Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 11 May 1977

Vol. 299 No. 5

Finance Bill, 1977: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Speaking before the break, I was referring to the fact that in addition to the various defects in the Minister's brief there were some trite and rather odd statements. For instance, in regard to the economic summit of last week the Minister spoke of the stubbornness with which unemployment in most countries is persisting even with the ending of the recession. I see no sign of the recession ending here although there are indications of its coming to an end in central Europe. The Minister then went on to make a rather odd statement when he said that eight leaders were present at the summit since Europe as such was present even if our French friends preferred to pretend otherwise. Why must the Minister use the Finance Bill for the purpose of insulting the French nation? Is not such conduct symptomatic of the insanity that prevails on the other side of the House? Undoubtedly I would be ruled out of order in the event of my attempting to discuss French politics and rightly so.

Further on in the brief there is some gratuitous advice aimed, perhaps, at would-be voters. The Minister said:

Taxpayers would be well advised in their own interests to be distrustful of those who would freely spend money which only the taxpayer can supply.

What a master of economics the Minister has proved himself to be. He continued:

If electors support grandiose expenditure proposals, they will have only themselves to blame if tax rates rise again to pay for them. This course does not commend itself to this Government who want to see the tax concessions of the 1977 budget retained and improved upon.

We must realise that any benefits bestowed on us by the budget have been eroded since then as a result of recent price increases. The Government have shown themselves to be totally inept in regard to price control. The Minister's inclusion in his brief of a reference to the French Government may have been for the purpose of diverting attention from the real issues but the people generally who must manage on diminishing incomes will not be fooled by such tactics.

I stress these points to indicate that there is no serious attempt on the part of the Government to hold prices even at present levels, to curb inflation or to promote employment. The Minister has said that by next year unemployment will be below the 100,000 mark. As he does not say how much lower it will be, we may take it that to his way of thinking an unemployment figure of 100,000 is acceptable. That figure is not acceptable to anybody who wishes to see our society prosper because it represents much too high a proportion of our entire population. Then, there are those people who have not been able to obtain any employment yet. During the past three years we have had 50,000 people leaving the various stages of education each year and only a tiny percentage of whom have been able to obtain employment. In addition there are the single girls who are not registered as being unemployed because they do not qualify for social welfare payments. Taking these factors into consideration one realises that the real figure is between 130,000 and 140,000 unemployed. The Government are so complacent as to consider a figure of 100,000 as being acceptable.

If only the Government would get their priorities right there is one area of economic activity whereby they could improve substantially the employment situation. I refer to the construction industry and to the need for injecting more capital into that industry. Recent figures show that there are 26,000 people unemployed in the construction industry at a time when the housing waiting list, at least in Dublin and in the larger cities, is increasing. This situation is the epitome of a sick society. There are thousands of young couples as well as older people who cannot get proper accommodation. If we put to work in the construction industry even half the number who are on the unemployment register we could increase substantially the number of dwellings that are so badly needed but the Government have not provided sufficient moneys by way of housing grants which would enable young couples to buy homes for themselves.

We have pointed out ad nauseum from this side that the lowest price in this city for a new house is around £9,000. Yet, under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act we offer a loan of £4,500 which means buyers have to find another £4,500 to pay the price of the house, to say nothing of legal fees and their having to buy furniture. The fact is young couples cannot buy houses.

I was rather hoping we would not get into what would be more appropriate to the Estimate.

I am talking about capital which the Government failed to put into the building industry.

Housing is on the Deputy's mind.

Yes, and rightly so.

Fianna Fáil's record was not a good one where housing is concerned.

Our record was a lot better than that of the Coalition Government's because this Government are still working on some of the schemes we prepared.

We built 100,000 houses in four years while Fianna Fáil built 50,000 in three years.

The Parliamentary Secretary is the victim of the propaganda of the Minister for Local Government.

The Deputy will now come to the taxation measures in the Bill.

I am pointing out that the Government have not got their priorities right because, if they had, housing would have top priority. More money is needed for the unemployed, not for the purpose of dole but for the purpose of injecting money into the construction industry, an industry which can provide at least 26,000 jobs. That would result in people buying houses. If the construction industry is doing well the whole economy is doing well because the effects are far-reaching in ancillary industries. Demand is created. Sales of houses are down by 32 per cent and that means that those engaged in the cement industry may find themselves unemployed. A large firm in Dublin last week announced it would have to lay off 200 workers.

The tragedy is the Minister for Finance seems to think everything is doing well. He is looking at life through rose coloured spectacles. The man in the street, the young married couple and the old age pensioner cannot indulge in the luxury of wearing rose coloured spectacles. They have to face the harsh realities. Every day it is getting harder for them to live. As I said earlier, the higher income group will do better under this Bill than the lower income group and the single man will do better than the married man. Despite section 7 pensioners will still be taxed on their meagre pensions.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Welfare told us honestly and candidly that we have 250,000 people on the verge of the bread line. We know many old people who have almost given up the ghost trying to cope with the cost of living. We know thousands who are not having proper nourishment because they cannot afford to buy it. We know thousands who cannot afford to buy the drugs and medicines they require because they are too expensive. If anyone thinks I am painting a pessimistic picture I quote the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Welfare. I take it he was using official statistics when he mentioned 250,000 people on the poverty line.

There is no encouragement in this Bill. Not so long ago we raised here the case of child care centres. Bannerlines in the newspapers told us that thousands of children might have to be thrown on the streets because the centres could not carry on. I made representations to the Minister for Health in one particular case and, to his credit, he provided money to keep the centre going and to carry out necessary repairs. What about the other centres which may not have been so fortunate? While this is not the place to go into the reasons why these centres are in such a parlous state because of lack of money, it is only fair——

This may only be a passing reference now.

I am just deploring the fact that there is no money for these essential services.

The Deputy is really taking this opportunity to thank the Minister for Health.

In one instance, yes, and it would be wrong if I did not admit that. We are honest and objective on this side of the House. I shall not delay on this but people should realise that the present crisis in these centres has been brought about because the religious orders who have carried on this noble work for so many years now find themselves inhibited because of lack of numbers and they have to employ lay personnel and pay them top wages, and rightly so, to do the work. The cynics who deride the religious orders and their work might give their attention to that point.

We have just heard the Leader of the Opposition speaking about the advertisement the Minister for Labour published in the newspapers, the Minister says in order to encourage employers to employ people. I regard the whole thing as most dishonest. It is a typical example of low practices in high places that this sort of thing should happen at the expense of the taxpayer. On the comic side, it reminds me of the advertisement where the fellow says: "You too can have a body like mine."

That matter has been disposed of and it should not be raised again.

I just mention it in passing. I do not want the Minister for Labour playing ball at the expense of the taxpayers. Is it the Minister's intention to promote employment or to promote his own image? I will leave that to the unemployed to answer and they will answer it at the right time.

The Government have been slated by many people for their lack of a youth policy. That is because the money is not there for it. Then we have the case of people who leave third level education and who cannot get jobs. We must ask ourselves: have the Government really studied this problem of youth unemployment? I was at a competition yesterday morning amongst 900 school children and looking at those youngsters—of course all of them would not be leaving school this year—I wondered how many of them would find jobs.

When the Government first came into power with their 14-point plan they promised great things, full employment, price stability and so on, all of which have gone by the board. The Government are now breeding hard cynicism amongst the youth which will affect the democratic ideal of State in the future. These young people are hardly likely to believe politicians when the promises of this Government have been so crudely abandoned or forgotten. Instead of building a faith in democracy, the Government in order to cover up their ineptitude are destroying this belief. If we want to build the type of society we should like to have in the future, we have to take our youth into our confidence and demonstrate to them that at least we are trying to build up such a society in which they will be guaranteed, as far as possible, a living in their own country.

We hear also in places outside whispers from the Government seeming to suggest that the unemployment figures are unreal. The implication is that a lot of these people could be employed if they so desired. The Chief Whip of the Labour Party recently in this House read out from the Dublin evening papers the number of construction industry jobs advertised. One is very glad to see such advertisements in the Press. But if it were put to him, as I put it to him, suppose all of these jobs were accepted now, what effect would it have on the unemployment register, or the employment register for that matter, what would be his reply? I counted those advertisements in one paper and, at the very outside, there were about 100 jobs going. Suppose they had been accepted the following morning, even assuming that the following day another 100 appeared, there would still be a long way to go to reducing the unemployment figure to any extent. As I have pointed out, in the construction industry the number of unemployed people is increasing while the number of dwellings being completed decreases. Therefore, the situation obtaining is that of more people being unemployed in the construction industry, less dwellings being built and the housing waiting list growing longer.

