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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 31 May 1978

Vol. 307 No. 2

Vote 48 : Foreign Affairs (Resumed) .

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a sum not exceeding £7,598,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of December, 1978, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and of certain services administered by that Office, including certain grants-in-aid.
—(Minister for Foreign Affairs).

: I should like to congratulate the Minister for Foreign Affairs and his excellent staff on this very comprehensive Estimate which includes both foreign affairs and international co-operation. The work of this Department involves much continuous and painstaking work of goodwill on behalf of the people of Ireland. Therefore, it requires consummate skill in international diplomacy, in negotiation and communication with many of the 160 countries throughout the world.

The work of this Department has been seen most openly in recent times with the visit to Ireland of the Queen of Denmark. On that occasion we witnessed the quiet and very efficient organisation of the Department, and that was enjoyed very much by the people during the visit.

It is important to bear in mind that there is a great deal of behind the scenes work in a Department like Foreign Affairs. Many meetings must be held and many visitors must be looked after. I would like to add my congratulations to the Minister's gracious wife for her contribution as a hostess for our country. It is most ungracious of us not to recognise the painstaking and detailed work of a hostess on our behalf. This work is being done extremely well for us.

In my contacts with the Department of Foreign Affairs I have always found the staff extremely helpful and internationally very well regarded. I found this particularly in the Department's permanent representation in Brussels. I was privileged to visit Brussels and Luxembourg recently with the Joint Committee on Secondary Legislation, when we were given a very detailed breakdown of the current position in the Commission and the work in Brussels by the permanent representation. It is quite clear, from meeting those people, how extremely capable and efficient they are and how deeply involved in their work and committed to it they are.

I intend to comment briefly on a number of areas, which include the North of Ireland, our relations with the EEC, our relations with Third World countries, our relations with other economic groups and international co-operation and development aid with particular reference to the semi-State bodies and their functions in this regard. I welcome the Taoiseach's and the Minister's unequivocal commitment to a peaceful solution to the problems in Northern Ireland and to the positive pursuit, by diplomatic initiatives, of new political structures, which will have wide support among the people of Ireland, north and south.

The Minister has indicated that he will give priority to the development and expansion of economic co-operation between north and south and that this matter is being currently reviewed by the British and Irish Governments. I look forward to the findings of this review body at an early date. The question of United States aid for Northern Ireland raises many hares. I welcome the recent initiatives aimed at channelling those moneys into constructive projects. Well-meaning Irish Americans should be encouraged to invest in north and south projects and social, cultural, recreational and educational exchange and interchange between the north and south of Ireland. Such funds could be used to promote justice, peace, harmony and reconciliation between north and south. I believe it is now timely to establish an Irish-American foundation to develop this programme and administer such funds.

In regard to our relations with the EEC we became full members on 1 January 1978. In the context of the Department of Foreign Affairs it is very important to bear in mind that the transitional period is over and that there should be an obvious and quite appreciable change in our attitudes to the EEC. We should have in all our negotiations and in all our work with the EEC a new sense of confidence and belonging to the EEC and involvement in it. We need a new outgoing and non-apologetic approach at this stage. We are now the EEC and the EEC is us. We are inclined to talk about it as if it was across the water some place when at this stage we are totally involved. The young people will grow up to recognise themselves as being Europeans within the EEC while we still have to make our personal transitional adjustments even though the economic ones are over at this stage.

One of the major events in our relations with the EEC is the European elections which will be held on 7 June next year. These will have their effect on the bureaucrats in Brussels and Luxembourg. Many of those people might like to think that very little will change but I believe that the new representatives, who will be elected by the people on 7 June 1979, will speak with the authority of the people when they go to the European Parliament. I believe they will begin to have, at that stage, an increasing effect on the bureaucracy of the European Community.

There is a great challenge to all of us in the direct elections to convey the real significance of those elections to the electorate. Many people have expressed concern about the likely turnout in such elections. I am reasonably optimistic because the Irish people have taken a very sensible interest in the European Community. We may have to alter the procedures in the Dail to ensure that European parliamentary representatives are heard on a formal basis here. We may need some new structures to make this certain especially because, in due course, it is not intended to operate a dual mandate. At this stage we should give some thought to the changes in our structures which are desirable to meet the requirements of directly elected parliamentarians in Europe.

We should try to be full Europeans in every sense and not reluctant participants, working, as suggested, on cutdown salaries. I do not like to think that the people we send to Europe will be less thought of than the people sent from other countries. The effects of EEC membership are seen in our community here. The main benefits have been in agriculture. The Agricultural Research Institute have shown that farm incomes have doubled between 1970 and 1977. This is based on family income per family worker.

The system of intervention has dramatically changed the marketing of the major agricultural products. We now have fewer fluctuations and greater security for the farmer, which was one of the original objectives. There is hope for enormous increase in output, to which we are working. When we look at the FEOGA grants system we find under the guarantees, which include the intervention system, that we have done particularly well and that the level of grant assistance rose from £37 million in 1973 to £244.6 million in 1977. This was more or less in line with expectations. When we look at the guidance section of FEOGA, which includes the farm structures, we find that the £2.8 million received from the EEC in 1973 has only become £7.5 million in 1977. This indicates that the guidance section has not had a major impact on farm development and the development of farm structures as yet. There is considerable scope for new development here.

In fact a question asked here recently by Deputy Joe Walsh brought forth the data and the figures, and these figures showed that under Directive 159 the Exchequer contributed £24.3 million—that is, under the farm modernisation scheme—and the EEC contributed £2.25 million. That was quite surprising. I suppose in the early stages there was the question of the removal of schemes already in existence here.

When we come to Directive 160 we find that the amount received from EEC funds is only of the order of £11,300 and under Directive 161 the amount is £71,529 in both sectors, sectors which include training and education. We have not to date taken full advantage of the retirement schemes available. Whatever the design of the schemes they are just not working in the way in which it was initially intended they should work. Consequently, we need a greater investment in the form of structural improvements with emphasis on marketing and producer groups and increasing emphasis on training in agriculture. This would be in the interests of both the producer and the consumer.

When we look at the Social Fund, we find it has increased from £4.1 million in 1973 to £19.7 million in 1977. Here there is a very interesting aspect in that AnCO, which deals with industrial training, received in 1976 £6.6 million on current account and £.64 million on capital account giving a total of £7.2 million during 1976. If we contrast that with the £11,300 we find that in the industrial sector the impact of the EEC on us as a whole has been very considerable. There is, of course, very great credit due to AnCO for their work in availing of these funds. I understand some of the other countries in the EEC are quite anxious to see how it is they have done so well. I believe myself it is simply a matter of getting down to the terms of the fund and putting forward proposals which come within those terms. Certainly this is an area which has had a major impact on our whole training programme within the industrial sector. Such an impact has yet to be made in the agricultural sector.

In regard to the Regional Fund, during 1978, 1979 and 1980 a sum of £75 million has been allocated to Ireland as against £35 million in the preceding three years. It is treble the amount. We are at times inclined, I think, to become over-concerned about the moneys allocated on a regional basis and not sufficiently conscious of the moneys which can become available from other funds to people in regional areas. This is something we should keep in mind in future negotiations in order to reap the greatest advantage. This would not apply to AnCO since they have done so well under the Social Fund.

