation.

Deputy O'Malley has indicated that he may go into a vast amount of detail, if I do not do certain things, but if that is necessary so be it. Notwithstanding the assaults on me, I must indicate that the arbitrators were competent, reputable, of international standing and were widely used, that this is a normal procedure, that they did their work competently and fairly and have produced a result. I will put that result into the context of a number of valuations that emerged from a number of reputable sources. The Bechtel valuation was £94.364 million and 49 per cent of that is approximately £46¼ million. There were two valuations from Sykes, a valuation of the whole orebody of £63.1 million, and £61.6 million. Correspondingly, 49 per cent of those would be £30.9 million and £30.2 million.

The Minister is buying 24 per cent.

Yes, but receiving 49 per cent.

The Minister is not paying for 25 per cent.

That is the built-in margin that makes the proposition very attractive.

From whose point of view?

From the purchaser's point of view.

The Minister got 25 per cent from Tara without having to purchase anything.

It was absolutely impossible to have done it without having done this first.

They would not agree to it. They closed down their undertaking, they shut the mine.

They had no mining lease.

They shut the mine and proceeded to litigation.

They had no mining lease, what could they do?

The lower Sykes valuation was £61 million and I have given the proportional 49 per cent of that. Lazards was £7.75 million, and 49 per cent is worth £3.80 million.

Did the Minister hear what I had to say at the outset, on the question of the valuation of a minority interest in private companies.

The Deputy must assume that I hear what he says.

Is it that the Minister does not agree and has some other method of valuing minority interests in private companies? Otherwise I do not think the Minister would continue with the silly exercise that he is engaged in at the moment. However, the Minister should go ahead if he wants to.

I am grateful for the Deputy's permission to proceed. In the case of Carsbergs valuations there were three ranging from £82.58 million to £104.80 million. From all these valuations that I have outlined, one can see what the spectrum is like.

What about Mergers?

I was graciously permitted just a moment ago by the Deputy to proceed, but he has again forgotten himself and is further interrupting.

All the valuations have been given, except Merger's.

I will make my speech in my own way, if I can have the indulgence of the House. Just as there was a sensitivity analysis with a large number of valuations made by Lazard's there were a large number of figures. I am not saying that they were the Lazard's valuation. I affirmed earlier that they were not.

The Minister will agree that there was only one report from Lazards?

There was only one Lazards valuation.

Did they produce big documents with these sensitivity studies? What was the date of the sensitivity studies?

I do not know.

The Minister is very selective in his knowledge.

In the case of Mergers they did not advise the Department of the valuation the Deputy quotes, but the figure he gives was included in the submissions to the board as a figure to indicate the sensitivity of the valuation to various factors. It would be as fair to quote any one figure out of other submitted sensitivity analyses as being the valuation. I could pick one figure from Lazards sensitivity analyses and say that that was their valuation, but I have not done that. It is not fair for the Deputy to take one of the sensitivity analyses from Mergers and say that that was their valuation. That figure was produced as part of a range to show the sensitivities of the valuation to a number of factors. What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander.

If this was the sensitivity figure for Mergers, what was the actual valuation for Mergers?

I have a range of submissions from Mergers because Mergers were in from the beginning and were in a position of commenting, and I would have to give a long list rather than a single figure, whereas there is a clear single figure from Lazards. There was no single figure from Mergers. However, I would like to proceed with the comments I wish to make.

We can agree that there is a very wide range of factors in making any valuation of a mine or of other things. We can agree that the amount of precision that can be obtained varies, obviously, with the circumstances. In the Second Stage speech I talked about sighting shots. That any one expert could distil all the relevant information and reach any sort of infallible judgment on all the subjective issues to come up with a valuation that should be regarded as holy writ is impossible. But over the period of the valuation proceedings each of the two sides made a number of submissions to the board some of which dealt with valuation, some of which dealt with particular aspects. Each side had the right, which was invariably availed of, to submit written comments on submissions made by the other side. The reports from various experts, as is now accepted, were submitted to the board in support of the two sides. The board of consultants were free in their own judgment to accept or to disregard any submissions or report made, and they had recourse to independent expert advice of their own choosing.