I hope that soon, when people are given an opportunity of adjudicating on that type of Government, they will deal harshly with them for having promised so much and done so little. It may well be said of us that we tend to criticise continuously and offer no concrete solutions. I have stressed to the House, and to my colleagues here, that if the Government are serious they must examine the situation of the construction industry and ascertain what part of it is ailing most. We can illustrate that to them. Probably the clash between the Fine Gael and Labour Parties on how it should be rectified is responsible for the delay in something concrete being done. I do not think the Labour Party are serious any longer about socialism nor do I think their type of socialism would ever be very effective. When one is young, anyway, there is an attraction to socialism. As somebody said: he who is not a socialist at 20 has no heart and he who is a socialist at 40 has no head. It may be that the older party Fine Gael, have weaned the Labour Party off their socialism, not completely of course because had they gone one way or the other we might have had an indication of some definite policy on the part of the Government.

The latest development is the establishment of a State Development Authority. Labour Party speakers on this are so naïve as to be almost pitiful because in it they see the solution to all our ills. The Fine Gael wing of the Government are not so enthusiastic but seem somewhat bored with the whole thing. Therefore, nothing is done.

We are like the hawks and the doves.

I would not say that is a true analogy. I do not know whether the Parliamentary Secretary would say that Fine Gael are the hawks and Labour the doves. Certainly the Labour Party have become very mute. If they are going right— I mean right in politics—that may be true. I do not know whether or not they are; in fact I do not know where they are going. However, the point is that, as a result of this clash between Fine Gael and Labour, or this transition period of the Labour Party, those who are suffering are the men in the construction industry, all 26,000 of them.

There is a more serious aspect of that matter also. The number of apprentices being taken on in trade generally has fallen dramatically. Despite the tremendous efforts of AnCO—who do a wonderful job with the resources at their disposal—fewer apprentices are being taken on. As a result, in three or four years time there will be a colossal shortage and apprentices who at that stage should have finished their third or fourth year will not even have started. Their only hope is that, by then, a Fianna Fáil Government will be back in power and will endeavour to remedy the sins of the Coalition. This amounts to a very serious problem for the parents of such boys and girls who are worried sick about their childrens' employment prospects.

The Government have fallen down completely on this most important aspect of our whole economy and future. Unless we can show that we can provide for our youth there are people around today who will take them into their organisations and abuse them, not for the common good, but rather to cause disruption within the State. When we look at the six north-eastern counties today and grieve about their state one wonders do the Government give any thought to the time when we shall have to think not alone of the youth of the Twenty-six Counties but of the Six Counties also, if tomorrow we were called upon to help in a real way because the boys and girls of the North have less hope even than our youth.

The Government at the beginning of their regime were called the Government of all talents. The talents are not very conspicuous; they may be latent. I am going to produce some figures which may cause the Taoiseach to reshuffle his Cabinet in the hope of doing better than the present Cabinet are doing, which will not be very difficult. Time is running out for the Government and if they do not tackle the evil of unemployment, this may be serious for them. They may say "After all, we did increase unemployment benefits" but that gives a wrong picture. If the benefits were increased, we must remember that inflation has eroded them and the people will no longer tolerate that erosion of their incomes. The vast majority of the unemployed want to work, to get back to their jobs in factories, offices, shops and on building sites.

The Minister tells us that in Europe things are getting better, and OK if they are getting better in Europe we are bound to improve later on. It is always later on that things are going to happen. To suggest that we can rely on the European economy and that the spin-off will benefit us is an unworthy suggestion. The Irish people want to be there helping this revival but too many are becoming disillusioned. If there is a malaise, as there is at the moment, it started with the Government promising so much and performing so little. Ministers who have been abroad can come back and say that the Japanese and the Americans are not going to give us any jobs. I am glad to hear this. When some of the more socialist Ministers were on this side of the House they threw up their hands and said whenever we mentioned foreign investment that we were victims of international capitalism. They realise now that we need investment and are prepared to welcome it. If we cannot generate sufficient moneys to keep our industries going, to expand and to provide for a growing population, then we accept and, indeed, welcome outside investment. Some of the more leftish Ministers have learned this lesson and are now taking on world tours in order to attract foreign capital to this country. If they succeed we will say "well done". We have no reservation on this side about investment in the country.

It is easy to be critical. We realise that the Opposition must point out the Government's faults in the hope of bringing them down from their Olympian heights. There are people here on the hunger line. There are about 130,000 people unemployed. Thousands are looking for houses. These are the things the Government should be dealing with. A big drawback of coalition is that the best principles of both parties must be sacrificed on grounds of compromise. Therefore, instead of getting on-going policies we get compromise policies which are of no use to anybody. The people paying for this are those who get little out of life. Old age pensioners, the unemployed man and woman and the young couple looking for a house are the victims of the ineptitude of this Government. The Government should say "yes we realise that things are bad and we have to do something about it" but they do not. We have statements to the effect that everything is going to be all right, things were good yesterday and will be tomorrow. As in Alice in Wonderland there is no jam today. The cynicism throughout the country has been created mainly by the Government. If a visitor from Mars were to come here and read some of the Government speeches, he would assume that this is a land flowing with milk and honey, fit for heroes to live in. As a cynic said, you would want to be a hero to live in it at present. The heroic struggle of the young and old people to keep going is not being aided by the Government.

I feel that this Bill is something the Government do not care about. I am the third speaker in succession from Fianna Fáil. I do not know whether the Government are too involved in preparing for the general election but we on this side agree that they will have to do a lot to get a good election result.

The Deputy need not worry about this side.

I do not worry about them. I make allowances for the absence of the members there. Only one Labour Deputy has spoken so far. This Finance Bill in the old days used to be an important occasion but now it is sent in as a time filler. The Government Deputies show no interest in the Bill. I can understand why. What is in the Bill anyway to interest anybody? I found some comic relief in some of the Minister's statements but that does not solve the problems. We must switch off the comic relief and get down to hard talking and planning. I have made suggestions of how to make things work better. We are told that never before was so much put into housing, which may be true, but never before has there been such a rate of inflation to erode that money and destroy its value.

A lot will have happened by this time next year. It has been said that a week is a long time in politics and a year is a lot longer. By this time next year we should see a change in Government and the new Government are not to be envied when they take over from the present one. All the ills I have mentioned will still be there to be tackled. But they will be tackled by people who are well versed in the science of Government. I look forward to the Coalition Parties adopting a more constructive role back in Opposition than they have played in Government because they will have learned that it is not so easy to fulfil the extravagant promises they have been making. The Government have been treating the people as if they had no intelligence, to judge from the banal statements they have been making, in the past couple of years particularly. We have one of the highest unemployment rates in the EEC and one of the highest inflation rates. In spite of this the Government suggest everything is going well and that we have nothing to fear in the future.

We have an awful lot to fear unless the Government even in their dying days, implement some hopeful policies to save the economy. I suggest that they should resign immediately before any further damage has been done. All their promises have been dishonoured. I suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary, who is the only Deputy in the Government front bench, to take back to the Taoiseach the message that the people are seriously concerned at the state of the economy and that irreparable damage is being done to the State. Even at this late stage they should re-examine their priorities. We have offered suggestions on how matters could be improved. The Government have also had guidance from their advisers but I am afraid they have not taken any advice. We on this side of the House——

And will be.

I would bet on a Fianna Fáil victory.

Name the sum and I will put down the amount.

It is immoral to bet on a certainty and we are not immoral in Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil are ready for the challenge of an election and I hope the Taoiseach will give us that opportunity very shortly, not because it suits us but because we want to stop further damage being done to the country.

The Minister's opening statement contains a few amusing phrases, one of them, on page 9, being:

Taxpayers would be well advised in their own interests to be distrustful of those who would freely spend money which only the taxpayer can supply.

That, coming from this Government, is amusing because they have been borrowing money from any country in the world who would give it to them. Consequently, the national debt is in a dangerous position, £4 billion. The servicing of that debt will be a terrible hardship on the people during the next few years and it will be a terrible job for any succeeding Government to tackle.

Of course I welcome any efforts made in the Finance Bill to create new jobs. This is an election measure but I welcome the things in it that have come out of the Fianna Fáil policy document published some time ago. I welcome the adoption, even in a small way—too little too late, Deputy Colley described it—by the Minister for Finance of our suggestions. Borrowing abroad and borrowing at home are two entirely different matters. One could put the Government in the position of a co-operative. It is legitimate for a co-operative to borrow from within the country. It is only when you go outside the country for money that you are in real danger. Even borrowing abroad is not too bad if it is for capital purposes—to promote employment instead of to pay for social welfare benefits. Of course, social welfare must be provided for those who cannot work. Nobody should get the impression that I am objecting to that, but the emphasis should be on the provision of jobs rather than on social welfare. The young people want to work and it is up to the Government to provide them with jobs. An attempt has been made in this Bill to do something in that direction, but it is belated. Over the last four years there was no policy in relation to employment. The Government tried to cushion the people against unemployment but no attempt was made to create jobs. That is why we are in the position we are in today.