There are new challenges coming in the near future. One is the question of the enlargement of the Community with the entry of Greece first and then later with the entry of Spain and Portugal. This enlargement will call for new adjustments. New concepts will arise from the point of view of the Regional Fund. There will be new levels of intervention for Mediterranean produce. That could have certain advantages for us. The original members had to make adjustments when we entered the community and now we, in our turn, will have to make adjustments.

Unemployment and energy are two other major challenges. Here there are opportunities for joint action. The EEC is introducing recruitment and employment premiums. It is giving funds towards energy research and energy conservation.

Turning now to our relations with Third Countries, I know the Minister has paid particular attention to the Lome Convention and I fully support the statements he made. He pointed out that the Lome Convention has introduced a number of new elements into Community-Third World relations —for example, the financial and technical co-operation, the scheme for the stabilisation of the export earnings of ACP countries and the grant of duty free access to the community for ACP purpose. The Lome Convention has set an example for regional agreements between industrialised and developing countries.

The Minister said that one of the major objectives over the next two years will be the re-negotiation of the Lomé Convention. The present convention is due to expire in March 1980 and negotiations between the Community and the ACP countries in terms of Lome 2 are formally to open on 24 July next. I think this convention has been a very worth-while development and I am glad the Minister gave it so much prominence in his opening speech. I trust the negotiations will be successfully concluded before the present convention expires. It is important that no gap should be allowed to develop between Lomé 1 and Lomé 2.

We have, of course, an obligation to look out for opportunities and to learn whatever lessons we can from other countries, be they Japan, the Arab States or the USA. We have the expertise now to enter these markets and to encourage people from these countries to come here to work and invest their money and we have trained and experienced personnel to go out and avail of the opportunities within these other countries.

In this respect our embassies play and will continue to play a very important part for us especially in States like the Arab States where one's credibility is very much in question, for commercial operators in particular, and where the Department of Foreign Affairs can readily establish the credibility of individuals and make it possible for them to begin working with these countries.

I understand that in some of our embassies we have only one staff member. I am not certain of this. If it is true, we should look at the possibility of providing at least two to enable them to function properly, to go out and visit people elsewhere, and to come back to Ireland at various times. I am sure this is not extensive but I understand it exists in some cases.

Turning now to international co-operation and development aid, in his speech the Minister singled out Ireland's development aid programme as an area of continuing concern in our foreign policy. I note in his Estimate he provided for a 70 per cent increase in the allocation to this area over the amount used in 1977. This country now gets many benefits from trade and economic contacts within the developing countries. It is a very good thing that we have developed such relations with them. Of course it is not acceptable to see potential export and profit returns as the main or sole justification for our involvement in development aid and co-operation.

During the 1950s and the 1960s aid was officially deemed to include private investment. This was unacceptable, and both the OECD and the UN definitions of aid specifically include private investment. With Ireland's influence in this area developing at a rapid pace, it is appropriate to reexamine our overall strategy on co-operation and aid to developing countries. In this connection I welcome the Minister's proposal to establish an advisory council on development co-operation. This is probably the most appropriate time at which to set up an advisory council. While this council on development co-operation will obviously oversee State and State-aided contributions to development aid, they should not ignore the operations of the private investment sectors in the developing world.

In the past, as we know, there was widespread exploitation by other nations of under-developed regions. There was excessive profit taking, with no social contribution to the local community or to local development. To my knowledge we have not been guilty of this as yet, but it is one of the dangers against which we must protect ourselves. We must be very clear on our determination to avoid this happening in our private sector. As a nation we will be held responsible for the overall operations of these companies. Therefore, it is important that we can be assured the standards in these companies are at an acceptable level.

The semi-State bodies are already playing a major part in the Third World. They have witnessed the dramatic and very welcome growth in their involvement in the Third World. In itself, this growth brings with it its own problems. There is now a real danger that the commercial and profit-making objectives of these bodies will be confused with and take precedence over non profit-making aid.

DEVCO, a State agency for development and organisation, was set up in 1975 and includes some 28 bodies and institutes. The intention in establishing DEVCO was to promote and co-ordinate the response by the Irish semi-State sector to the needs of developing countries and to identify and promote projects in those countries. How has it worked to date? The total turnover of the State agencies in DEVCO was £12 million in 1977 in respect of projects in developing countries.

Apparently the ESB accounted for approximately £8 million of this and, according to Press reports, made a profit of over £2 million on their involvement. This indicates a very efficient operation and may be very satisfactory in commercial terms, but it raises the question of the objectives of the involvement of semi-State bodies. In contrast, Guinness operate as a company in Nigeria for development and for profit. Their objectives are clear cut. We have little difficulty in knowing exactly where they will perform and what they are there for. In the case of a company like that, we would expect that their local contribution would also be good and generous. That has been our experience here of that company to my knowledge.

The profit made by the ESB may go to subsidise the Irish consumer. In itself this is a very good thing and increases our overall efficiency. There is nothing wrong with that, but it raises the question of whether the involvement is primarily one of development aid. In this respect there is a need for a rethink. We need to separate and distinguish the development contribution to ensure it is not swamped by commercial objectives. We need guidelines for the participation of State agencies in development aid as distinct from involvement in commercial ventures. I want to be quite clear about this. I see the involvement of State agencies in commercial ventures as very good, very wholesome, and very worth while, and as part of our going out into the world in a confident way. It is important to distinguish the two roles and to be clear that, in effect, we are also making a distinct contribution to development aid.

I suggest we should set up a working party to identify the opportunities for State and semi-State involvement in Third Countries, and particularly the developing countries, on a commercial basis with backing from CTT. They would make profits in the normal way and then we would consider whether a fixed percentage of these profits should go back to DEVCO for use on projects of a nonprofit making nature. This might be something of the order of 15 or 20 per cent.

This may be an appropriate time to determine some formula for a contribution from commercially viable and profitable ventures. It is the intention of the people as a whole, and it was the intention originally of those who became involved, to give help where it is most needed. On the other hand, if we find there are also very profitable ventures, it would be worth-while to plough back some of the profit into these developing countries. Secondly, such a working party might specify clearly the function of the State agencies in non-profit-making development projects. This would involve the worst off countries and the areas of greatest need.

It is of very real and immediate concern that the indiscriminate mixing of commercial and non-commercial projects will harm development co-operation in a way that might be quite difficult to undo by confusing Irish commerce and Irish development co-operation to the point where there seems to be little difference between the two. When this happens our motives for development co-operation will inevitably and rightly be questioned, and doubts may be raised about the validity and integrity of our overall efforts at development co-operation at official and other levels. If the validity and distinctiveness of Irish development co-operation activities are accepted as desirable and as a proper object of national policy— which they are—they must be kept uncompromised and free from unnecessary and damaging pressures and the intrusion of commercial imperatives.

Summarising on this aspect, this requires a clarification of the basis of semi-State involvement in developing countries. That they should be involved for commercial reasons is not questioned. What seems to require clarification and assertion is the principle that precisely because they are semi-State bodies they should contribute appropriately to this country's official development co-operation programme. This would require a Government policy decision that the semi-State sector should contribute to our official national development co-operation efforts. This need not conflict with involvement for commercial reasons in the Third World but should certainly be carefully distinguished from it, being justified as a logical consequence of the overall emphasis on development co-operation as a major aspect of national foreign policy, as the Minister has stated in his Estimate speech.

