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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Oct 1977

Vol. 300 No. 9

Private Members' Business: Third Level Education Grants: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann calls upon the Government to raise immediately third level education grants and the eligibility limits which govern the award of such grants.
—(Deputy Horgan).

Last night I thanked the education spokesman of the Labour Party for his good wishes, I also thanked Deputy Keating for his good wishes. It is, of course, a very popular kind of motion which was introduced by Deputy Horgan and subscribed to by members of the Labour Party. I notice that the Fine Gael spokesman on education did not subscribe to this motion. It has always been a popular thing to talk about the "poor scholar". An old Irish stanza of four lines reads:

A mbeith i mbrataibh loma

Ní náir do mhacaibh foghluma

Buille ar meath ní náir do neach

Ach a dhán a bheith ar biseach.

No shame to students to be poorly clad; no shame provided they are furthering their fate and improving their lot. During the period of rule of the Coalition Government their "brataibh loma" was no concern of anybody apparently.

This is an important subject for debate and I have never ceased to say since I came into this House that subsidising education at all levels, having it adequately financed at all levels, is not merely an educational exercise but a most important social exercise as well. There is in our community no other way to social mobility, no other way where the poor man's son may make his way, walk tall and be as good as those who have wealth, inherited or acquired.

We could broaden the subject of debate here. Deputy Keating who, as I said, approached this subject humanely and was allowed wander considerably from the theme, mentioned other possible methods of financing third level education, including loan finance. This debate is about the level of grants and eligibility limits. Last February I put down a motion practically in the same words. I said at that time that the philosophic motivation was that of providing equal educational opportunity for all. I said also that throughout the world the idea of providing equal opportunity for all citizens in all states has taken firm root. I said too, that this was partly due to the influence of socialist thinking, although higher education seems to be available to more people in the classic capitalist country of the United States than in the Soviet Union.

Be that as it may, it is generally accepted that it is a poor state that does not provide equal opportunity for all its citizens and does not remove this anomaly of a person because of his lack of means not being able to avail of education to the highest possible level. Having been motivated by that principle with regard to secondary education, in 1968 Fianna Fáil introduced the third level scheme so that ability and intelligence could be exploited and could proceed to third level education. At that time the standard for the grants was laid down and was criticised as being particularly high, in a way above the level demanded for entrance to the university itself. Since then the two standards have been drawing closer and very shortly they will be equalised.

The 1968 pioneering effort was a success. All we have to do is look at the figures which started at 1,119 in 1968-69 and have progressed to 2,348, 3,662, 4,333, 4,954, 5,454, 5,942 and 6,168. In 1976-77 there were 6,108. The significant thing about that figure is that it was the first to show a decrease since the plan was introduced. The people who must bear the responsibility for that reduction are the members of the former Government and in particular the members of the Labour Party who are supposed to be supporting the underprivileged in our society.

Between 1968-72 we had inflation—nothing like the mad gallop from 1973-77; it was a low inflation compared with what we had to suffer between 1973-77. Yet those bad old boys, the soldiers of destiny, the fellows who are supposed to be representing the privileged classes, adjusted the grants and the eligibility limits. Fees were raised in 1971-72. A distinction was made in 1972-73 between fees and maintenance. In 1972-73 these wicked old fellows who were being maligned by the socialists of the sixties made a one-third adjustment upwards of those grants. These are facts I call to the attention of Deputy Horgan who put down this motion.

Compare the period 1968-72 with the period 1973-77. No—repeat no—adjustment in eligibility limits, none whatsoever, despite the fact that inflation raged during that period. Everybody knows that is a fact. There was one small adjustment in the actual grant. Did we hear a squeak out of the Labour Party? Not at all. In February, 1977, I put down a motion to give them a chance to show their mettle. I did not see them at all. They were not here. I know Deputy Horgan was then Senator Horgan and was in the rarefied atmosphere of the Seanad looking at the lovely stucco work and swimming in a luxuriant sea of liberalism with Senator Mary Robinson, all swimming steadily for the one shore.

The Minister should not speak disparagingly about the other House.