I chose the process of valuation by an independent board as the best method of determining the issue and if the debate over recent days has done anything it has confirmed the impossibility of reaching a settlement on the question by any other method. I believe therefore that it was a normal method, a correct method, with reputable people, meticulously carried out, and therefore a great deal of the exercise of fine and interesting detail that we have been engaged in is irrelevant. We could all do exercises, and I mentioned what people like Bechtel and Carsberg and Sykes did as well as people like Lazards. In an Oireachtas it is reasonable to question the approach certainly and people are free to go on saying that arbitration was the wrong method, but once we have settled on the method of arbitration and once it has been accepted, then the numbers games that we could all play seem to be irrelevant because it is not for us to do so. It is for the neutral persons who exercise this function in situations where it is desirable to get a solution to make that decision.

I want to comment also on one aspect that has come up in Deputy O'Malley's denials, and again let me put this precisely. I noted him saying that he had no desire to do damage to any company or individual and that is something very much embedded in the traditions of the House and in the rulings of the Chair, Standing Orders and so on. However, willy-nilly a very odd situation indeed developed in regard to persons with whom we have set up an agreed mechanism which has provided a fair outcome because in the most fundamental aspects of their economic life they have been put through the wringer in a way that is pretty well unprecedented in the annals of this Oireachtas.

Who are—Bula?

I am sorry but it was in an effort to criticise the Minister. He bought his way in or tried to and it is hard to dissociate him from them. The Government have tried to associate themselves with them.

I note what the Deputy says, but in the effort to criticise me it is important to make a distinction that in the effort to mount whatever sort of criticism of the Deputy O'Malley thinks proper very fundamental aspects of the economic wellbeing of private citizens are being put into question. It is an aspect of this debate that I have not previously referred to. I may have occasion to refer to it later.

In regard to the agreement between the two sides it is also essential to mention the other objectives that it was necessary to attain. It seems that the Opposition do not object to the idea of a shareholding in a company, public or private, and that they do not object to putting money into mining, because the amount of money that has been lost beyond redemption by the State of things like Avoca far exceeds in current terms this investment. The point about this investment——

This is not an investment. We are putting money into mining to give it to four men.

The point about this investment is that it is secured by an orebody of remarkable quality and of a very defined and known extent which is quite unusual in the matter of the State putting money, whether by grant or investment, into companies. It is necessary to point out in the matter of valuation that we have achieved a number of objects which are extremely desirable from the point of view of the State and of the people at large. Under the arrangement the financial returns to the State from this orebody will be vastly in excess of anything which would have been achieved by the application of the policies of the previous Government.

However, there are other objectives which are crucial to the development or exploitation of an important national asset. We have secured rights which enable me, in my ministerial sense, to exercise a degree of control over the depletion of the orebody. We have secured an assurance of supplies of concentrates for the Irish smelter which will be built. I am in a position to exercise influence that the orebody as a whole is developed in the most valuable way in the national interest. I have concluded arrangements to ensure that the situation as regards the River Blackwater will not reduce the exploitation of the vast quantity of valuable ore which, as I said in other speeches, is put at £200 million in gross terms.

I have established the principle that the Irish people must have a say in and an adequate share of the profits from the development of resources on land in our Continental Shelf. All of those were extremely desirable objectives. As I say, while Deputies may reasonably query the procedures, the calculating machine sort of exercises we could all go through are irrelevant to the basic issue. Indeed, those exercises involve doing something which is assailing private individuals and also assailing arbitrators.