Secondly, it would require procedures for evaluating present and future semi-State agency projects in developing countries to ensure that, whether financed or not from the Department's bi-lateral aid fund, they are consistent with and contribute to our official development co-operation objectives. Thirdly, by restricting projects carried out under the auspices of DEVCO to ones which comply with agreed development criteria, we could include a clear-cut concessional element in these projects and criteria. This would be in line with the spirit of those who first mooted the concept of the State agencies development body, seeing it as a part of Ireland's overall development co-operation efforts. Such a restriction would still leave the semi-State bodies free to engage in commercial operations and activities in the Third World but not under the auspices of development co-operation in the sense of development aid.

Fourthly, we should look at the possibility of setting aside an agreed percentage of the profits from commercial projects to subsidise non-profit-making development projects in the Third World. The Minister has proposed an advisory council, and the working party on the operation of DEVCO which I have suggested could give the Government clear guidelines and advice in the future of our development aid and co-operation programmes. I welcome the Minister's statement about the setting up of such an advisory council and the fact that he expects to make an announcement about it in the near future.

Finally, I would like to refer to the section dealing with development education, and I congratulate the Minister on introducing an estimate of £30,000 in this area. To my knowledge this is the first time that there is an allocation for development education. This is a very worth-while inclusion in the Estimate. I presume that it will lead to a programme of education which will be devised to involve the voluntary agencies as well, and that will mean a greater spread of factual information and general education about the situation in the Third World, and consequently will make the Irish people more aware of the facts and implications of that situation. This budget is to be spent in Ireland, and I presume that it will include education in social justice and an examination of national and EEC policies in relation to development co-operation and aid.

In conclusion I congratulate the Minister and his Department on a very comprehensive and interesting Estimate speech and I recommend this measure to the House.

: I welcome the opportunity to participate in this debate on the Foreign Affairs Estimate and to wish the present Minister, Deputy O'Kennedy, the best of fortune in his post. Needless to say, he has a most difficult task to follow in the footsteps of Deputy FitzGerald, who gave this Ministry a new dimension and brought it from the position of being a sort of pleasantry to being a real feather in our cap in the eyes of the world. His influence and opinion were highly valued and he did our image at international level a world of good, especially at a time when we needed a boost after our sorry experience of troubles in Northern Ireland over the last eight or nine years. I wish the present Minister the best of luck, and I feel that he has done a reasonably good job so far. He has performed admirably in his position.

With regard to the Estimate with which we are presented, the first thing I ask myself after reading it is, "Do we really have a foreign policy or do we just trail along on the coat-tails of others?". We are members of two major organisations in the world context, one being the UN and the other the EEC. I often feel that whereas we should have a major voice in these bodies we are not expected to have an opinion. Sometimes we are even afraid to express an opinion. In his speech introducing his Estimate the Minister said, and I quote from the Official Report of 4 May 1978, Volume 306, column 363:

I turn now to world political problems as the third area where issues of concern arise for us in our foreign relations....

First, it may be asked why we are concerned at all about world political issues, even such distant issues as the Middle East and Southern Africa. We are small and relatively weak; and we have our own problems in Ireland.

That is a defeatist attitude, and we should be much more vociferous. We are in an unique position. As the Minister mentioned, there are some 160 countries in the world, but very few are in the enviable position in which we find ourselves. We are free; we are not tied to pacts or governed by dictatorships. Economically and militarily we are not unstable. We are in the wonderful position where we can get up and express our views, and there is nobody better than the Irish to do so because we are quite articulate at times.

We have the reputation of being adventurers, of having been leaders of world opinion down through the centuries even if this quality did not always manifest itself here at home. Those who went away made a very good impression not only in Europe but as far afield as Australia, New Zealand, South America and in particular the USA, Canada and Great Britain. We have the ability to assert ourselves and we seem to form an ideal link between the Third World or under-developed countries and the western or capitalist society. We are part of the western world but we have had the experience of several centuries of colonisation. Consequently, we know both sides of the story but we are recognised as being a country that was downtrodden for many years. Therefore, our opinion is all the more respected in countries that are in that position today or were in that position up to recently.

Our people in the main, whether lay or religious, had a major influence in the countries to which they emigrated but there were, too, the black sheep who may have been involved in sheep stealing in Australia, in claim-jumping in the Klondyke or in bank robbing in America. However, we should have a greater voice and should express a definite opinion. We are in a position to do that while too many countries are inhibited in that regard by reason of their military allegiance, their pacts or their economic dependence on major states or on groups of states. In modern times the United Nations have become largely sterile. We should be prepared to voice that view loud and clear. As conflict has developed in various parts of the world the UN as a force that are supposed to mediate and attempt to settle differences have become increasingly less effective. Where there have been major conflicts and where genocide has occurred on a major scale the UN have been seen to be totally ineffective. This ineffectiveness has been illustrated in many instances in recent times. We need only recall the Korean War of the early fifties through to the crisis in SouthEast Asia and the horrible war in Vietnam. Today there are reports of genocide in Cambodia. What action is taken by the UN to stop such dreadful activity? Hundreds of thousands of lives are being lost. There is genocide too, apparently, in New Guinea. Five or six years ago the Government in Chile were overthrown but the UN seem to be totally ineffective in relation to such situations and seem only to become involved when conflict has ended. It might be correct to say that they do too little, too late. Unfortunately their role has been seen to diminish and to have become diluted. It is time that the members of the UN had another look at their organisation and tried to make it much more effective so that it could become, as was intended originally, an organisation that could deal with problems as they arise.

Because of the lack of commitment and of effectiveness of the UN, countries are beginning again to take on themselves the onus of colonisation or of tyranny. This trend has been raising its ugly head in recent times in Africa more than in any other place. We have had reports of the Russians and Cubans moving in to boost organisations, justifiably or otherwise. This is not a good situation and should be condemned. It is time that the UN censored severely countries that engage in such activity.

The involvement of the Cubans and the Russians in Angola and more recently in Ethiopia and Somaliland does not augur well for the future. The French, at least, have brought a certain amount of stability to areas where the UN have been seen to be ineffective. The actions of the French seem to counterbalance the effects of the Soviet and Cuban intervention. That sort of activity on the part of any one country is not to be recommended, but I am not here to criticise the French. They have done a reasonably good job but we must be conscious always of the dangers of power, of the possibility of a country involved in such activity now operating to excess in future years. It is unfortunate to have to raise this matter, but the problem is worsening.

More recently the Russians and the Cubans have been involved in the Horn of Africa as a result of which there are now 10,000 French troops situated in various garrisons in countries around Africa. That is not a good situation. At present these garrisons are in Gabon, in the Ivory Coast, in Senegal and in Djibouti which was the last French colony in Africa, Although it was vacated by the French within the past six months, a considerable garrison remains there. There is active French participation internally in countries such as Western Sahara which has been divided between the Moroccans and the Mauritians. Both groups have been assisted actively by the French. There is French activity, too, in Chad and in recent weeks the French have been involved in Zaire. That involvement has been to the benefit of the people and the Government of that country. If it had not been for the intervention of the French there is no knowing what would have happened to the whole of the province involved which was being annexed by the invading forces from Angola.

The necessity on the part of the French to intervene in these areas illustrates how ineffective the UN have become. There was the same type of intervention in Katanga in the early sixties. We know the mess that was and low long it took to clear it up but the intervention was so swift and so effective that the conflict did not have a chance to grow although it had been ugly and had cost a considerable number of lives.