The Minister is praising the beautiful stucco work and the liberalism of the upper House. I am just saying that at that time Senator Horgan, as he was then, was there. I searched the records of the Seanad in vain for a motion about grants. There was no mention of grants. There was a creditable motion on adult education, but not a word about the poor old students and their grants that suddenly become his concern when he arrives in the lower House. Nobody came in here to support poor old Deputy Barry, then Minister for Education. I looked around in vain. Deputy Barry Desmond was sulking somewhere. It is no wonder that Deputy Noel Browne is smoulderingly sorrowful about what has happened to the Labour Party. At that time Senator Horgan was independent, he could not say it was the Whip who was keeping him from putting down a motion. He had a good motion down on adult education but he had no motion in relation to grants. Then there was an announcement from the Minister, Deputy Richard Burke, that there was going to be a fundamental review of the grants. "Fundamental" was used to give the idea of depth. They went down deeper, stayed down longer and came up muddier than any other reviewers I know of. This review should have taken three weeks at the most. The grants when increased were to apply in 1977. That was the general election year, and lo and behold, on 25th May we had something from the Minister for Education. On 26th May the Fianna Fáil manifesto, a very important document, was published. This was referred to by the proposer of this motion and by Deputy Keating. I have no fault with a fundamental review provided it is not a stunt for delaying action and provided that it is not an effort to put things on the long finger. On 25th May improvements in the scheme were introduced but they were to refer to 1977-1978. Last night Deputy Horgan was careful to remind me that the Fianna Fáil manifesto was published on 26th May, subsequent to 25th May. My motion of February, 1977 begot the 25th May scheme in a sense. Last night I was accused of being vociferous in this cause, of bitching about this cause, and I contend that the 25th May was a pup out of my bitch, but there were other factors involved as well. Because the general election was around the corner and the students were fed up waiting, the document was produced to satisfy them after a long delay. I called upon the Labour Party, the party that invokes the name of James Connolly, to support me last February and to vote with me. I asked them to turn up. From 1973 to 1977 they had been kept under the Whip, and I thought that perhaps on this issue they would be serious.

Under Deputy Barry Desmond they had an educational committee and they sold themselves to students as being serious in the cause of education. What measures did they take? What motions did they put down? What new face did they show to the Government with regard to grants or eligibility limits? None whatsoever. Deputy Keating last night talked about the Fianna Fáil election manifesto as possibly being an albatross around my neck.

The Ancient Mariner shot an albatross and thought that all his bad luck could be traced back to that accident. It was what happened to his mind when he shot the albatross that caused the trouble. Had the Labour Party taken their courage in their hands and shot the albatross that was around their necks, namely Debuty Richie Ryan, then Minister for Finance, it would not have been such a bloody exercise and they would have been able to back up their own views on higher education. They would have been able to achieve something. They had the votes; they could have stopped the Minister in his tracks and told him to raise the eligibility limits for grants for working class people or that they would not vote for him. Instead they trotted faithfully behind Minister Barry at that time and defeated me on this issue. It was not a matter of shooting the albatross in a bloody fashion, they only had to support me on this issue to bring about the desired result.

This is not the only area where this Government have to put the broken pieces together, but it is important. It would be much easier for me if I had to deal only with higher education. The Department circular of 25th May, 1977, which was the result, translated into action, of the fundamental review, came unashamedly late in the day to convince anybody, let alone students. The Union of Students in Ireland who have hammered Ministers in the past and who will probably hammer me in the future, have always been in touch on this point. I did not go out waving banners or walking with them, as somebody asked me to do, and criticised me for not doing, and as Ministers in the former Government did when they were in Opposition, but I have been talking to the Union of Students in Ireland. They trust me and I trust them. We will fall out, but interest, if only because it is self-interest, is far more sincere, and they are far more involved in this situation than Deputy John Horgan and other members of the Labour Party who let them down for four long years.

I am also undertaking a review of the operation. I see that Deputy Horgan does not believe in reviews, but we did not hear him criticising the last review which was started in September, 1976, and lasted until May, 1977. This review will deal with the impact of the revised terms of eligibility by way of income and poor law valuation in the case of the students being admitted to the colleges this year. I welcome the views being expressed by Deputies in the course of this debate in relation to their practical experience of the revised conditions of eligibility. It is my intention that the review should be completed as quickly as possible, so that I shall be in a position to place my recommendations in the matter before the Minister for Finance and the Government as early as possible. By "as early as possible" I do not mean the god of the previous Administration—the long finger.

Deputy Horgan said that education was an important issue in the general election. I am glad he realised that. I hope he takes note of the result of the general election. I do not know who told him that now; I do not know whether it was the association of Labour teachers who told him. They had a right to come and tell the Labour Party before the general election took place but they did not do that. Consequently, the previous Government were sent for their tea. I am surprised that Deputy E. Collins, the spokesman for Fine Gael, is not in the House. The manifesto was published on 26th May and the then Minister for Education's announcement was made on 25th May.