To the extent that one picks on particular reports from particular experts to be lauded and taken seriously while one contemptuously dismisses the reports of other equally reputable experts, one is making the sort of value judgements which perhaps, are right among experts but which are not within the competence of Deputies to have expert opinions on. It is continuously tainted with the possibility that it is malicious and that it is for the sake of making a partisan argument. I think for the moment at this stage of the debate I have said enough about the matter of valuation except to say that the arbitration was properly entered into, properly conducted and produced a result. I accept that result and, therefore, I cannot accept Deputy O'Malley's amendment.

The Minister finished up by saying he thought he had said enough about the valuation and the method by which it was arrived at. Of course, he said a great deal more than that. He dragged in his usual record—it is almost a 78 by now— in which he set out all the great things he has achieved in his policy in regard to mining and offshore oil. Presumably we are meant to look at this deal before the House now as evidence of that.

I was interested in a number of things he said which seemed to me to be contrary to the facts. He said if one compares the return the State will get from this deal with the return which would have been got under the policy of the previous Government, one will see there is a great advantage in this deal. The Minister knows just as well as I do what the facts are, and yet he says that. Earlier today I referred to the facts. I want to refer briefly again to the same position because continued repetition of this—with deference to the Rules of Order—inaccuracy does not make it true.

The facts are that no mining lease had been granted in this country for many, many years until Tara. The last one before that was the one in Avoca which was really an amendment of an existing mining lease. For that reason when this orebody was discovered the previous Government set up an inter-departmental committee to study and report on the terms which would be appropriate in a mining lease for this orebody or any subsequent discoveries which might be made. The basic difference was that, when previous mining leases were granted many years ago, Ireland was endeavouring to establish itself as a suitable base for mining and to attract people with expertise to explore for minerals. By the time we reached the stage where this orebody was discovered, quite a new situation had been created. It was in recognition of that fact that the inter-departmental committee was set up.

It was quite clear to everybody that the kind of terms which would be granted in a new mining lease in respect of the orebody in Navan would be very different from those granted in mining leases many years earlier. The mere setting up of that inter-departmental committee, of itself, is evidence of that. The Minister knows that. Yet he says you can reasonably compare the returns which he says will be got from this operation with the returns which would have been got from the policies of the previous Government.

To which policies is he referring? Is he referring to the policy adopted many years ago in the granting of early mining leases, or is he referring to the policy which would have been adopted if this party had remained in power and had received the report of the inter-departmental committee as the Minister did in April, 1973, and had then decided on their policy? Surely he can only be referring to his version of the policy adopted which led to the granting of earlier mining leases many years ago. It must surely be clear, even to the Minister, that that comparison is false and without foundation.

He is also aware of the fact that, when he entered into negotiation for the granting of a mining lease in respect of this orebody, there was no restriction whatever on him in regard to the kind of terms he could impose in that mining lease, none whatever. It was open to him to get whatever return he thought (a) was appropriate and (b) the traffic could bear, and to get that return in whatever way he thought was appropriate whether by way of royalty, or tax, or in any other way he thought appropriate. His hands were not tied.

We have differing views as to the method that should be used to get the return. I have never made any secret of my view that what is important is the return obtained, not the method. There is no ideology attached to this so far as I am concerned. The question is: what do you get out of it? What you get out of it includes such things as spin-offs. Do you get a smelter? Do you get many other spin-offs coming from smelter and other aspects of mining? These are the important things which determine what you are getting out of it, not ideology. The Minister was not constrained in any way in how he could approach this. I want to suggest his repeated alleged comparison between the alleged return from this deal and the return he says would have been got under the policies of the previous Government does not stand up.

The Minister also referred to the fact that in his view damage was being done from this side of the House to Bula Limited and the individuals concerned in a way he said was unprecedented. First of all, he has not attempted to spell out in what way damage is being done to Bula or the individuals concerned. Secondly, it should be clear to anybody who has been paying attention to this debate that there is no intention on this side of the House of damaging either Bula or any of the individuals concerned. The concern on this side of the House is the proper one of a parliamentary Opposition, that is, to examine and, if necessary, to criticise vigorously the performance of his duty by the Minister.