The UN are too slow to act when conflict begins. Would it not be better to have set up a permanent UN force which would be on standby and whose deployment could be decided within a matter of hours or of days at most by the permanent members of the Security Council? That would be the only way to ensure effective UN intervention and supervision of conflicts. It would be a much better system than a system whereby individual countries take the law into their own hands.

I am sure that the French have no desire to become involved deeply in Africa because of the size of the situation there, but perhaps they see a peripheral advantage in so far as they will benefit by way of trading concessions, mineral rights and various other advantages by reason of their assisting the various countries. However, their marginal economic benefit would not counterbalance the need for their involvement.

I should like the Minister to comment on the suggestion of a permanent UN force being available at different points around the world on a standby basis rather than to be depending on countries such as ours to send out a contingent weeks after a conflict has occurred and perhaps when it has ended. The Lebanon situation is typical of what I have in mind. The Israelis were on the point of withdrawing before the troops went in. There is not a lot of good in that. The whole thing could have been stopped in the initial stages. In Cyprus the Turks had actually got what they wanted by the time the United Nations intervened. The United Nations did not stop the Turkish intent. It is almost superfluous for a United Nations force to be in Cyprus at present because they do not appear to serve any purpose there. The conflict is finished.

I move now to one of the areas where there is a problem and where the United Nations are involved, that is, the Middle East, in particular the Lebanon-Israeli question. We should have an opinion on this and we should not be afraid to express it because there are definite rights and wrongs in this case. I am glad to see some world leaders have not been afraid to express an opinion. Up to the last year world opinion, and especially here, felt there was a lot of justification in the Israeli case, that they were fighting for their lives, that they were the under-dogs who were heavily outnumbered and it was right that there should be a lot of sympathy for them.

The initiative taken by the President of Egypt, Mr. Sadat, was a magnanimous gesture. He was extremely unpopular with his fellow Arabs, particularly the militant sections. This magnificent gesture did not get the type of response it deserved. In my opinion President Carter would be right to chide the Israelis, in particular their Prime Minister Mr. Begin, for not showing a more positive response to the initiative taken by President Sadat.

As we all know that area has been a flash point for trouble for many years and will be a flash point for many years to come. The Israelis may survive and win a number of wars—they are an extremely able race—but the time will come when they will be defeated. The weight of numbers alone will tell you that—it may be ten years or one hundred years. Members of the United Nations who have voices should let them be heard. The Israelis should have climbed down on their demands. They should have surrendered some of the territory gained in the last conflict. For instance, their intention to have a permanent settlement on the West Bank is a dangerous fallacy and should not be entertained and we should not be seen to support it. We should oppose it and voice our opinion. The whole Israeli—Middle East problem is extremely complex and difficult but we must be seen to be just. If some people display excesses—and the Israelis were inclined to be excessive in their demands in recent times—then we must say so. We must have a just solution. While the Israelis have the right to defend themselves so have the Arabs the right to call on the Palestinians whose homeland lies on the West Bank. They too have a right to property and to be the designers of their own destiny but at the moment they are not getting the opportunity. I hope we will be seen to be impartial in these matters and that we are not carried away by the propaganda which I feel has been heavily one-sided for far too long. We are not getting a clear picture of what is going on. We should be much more objective.

The Middle East wars have cost us and the rest of the world, in particular western Europe, dearly. The Middle East is the source of our oil supplies. We have had to pay through the nose because the Suez Canal was closed and because of the natural avarice of the Arabs who feel they do not owe us anything. They have upped the prices considerably. I am not saying we should turn on the Israelis because of that but we should be seen to be impartial and clear minded on these issues. Up to now our sympathies have been seen to lie too heavily on the Israeli side. We should be seen to back up a just case.

By necessity the report does not go into great detail, but there is mention of the enlargement of the EEC. I believe Greece, Spain and Portugal are negotiating to join and that their applications are being given favourable consideration. The Minister for Foreign Affairs made a very valid point in his speech. He said at column 359 of the Official Report:

I have welcomed consistently the applications for membership of Greece, Portugal and Spain but I have also said that a political commitment which is not matched by action in the economic and institutional spheres is not a valid commitment. The existing Community must be strengthened to make it capable of bearing the additional burden of enlargement.

He appeared to be saying that there will be too many lame ducks in the Community and that there will have to be a greater financial commitment by the stronger members to help the other applicants who are not well endowed financially. These three applicant countries have very poor regions. Our portion of the regional fund will be diminished shortly if these poorer areas get the same treatment as Ireland. Those three countries are not known for their wealth; rather they are known for their poverty. There will be the same amount in the kitty and if it has to be spread around a greater area we will get considerably less. The only way this will not happen is if the stronger countries give more than they are doing at present. That will be difficult, because, as we have seen in recent times, they are inclined to put in less and they are trying to lessen their commitment to such things as the regional fund. We should be very careful that our position in the EEC is not weakened and that our benefits are not reduced because of the proposed membership of these three countries.

I specifically want to refer to fisheries. Before we joined the Common Market in 1972 the original Six drew up a common fisheries policy which suited themselves entirely—a very selfish, ugly policy. They got away with it and they are still getting away with it, and from recent events it appears that they will be getting away with it for all time. I do not want to be unkind to the Minister for Fisheries in his absence so I will say nothing further on this matter.

We are not going to get very much from the Six. They are not going to go back on the original common fisheries policy. Might it not be a good idea if the Nine drew up a new common fisheries policy which would be heavily biased in our favour? People might say that that is not playing the game, but we have to look after ourselves in these trade pacts, economic groupings, or whatever you call them. The Six got away with it and the Nine should do likewise.

Others should not be allowed to scoop benefits for which we will get no return. I do not see what the Greeks, the Portuguese or the Spanish can offer us in return for our fisheries. I have seen it authoritatively reported that the Spanish fishing fleet has as much tonnage as the whole of the EEC fishing fleet put together. Their fleet is of enormous dimensions when one considers the sizes of the French, the Dutch fleet, the West German fleet, the British fleet and the Danish fleet which is very large. We need not worry too much about the Greeks who we hope will confine themselves to the Mediterranean, the Adriatic and the Aegean Seas. When we consider the absolute enormity of the Spanish and Portuguese fleets we have a very strong case for negotiating a fisheries policy which will benefit the Nine alone without giving concessions to the three new applicants. Will the Minister refer to this in his reply? Does the Minister feel this could be done, and if not why not? If the Six could do it to us why can we not do it to them? If the Spanish get major fishing concessions off our coasts the effect on our stocks will be substantial. At the moment they are fishing illegally on an incredibly large scale and because of our inadequate fishing penalty laws they are geting away with it.

: The Deputy should not have a discussion on fisheries so soon after the Estimate has been disposed of.

: It is in relation to foreign affairs.

: Foreign affairs does not permit a full discussion on fisheries.

: It is mentioned here.

: I have permitted the Deputy to mention it.

: I can see enormous problems if the Spanish fleet obtains access to our shores.