Deputy Horgan spoke last evening about the first 100 days. I want to remind him that I have been out in Belfield, in University College, Dublin where the students are clamouring to get into the Fianna Fáil Party and they had only been back in the university for less than two weeks. Therefore, the Deputy expects me—and I thank him for the tribute—to do in two weeks what the Government which he supported or to whose shore he swam could not do from 1973 to 1977.

The first drop in the number enjoying third level grants took place in 1976-77. That was significant and indicated what had been happening in regard to those grants because the eligibility limits had eroded the grants and so had the small figure that was being allowed. We have to look at this scheme again, said Deputy Horgan. Now, in a Shakespeare play there are various definitions of blindness. One that strikes the imagination is sand gravel blind. Deputy Horgan and his colleagues must have been sand gravel blind from 1973 to 25th May, 1977. The scales fell from their eyes; the sight came back; was there a pool of Siloa? There was, and it was the general election. Down they went, got their dip, came up and now they could see much more clearly and were in to help me raise the grants for third level students.

There was some criticism of Fianna Fáil for seeing third level education in terms merely of universities. I noticed Senator Horgan, by way of Freudian slick, talked of third level universities when making his contribution.

The Minister has five minutes left.

Thanks be to God.

I knew the Deputy was worried. He is no longer sulking. He was sulking in his tent in February, 1977. He has come to life again and is even smiling. If he makes a contribution I hope his mind will not be boggling because I have been listening to the boggling of his mind for the last four or five years.

Deputy Keating knocked the whole system. He talked about elitism and said that we were compounding it by this scheme. I do not believe that at all. It is my desire to ensure that the people of ability, no matter what stratum of society they come from, no matter how poor their parents are, may have an opportunity of going on to third level education, whether it be to regional technical colleges, institutes of technology, the National Institute of Higher Education or universities.

The manifesto—that much maligned document that has worried people so much on the opposite side of the House and which ran them out of office fast and strong—says with regard to third level grants——

The Minister really should be in The Abbey.

The Gate.

——that Fianna Fáil will raise immediately third level grants for students and improve the eligibility limits. We stand by that manifesto.

I have just listened to the most destructive and political speech I have heard from any Minister since I entered this House or the Upper House in 1973. One would have expected a more responsible approach by the Minister in dealing with a very serious matter. Paraphrasing the Minister's own words, in February of this year, he accused the then Minister of making a speech which was more historic than creative. The present Minister's speech was neither historic nor creative.

Having said that, I should like to wish the Minister every success in his Ministry and hope that he will succeed in the objectives set out in the "Book of Genesis" of 26th May, 1977. Paragraph 8, page 41 of that book says and I quote:

Fianna Fáil will immediately raise the third level grants and mindful of the fact that eligibility limits have not been raised during a period of over 100 per cent inflation, will raise the limits realistically.

I take it the Deputy is not quoting from the Book of Genesis.

The Deputy would not think that.

When quoting in the House Deputies should give the title of the document from which they are quoting.

It is entitled "Fianna Fáil Manifesto, Action Plan for National Reconstruction", General Election, 1977, page 41, paragraph 8.

Jack's message to the people.

That is correct, on tablets of stone.

I welcome the opportunity of associating myself with this motion. I shall endeavour to confine my remarks to the terms of the motion although, as Deputies know, education is all-embracing, it is on-going and has a profound effect on us as individuals and collectively as a community. Consequently, it is difficult at times to adhere rigidly to the terms of the motion unless one does what the Minister has done—politically bashed people around for reasons best known to himself. I think we are all agreed that education is the most important element in our survival as a nation and, in particular as a democracy. That is stating the obvious. But, in recent times, one is tempted to say that this ideal has been lost sight of. There was a time when education was not used as a political scoring vehicle. I thought it was a problem that had been surmounted. But having listened to the Minister's speech this evening I have lost all hope of that day approaching in the near future or even in the immediate future as the Minister for Fisheries would say. In the heat of the competition for finance that goes on within a Cabinet education is likely to come off second best. This will happen for a very good reason—because the political advantages accruing to any Government from investment in education are long-term rather than short-term. At a time when promises seem to be the order of the day—and seem to work with the electorate—it would be very short-sighted of the Minister to commit himself to any great degree of extra investment in education because of the demands that would be made on our finances as a result of the Fianna Fáil manifesto.

The idealism which characterised the approach of Ministers and Governments has long since been abandoned and despite the hollow assertions concerning the importance of education and of treating all the children of the nation equally there are glaring inadequacies in the system. These are due mainly to lack of finance and to the fact that the idealism which was once there no longer exists.