Many people mentioned that no Labour Deputies were present for this debate, and I noticed that only one Labour Deputy, Deputy Halligan spoke on this Bill. I am not surprised at that. The Labour Party are supposed to be a socialist party. I can see no trace of socialism in the reductions which are given in this Bill. I see no trace of socialism when I look at the national wage agreement negotiated by the trade unions which gives £8 to a man earning £100 a week and £4 to a man earning £40 a week. As far as I can see, the Labour Party have become as much a capitalist party as any other party. Deputy Halligan made a slight protest against the reliefs given in the budget to oil companies and banks which were making huge profits. I support his protest but it is no use for the Labour Party to say that they stand for a socialist or just society when very little is being done about it. Any reliefs given in this budget are given to the higher income group. I agree with any reliefs which will promote employment. People prepared to invest money are doing a good job.

I would like to give my blessing to the proposed State co-operative. There is a different of opinion in relation to this on the opposite benches. The unemployment situation cannot be solved by private enterprise alone, therefore, State enterprise is needed as well. As Deputy Moore says, the Fine Gael partners in the Coalition are very slow to give their blessing to this. I believe it is only an election gimmick, but I suppose we can expect all kinds of promises this year.

Anywhere I have spoken recently I have been careful not to make rash promises. People are fed up with promises, such as were made at the last general election. They want performance. We have an educated electorate. I do not know why some people swallowed the 14-point programme on prices issued by the Coalition at the last election. We know that the people on the other side of the House are intelligent and that they knew that they could not fulfil the promises that they made. We knew that we could not reduce prices in a European situation. Fianna Fáil will be an attraction in the next election due to their previous performance, when they never made promises that they did not live up to. The biggest issue in the general election will be the cost of living, just as it was in the last election when Fianna Fáil were slated left, right and centre in regard to it. Nothing is happening at present to give an indication that the cost of living is coming down. Any reliefs given in the budget are nearly eroded by increases that have occurred since. Anyone going up for election this year should keep away from promises because people have become disillusioned with promises. I spoke to young people in Dublin recently and they told me that they have no interest whatsoever in politics, that politicians only came out at election time with false promises. They believed that every politician is a crook who will say anything to get elected. We must be careful in our approach, if we are not to destroy democracy. We must be honest and we must not promise from an election platform, something that we know will be impossible to carry out, as was done at the last general election by the present Government.

We did not promise to drain the Shannon.

I was not here for the draining of the Shannon, I came into this House late in life. When campaigning in Ballinasloe in the last election I was attacked at almost every door in relation to the cost of living. I indicated that we could not do anything about it, that it would go up because of our entry into Europe, but that we would have to bring wages and social benefits into line with the cost of living. Coalition campaigners came along behind my back and stated that not alone would they stabilise the cost of living but that they would bring it down. Everybody in this House knew that on our entry into Europe the cost of living would not be reduced. We should not tell people that we can do something which we know we cannot do. I cannot understand why some individuals try to fool the people. They will not get away with it any longer.

Some of the items in our financial policy were taken into this Bill. An Opposition is not expected to issue a policy, but for the sake of the country I am glad that the Government used some of our proposals.

The Minister referred to the abolition of death duties by the Government. I must highlight the fact that quite a lot of the holdings in the west are held by single people and these holdings will be transferred to either a brother, a nephew or a niece, and gift tax must be paid on the transfer. The abolition of death duty applies only to the immediate family. Land is valued highly in the west, even though most of the farms are small. It has been stated that death duties were abolished but, in fact, they have not been as far as a brother, a nephew or niece is concerned. There are many unmarried farmers in the west—nobody would marry them because their farms are too small—and when their holdings are transferred to their nephews or nieces the person benefiting must pay capital acquisition tax or gift tax which has replaced death duties. Those taxes are there and must be paid by those who inherit land. When we were discussing the Bills concerning those taxes, we tabled an amendment to exclude a brother, a nephew or a niece but it was not accepted.

What I have said may not be applicable to any other part of the country but I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for the Public Service who is from the west of Ireland will agree that there are many unmarried elderly farmers living in the west and this applies to their holdings. It pleases me to know that a Deputy from the west is climbing up the ladder because he knows the problems of that area. He knows that it is a cod to tell the farmers there that death duties have been abolished. The title has been abolished but the duty has been replaced by other taxes.

The Leas-Cheann Comhairle did not agree with Deputy Moore that housing was relevant to this debate. I do not agree with that ruling because we should be entitled to complain about what is not in the Finance Bill. If we are not allowed to do that, we have little business contributing to the debate. I am in favour of any measures taken to erect more local authority houses. When I pointed out to the Minister for Local Government the difficulty young people have in getting loans for new houses he told me that if a young couple with £1,000 invested that sum with a building society they would qualify for a loan to buy a new house. I accept that they can but the Minister must remember that the interest rate on a loan from a building society increases almost annually. The unfortunate position is that if those people earn in excess of £2,350 per year they cannot avail of SDA loans or qualify for local authority grants. Surely the Minister will agree that in 1977 very few, if any, work for that type of money. In order to encourage young people to buy their own houses, thereby relieving local authorities, the Government should do something in relation to the income limit for loans and grants. The amount of the loans and grants should also be increased to a realistic figure. The Minister should bear in mind that because only three plans exist for local authority houses they are almost all of the same design everywhere For the sake of the appearance of the countryside young people should be encouraged to build their own houses because there would be a variety in the design of houses built.

The Deputy will agree that the Chair has allowed him a lot of latitude on this. For general information I should like to state that as this is a taxation measure which deals with that part of the budget which concerns taxation and taxation proposals the effects of such taxation on the country are the only things that can be referred to.

I sat throughout the debate yesterday and I heard everything discussed. It reminded me of an evening during the Monaghan by-election campaign when the present Minister for Defence commenced to speak at 4.30 p.m. and did not conclude until 9.30 p.m. the following night. During that time he dealt with the problems of every village and town in the constituency of Laois-Offaly. I do not believe in making long speeches but I feel I am entitled to highlight the problems of my area and draw attention to omissions.

A greater effort must be made to create employment for our young people who are very disillusioned. Our education system is geared towards clerical jobs which we do not have and the result is that many of our young people are unemployed. They are the breeding ground of violence. Last week I was interrupted by Deputy Coughlan when I mentioned this matter. I pointed out that years ago those working in offices were only paid 10s. per week and they had no unions to support them. Those who ran those offices addressed meetings condemning communism even though they had the breeding ground of communism in their own offices. The same applies to violence. If there are too many young educated people in our towns who cannot put their brains to good use, they will put them to bad use. That is why I stated that they are the breeding ground of violence and why it is so important to get employment for young people. We should not have replaced workers by machines and something will have to be done about that matter. Local authorities should also be given more money to spend on schemes. A lot has to be done in relation to the improvement of our roads and the carrying out of amenity schemes.

In relation to the taxing of farmers, I agree that there should be such taxation but I do not agree with the way it is being implemented, the way the income of farmers is assessed or the time set aside for doing so. I am a small farmer and I pay tax on my Dáil salary but I would not be paying any tax if I was not a Member of this House.

A person with a salary of £6,000 a year has to buy a car and pay VAT on it to earn that salary. To earn £6,000 a year on a farm, the amount of implements needed and the amount of indirect taxation you pay are unbelievable. When I get my salary I know what I am getting. A farmer has not the foggiest idea what he will earn without making many calculations. It takes a lot of book-keeping to keep farming accounts. The cost of machinery has soared out of all proportion and you cannot farm without it. Parts have to be replaced. We object to the way it is being assessed, not to farm tax. The most ridiculous thing I ever heard was asking a farmer to pay his tax in September. I am glad this has been altered but it has not been fully altered. A farmer's income is not an assured income. It depends on the weather. A tillage farmer has to depend on the harvest. If the harvest is good his income will increase, and if the harvest is bad that could be disastrous for him.

He has had it.

He cannot do any book-keeping until the end of the year. If he has some weanling calves for sale, they will not be sold until October and he does not know what he will get for them. He does not know how many of them might die. If he is unfortunate enough to have brucellosis or TB reactors he could be almost wiped out. He could lose £100 a beast, which I can prove. In the Revenue Commission and the Department of Finance there does not seem to be anybody who realises the problem. I am not blaming anybody. There are very few farmers in this House.