Another problem has arisen in the fisheries field and it was unfortunate that the Minister for Foreign Affairs did not involve himself in fishery negotiations which were being held over the last nine or ten months. The Minister's predecessor got involved with considerable results. The Minister for Foreign Affairs should do likewise. It appears that the Danes will get considerable concessions for Greenland, which at present comprises 60 per cent of the land mass of the EEC. I know that Greenland is mostly ice and snow and is completely barren, but it has very important mineral resources such as zinc, lead, silver, iron, and uranium which is of considerable value in the world at the moment. It seems that the population of Greenland are not too happy about their future membership of the EEC. I understand that in May of next year they will get their independence from Denmark, and that there is a strong possibility that shortly after the declaration of independence they may hold a referendum to see whether or not they will stay in the EEC. When one considers that in the referendum which was held prior to the entry of Denmark 71 per cent of the population of Greenland voted against membership one can see that they may opt out. The other members are not happy about this prospect because of their vast mineral resources. It is important that they remain in the EEC but in return for their continuing membership they will make very heavy demands. It seems that their major demand will be to be allowed to retain an extremely large exclusive fishery limit. They may not be granted the whole 200 miles which they might start arguing for but they will get probably in the region of 100 miles. The Minister for Foreign Affairs might see to it that he could use this as a lever in our attempt to get a more extensive limit than we are getting at present. Greenland will play the fishery limit demand off against the natural advantages they have, so the Minister might bear in mind that any final agreement on fishery policy should include the terms of the agreement with Greenland. They got no special concessions at the Hague agreement in 1976, and we did, and we should use it as a good bargaining position. It is in the interests of all members of the EEC that they remain in the EEC. While we may not benefit directly from their mineral resources just as we do not benefit directly from the North Sea oil and gas, or the German steel and iron, it would do the economy of the Common Market good in the overall context of the years ahead.

When Mr. Gundelach came to Donegal he made a big issue of that type of bargaining power, and just as a famous Donegal politician in a famous by-election some years ago told the people of Donegal that they could not have their bread buttered on both sides so Mr. Gundelach told us in Letterkenny that we could not have it every way, that if we wanted good prices for our agricultural produce and other benefits from the Regional Fund we would have to give way on the fisheries issue. Maybe we will have to give way a little, but certainly not as much as seems to be intended.

I am not trying to be funny, but if we claim jurisdiction over 32 counties, it seems strange for the Minister for Foreign Affairs to refer to Northern Ireland in the context of foreign affairs. It is an internal affair. Should it be part of the Minister's portfolio? It does not seem to be consistent that we should call Northern Ireland a foreign affair.

I was tickled pink by an answer to a parliamentary question given by the Minister two months ago. It was a very good answer, a statistic which sort of contradicted clearly a lot of the views expressed by the British media about southern Ireland being used as a base for attacks into Northern Ireland. The statistic the Minister gave was 1.06 per cent. It shows quite clearly that our involvement is very limited and that the troubles emanate from within the Six Counties. I suggest that the Minister might circulate an answer like that which has such relevance at the moment to each daily newspaper in Britain and also to the television and radio networks with the request that they might publish the statistic given by the Minister when next they claim that the violence is emanating from the South. The statistics will tell their tale. No country is better at twisting facts than Britain. Their capacity for propaganda and for using their Department of Foreign Affairs in order to twist facts is quite considerable and they are totally unscrupulous about doing it. We should be a little tougher in our reaction on that front. There is nothing like the truth. We should stick their lies down their throats.

A solution to the Northern Ireland problem is coming along naturally enough. Violence has died down considerably in the past three or four years. Successive Governments can take credit for the fact that they have been very tough here on security and by their vigilance they have helped to achieve this scaling down of violence. Of course the primary reason has been the reaction from the population in Northern Ireland. They have rebelled and they have informed left, right and centre. This is very clear from the number of crimes that have been solved in the past five or six years. In most cases the perpetrators of these dastardly crimes have been convicted and sentenced. This reaction is due to the public revulsion at the atrocities committed, whether they are from one side or the other. The people have got fed up and have informed on the paramilitaries. This lessening in the incilence of violence is to be lauded and to be greeted with acclamation.

We should have been able to capitalise on the scaling down of violence, but the major drawback has been the lack of stability on the part of the British Government at West-minister. For the last two or three years we have seen the Labour Government trying to appease the various minority groupings on which they are dependent. They do not want to undertake any major initiative in Northern Ireland in case it might incense one group or the other. They have decided to lie low in case they might upset some of the groupings. That is unfortunate but it is a fact of life. Perhaps after the next general election which seems but a few months away there will be a strong Government in Britain, whether Conservative or Labour. I hope that happens; otherwise political initiative will not be taken in Northern Ireland. Our major wish in the forthcoming British election should be that a strong Government will be elected. The present soft-soaping and foot-dragging is due to the government's lack of a numerical majority in the House of Commons. The sooner that day is gone the better. We look forward to an initiative being taken on Northern Ireland on the return to power of one or other of the major parties with a reasonably large majority.

I hope my comments have been of some use. An obvious matter that involves the Department of Foreign Affairs is the Law of the Sea Conference that has not yet been completed. It seems to have been going on for years. It is obvious that the final determinations of the conference will have a major impact on the economic life of this country in the centuries to come. As surely as night follows day, the seabed around our coast will be just as important for mineral development as the land under our feet. It is vital that we get the maximum benefit. The public are not very clear about what is involved and what we are entitled to. Many think that the limits extend for only 200 miles but I understand they can be extended considerably further. I hope the Minister can enlighten us on this matter.

I should like to know our position with regard to Rockall. Can we hope to claim a considerable area around Rockall? It appears that our case for possession in this instance is greater than any of the other contenders, Britain being the main contender. I should like the Minister to tell us what is happening with regard to this matter and what he hopes to achieve.

I was glad to have the opportunity to contribute to the debate. I wish the Minister every success in his Department in the years to come.

: I should like to thank the Deputies who spoke for the wide-ranging contributions they made. They were critical in the positive sense of the word. While I am gratified at the nature and level of the contributions, I cannot say I am very enthusiastic about the fact that so few Deputies spoke in the debate. As far as I know, during the course of my opening address those benches over there were entirely denuded of any representative and it seems that for the course of my reply—as was the case for the two last contributions— the position is to remain the same. I do not wish to be critical of any party, but each party has a representative spokesman for foreign policy and, while I appreciate that many obligations rest on Deputies, it seems strange that a party who have asked questions in this House and who have said a number of things did not have a representative present during the course of this debate. It may be said that Deputies can read the Official Report but I think it appropriate that at least the spokesman, or representative of the spokesman, should be present. I was spokesman for my party when we were in Opposition and I know that Deputies have many obligations but if one of the effects is to be that the fundamental obligation of a spokesman is to be overlooked it is time that that party should reassess their priorities. Here is the place and this is the debate when the issues can be discussed generally, when the Minister is called on to reply and to justify what he has done. I wish to have that point noted, not in any sense of superior criticism of another party——

: The Minister made a gesture when referring to this matter but, of course, a gesture does not go in the Official Report. I should like my point to be recorded so that it may be known that I was present.

: I am not speaking of Deputy Ryan, who was present for most of the debate and who contributed. Neither am I speaking of Deputy Deasy nor of the Fine Gael Party. I am speaking of the Labour Party and the fact that for most of this debate there has not been a representative of that party present in the House. There was one contribution, but that is hardly representative of their concern for foreign policy.

: I would like to put it on record that the Foreign Affairs spokesman for the Labour Party is today at the Transport and General Workers' Union Conference in Sligo.