I am not going to use statistics very much because they have been used by Deputy Horgan and by the Minister. The Minister mentioned that in 1971-72 the number of students availing of higher education was in the region of 4,300. At that time the cost amounted to £1,116,314. In 1975-76 the number of students exceeded 6,000 but the cost was more that £2,400,000. Despite what the Minister has said, to me and to any logical person that is a significant increase both in terms of places made available and in terms of money. Let nobody think that I am satisfied or that the Minister of the day was satisfied. No doubt the present Minister will find himself dissatisfied with the amount of money that will be made available to him to carry out his objectives and ideas with regard to higher education.

What was needed then and what is needed now is what the Minister referred to in a jocose manner—a radical approach with regard to the whole system. He mentioned in a very disparaging way the idea of a fundamental review. I had hoped that tonight the Minister would give the House an indication of his intention to undertake a fundamental review of the whole system of higher education, not merely concerning grants. For example, an area that needs scrutiny concerns the diversification of courses at third level. The financing of higher education and the provision of equality in the system——

The motion did not say that.

I am suggesting that the Minister could have taken the opportunity——

He would have been out of order.

With due respect to him, I would say he was out of order as it was. I am glad that the scope of higher education grants were broadened in 1974 to include technical and regional colleges. This was a very small step in the right direction. It is my view that in the past we have been hidebound in our approach to academic-orientated education. There was a time when that might have been a laudable objective but because of present-day pressures and our mode of life I do not think that idea can be justified any longer. The broadening of the scheme gave to the regional and technical colleges rightful recognition of the part they were playing and rightful recognition to the students they were training. I suggest to the Minister it would be a logical sequence to scrutinise the whole concept of our approach to technical education.

In the past week there was created in this House a new Department concerned with planning and development. I would hope that Department, in conjunction and in consultation with the Minister for Education, would look critically at the third level education question with a view to having it play its part in the overall strategy set out in the Minister's brief.

We are just dealing with grants in this motion.

We are dealing with the financing of education.

We are only dealing with the financing of grants and the eligibility limits.

The present means levels are blatantly inadequate and that is something on which all of us agree. There is also the practice which I regard as dubious of equating assessed income with valuation. I realise some barometer must be found whereby farmers' incomes must be assessed but I hold that the equating of incomes of workers in the normal way with assessed incomes on rateable valuation is not just a system. There are cases where the system is equitable, somewhere along the line the equation works out, but overall there are blatant inequalities in the system.

Will the Deputy state where it is more equitable?

Possibly it is equitable at the centre but it is unequal at both ends. That is my mathematical calculation.

I do not wish to interrupt the Deputy but I should like to know against whom it operates?

It is inequitable in the case of people in certain parts of the country whose income is assessed on rateable valuation. Perhaps I might give an example to the Minister. Let us take the case of a man in Mayo or somewhere along the west coast who has a valuation of £40. That is being equated with an income on the other side of the country. The assessed income on that valuation cannot compare favourably with the income on the same valuation on land in the midlands or on the east coast and that is where the inequality arises. The farmer in the midlands, in the south or on the east coast will gain greater financial return from land with the same valuation and in that way it is not equitable.

There is also the whole question of entry into third level education being governed by the capacity of the person to pay. Where is the equality when you have one student who must have four honours because he cannot pay and another student need only have two honours because he can pay? The word "scholarship" is mentioned in relation to money given as a grant. The word has unfortunate connotations in that context. My interpretation of the word is that it presupposes the idea of a concession or a gift. This money, in the context in which I am speaking, is actually the right of the student. If we have any sense of social justice the word "scholarship" in this case is not appropriate.

The higher education grants are not adequate. I recall in the debate on the motion put down by the Minister last February that he instanced the cost of books, lodgings and the very meagre social life which a student could lead. He made an impassioned appeal to the Minister to have a look at the level of grants that were being made available then. I am very disappointed that the Minister gave no indication whatever tonight what he might do. He is the man who signs on the dotted line and he can deliver increased grants if he wishes.

There is a danger that unless we keep higher educational channels open for the poor man's son and daughter it will revert to what it once was—the Minister used the word some time ago—the province of elitism because education will become so expensive that only the very few can avail of it. In my experience on local authorities I have seen cases of students who attended university and third level institutions, like regional and technical colleges because they were the younger members of families of four or five whose brothers and sisters were able to help out with the extra cost involved. In many cases it was the older brother or sister who was now helping the younger people who should have been in that third level institution, based on his or her ability and IQ. We can ill afford the luxury of that type of wastage. A person's entry into a third level institution should not be dictated by his or her father's ability to pay.