It would be ridiculous to expect that a farmer who made a profit should get away without paying tax, but we must be sure he has a certain income at the end of the year. He cannot assess his income until the end of the year. It was the craziest and maddest system to expect a farmer to be able to say in September what he would have by the end of the year. As a farmer, I do not object to farmers being taxed. There are certain modifications in the Finance Bill which improve it, but they do not go far enough. The Minister may correct me if I am wrong. A farmer will have to pay half his tax in September and half at the end of the year. That means he has to do his accounts twice. Is that right? How can he know what his profit is in September.

The multiplier applies in September.

How can a farmer know in September what income he will have by the end of the year?

He can go on last year's accounts.

If he is completely in tillage he may have no accounts at all.

He has to depend on the harvest.

The Deputy is overlooking the notional system. People engaged in farming have options open to them which are not open to everybody else. The Deputy cannot complain that there is not a perfect choice. He has a choice which others have not.

I do not agree with the Minister. The notional system is there only because farming accounts are most difficult to keep. Farmers would need to have a paid auditor to keep their accounts. Too many farmers are going on the notional system because they are afraid of keeping accounts.

You must have an accountant now or your accounts will not be accepted.

I am coming now to the very important point of off-farm employment. The Minister said it was a mistake to say people who were paying PAYE would be taxed on their small farms. I understood that referred to people with off-farm employment. In my area there are six small agricultural contractors who have refused to work for farmers this year. They said that if they earned anything which would put them into the tax bracket they would be taxed on the multiplier on their small holdings of £10 valuation. These small contractors are all over the country doing an excellent job. Where do you draw the line between the professional man and the trader?

Does the Deputy mean a fitter?

I am talking about a man with a small farm who might do a little bit of building. There is a disincentive for him to do anything now because he will be taxed on the multiplier on his small farm. The west of Ireland is dotted with small contractors because farmers cannot afford to buy the machinery to do the jobs themselves. Some of them cannot even afford ploughs and harrows. I would ask the Minister to consider that problem seriously.

I also asked the Minister about another matter and he said people with valuations of from £10 to £20 are not getting any increase in their social welfare. They are on the notional system and they can opt to go on factual income. I asked what system is being used to assess factual income and I was told it was the same as the old age pension system. My information is that is not correct. Under the old age pension assessment you get an allowance for family labour which you do not get under the factual income. Some people who went on factual income came out of it very badly. I suppose it is the Minister for Social Welfare who will do the assessing. I have asked for the factual income in relation to those cases but all I am told is that those people are above the guideline and that they are out. I cannot get a breakdown on how the income is assessed in those cases. There is a great difference between the Department of Health in relation to medical cards and the Department of Social Welfare in relation to old age pensions. I would like to know the system that is used.

There are many people in County Galway who have a valuation of £20.50 or £21 who are just above the guideline. Many of those people have land which is under water for up to six months every year. Those people are all on factual income because very few of them are under £20 valuation. I cannot tell those people how factual income is assessed. Is it assessed the same way as it is for old age pensions? Some people have told me that it is but as far as I can see it is not. None of those people want to draw social welfare if they can get any other incentive.

The Government should give incentives to those people to improve their land. They would prefer this to getting social welfare money. The Government were very free about social welfare payments a few years ago. Some people, who wanted to have a political advantage, told others to apply for social welfare, even though they were not entitled to it. No incentive was given to the people I refer to even when the cost of living went higher and higher. I would like the EEC directive to be changed so that any of those people who work small farms to a plan will get the full grant. Those small men should also get guidance premiums. I am 100 per cent behind anything that will replace social welfare payments but so far there is nothing. It was taken off the small farmer and he received nothing in return.

The Minister spoke about the great advantages received following the abolition of death duties. I have pointed out that the majority of farmers in the west are batchelors who could not get wives because no girls were prepared to go into those small holdings. Their lands are now passing on to brothers, nephews and nieces who have to pay capital acquisitions tax. You have to be a wife, son or daughter to avoid having to pay this tax. I know that a certain percentage is allowed but after that they have to pay the tax. I know of many nieces and nephews who got land from their uncles and they are unable to pay this tax.

I am sure the Deputy will accept that if the nephew or niece has been working on the farm during the lifetime of the donor that person is treated in the same way as the son or daughter.

I am sure the Minister knows that quite a number of those nephews and nieces live in their fathers' homes some distance away. Many of the people I am talking about have been living alone for years and would not like anybody to live with them. When the Capital Acquisitions Tax Bill was being discussed I mentioned the difference between the hard-working man who spent his life accumulating some wealth and the speculator who makes money out of a fast deal. Those two categories should not be on the same level. I would like to see those hard-working people getting something in this Bill.

I welcome anything in the Bill which will give incentives for employment. I have pointed out that as far as the socialist policy of the Labour Party is concerned it certainly is not being implemented in this Bill. Any relief in tax as well as the national wage agreement is all for the high income group. The lower income man got very little in the budget. This has been eroded with the increase in the cost of living since.

We have two partners in this Government but as far as I am concerned very few Labour TDs have spoken about the points of the just Christian social society. I am glad to see that one Labour TD is present and I hope that she will contribute later. I cannot see how any Labour Minister can justify the reliefs in the budget being given to the higher income groups alone. Are the reliefs in the budget given to the man with the higher income so that he can buy a bigger car? Is the cost of living not the same for him as for the smaller man with a family?

With regard to the taxation of farmers it is only now that people on the Government side of the House have been meeting deputations. They are now beginning to realise all that is involved in the assessment of farmers for taxation purposes. It is a bad thing for anybody to get up and put the town versus the country. The farmers know that a prosperous town is good for them just as a prosperous rural community is good from the point of view of the local town. Therefore, it would be unfortunate if there was to be a division of town and country, or if there were to be a division as between the farmer and the worker. Ours is a small nation so we must work together. As one who was reared on a small farm I know the hardships involved in that life but there are people who do not understand this. They do not understand, for instance, that the farmer is at the mercy of the weather as well as several other factors. We all remember how bad a year 1974 was for us. There are certain journalists who endeavour to paint a picture of what can be done on a farm but the picture is always painted on the basis of everything being right. This gives a false impression and is doing more harm than good. Anybody associated with the land knows the variations that can occur from one year to the next. The theory is all very well but in practice the situation is often very different.

I have made the point regarding the necessity for providing an incentive for people to build homes for themselves and also the necessity for making available more money for housing through the local authorities. I have referred too, to the problem of finding employment for our young people. The situation in this regard is serious. It is regrettable that we have not heard from more people on the opposite side as to what they think of these measures. After all, the Finance Bill is the instrument by which the budgetary proposals are put into legislation. This Bill is one of the most important to come before the House but with the exception of two or three people from the other side we have not been given any indication of how the people over there consider these measures. Even if an election is near, the work of this House should not be neglected.

I advise the Government that in campaigning for the general election, they should not engage in promises. The people, realising that the promises made on the last occasion have not been fulfilled, will judge the Government on performance. It is on our performance that we will fight the election.

In his Second Reading speech the Minister stated that a precept of the political belief of this Government is that people in similar circumstances should pay similar amounts of tax. We all accept that as being basic justice but it must be said at the outset that when this Government assumed office in 1973 the situation was that people in similar economic circumstances were paying enormously different amounts of taxation. In this regard the Minister referred to those who, at that time, were engaging in tax avoidance measures, who were resorting to tax havens and who, although having incomes that would put them in the 80 per cent tax bracket paid no tax. The Minister referred to people similarly situated, people who made money by way of capital gains—there were those who made a lot of money by way of land and property speculation—but who paid no tax. These people did not have to resort to tax avoidance measures because the law at that time did not render them liable for tax. Similarly there were large landowners who, if they were within the PAYE system, would have been in the 80 per cent bracket but they, too, were not liable for tax.

Regardless of what Deputy Callanan may say about election promises. I predict that there will be various promises from the Opposition during the next few weeks or months or whatever time remains before the general election. However, they cannot expect people to take them seriously in view of their having opposed all reasonable efforts by this Government in the field of tax reform.

During the 16 years of uninterrupted Fianna Fáil rule the only reform in taxation was to bring thousands of workers within the tax net with the result that the burden placed on those who were on the PAYE system increased during those years out of all proportion to the capacity of the workers to pay. We have rough figures which indicate that the income tax factor in so far as PAYE was concerned increased by ten during the last years of the Fianna Fáil reign while the contributions of the self-employed increased by a factor of three and the net contribution from companies increased only by a factor of two. Consequently, we inherited a legacy of injustice in the area of taxation. Some of that injustice prevails yet but, hopefully, the situation will be rectified totally after this Government are returned to power at the next election. During our next term of office we hope to bring about a just system of taxation. Last year alone some 650,000 workers and others within the PAYE system contributed 81.1 per cent of the total income tax paid in the country. This is a colossal figure when one realises that the last figures available show that the employees' share of the GNP was only 30 per cent. I trust that percentage has increased in the meantime. If the tax payable had been in line with income, the tax should have been in the region of 30 to 40 per cent.