If as a result of our performance of our duty Bula Limited or the private individuals connected with it are suffering—and that has not been demonstrated—the Minister should examine his conscience. He used the word "unprecedented". I wonder did that ring a bell with him? Did he recall that the Bill before the House is unprecedented? The very fact that the Minister has come in and placed that company and those associated with it in the position where this House is being asked to endorse an agreement of which it has no knowledge was almost inevitably bound if there is damage being done to any of the people concerned, to produce that damage. I am not aware of the damage being done and until I am told in what way it is being done I cannot accept that it is true but if damage is being done the responsibility lies on the Minister in the way he has approached this matter and not on this side of the House.

The Minister said, among other things, that as a result of this deal he will now control the development of this mine. Will the Minister tell us in what way has he control over this development? It is one thing for him to say that but will he please demonstrate to the House how he has got that control? We have dealt in debates on other amendments or sections— and presumably the matter will come up again—with the question of the shares the Minister has and what control they give him. One thing that is common ground between the Minister and ourselves is that whatever the value of the shares he is taking and whatever control in the company that gives him, it does not give him majority control. How, therefore, does the Minister say that as a result of this deal he has control over the development of this ore mine?

He mentioned other forms of control that he claimed to have acquired because of this deal. The same question arises: how has he got that control? It is clearly not on the basis of his shareholding—and that is leaving aside the whole question that has been raised by Deputy O'Malley as to whether even that shareholding has a control that is commensurate with its trade value, which is 49 per cent. But even if one accepts that is the control involved, how does that give him the control he is talking about? If the Minister's fellow shareholders in the company were to decide that for various reasons they did not want to develop the mine how does the Minister ensure that development does go ahead?

I think these are legitimate questions to ask and questions to which the public is entitled to answers. In the circumstances of the Minister coming in with a deal where he is taking a minority interest in a private company these are obvious questions to which the House and the public are entitled to have answers. It is no use for the Minister to suggest that in asking those questions one is trying to damage the company or the individuals concerned. One is not; one is simply asking the ordinary, reasonable, obvious questions that arise on the basis of the deal which the Minister has announced in the House.

At this stage at least I shall not pursue the various possible variations that the Minister and Deputy O'Malley were talking about but I will ask the Minister: taking the arbitration figure for the purpose of the argument to be the correct value of the company and having regard to an interjection by the Minister earlier in relation to Lazards, when he said that they were not asked to advise on the value of the shareholding that he was acquiring but merely on the whole company— I think I am correct in saying that was the effect of the Minister's interjection—how was the figure of £9.54 million arrived at? Does it represent a certain proportion of the arbitrator's valuation? If so, what proportion does it represent? Does it take any account of the point being made by Deputy O'Malley as regards the valuation of a minority shareholding in a private company? Or does it ignore that? Is it a purely mathematical formula? If it is a mathematical formula, what is it related to? How was the figure of £9.54 million arrived at and by whom? I take it from the Minister's interjection in regard to that, that all he got from the arbitrator was a valuation of the company as a whole. If that is so, who arrived at the figure of £9.54 million and how did they arrive at it?

Twenty-four per cent of the valuation.

Was it the Minister who decided on that figure or how was it arrived at?

By the normal method of calculating 24 per cent.

We may take it then that the Minister contends that a 24 per cent shareholding in a private company is worth 24 per cent of the total value of the company. That seems to follow from what he has just said. If that is so, would the Minister please deal with the contention put forward by Deputy O'Malley—with which most of us including the Minister I am sure are quite familiar—and would he explain why in the circumstances of this case, as distinct from almost any other private company one can think of, a 24 per cent shareholding should be worth 24 per cent of the total value of the company, when it is obvious that in any other case one can think of that is not so?

We are going around and around. The margin built in was a margin of a free 25 per cent. There was a free 25 per cent with a purchase of 24 per cent.