There is a difference between what is desirable and what is possible but a genuine effort should be made to ensure that every aspirant is given the opportunity if he wishes to avail of it. There are people in different groups who probably wish that we would revert to the elitism we had in the past because they have a vested interest in perpetuating that elitist idea.

Third level education at the moment is a means to an end. In very few cases do we see third level education being availed of for the sake of the scholarship. If we are to expand industrially, if we are to have a proper approach to life in general, we must ensure that the level of grants which are made available to our youth to enter third level institutions are realistic and are capable of seeing them through.

I appeal to the Minister to act quickly to ensure that the students for this year can avail of whatever increases he may be able to give. I also suggest that he try, so far as he can, to eliminate the anomaly which now exists since the last increase was offered where the new increased rates are applied only to students who did the leaving certificate in 1977. A father could have a son in first year in Belfield this year and a son there since last year. The son who is now in second year cannot avail of the increased grant or possibly receives no grant at all whereas the son in first year can avail of the grant. That grant is assessed on the same man's income. That anomaly should be eliminated if possibly.

Ba mhaith liom tréaslú leis an Aire agus rath a ghuí ar a chuid oibre. Ní fhéadfaí bheith ag súil go ndéarfainn gura fada buan é ina aireacht mar ní fhéadfainn á sin a rá ó chroí.

I wish to support the motion moved by Deputy Horgan. It is not a political motion, it is not designed to apportion blame on one Government rather than another, it is not one designed to embarrass. It is simply that we are using the forum open to Opposition Deputies to bring our views to the Minister as forcibly as we can. I hope the Minister will accept it in that light.

The Local Authorities Act, 1968, which introduced the scheme of higher education grants, was welcomed by spokesmen of all parties. Its purpose, as stated by the Minister at the time, was to divert the flow of the then existing financial provisions which county councils were making for second level scholarships and which were no longer required because of the introduction of free secondary education, to the old third level education and to provide sufficient additional money to enable in the Minister's words all students who reached certain academic standards and who satisfied the means conditions to avail of the higher reaches of education open to them. The scheme was welcomed by everybody. I recall at the time saying that even if it were to bring higher education to only one other student who heretofore was debarred because of the financial difficulties of his parents, it would be welcomed by me.

I had no illusion that it was a scheme which would cater for all students. Like other speakers, I voiced my reservation at the time and the first reservation was that the academic requirements varied for those who happened to have money and those who did not. We instanced that four honours were required for a grant but two honours were required for university entrance if one had the money to pay. I can recall saying that I thought it might level out at three honours in both cases. I think the anomaly still exists and I do take the point that the increase in the number of points now required for university entrance has tended to narrow the gap.

There is still an anomaly, though the Minister has no personal responsibility for this, in the store set on certain subjects by the universities which makes it very difficult for people to gain entrance to university from vocational and technical schools. The subjects which they study do not qualify for points. The aim of the scheme was to ensure that people of inadequate means, from either the secondary or vocational stream, should be able to gain entrance. Even today it is very difficult to gain university entrance from the vocational schools. In 1974 the scheme was broadened to include colleges of technology but there should be access from the vocational schools and this is virtually impossible.

Very often it is necessary for students to repeat the leaving certificate examination and this is easily done in the family with substantial means. This brings me to what has always been our main criticism of the scheme. I recall saying that the system of grants being introduced would be an incentive to those who were reasonably well off, though perhaps not comfortable enough to afford a university education for their children, but it was of no use whatsoever to those at the bottom of the income scale who could not subsidise their children, people who could not forego the earnings of their sons and daughters.

Deputy Horgan made the point that this caters only for the survivors of the secondary system. The second level system, free to a certain extent, did not benefit those children whose parents could not afford the high cost of books. It did not cater for the children of parents who, because they were deprived, could not see the value of education and would not forego the earnings of their children. These children were left out. The purpose of the debate is not to cover that aspect but it is worth mentioning. It was by no means a solution regarding opportunity. If one looked at it as an instrument of social justice or as an egalitarian measure, it started in the middle. Certainly it did help to open up third level education for a great number of students with the capacity to benefit from education rather than the capacity to pay.

We had then and still have the question of income in terms of wages and salaries versus valuation. This has never worked out as equitably as we would have wished. Before the recent adjustment we had a situation in my own county where very few outside the agricultural community qualified for grants. While a £60 valuation might not represent much, in some cases it represented a considerable income. I know of people who had very considerable wealth and who had two or three children at boarding schools and perhaps one or two others at college and who seemed to be able to spend £2,000 or £3,000 annually on the education of their children. Such people got grants while the children of ordinary industrial workers did not qualify. I am not saying that this is so in all cases but there were glaring injustices in the scheme and there still are.