Under the PAYE system there is no room for discretion. For instance, claims for expenses connected with one's work are not acceded to. There is no such thing as a car allowance and neither is there any special consideration in respect of overtime. These are matters to which we should be addressing ourselves. The question of transport to one's work has become very much a growing feature of our society, involving a good deal of expense and, consequently, worthy of consideration in terms of tax relief. I am not saying that all money earned from working overtime should be exempt from tax but a case can be made for some concession in this regard. I agree with Deputy Callanan in regard to the hardships associated with life on a small farm, hardships which should be taken into account for the purpose of assessing income tax. Similarly, those people who are prepared to forego family and social life in order to work overtime so that they might be able to buy the necessities of life for their families should be given some consideration in relation to income tax. Very often these people work in very difficult conditions, for instance, where there may be unreasonable noise levels.

However, since this Government came to office considerable improvements have been made in the whole income tax code. Capital taxation is a far greater feature and yields a far greater amount of money in most EEC countries than it does here and I think it is something that will have to be geared here more progressively as the years go by. Wealth tax, also opposed on the Opposition benches, is something basic to a just system of taxation and to the relief of those sections of our community who are paying out of all proportion to their share of the wealth.

Deputy Callanan made a case for tax on farmers and, particularly for the smaller farmer. I take his case, but the case has been made against taxation of farmers—I know Deputy Callanan did not make the case that farmers are paying rates and I think he was right not to make that case— from these benches and elsewhere that rates are a substitute for taxation. It has to be borne in mind that 75 per cent of landowners pay no rates and two-thirds of the rates on agricultural land is borne by the Exchequer and, of course, the Exchequer is the ordinary taxpayer and the ordinary taxpayer in the main is the person paying tax through PAYE so arguing that rates are a substitute for taxes does not make any case effectively and, as I said, Deputy Callanan did not make it.

It is only fair in bringing about a just taxation code to appreciate that there was not enough tax on farmers and it should have been increased as is being done under this Bill. Workers are taxed when they earn over £13 a week. Now that is a very small income. It is certainly not a living income and, when we talk about other sectors, we must realise that these are not contributing that much. There is no other sector other than the person taxed under the PAYE system who is contributing taxation out of income in excess of as low as £13 per week. Whatever multiplier you apply, whatever acreage you are talking about, or whatever other source of income you have, you will not be taxed on an income of £13 a week.

There is an omission from this Finance Bill which disappoints me. I refer to the very low rate of working wife's allowance and the fact that this has not been adjusted. A figure of £230 is very low and the whole attitude towards working wives must be altered. Under the law the husband is liable for the payment of his wife's income tax on the joint incomes of both spouses. I think this situation arises from an outdated common law entitlement of the husband to his wife's property. The theory was that the husband, on undertaking to maintain and support a wife, became entitled to her property. That principle no longer applies in regard to property rights. The Married Woman's Status Act, 1957, made wide changes in the law and ensured that a married woman's property remained her own throughout her life and can be disposed of as she pleases. Nevertheless, in the field of taxation, the out-dated concept that a married woman's existence merges with that of her husband still applies and her income is still deemed to be part of her husband's income. He is legally bound to show her income on his return and he is liable for the payment of income tax on the joint income of both his wife and himself. Even though either spouse has the right to apply to be assessed separately the end result is that the married couple pay the same amount as if they were assessed jointly, the only difference being that the usual allowance is apportioned differently between the husband and wife.

This system works unfairly against the married working wife because the two salaries combined put them into a higher tax bracket much earlier than if their salaries were taxed separately and there is a much higher income tax liability for a married working couple as compared with two single individuals with the same salary, except at the very lowest levels where the wife is earning less than £650 a year. The British system works more beneficially to the married couple even though they are taxed jointly and in most EEC countries this is also the case. In Canada and in the USA they are taxed individually. The working wife's allowance should be substantially increased in the short term and the case can be made to have the working woman treated as a person in her own right, responsible for her own income and getting allowances in the same way as any other person. I hope the next Finance Bill will as a priority take a new look at the taxation of married women. That is essential to the whole concept of equal pay.

I welcome the spread of the tax net generally and the removal of VAT from foodstuffs, clothing, footwear and other essentials. I welcome the subsidisation of foodstuffs. This is very essential. Apart from the fact that inflation is only 3½ per cent lower than it would otherwise be, because of the burden of prices on the lower income groups it is essential to subsidise food. Because income and wealth are so unevenly spread we have this problem of price increases bearing very heavily on those who really have to bear more than their share. The tax system has been used in the past few years to redistribute wealth but a great deal remains to be done. There should be a prescribed minimum income. There should be some way of determining what is an acceptable standard, of pricing that and of ensuring that every individual has that income on which to live. The Government have gone a long way towards that in their social welfare policy over the last few years, upgrading social welfare rates and bringing in categories which were not covered before. But no one in the Government is complacent. There is a backlog and much remains to be done.

I welcome section 7. It is an excellent section and one which will have the support of these benches. It is designed to improve the financial situation of pensioners over 65 years of age on low incomes. It provides for no tax being deducted from a person whose income is less than £1,000 a year, if single, or £1,800 a year if married. That applies to the aged allowance group. With regard to the married allowance of £1,800, does the spouse also have to be in the over age group to qualify because there are situations where the pensioner may well be in the over age group and the spouse a couple of years younger? From my reading of it I believe the pensioner will qualify. This will benefit to a very great extent large numbers of pensioners on small incomes— county council road workers, CIE workers and others who have a small income in addition to their pensions and who, of course, were very unjustly taxed up to now and who certainly need the additional income this provision gives them.

The Minister makes the case that persons with incomes slightly greater than the limits—the limits meaning the limits of State pensions—will get marginal relief designed to reduce the tax payable to one half of the excess of total income over the relevant pension limits. Very definitely the relieving of some 10,000 pensioners is something well justified and I welcome it wholeheartedly.

The Minister said the Government have laid the base of a fair tax system. That is quite true. I am very glad that he makes the case quite clearly that further improvements are desirable and feasible because we did inherit a tremendously unjust system. Large improvements have been made in that system over the last four years consistently in budgets introduced by the Minister on which I compliment him heartily. The burden, particularly that on the lower paid worker, must be further lightened and be tailored to meet his ability to pay. There is no doubt that down the years the person taxed under PAYE has paid far more than his just share to the tax fund.

I thank the Minister for what he has done particularly in relieving pensioners and those on the lowest level of this burden. However, a great deal remains to be done if these workers are not to carry more than their fair share, if all the other sections who have, by tax avoidance devices or because they were not taxed at all, are to be made pay their just share, bringing about a more equitable society.

The Minister said that our present economic position is very relevant to this debate. Certainly it is and has been for the last few years and it is only now the Government seem to realise this.

There are a number of items in this debate very difficult to reconcile with the performance of the Government over the last few years, especially now when they claim that the recession is over and when indications in many areas, especially my own, are that as far as industrial development is concerned it is far from being over. This is difficult also when one takes into account Government borrowing in recent years with so little to be shown for it. In such circumstances it is difficult to see how the Minister could be so optimistic in his introductory speech.

Our main concern relates to job creation and rising prices. We on this side of the House are glad that the Coalition have closely examined the Fianna Fáil economic policy document published last year even though they seem to have poached some of our ideas. Indeed, had they stolen even more, it would have been to the benefit of the country as a whole. To date, the Government have been unable to generate the type of confidence in industry the country so needs at present. Such confidence is necessary to get the country moving again. In many fields we on this side of the House have shown how job creation could be implemented. One field in which I am particularly interested is that of tourism. We all accept that job creation constitutes the country's greatest single need at present. Then there is the need for exports as a prime requirement to the recovery of our economy. A major contribution could be effected in both of those fields. Certainly the Government's efforts have been less than adequate in that direction.

The punishment inflicted in last year's Finance Bill had serious consequences not alone on tourism but on the country's finances generally when there was a massive increase in petrol, motor taxation and drink with the inevitable follow-up of the falling off of tourists from England. The major advantage to be gained from placing greater emphasis on the development of tourism is that it has the capacity to distribute the nation's wealth evenly between the rich and poor and urban and rural areas which cannot be achieved as effectively in any other field. Our aim should be to encourage the authorities to provide more money for its development and identify special features with potential for visitors. Bearing in mind the present rate at which we are providing amenities in small centres and rural areas, it will be a long time before we are in a position to provide the high standard entitled to be expected by our visitors.