Would the Minister elaborate on that, in justice to himself? I do not think many people will understand the point he is making. He is saying that he was getting 25 per cent of shares free. If so, one can set that on one side and say: "I am buying 24 per cent. What should I pay for them?" That is the problem the Minister was faced with. And the question put to him was this: if he accepts that the arbitrator's valuation is the value of the company why does he apply in this case the proposition that a 24 per cent shareholding is worth 24 per cent of the value of the company when it is a private company? I presume I do not have to spell out all that Deputy O'Malley has pointed out already about the difference when one has a minority shareholding in a private company as regards arriving at a valuation. My question is: why does the Minister accept the proposition that 24 per cent in a private company is the equivalent of 24 per cent of the total value or, why does he reject the commonly held view that in a private company 24 per cent of the shareholding is not valued at 24 per cent of the total value of the company?

The arbitrator was only concerned with the total value.

Yes, I accept that.

I do not see what——

I think the Minister sees it, if the Deputy would allow him to speak.

The Minister is as much confused as the Deputy. I understand as little as the Deputy behind me. We have had this debate now for three or four weeks. I do not understand the significance of Deputy Colley's observations in the context of a very lengthy debate on this matter.

If the Minister does not understand he is not fit to be Minister for Industry and Commerce.

I was endeavouring to shorten the debate by not going over again the ground that has been covered in some detail by Deputy O'Malley. Now the Minister tells us he does not understand it. I am somewhat at a loss in this regard because I thought he would, as Deputy O'Malley implied, know about this anyway and if he did not that he would know about it having listened to Deputy O'Malley.

I do not want to prolong the debate and I will put it in as simple terms as possible. A minority shareholding in a private company does not give one proportionate power, that is power proportionate to the amount of the shareholding, and would not normally be valued, as in this case where a 24 per cent shareholding equals 24 per cent of the total value of the company. That is not a normal way to approach it although there may be a good reason for it in this case. What I am doing is inviting the Minister to explain why this abnormal approach is being taken in this case.

I can only repeat that we have discussed this for a very long time. Any reasonable persual of the records of the debate——

We might get an answer now.

I have said over and over why there was a built-in margin of more than 100 per cent and why it was an attractive proposition. My difficulty is not with what the question seems to mean because the Deputy must know the answer and I wish he would tell me what he really wants——

If I knew the answer I would not ask the question. I am totally mystified as to what the answer is. There is, of course, one possibility and it occured to me a few times when listening to the Minister. I have a feeling the Minister has a 25 per cent shareholding claim and a 24 per cent shareholding for which he is paying. Sometimes he gives the impression, when he is under pressure about what he is paying that the 25 per cent is brought over and it suddenly ceases to be free, that he is really getting 49 per cent for the £9.54 million. Perhaps that is the cause of my confusion. If it is, it is not a very satisfactory explanation but at least it is some kind of explanation. We have not been able to get any from the Minister. He can have it one way or the other. Either he got 25 per cent free and he is entitled to boast about it, as he does, or he has not. If he wants to lump it in with the 24 per cent to justify the deal, then he should not tell us it was free because it was not. If, on the other hand, it was free, the question again arises why pay 24 per cent of the total value of the company for a 24 per cent shareholding in a private company when nobody else I can think of in any remotely similar circumstances, would do so?

I would have thought that the Minister would feel in his own interests that he should give some kind of an answer to that question because, on the face of it, he is doing something for which there is no precedent. As I said, there may be particular circumstances in this case to justify it, but in all fairness to himself he should give the House some indication of what those circumstances are.

Shall I put the question?

I am afraid the Minister is going to continue to be unjust to himself.

If the Minister is not going to reply to Deputy Colley perhaps we could deal with another of his fixations. In his opening statement he compared the whole operation to a horse dealing operation. I do not know if he has ever been to a horse fair but perhaps he used the horse trading comparison because the name of the company is Bula Ltd. and it reminded him of a very fine racehorse called "Bula". I do not think you can compare the performance of the racehorse with that of this company to date with regard to winning races and producing the goods. Bula Ltd. do not even have a jockey; they have never even been out of their own yard. They have a long way to go to reach the peak reached by the racehorse.