: The representative of the Labour Party on the first occasion was not at the Transport and General Workers' Union Conference. There are a number of important things to be said on this matter. I would have thought that this was an occasion for the Labour Party representative to say them. I want to thank the Deputies for their commendation of my Department. I would like to acknowledge on behalf of the House that the level of expertise and commitment which has developed within this Department—I am not saying it was absent any time in the past— in recent years, consequent on our membership of the EEC, has been of great strength to me as Minister and I am quite sure to my predecessor. I am satisfied that their contact with the major issues touching the Department of Foreign Affairs and our foreign policy generally, their level of awareness and the level of their advice to the Minister is now, and has been in the past, a very significant security for the Minister. I am glad the House has acknowledged this. I would like to say that it is one of the firm foundations on which the Minister for Foreign Affairs can approach his responsibility in a consistent and positive way. I would like on their behalf to thank all the Deputies who spoke for the kind words of commendation they had to say of my Department.

In regard to some of the general criticisms which were raised in the course of some of the contributions the comments of the two Deputies present in the House are reasonably representative of what seem to be the general criticisms. Both Deputies suggested that I was perhaps too defensive in my opening address in relation to foreign policy, a bit thin on values generally and inclined at this stage to justify to the nation that we have a foreign policy when, as Deputy Ryan put it, we do not have to apologise to anyone for having it.

I want to put the position clearly and clarify any misunderstandings there may be in this connection. In Volume 306, column 363 on 4 May 1978 I said:

First, it may be asked why are we concerned at all about world political issues, even such distant issues as the Middle East and Southern Africa. We are small and relatively weak and we have our own problems in Ireland.

That is the question that might be asked. I gave the answer as follows:

One answer is obvious. Small as we are we are part of an international community and we can be deeply affected by distant events.

I go on then to develop the theme.

: I was afraid we were in for a long quotation.

: I am not suggesting that the Deputy was trying to misrepresent the position. Sometimes when one puts a question in that rhetorical form, to enable one to develop the outlines of one's foreign policy, it possibly leaves one at risk that it might be misrepresented as representing one's own position. It does not. I considered it appropriate in my first Estimate speech as Minister for Foreign Affairs to analyse the outlines of our foreign policy and to the extent that they would need to be justified, to justify the directions of that policy and to explain to the House the broad guidelines of our foreign policy during my period as Minister for Foreign Affairs.

I was not being defensive or trying to justify to the Irish people, much less people outside the country, why we, above all small or weak countries, should have a foreign policy. It is self evident that we have a foreign policy. I trust that my speech explained the outlines of that policy, and to the extent that it may be helpful to add a few elements now I will do that. I want to acknowledge that Deputy Ryan was perhaps as balanced in his commendations as he was in his criticisms in the negative sense. I will not try to ignore one and extract the other and pin it on my lapel. That would not be quite appropriate because I believe his contribution was a balanced one generally.

: I appreciate the Minister's diplomacy.

: It is not perhaps a matter for that although it is the Estimate for Foreign Affairs. I believe the record will show that Deputy Ryan was surprisingly generous in some of the things he had to say. As I was the recipient of his generosity I should at least acknowledge that. Soon after he made the point that we were unduly defensive he said that but for our involvement in the European Community we would be a mere pipsqueak in an international forum. I do not accept that if we were not involved in the European Economic Community we should be a mere pipsqueak in an international forum. I do not accept that during all the years before we joined the European Economic Community that we were only a pip-squeak. I do not want to extract that and use it against Deputy Ryan. I want to say, having regard to our position now, which is particularly related to membership of the European Economic Community and the opportunities we have through that membership, we obviously now have even a more significant role as a small country than we had before we joined the European Economic Community.

I have said on a couple of occasions outside the House and it is well to reiterate it here, where I am primarily responsible, that for all of us foreign policy is not something that touches distant places or distant events and that we feel, for one reason or another, obliged to comment on to show our concern and to defend ourselves against the charge that we have no view on this, that or the other. Our foreign policy must be clear to all those who know what our policy in every national area is. If people can clearly see and recognise the direction of Government policy at home then at least they have a basis on which they can begin to expect a consistency in our foreign policy. One cannot exist in isolation from the other. The Minister for Foreign Affairs does not of his own volition, because of his own spontaneous opinions, develop by the aid of themes that he will pursue in an international forum which are in no way related to priorities that have been determined in his national Government.

The most powerful nations at every stage of history, who perhaps had the most comprehensive foreign policies, always justified their foreign policies and always felt more secure in the promotion of them because they were relative to the directions of their Governments. It applied to the now defunct British Empire. It applies to the United States of America and to the Soviet Union. These are not areas where, in fact, the implementation of foreign policy operates in total isolation from national priorities. These priorities may be right or they may be wrong. That is another matter and I am not justifying what has been done by all or any of these countries from time to time. But one can at least see in what way they are significant. This does not apply merely to large countries. It also applies to small countries which may be small in terms of resources, in terms of international contact and connection, but big—let me not underestimate it—in terms of consistency, persuasion and determination to work through all the international organisations of which we are members for a greater world stability and peace. That is the test by which Irish foreign policy has been and will be judged and the fact that there are now new opportunities open to us makes it all the more essential that we will in each new area pursue that consistent line.

This does not mean that there has to be a clash between our moral judgments and our own self-interest. One does not, in fact, just make comfortable moral judgments in relation to foreign policy. They are a great stability and security to back up the effective capacity you have to present your opinions and to have those opinions respected. But moral judgments simply delivered in an abstract sense, without having the cogent influence and persuasion of at least recognition by your partners, if not your opponents, are not of any very significant value in international relations. They may satisfy us in that we have on occasions discharged our responsibilities to ourselves by having views on troubled spots throughout the world. But unless we can present these in a consistent way and win, to the extent that a small country can with a big reputation, a respect for that view and have that view promoted and supported at international level, then I would suggest that the moral judgment in itself is not in fact implementation of foreign policy. I have made these introductory remarks to give a background to some of the areas which have been touched upon, obviously wide-ranging in geographical extent and in the nature of the comments made during the course of the debate.

Deputy Quinn said he thought we could not have a serious foreign policy until the Government put forward in this House some system of values which we propose to operate. I would have thought I had done that in terms of a system of values in may opening statement. Unfortunately Deputy Quinn was not here to hear most, if any, of my opening statement. In so far as he did not have the benefit of the record, he may have had a copy of my speech and a hasty reading of it may have helped him to overlook what was in it, because I quite clearly said at column 364 of Volume 306 of the Official Report what our aims in these four areas of activity are in foreign relations. We want to do everything open to us to promote a future of peace, justice and stability for all of the people of this island. We want to help to advance the prosperity and wellbeing of our people through our commitment to European integration, through our trade and other economic relations and through all of the other economic arrangements entered into as part of the international community. We want to do what we can as a small country to advance the aims of peace and justice and order in the world. Finally, we want to increase the resources we devote to our aids programme until we reach the targets we have voluntarily accepted. I should have thought that those four heads gave at least a fairly clear indication of the outlines and the values set forth as the criteria of foreign policy.