In the matter of job creation one will have noticed from Press reports in the past few days that there have been further job losses especially affecting the area I represent where there were 250 lost in Roadstone. It is not confined to that area alone but they happen to have a number of plants there. It was stated that 250 men employed by Roadstone were to lose their jobs, that the redundancies were to take place over the next month and would be spread throughout the country, due to a cut-back in demand for materials in the building and construction industry in the private and public sectors. In a statement by the company yesterday it was said that there was no foreseeable improvement in the level of activity in the industry and that, therefore, it was necessary to cut back. That statement contrasts very sharply with the optimistic tone of the Minister's speech. That was another industry in which Fianna Fáil foresaw the opportunity of job creation, through their economic policy, where we foresaw an opportunity of cutting down on the labour queues.

While that problem obtains on a national scale, there is the problem in my area of a number of quarries which until the end of last year were able to compete with manufacturers of concrete products across the Border. However, because of the massive increase in the price of cement allowed here without a similar one in the Six Counties manufacturers are faced with the situation now that there is a differential of over £4.50 in the price of a ton of cement. When this is related to ready-mixed concrete or other concrete products, there is a difference of £1.25 in a cubic metre. The result is that there is a £10 difference on every load of concrete produced here making our manufacturers unable to compete.

On the 2nd February last I raised this matter with the Minister for Industry and Commerce when I put a question down asking him:

. . . the steps he proposes to take to ensure continuity of employment in industries manufacturing concrete products in Border counties following the increase in cement prices.

In the course of his reply the Minister said:

The differential between the price of cement in Northern Ireland and that applying here is an important factor in the matter but my understanding is that the price of the Northern Ireland manufactured cement is expected to increase during the coming months with a consequent narrowing of the differential.

He went on to talk about our being members of the EEC and about restrictions on imports and added:

It is true that APC are currently seeking a 3½ per cent price increase, which is very small, but that is not the end of the story. Press reports indicate that further increases will be sought during the spring and later and these should help to narrow, though not fully remove the price differential for cement.

The Prices Commission in England have refused to award an increase in cement prices and the result is that manufacturers on this side of the border have been left in a completely uncompetitive position which would have a serious effect here because subcontractors who were engaged in laying concrete laneways and farmyards——

On his own admission, the Deputy is adverting to matters which are the responsibility of the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

Because of the emphasis laid on job creation, I felt it is only right we should bring this to the attention of the Minister who controls finance. If we brought it to the notice of either the Minister for Agriculture or for Local Government, we would be told that it is a matter for the Minister for Finance to provide the necessary money. There are import facilities accorded to northern cement manufacturers without reciprocal arrangements from this side and I would ask the Minister, as I have already asked the Parliamentary Secretary, to take this up as a matter of urgency with the UK customs authorities. In his introductory speech the Minister said:

Demand for imported materials for further production and for producers' capital goods, such as machinery and equipment, continues at a very high level indicating a continuing recovery in investment activity.

That cuts both ways. Two weeks ago there was a report in The Irish Press indicating that 90 per cent of farm machinery is being imported. Chris Young, president of a manufacturing concern, referred to 35 per cent of light machinery which can be made here. We have the equipment and the know-how. We are to have a regulation making it compulsory to have safety frames on tractors from next October. These could be manufactured here. Any of them manufactured here are manufactured under licence from a firm outside the country. The reason why small manufacturers are not moving into that market is because the testing of safety frames made here must be carried out in England which necessitates both frames and tractors being transported to England at a cost of £450 a time. There are dozens of small engineering works anxious to get into this field and I suggest we should be setting up the necessary testing equipment here so that frames and other safety devices can be manufactured in this country.

I ask the Minister why has there been failure to honour the payment of cattle feed vouchers. The scheme was introduced in 1974 but the Fresh Meat Exporters' Society failed to honour the vouchers and there is still £500,000 due to merchants throughout the country. We have been told the matter is sub judice and that it cannot be discussed in the House, but the scheme was introduced by the Government with the blessing of the Minister for Agriculture.

If it is sub judice, it should not be discussed.

They should be paid. A previous speaker mentioned the income tax provisions in relation to self-employed people but the Minister did not spell out whether they would affect small agricultural contractors. We would hope that it would not be so severe as to leave us without those agricultural contractors. If those who were doing work for farmers came completely under the tax net for the full valuation of their farms this could have serious consequences.

With regard to job creation, I appeal to the Minister to introduce and announce before Christmas a scheme under the EEC Regional Fund whereby moneys would be provided to enable the IDA to erect small advance factories where training could be done prior to larger factories being erected. He has said that the money is available for a number of factories. Three were established in Carrick-on-Shannon. I asked the Minister to have some of the money channelled towards the north-eastern region where there has been a great percentage fall-off in jobs and where 27 industries have closed since January, 1973. Not alone should the Minister give the money for the provision of those factories but he also should give that area additional incentives and additional grant aids. In the regional development report to which I referred earlier, Mr. Cullinane, the director, claimed that in that area up to the Border the business people were not eager to set up industries. The only way to induce people to go to that area is to provide added benefits and incentives. Neither the Minister nor the IDA can direct industries into an area if people do not wish to go there, but if the incentives and benefits were increased sufficiently that area would be as acceptable as any other and the fall-off would be stopped.

Mention was made of the employment premium. It is a great pity that over the last couple of years the Minister for Labour did not make the efforts he made in the last few days in announcing this. It seems now to be an election gimmick or a personal advertisement. He should previously have advertised it widely and brought it to the attention of industrialists.

In conclusion, there is very little in this Bill to create the confidence which is required to get this country moving and the people back to work.

I am pleased to have the opportunity of discussing this Bill because it puts into effect the proposals outlined in the budget announced some months ago and gives an opportunity to Deputies to highlight the many problems that exist in our society at present. It will enable them to bring those problems to the notice of the Government and it is hoped that the Government will, in putting this Bill through, be able to remedy some of those problems.

Two of the most difficult problems at present are inflation and unemployment. They have to be tackled by whichever Government are in power. The Coalition Government were elected primarily because they promised to stabilise prices. Since they were elected in 1973 prices have almost doubled. The current rate of inflation is the highest in Europe.

It is not.

If it is not the highest it must be in the top two or three. Inflation is a fraud on the thrifty, the prudent and the savers. Such people are sacrificed to the spendthrift by continuing inflation. For example, people retired three or four years ago on a fixed pension which was adequate when the Coalition took office. Food, heat, light and so on which cost, say, £100 then cost £200 now. These people simply have to do without many benefits. Such people have given their best to the community and it is poor gratitude that they should be savaged like this in their declining years. However, that is how inflation works its various injustices. It savages the weak and fawns on the strong. It is an evil which only a strong, compassionate Government can rectify. We in Fianna Fáil have always been helpful to the weaker sections of the community and that is one of the reasons for our existence. It is important that we be given the opportunity to come to the aid of those people once again, because now they are in greater need than ever before.

If inflation hits the weak it also hits the prudent and the savers who have built up our enormous amount of savings over the past three or four years. I believe we are the greatest net savers in Europe. When we consider how savings have been eroded for the past few years by inflation the fact must be faced that people will not have the heart to save any longer. One hundred pounds placed on deposit four years ago is worth only about £50 at present money values and there is no guarantee that it will not be worth even less next year. How long is this to last? Sooner or later the saver will recognise that he is being systematically robbed and exploited for his prudence by a Government who not only allowed inflation to run at such a high level for so long but also contributed significantly to it in successive budgets, in the teeth of advice to the contrary from Fianna Fáil. Sooner or later the prudent are going to stop lending to this Government. They must at some stage withdraw their deposits and spend them before they are entirely eroded by inflation. That is the crunch.

Several times in the past three or four years our spokesman on Finance stressed the urgent need for an economic plan. Eventually it was promised for mid-summer by the Minister for Finance, but mid-summer came and went and still there was no plan. It was at this point that Fianna Fáil took it upon themselves to produce a document on the economy, setting out how we proposed to tackle the problems of unemployment and inflation. These two problems plus our steadily increasing national debt are sources of worry to every citizen. Since the Coalition Government took office foreign borrowing has increased fourfold and the cost of servicing the national debt has trebled in the same period. That combination, without question, constituted the most serious economic challenge to the nation since the foundation of the State.

Unless the Government changes their current policy we cannot hope to see any improvement in the unemployment situation in the near future. The opposite is most likely to take place, with the number of school leavers now emerging from schools without any prospects of jobs. If we look back over the past year we will find that a very high percentage of the school leavers who came on to the labour market last year are still looking for any kind of employment. I often wonder why the Government could not put an injection of capital into the building and construction industry. This is one area where jobs could be created but at present it has the highest unemployment rate. This is an industry which utilises a very low proportion of imported goods. Money could be spent on community projects which would give employment to many young people.