I have often been to horse fairs. If the Minister was comparing the deal with a horse trading deal, there was no need to have arbitration. He could have gone out on a horse fair basis to the four people concerned and asked them what they were given, even though both sides already had their valuations. They would probably have asked for the top figure of £104 million to £106 million for the whole mine. The normal procedure in horse trading is to make your opening bid. The Minister had guidelines on this occasion—Lazards valuation. For 24 per cent he should have been bidding under £2 million instead of £40 million. He need not have jumped up to that figure—£9.54 million is based on a figure of £40 million—because nobody else was bidding against him. It was a closed shop. He was the only buyer. He could have stuck hard and done a very good deal instead of what has happened, that is, giving away £10 million of the taxpayers' money. The reason he did this, he said, was because of the arbitration hearing. As I said, he should have stuck to the horse trading deal because there was no other horse trader operating against him.

The Minister mentioned earlier all he had achieved in this deal and the commitments he had got from Bula. He mentioned one very interesting point. He said the company had committed the ore to an Irish smelter. The only commitment he did not spell out was that he had one job under way at the moment. By committing the ore from Bula to an Irish smelter does he realise that the ore will not be going into a smelter for at least five years? It takes more than four years to build a smelter. Even at this stage he has no financial backing to build a smelter.

This is another matter. I am anxious that the Deputy relate his remarks more closely to the amendment.

With respect, the Minister mentioned that he had committed the ore to a smelter. We are giving £9.54 million for 24 per cent of this mine and we would like to see it going into operation in the minimum of time in order to give the taxpayer a chance to get back his money and, more important still, to provide jobs for the 120,000 unemployed. Now we find, on the Minister's own admission, that the mine will not go into operation for five years because the ore is committed to an Irish smelter which cannot be in operation for five years. There is nothing to boast about here. That is no achievement. What we all want to achieve by the utilisation of the orebody in this mine and the adjoining mine is more jobs for the people who are now unemployed. Boasts about commitment will not help to put people back to work. This is something the Minister should have refrained from boasting about. Deputy O'Malley proved earlier this evening that it would be eight years before any return could come from the £9.54 million invested. The Minister said that was all wrong but now he says that it will be five years before any of the ore will be utilised. The Minister should clarify his statement on this matter in the interests of proving to us that some good will come from the large amount of money invested and that at least some jobs will accrue to help the unemployed within the next five years.

What I said was that the production is available for an Irish smelter when we call for it but there is no question of holding up production until a smelter is built. It seems a sensible thing to let production go ahead and earn what is possible and there is plenty of ore there for a smelter to use. We are not saying that there can be no production until a smelter is ready. This is simply a clarification of what I said already.

I assume that the Minister is still unable to explain why he is paying 24 per cent mathematically of the arbitrator's valuation when even the most simple investor knows perfectly well that when one takes up a minority position in a private company the value of the minority shares is only a fraction of their mathematical proportion to the entire valuation. The Minister's inability to explain that away and the fact that he has got himself into that position or was put into it by the able negotiators who got the better of him is proof of his inability to perform the necessary functions of the post which he holds and it demonstrates in a more dramatic way than we normally see why there has been this incredible failure to do anything worthwhile in Industry and Commerce and why both industry and commerce have declined as they have during the past four years.

Question put: "That the figure proposed to be deleted stand."
The Committee divided: Tá, 61; Níl, 57.

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke,
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, John T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Halligan, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Justin.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Toal, Brendan.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.

Níl

  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Brosnan, Seán.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Gibbons, James.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Kelly and B. Desmond; Níl, Deputies Lalor and Browne.
Question declared carried.
Amendment declared lost.
Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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