In relation to the economic wellbeing of our own people, as a small open economy we, perhaps more than most, are affected to a very considerable extent by the economic conditions prevailing outside the country. We are particularly affected by the economic environment within the EEC which, in turn, is affected by the economic environment with its main trading partners, Japan, the United States of America and its other partners through the Lome Convention. That said, obviously our fundamental responsibility must be in the first instance to present our own plan and programme in a clear, consistent and visible way to our own people and also to our partners, be they within the European Community or otherwise, so that they, looking at us, can recognise this is the direction that the Irish economy and the Irish Government are setting themselves, this is the manner in which their people are responding, these are the targets they are setting, this is the security we could have if we are going to do business with that country and if we are going to base ourselves in industrial development in that country. That is the kind of administration and that is the kind of plan we are dealing with.

I do not want to dwell on this, because it is not my immediate responsibility, but I think I can say that that kind of picture is being very clearly framed and not just for ourselves but for our partners within the European Community and our trading partners throughout the rest of the world. It can be a matter of argument in the House as to who is most successful in our economic programmes but very soon, within a matter of weeks and certainly before the House rises, I expect the House will have the opportunity of seeing the Government's Green Paper on economic development, and not just this House but the people with whom I am directly concerned, namely, those Governments outside this House who will also see it and, I believe, will recognise and identify that that is where the Irish Government are going. That is vitally important for us in our economic relations with member states and with other countries.

Now, in the presence of the former Minister for Finance, I do not want to make any niggling points about the contrast between now and previous times. I recognise there was a difficult period over the last number of years in the international environment, a very difficult period, but I think it was made more difficult in the absence of a clear plan by the Government showing where we were trying to steer the ship during those stormy times.

: The Government are not producing a plan. They are producing a Green Paper following on a White Paper and probably some other coloured paper later.

: We do not need to go back to the election difficulties. Perhaps it was those very issues that decided that. It is evident now that our Community partners recognise this degree of consistency and this determination. Having set our plan we now can say to our Community partners, and this is the very opposite of what the experience was over the last number of years: "We have our plan. Please let us know what yours is. What is the framework within which we as a small country within the Community can make sure that we implement that plan?" It is, I think, fair to say that the tables have turned because, in my recollection, the experience of the last three years was the Community saying they had their plan and asking Ireland where was ours and even getting to the point where they were setting guidelines for Ireland and directions and, some would say, interfering in what we should or should not do. That is not the position now.

: The Minister knows there was no EEC plan since 1972. It was abandoned as a practice.

: I am not talking in terms of an EEC plan in the sense of a national and economic plan such as we have. If there is no EEC plan in the broadest sense, perhaps our predecessors were a little too kind to the Community in allowing that undesirable state to continue. Since we took office—and it is not appropriate that just we should always say it— we have said the EEC must be consistent with their own stated aims. Some of those involve regional policy and some involve economic and monetary union—and we were not the first to say this—and some of them involve development of all the capacities existing within the European Communities. It is happening slowly but it is happening, that the European Communities are at least committing themselves to guidelines. We are not satisfied with what is happening or the pace at which it is happening. We are now in a stronger position in relation to our own performance, our own growth, control of inflation and reduction of unemployment, although not as much as we would wish it to be.

We can now say to the European Communities on the question of the application of social policy, the application of the social fund to unemployment that, while they stood back remote over the past number of years, they cannot do that now. Are we allowed to say we played no small part in bringing this awareness about? We welcome particularly that the social fund is now being applied towards the chronic problem of unemployment, not only in Ireland but in the European Communities, in a way in which it was not previously applied. That is what I mean by consistency. That is the first element in what I referred to on the last occasion.

We will have an opportunity again to debate the 12th Report, I think, on progress in the European Economic Community. Because of the time constraints on me at the moment, I trust the Deputy opposite—and he is the only one to whom I can address my remarks at the moment—will agree that, unless I have time at the end I will leave over a detailed discussion on the EEC until we debate that Report.

: That is quite acceptable to me and to my party.

: I do not know who is to speak for our absent friends but let us take them as agreeing by their silence. I may make one or two points in passing in reply to matters raised by Deputies, but I do not suggest they will be a comprehensive statement on the EEC. I think I have said enough to point out the relevance of our national policy in the context of our relationship with the EEC.

I want to mention the relevance of my own Department in terms of our foreign relationships. In recent years, different types of democracies have been emerging in various parts of the world, not all of them, perhaps, fully in accord with our principles of democracy, with our developed sense of democracy. Many of them for one reason or another have got perceptions of democracy or otherwise which derive from their historical experience. The newly emerging African States will obviously have a different perception of democracy which will derive from the historical tribal patterns of their own country. Sometimes we are unreasonable in trying to impose standards we have inherited from our experience on people who inherited different standards from their experience. We must recognise these countries politically. We must give them that degree of respect and political status to which they are perfectly entitled. We can then do business with them on a State to State and Government to Government level.

That applies to the newly emerging countries and it also applies in a different sense—I am not now talking about democracy—to the State trading countries who do their business on a very planned if not to say rigid basis, and who do not allow access to their markets except by way of balance. Thirdly, it has been fairly evident in recent times that many people—I will not say philanderers or merchant princes—since the energy crisis seem to have discovered new contacts, as they call them, in the Gulf States, in countries like Lybia, and so on. A number of people are parading themselves, perhaps in our own country, as having all these contacts. Perhaps some of them have. If there are people in Ireland who have that level of contact with the Gulf States, and who can get into the harems almost, they represent a miniscule proportion of those in other countries in the western world, America, and elsewhere, who claim to have the inside track in these States. I am quite sure the Arab States, the oil States, have been courted by all sorts of people over the past number of years. I would say their experience has not always been that they can consistently trust the business people who presented themselves as emissaries from the western world.

That said, it is obviously vitally important to us that we should support at official level in each of these three areas the newly emerging democracies— the State trading countries (I picked these as an example; there are others as well) and what we might call the newly-rich oil States, the Arab States. The role and function of my Department in our relations with these countries, and in our further developing relations with them as we develop further new relations with other countries with whom we have not got relations at present, is to create that political introduction without which none of these three elements is really interested in having an association with us in any positive sense. It is the role and function of my Department to give that political recognition to the countries with whom we do business and, having created the political bridgehead, which is of great importance, to allow our semi-State sector and our private sector to come in and exploit in a positive sense the opportunities available to them under the appropriate terms of reference. I recognise that the terms of reference would be very different in Africa from what they would be in the State trading countries or in the Gulf States.

I have seen it as a priority obligation as Minister to report to my colleagues in the Cabinet on this. I have given them formally a memorandum to let them know our priorities of which it is important that my Government colleagues should be fully cognisant. I also wanted to give them an outline of what our direction will be in our new associations so that they and this House, at the appropriate time, will be able to see clearly a consistent pattern in what we are doing. I will not announce now where our next moves will be. I hope from what I have said already that the pattern will be clearly indentified and people can say: "He did not disclose in advance where exactly he was going, but it is fairly clear now he knows why he is going there and what the role and function of the Department of Foreign Affairs should be."

Could I say briefly in relation to my own comings and goings and the visits I have undertaken that they do not happen accidentally? They are not simply spontaneous reactions to positions which present themselves. They are very deliberat decisions on my part as Minister for Foreign Affairs pursuing, I hope, a deliberate and consistent pattern. I do not want to say I am setting myself up as the judge of whether a particular invitation is appropriate to me. I do not want to create the impression that I would be the only one to decide whether I should or should not respond to a generous invitation from another country. That would be totally and utterly inappropriate. In the nature of things most of these visits are the consequence of bilateral contacts over a period.