The recent adjustments were overdue and they do improve the scheme, but it is still a very inadequate one. The rate of £250 for a student who is not living adjacent to a university town is inadequate. Bed, breakfast and an evening meal for a student, not to mention a meal during the day, would cost at least £14 a week and the cost over 32 weeks would be £448. The grant is far short of the minimum requirements. Flats are another problem for students and those who succeed in getting flats would pay at least £6 per week. The cost over a year would be about £192 and that amount does not include the cost of food and all the other costs of maintenance. Books for third level students very often cost between £5 and £20 each. A subsidy from home is required if a student is to avail of third level education.

Where does that leave the children of widows, unmarried mothers and deserted wives? I know of one such student who, in order to sustain himself at college, teaches the four children of the family who maintain him. He has no wages. He has board and lodgings and in return he teaches these four children. He considers himself lucky to have made such an arrangement but, in fairness, this boy is not competing on fair terms with more fortunate people. He is a very exceptional boy and his mother is also exceptional. There are few people who would even think in terms of third level education from their disadvantaged position. The grant system must be sufficient to maintain the student, otherwise it will not help those who are most in need. We want a system which will ensure that all children who can benefit from grants will do so. This is the purpose of our motion. There is discrimination against the very poor and the under-privileged in an area where we could be of the greatest help and where discrimination can be most keenly felt and have the most far-reaching effects.

I want to refer briefly to entrance requirements for colleges of physical education. I have a particular case in mind. While we must insist on minimum academic standards for entry, there needs to be greater flexibility. I instance a case where a college of physical education has been presented with a candidate of exceptional athletic qualities, a girl who has achieved success and prominence on the international scene and who would be of benefit to the country if she were allowed to train as a teacher of physical education. It appears that she is very slightly short of the required academic qualifications and may not get through. This is a serious loss to physical education because there are so few openings available for girls who wish to train in physical education. It may well be that this girl will have to take up some unsuitable work when she has so much to offer in the area of physical education, which is neglected in our schools and colleges.

The State's investment in education is sizeable. It is important to have some idea of where the jobs are likely to be. I recall that when the system was introduced the Minister said that we should plan the system on the basis of where the job requirements would be and that we should train our children towards job requirements. We should be taking practical steps towards having a community in which talent is used to the fullest extent. To my knowledge, students are given very little guidance. Students elect for a faculty from secondary schools which have no idea of their talents and which therefore cannot guide them. Students select their faculties by sticking pins in papers. Then they enter college and stumble along without guidance. I know that many bright students fall by the wayside because of lack of support and guidance. I should like to draw the Minister's attention to the need for doing something about this matter. Students can be very lonely at college, especially in their first year and need all the help and guidance they can get.

I should like to mention a problem that exists in the Cork area in regard to higher education. I understand that Deputy Horgan referred to it briefly during his address. In adopting the scheme for higher education grants in 1968 Cork County Council applied the higher rate, that is the rate applicable to students whose homes are not adjacent to universities. They applied this rate to all students in the county council area. The county council decided that none of their applicants could be deemed to be adjacent to the university within the terms of the Act. Neither the Act nor any Department directive was specified in regard to the term "adjacent". It appeared to be a flexible term, and Cork County Council opted for a more liberal view of it. That liberal view benefited many students who would not have been able to avail of third level education. During the time that the grants fell so hopelessly behind the rate of inflation the Department paid the grant on that basis without question until 1975. In 1975 the Department paid £250,000 on account, leaving the county council short of £42,275. That money has still not been paid to the Cork County Council.

In 1976 a letter was received from the Department. It stated that the Department wished to impress upon the county council that the question of whether the normal family residence was adjacent to the college or university should be decided in the case of each successful candidate and that the lower scale should be applied in the case of every candidate who could reasonably be expected to travel daily. The county council considered the letter and influenced by the views expressed by its members, continued to pay the higher rate to all students. They were influenced by a number of points. One point was that even where bus services operated the cost worked out at £140, which was the total allocated for maintenance. Even where those bus services operated, it was found that the connecting services left many students late for their lectures. It was agreed that it would be administratively impossible, in the Cork area in particular, to ascertain who was on the bus route, where their houses were, and the hours of lectures for each student. The hours varied for each student and varied in each faculty from year to year. It was brought to mind that there is a need for students to return to college at night, not alone for college activities but for the practical reason that library facilities are so inadequate that it is impossible for students to avail of them during the day. I know of a law faculty which has only one copy of a report and 70 students clamouring for it. There is no way that a country student could get that report and still get his bus home in the evening. The council opted for a liberal view and continued to pay the higher rate of grant but they were not paid the money due to them under the scheme for 1976, £234,284.