I am disappointed that the Government have failed to increase the grants payable to people who are building their own houses. They have failed to increase the income limit for qualifying for grants and loans. How can the Government expect people to get married and settle down here, if they do not offer them grants and loans that will encourage them to make a start? Married people usually build houses for themselves and their families and stay in these houses for the rest of their lives. It is a shame that despite the fact that the price of building materials and of labour has been increasing over the past three or four years, the Minister for Local Government has doggedly refused to alter the limits set for qualifying for these grants and loans.

The Deputy will appreciate that he must keep to the Bill.

I accept the ruling but I am sure that some of the taxation referred to in this Finance Bill will be used for the building of houses and it is relevant for me to mention this fact and to highlight my dissatisfaction with the Government for refusing to increase the grants and loans. If it were necessary to alter the taxation system to provide for this great need, I am sure support would come from both sides of the House for such a worthy proposition. These are just a few areas to which Fianna Fáil when returned to power propose to direct their attention. Fianna Fáil's sound policies and good planning will solve simultaneously the three problems of massive unemployment, rampant inflation and excessive budget deficits. The present policy of borrowing on a large scale from foreign lending institutions must stop if we are to make any serious impact on inflation. Were it not for the tax policy of the Government much of the money now being raised abroad could be raised here. Unfortunately our investors have no confidence in the Coalition Government and millions of pounds that could have been invested in industry have been withdrawn and invested outside the country.

The Deputy is joking, of course.

I am not joking.

There is no evidence of that at all.

That is common knowledge. One need only ask any bank manager in this city and he will say that when these tax proposals were introduced by the Minister many Irish people who had invested money here withdrew it and invested it elsewhere.

That is unmitigated rubbish.

It cannot be denied. If the Minister thinks it is rubbish he should speak to some of the Irish workers in Birmingham, Manchester or London, or people who have invested money here over the years, and they will tell him that they withdrew their deposits as a result of his tax proposals and invested the money elsewhere.

How does the Deputy explain the fact that there is more money in the country than ever before?

I cannot explain that. I doubt if it is true. If it is, the Minister should proceed immediately to increase the grants and loans to the people I have mentioned who wish to build their own houses and live there. Incentives are needed to encourage investment because without investment the country cannot survive. Reductions in income tax are necessary and can be provided as effectively and more efficiently than increases in money incomes. If companies are to invest and create employment they should be allowed to retain sufficient of their profits to help finance investments and thereby reduce the necessity for borrowing excessively at very high interest rates. Fianna Fáil on return to Government will put these policies into operation and will pull this country out of the morass into which the Government have dragged it in the last four years. A hopeless condition of gloom, despondency and pessimism now obtains here. Businessmen and entrepreneurs do not know what to expect of a Government hopelessly divided on the most basic issues of principle as to the fundamental framework within which normal business can be planned and conducted. The self-employed professional men and women and the executives who run the country's business feel that they have been victimised to the point where there is virtually no incentive to apply that additional effort which the country obviously needs. Every working man sees a bewildering reduction in his living standards and his worst fears are that the firm which employs him will collapse, that his job will not be there and that his future may not be as secure as he thought a few years ago.

The same thing applies to the proprietors of small business concerns because they feel threatened on every side by competition from big businesses and by the draconian taxation system which makes no provision for the special position of small industry. The situation now could be compared with that which existed in 1956 and 1957 under the last Coalition Government. Then, as now, the economy was not expanding, unemployment was growing daily and agriculture was depressed. However when Fianna Fáil were returned to office there was a sense of relief, of confidence and of optimism. Following that, we witnessed 15 years of uninterrupted growth and I am confident that Fianna Fáil when called upon to do so again will perform in the same way as they did during those progressive years. I am confident that they will face up to their responsibilities and provide the leadership and policies to pull the country out of the mess we have got into under the present Administration. I am confident that then we will see the country moving forward once again. That confidence and leadership is sadly lacking at present. We need confidence and leadership to encourage people to establish industries to create employment and reduce the huge unemployment figure.

We have heard a lot during the course of this debate about tax on farming profits. As has been pointed out by speakers from this side of the House, we do not object to farmers paying their fair share of tax on their profits but what annoys us is the hullabaloo that was made in the last two years by members of the Government and, particularly, by Labour Party members who are not present now about the huge profits made by the farming community. Those people do not understand what a farmer has to go through daily in order to provide a living for his family and himself. They seem to think that because a farmer may get a good price for his stock or milk for a few months annually it has been happening down through the years and, as a result, he is in the millionaire bracket. When one thinks of what happened a few years ago one can well understand what the farming community suffered during that lean period. It is absurd for the Minister to expect farmers to pay their tax before they know what their profits will be. I hope the Minister will concede on this issue. I understand the IFA made submissions to him in the course of which they outlined clearly what they would like to happen. I hope the Minister will concede their demands.

I am worried about section 10 of the Bill. Under this section farmers with a small business will be brought into the tax net. The £50 ceiling is being abolished. That will affect many farmers in the west of Ireland engaged in small contracting businesses or who run a small shop in conjunction with their farm. They all give a valuable service to the local community but now they must pay for their enterprise and their initiative. That will stymie any effort by those people to progress, improve their standard of living or the service they are providing for the local community. The Minister should reconsider that section. The people concerned feel they would be better off to forget about their business and draw the dole with the rest of the boys. That is a sad state of affairs. Those people are being victimised for their enterprise.

I should also like to mention the question of a means test for old age pensions and unemployment assistance. During the election campaign the National Coalition told us that they would abolish the means test for old age pensions but in recent times there has been an upsurge in the activities of the social welfare officers in our area. Those officials are checking on the means of old age pensioners. Old age pensions and widows pensions have been reduced drastically in many cases as a result of a call by social welfare officers. It is very unfair to do this particularly at this time when prices are increasing so rapidly, the cost of living is increasing, and the cost of providing the necessaries of life for old age pensioners has increased substantially. It is very unfortunate that they should be subjected to this kind of treatment.

The same applies to people in receipt of unemployment assistance. They are being persecuted because their means have increased over the past couple of years. I fail to understand that, particularly from a Government who said they hoped to abolish the means test. Anybody who tries to improve his standard of living, or who tries to be progressive under this Government, is taxed and is chased by social welfare officers.

I should like to see provision in this Bill for amenity grants for local authorities. This scheme could be very usefully applied. It was introduced by a previous Fianna Fáil Administration. Unfortunately, the present Administration decided they would no longer make money available for this scheme and they stopped it. The result is that, if a local authority want to provide any type of amenity scheme, they must provide the money out of the rates. It is a shame that the Government will not make money available for this purpose. Not only would it help to provide a very valuable service to the local community, but it would also help to give very useful employment to our young people. It would give them a sense of pride in their local community. It would help and encourage them to take an active part in promoting those schemes for the betterment of the whole community. It is unfortunate that the Government decided to suspend payment of grants for those schemes.

There are many other matters arising under this Finance Bill which I do not propose to deal with at present. It is absolutely essential that money should be available for the grants I have asked for to enable young people to build their own houses. The grants and the loans limits should be increased. In doing so, the Government would be doing a good days work for the country, and for the young people who are anxious to ensure their future and establish their homes here. That is not happening at present.

We want to see the figure of 118,000 unemployed, or whatever it might be, reduced. The Minister says under his proposals he can reduce it to under 100,000 in a few years. Even a figure of 100,000 is too many. We want to see proposals put into effect which will help to create industry and attract foreign industrialists. In order to do so, money should be made available to expand the infrastructures and to provide water and sewerage schemes in small towns and villages. There are many areas which are long distances from growth centres. Workers have to commute to those centres. The cost of commuting has increased substantially over the years. The Minister's increase in the price of petrol and motor taxation has contributed in no small way to the laying off of many workers who heretofore commuted daily to their places of employment which, in many cases, were 30 or 40 miles from their homes.

Motoring has become so expensive that it does not pay people to travel to work. Many of them would tell you that, when they have paid their tax, their social welfare contribution, the tax on their motor cars and the tax on petrol, they are better off drawing the dole. This is a very sad state of affairs. Some concesions should be made to workers who have to travel long distances to work. Unless this is done, those workers will leave their local community and go to live in the cities. or possibly emigrate if they can get jobs abroad. Naturally, they are a loss to their community. Every worker working away from home and travelling back to his own community is an asset to that community because, whatever he earns, is spent locally. It is put into production locally and, for that reason, he is a considerable loss to his own community if he has to go away and live elsewhere. If there were industries in our small towns the workers would not have to travel such long distances.

I hope the Minister will take note of the few points I mentioned. I am glad I had the opportunity to make a contribution on this Finance Bill which I consider one of the most important Bills to come before the Dáil.