A further £260,000 is required this year. So far, grants have not been allocated and students have not been notified whether their grants will be allocated. To date the county council have been penalised to the extent of half a million pounds for their enlightened attitude towards higher education. The county council have now been asked to check on all the grants allocated since 1970, to check on grants paid at the higher rate which should have been paid at the lower rate, and to recover from the students the grants which have been paid. Apart from the high cost of this and the fact that it is almost administratively impossible, it is not possible to trace the whereabouts of all the students who received grants in 1970.

Cork County Council have asked the Minister to receive a deputation to discuss the matter. I am asking the Minister to please accede to the request of Cork County Council. Many students are very concerned about this matter and it is important that the matter be clarified without delay.

The Minister heard the comment that his motion of May last had the effect of improving the scheme. I trust that the motion moved by Deputy Horgan will be adopted.

As there remain more than the 15 minutes normally allowed for reply, can the Chair let me know how much time I have?

The debate is to conclude at 8.30 p.m. but, of course, it could conclude before then.

It is now painfully obvious that the message going out to students from this House tonight is very simple and can be summed up in three words—"not a bob". Those students who voted for Fianna Fáil, who were misguided enough to vote for them at the last election, did so because they had been promised an increase. What they are getting is a review. I doubt that they will be satisfied with the way they are being treated just as I doubt that this debate is the last time this particular stratagem will be used by this Government to get them out of an embarrassment, to put it mildly.

Nevertheless, we have had a debate which was interesting and which for the most part serious. I must make an exception, though, for the contribution earlier in the proceedings from Deputy Power. Those who read his contribution considered it to be not much above the level of low knockabout farce which did very little for the reputation of this House, a reputation which needs all the showing up it can get. Deputy Power's contribution in its examples and its attitudes gave the impression that what goes on here is some sort of sham fight, that we are all laughing at each other behind our sleeves and laughing also at the electorate. This is not a sham fight. It is a very serious affair which deserves to be treated seriously. The poverty of Deputy Power's arguments pointed to poverty of another kind, the poverty of resources, resources that were promised immediately in the Fianna Fáil manifesto but which, apparently, are not to be made available.

The manifesto will be adhered to strictly.

Immediately?

The Minister is academic enough to know there is not much point in using words in manifestos or elsewhere unless these words can be regarded as having their generally accepted meaning.

Can the Deputy tell me when grants are paid normally by the local authorities?

To the best of my knowledge——

They are paid in December.

Around that time.

They are paid in November.

I apologise for the interruption. I was just making a point and shall not interrupt the Deputy again.

The statement in the manifesto was simple. It did not refer to reviews but to immediate increases. Ultimately the people directly concerned will be able to reply to the Government in the next general election unless they have been forced to emigrate in the meantime. From this side of the House it does not look as if the Government are going to adhere to their promise.

Deputy Keating made what I considered a thoughtful speech and although I might take issue with him on one or two points, in the main I could agree with him. He was particularly good when he talked about the problem of access, a problem that is related intimately to the level of grants and to the eligibility criteria. When the Minister's famous review is under way he might look again at the access situation and he might ask himself why it remains the position that so many of the subjects that are vitally necessary if Ireland's economy and agriculture is to progress and grow are still not accepted by the university for matriculation purposes. He might ask himself why a child who wishes to pursue agricultural science at the university is advised by his teachers at school not to take that subject in the leaving certificate unless he can "twist" a few university arms, something that I have been trying to do for a long time.

I have a slight difficulty in regard to Deputy Keating's suggestion of an alternative to the present system because, as the Deputy rightly pointed out, whether money is given by way of loan or grant, in effect it is a transfer from one section of the community to another. In so far as student grants and/or loans are concerned, it is a transfer from the general taxpaying population to that relatively small portion of the population who are enjoying third level education. We should be very careful when we are looking at the circumstances of that transfer in order to ensure that it is going in the right direction, that it is not a transfer to people who, fundamentally, do not need the money and who, perhaps, can afford to pay anyway.

We must ask ourselves whether it is a transfer to people who could not afford higher education without this aid and who, therefore, need it on a grant basis. The other main difficulty about loans is that effectively there is no way of ensuring that they will be repaid. There is in progress in the Netherlands a major political row about this issue where a similar scheme has run into extremely heavy weather. By and large, I think it is the experience that loan finance tends to produce rather more problems than it solves.

Deputy Keating made a good point when he talked about the under-utilisation of some of the other educational resources, noticeably the buildings, the physical plant of many of our third level institutions.

I should like to turn now to the Minister's contribution and before making any comment on his remarks I should like to let him know, given that he made two specific references to the absence in this House of the Education spokesman for Fine Gael, Deputy Edward Collins, that the Deputy is in Lisbon as a delegate from this country to a Council of Europe meeting. I am sure the Minister would not want it to be thought that there was any inference in his remarks that Deputy Collins was absent from this Chamber during this debate for any less worthy reason.

I accept that.

At the same time, I must confess that while the Minister's kind words about myself and about the Labour Party were rolling thunderously past my ears, I began to be suspicious of his goodwill. The Minister gave so much advice to the Labour Party that the innocent observer or our friends in the Press gallery might be forgiven for assuming that the Minister's kind concern was the welfare of this party, that his sole desire was to see our party in its rightful place as the sole party in Government. However, those of us who know the Minister will be aware that his main concern is nothing of the sort, that it is basically the welfare of Fianna Fáil. That is a legitimate concern, too. I do not think anybody will be taken in by the Minister's mock turtle words about our policies and our attitudes. At the beginning of his speech he sought to discern in my remarks a belief which I would not dare to express, that Fianna Fáil were the only party who had ever made any real progress in the sphere of education. I do not believe anything of the sort. It is true that Fianna Fáil have occasionally discerned some of the problems. It is also true that they have always failed to apply radical solutions because they never have been and never will be a radical party. Worse than that, having applied half measures at best—usually quarter measures—to serious problems which needed fundamental and radical solutions, they have passed on leaving the entire problem to be solved and left the situation almost as bad as when they found it and in some respects even worse. They will attempt to persuade people, their own supporters in particular, that this problem no longer exists. They are experts at devising the shadow of a policy. There is rarely enough substance in it to make it worthwhile.

The Minister spoke of the fact that the two standards for eligibility were now drawing closer together and would eventually coincide. This is a classic example of the kind of thing I have been talking about. Apparently he does not mind how many people suffer in the meantime, how many people have to do without the grants or how many people fall into this poverty gap, as long as the two standards coincide eventually, as of course they will. Here again is the key to the policy of equity expediency. Basically of course it is financial expediency as well. I have already given my opinion of the Minister's under-taking to get a review. I am interested that as part of this review he is apparently going to ask the students how they feel like living on the present grant and eligibility levels. If we are to believe him, the students have already told us how they feel by voting him and his party into Government; they believed, apparently, that in doing this all their problems would be solved.

And proved it.

I beg leave to doubt that. I suspect there is a great measure of suspicion outside this House also. I am being as charitable as I can when I say that it is not entirely impossible that the famous increase which was promised, and which will of course come, may not arrive before the next academic year, at which point the Government, being a year-and-a-half in office, may be half-way through their term in office. If that is the case, as a definition of "immediately" it stretches our credibility more than somewhat. If we are going to have the decisions earlier as a result of this motion, so much the better, but I would be very surprised if that were the case.

A lot of capital has been made in the last few hours of this debate about the attitude of this party and some of its Members to this problem during the period of the last Government. This must be faced and tackled because it involves the credibility of all of us as Members of this House and as public representatives. The Minister, when he abandons his mask of faked concern, will know very well that when we talk about grants we are talking about the allocation of resources. As a Member of the Government he will also know that resources are allocated within Governments as a result of political decisions. He will know that the decisions about the raising or not raising the grant levels during the period of the last Government were political decisions, but they were taken by a Government of which this party was a member. What came out of the general election among other things was apparently a verdict by the electorate that those decisions were at least in part wrong. However, the electorate did not make that decision in a vacuum or without comparing what we had done with what else was promised. They made it in the context of a general election campaign, specifically of a Fianna Fáil manifesto with Fianna Fáil specific principles.

Therefore, it is not merely legitimate but absolutely essential for us to put down this motion to test the accuracy and truth behind those statements here tonight. Just as the electorate put the Fianna Fáil Party in, misguidedly as we may or may not think, to perform this great graft of promises, so also they put us in to make sure in so far as we can that the Government matched up to their promises. Because of the voting strength of the parties in this House we are ultimately powerless to force them to do something they do not want to do whether they promised to do it or not, but we are not powerless to expose failure to match up to promises. I believe that is what we have done tonight.

I challenge the Minister and the Fianna Fáil Party to accept the motion.

The manifesto will be adhered to.

Question put and agreed to.
The Dáil adjourned at 8.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 27th October, 1977.
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