I welcome the provisions of the Finance Bill, 1977, and in particular the tax reliefs and tax reforms contained therein. We have seen the efforts of the Minister for Finance over the past four years, plus, to achieve for the people a much more equitable and much fairer system for paying tax on their income. It is no harm to look back on the system which operated prior to the change of Government in 1973 when the sector earning the greatest amount of money were paying the least amount of tax. I do not suppose we will ever achieve a system whereby every person will pay taxation completely in keeping with his earnings. Now the amount of tax that is contributed to the Exchequer by the higher earning sector of the population, the self-employed people, professional people and people with companies is far greater, percentagewise, than it was when the Minister took office. He deserves great credit for what he has achieved.

We would like to see greater relief given to those we call the new poor of the urban areas, those people who are hardest hit at the moment who have to bear the burden of every price increase, increased school payments, increased transport costs and the increased price of clothing. During the past decade the people known as the white collar workers have been hardest hit. The Minister deserves the praise of every member of his party as well as that of every Member of the House for his efforts to alleviate the plight of those people.

In this year's budget rates relief is given. This will be spread right across the board. There will be no means test involved. Many people were victimised in the past because they owned their own homes. Many people who were reared in homes which had a high valuation and wished to remain in them were forced to sell them and move into smaller homes because the wage earner died. The Minister has now made it possible that in the foreseeable future people will not have to sell their homes because of the rates burden.

Psychiatrists tell us that the second most dramatic thing that can happen to an individual after the death of the wage earner is having to change the address. I have always thought it was unjust on families, particularly widows and orphans, when the wage earner died, to have to change their homes. Many widows were forced to leave their homes and move to smaller houses where the rates were lower and possibly the repayments were not as big. The greatest saving was on the rates. Widows were advised to sell their homes, because the rates would be a crippling burden on them, and move to smaller homes.

We should give priority to the widow in introducing any Finance Bill because she is an unique person in our society. We have the highest percentage of orphans under the age of 16 in comparison with other countries in Europe. The person who is most often removed from the family circle is the husband. The death rate is higher with the male than with the female. We find that the Irish widow, in comparison with Europe, is an exception. She has more children to look after than any other widow in the EEC countries and her children are invariably younger and are closer together. We should single out the Irish widow who is a mother as being the person who is in greatest need of assistance. Widows should be assisted to keep their homes until their children have finished school.

Much has been done by the Minister for the single parent family. There is an increased number of those during the past decade. Many of those unmarried mothers have two or three children but they are now being helped by the State. The deserted wife also receives assistance from the different State departments. Those people are not as deprived as the woman who has lost her husband and is forced to leave her home.

I would like to refer to the 25 per cent rates remission which the Minister introduced in the budget. This is in respect of the second half of the rates payment due on the 1st of July next. This will be continued into next year. No spokesman from the Fianna Fáil benches has come up with a proposal equal to this. For many years the Minister for Finance, when in Opposition, advocated an equitable system of rates payment. It is a great thing to see his work over the years bearing fruit now. It must be a source of satisfaction to the Minister to have been able to announce this reduction in the rates. Our effort should be now to abolish rates completely on private dwellings. This would not affect in any way the financial set-up of local authorities because they would continue to collect rates on business premises, office blocks and so on. It was only in repect of private houses that we backbenchers have ever asked for rates relief. It was only in this area that we were lobbied by the citizens for rates relief, at least, that has been the position so far as Dublin is concerned. People did not object to paying rates on their business premises. If they were making a profit, they were allowed include rates for the purposes of income tax assessment.

One welcomes the extra provisions in regard to pension contributions. One would have liked, too, to see the income tax relief in respect of personal or mortgage loans being increased but obviously the Minister did not consider this an opportune time to make such a change. The value of the £ has fallen so much in the past four years as to warrant consideration of a change in this area. Having regard to the rampant inflation of recent years, it would be no harm to consider building in some sort of safeguard against inflation.

The Minister referred recently to the amount of money which we in Ireland spend on food for domestic pets. It is interesting to recall that in the budget of 1970 there was no limit imposed in respect of the amount of medicines for domestic pets that were free of tax. However, the Minister has rectified that situation but some anomalies remain regarding tax on certain medicines. This has always been a grey area. There was always some question in regard to pharmaceutical preparations vis-à-vis preparations of a para-medical constitution. I am of the opinion that all proprietary medicines should be free of taxation. I refer in particular to medicines that are injectable, to medicines in the form of creams or drops or, perhaps, suppositories. These may be small items but the defects that have persisted in legislation in regard to them for the past number of years should be corrected.

There may be good reasons for the Minister excluding from tax certain types of medicines and for his placing emphasis on medicines that are taken orally. The point is, though, that medicines can be administered in various ways. They can be applied to the skin or applied to the eye, nose and ear or they may be applied by way of suppository. Some effort should be made to rationalise the situation.

One can only marvel at the massive benefits that have accrued to the people during the past few years. For instance, we have now reached a situation where almost 40 per cent of the population are GMS card holders —in some counties it is as high as 60 per cent—entitling them to a choice of doctor and choice of chemist. At the time of the introduction of the element of choice there was a misunderstanding. There were many who got the impression that this meant that one could go to any doctor at any time, whereas the choice in regard to time related only to a chemist. In other words, a person must continue to visit the doctor whom he attended first until such time as the necessary arrangements for changing to another doctor have been made.

Another misunderstanding arose in this regard in that there were some who thought that each patient would have a choice of doctor. In practice, this is not the case. The cardholder who is generally the husband chooses the doctor and should there be a wife and eight children involved, each of them, on requiring the services of a doctor, will have to go to the doctor chosen by the cardholder in order to be eligible for benefit from the service. The general principle of that scheme was changed slightly. I presume this was in the interest of making the scheme more effective from an administrative point of view. Our GMS scheme is, perhaps, one of the best general medical schemes anywhere in the world. It is financed entirely by the State. There is no contribution on the part of the cardholder. All medicines, appliances, transport costs, hospitalisation costs and back-up services are totally free. In other words, from the cradle to the grave a medical cardholder need not spend a penny on health services.

I hesitate to interrupt the Deputy but he seems to be engaging in some detail in respect of the health services. This, of course, would be a matter for the appropriate Estimate, the Health Estimate, and I am anxious the Deputy would relate his remarks more closely to the Finance Bill and the taxation measures therein.

I thank the Chair for drawing my attention to that. I was referring to the situation where almost 40 per cent of the population have a completely free health service and what I would like to see in this Bill is provision whereby medical expenses incurred by non-medical cardholders would be increased for the purpose of being allowed against income tax. A short time ago the amount was £50. That is roughly £1 a week or roughly 15 new pence per day. There are certain anomalies here. Are all the family included in that £50? For instance, if there are six in family does it mean £300? It is easy enough to discuss these things here but, when it comes to claiming, there can be different views on interpretation.

With regard to the purchase of drugs, we are very lucky in that 60 per cent of the population are covered by voluntary health insurance and those contributions are allowed against income tax. One drawback in this scheme is that there is no built-in protection where costs have increased and the number of units is not sufficient. For example, if units date from April, 1976, and an individual goes into hospital in March, 1977, we can rest assured that that individual will be covered to the extent of only 50 per cent. It is only when there is a massive increase that the VHI covers the increase. To take in the VHI into the ordinary health network would not be a good thing. The VHI deserves great credit for keeping its administrative costs so low. Administration costs represent 8 per cent of the total collected. This is a mini-miracle.

I would like now to refer to the creation of the myth surrounding the wealth of individuals. There are two very erroneous ideas associated with wealth. The first is that wealth comes from the exploitation of others. That may have been the case prior to the industrial revolution but, since the industrial revolution, nobody has been able to get slaves to work in a factory or in an office. It is entirely erroneous for political ideologists to attempt to argue that wealth is created by individuals through the exploitation of other individuals. Slavery went out a long time ago. There was the implication that one could generate wealth by paying extremely low wages and this was a kind of cancer that affected trade union and management relationships. Admittedly, bad management and low wages were the cause of nonviable industries going to the wall. But low wages are not paid today and wealth is no longer accumulated by savings on low wages.

The other erroneous idea is that wealth is created from natural resources. There are very few countries that have become wealthy from their natural resources. Saudi Arabia became dependent on a single natural resource but that resource was developed only because there was a market available for it. There must be a market available outside the country to purchase the resource. The bulk of the world's natural resources are used by the 15 per cent of the world's population that exists between the United States and western Europe and developing countries could not sell their resources unless the wealth was there in the western world to purchase them and the western world approximately 200 years ago discovered how to create wealth. Wealth was created by an exercise somewhat similar to the training of a boxer—the muscle was the same but it became more productive and more proficient. In that way wealth was created in the western world. It should never be held as a viable view that wealth automatically stems from natural resources. Natural resources of themselves are useless unless there is a market available for them.

Debate adjourned.
Top
Share