It is not evident so far, but it will be after a reasonable period, that there is a consistency in what I have being doing in this direction. I have undertaken two official visits so far. One was an obligation that I was very glad to inherit from my predecessor, namely, the official visit to Greece. The decision there was taken for me and I merely followed it up, but it was an opportunity to see the conditions of a country which was proposing to join the EEC. The other opportunity was one presented to me as a consequence of the visit of the President of Yugoslavia to this country, short though the visit was, and I accepted that because the possibility of that visit had been under discussion for some time. I have not time to go into the details of why we went to which country and what we discussed, but I want to make it clear to people from the press and otherwise who genuinely and honestly have said, "Why here and not there?" that they had better wait and see where I will be going. When they do see they will begin to recognise that there is a pattern in these visits which are part and parcel of an overall Government programme to establish better understanding of countries and to fulfil my responsibility as one agent in the overall Government policy. It will not be too long before this pattern will emerge and will indicate further the consistency in this direction.

: The Minister is building up a big sense of excitement about his future trip.

: There has been some comment in the media and this is the only chance I have to make an observation. Rather than reply to either leader writers or letters it is appropriate that I should mention that what people understand has not been under consideration——

: I was complimenting the Minister on his great build-up.

: ——because I have not so far gone to a place, may not be quite accurate; it may be under very active consideration. This is the only reference I have made to that aspect of my activities.

I take it that Deputy Ryan accepts that I need not go into details on the EEC and the question of regional policy and matters of that sort, which I can leave over until we have a debate on the EEC. One of the achievements—it might not have been noticed very much—of my Department or myself, or the Government or whoever organises the business of this House is that we now are up to date, first of all, in the publication of the reports of the EEC; secondly, we are up to date in the debates on these reports —and that was a very regrettable omission during the period of my predecessor. There was a period of two-and-a-half years during which we had no debate here on progress within the EEC. When I first came into office I had to lump six reports together in one debate. That is not good enough, because the purpose of the European legislation was that there would be a twice-yearly report to this House. A twice-yearly report to this House makes no sense unless there is going to be to the maximum extent possible a twice-yearly debate in this House. That did not happen during the last number of years and it is a matter that passed without any great degree of criticism.

: Was there none from the Opposition?

: The Opposition made a criticism but not one that was picked up in public. However that is past and we are now dealing with the present and the future. I want to give a commitment that what we have managed to do so far we will continue to do and this House will have an opportunity not only of debating those reports but of debating them reasonably soon after their publication. In passing, I hope that my response to the activities of the Secondary Legislation Committee has made their work all the more relevant as a Committee of the Houses of the Oireachtas, and will bring into this Chamber, in the course of the debates I hope we will have on their reports, an awareness of the significance of the work they are doing. That is another practical step that has been taken which I hope will be effective over the years to come.

In regard to relations with other Departments and State agencies, I was gratified at the annual general meeting of DEVCO that they again acknowledged the great assistance they had from my Department and from the officers of the Government generally in the support and promotion of their activities in the various countries in which they operate. This for us is a new area for a lot of reasons. Leaving aside our bilateral aid programme, our semi-State bodies operate in a variety of countries, many of which are classed as developing countries but are as different from one another in many ways as developing countries are from developed countries. We recognise the role which these semi-State bodies have played in our own development. I am gratified and encouraged that our partners in development policy— because that it what they are; they are not merely beneficiaries of our munificence—also recognise the role of our semi-State bodies in this operation. They have readily and willingly called upon our semi-State bodies to apply their experience and resources to help them to develop their economy to the point that they are entitled to have it developed and to make their relations with countries such as ours and the developed world generally all the more positive. To many of the developed agencies, such as DEVCO, ABSO or CONGOOD— I am not naming these just for the sake of doing so and it is convenient not to have to explain what each of them do—the level of our personal commitment is a major matter and a major element in our foreign policy, particularly in our development policy. The activities of our semi-State bodies are also major elements and agents of our development policy. Obviously, because this is a relatively new experience for us, there are matters to be clarified, and I will be the first to acknowledge that.

I see Deputy Quinn here, and I welcome him back. My strictures on the Labour Party would be all the more severe were it not for Deputy Quinn who is not, after all, the spokesman of the Labour Party on Foreign Affairs. But it is nice to have somebody from the Labour Party and I do not want to blame the man who has come for the absence or lack of interest of all his colleagues in this debate.

: If the Minister's party had not taken two seats from us in the European Parliament we might have been able to serve them better.

: If two of the Deputy's party were to be in the European Parliament, Heaven knows we would see nobody here at all. In any event we could send them the record of what we said.

The Development Advisory Council, which I have discussed very recently with the CONGOOD, the umbrella organisation for all the voluntary organisations, will be established very soon. Others may say that they have heard that kind of thing before, but it will be recognised that before such an advisory council can be established we will have to consult with all the Departments of State to ensure that when it is established its terms of reference and its activities will be fully understood and supported by all at official level, which in the first instance means the Departments of State. Also those who would seem to be affected—one might say in the negative sense—by some of the recommendations which this advisory council might make should also be made aware at least of the direction, so that rather than having them reacting on the outside and creating reactions where there was no need for them, they would be taken into one's confidence and be assured that there would be no conflict between their activities and what the development council would be doing.

As Deputy Woods suggested, the activities of the semi-State organisations may be motivated by profit in many cases. That is fine. No one could blame them for that. But we must be clear that where they are engaged in activity in pursuance of what would be co-operation policy, the fundamental and primary purpose must be the benefit to our development partners in the course of these projects.

Deputy Woods raised some interesting questions. This was true also of other Deputies, but Deputy Woods asked for a working party to consider a number of elements in order to ensure that the development contribution would not be swamped by commercial objectives. I would expect simply that the advisory council when they get under way—and they will be representative of the semi-State and the other sectors—will focus on this area. It is a relatively new area and it would be less than honest of me to suggest that I have all the answers immediately. At the same time I am satisfied about the role the private sector, the semi-State sector and the voluntary sector can play in our developing development policy. I am satisfied, too, that the scope is great for this policy, which is only developing, and that our Community partners recognise this and are aware of the opportunities we have in this regard. Also, I am satisfied that the Commission are particularly conscious of our scope in this area.

It is good that we would be critical and apply strict criteria regarding the operation so far in this field of the semi-State bodies. Our experience so far has been that those countries in which our semi-State bodies have been active are not only aware of their success but are very appreciative of the approach of our semi-State sector in helping these countries to help themselves. Perhaps that is understandable because our economic experience has been a relatively recent phenomenon, going back for not longer than about 20 years. Obviously, then, we have a keener awareness of the problems of these countries and our semi-State sector will have an even keener awareness of how to overcome such problems. From further developments in our development policy it will be evident that I have given special recognition this year to the semi-State sector and the voluntary sector, by increasing the grant by a considerable amount as well as concentrating on the whole question of development education which for the first time has been included in our whole programme, and that this will be the basis for our policy in future years.

Time does not permit me to dwell on that subject any more except to make one point in relation to our bilateral aid programme, which is directly within the ambit of my Department and which is managed generally in close consultation with the voluntary organisations. The one awareness I have had is that while we have targeted our aid to the countries of greatest and acute hardship—the smaller countries where we can make a meaningful contribution such as Lesotho, Swaziland, Tanzania and Zambia where the problems are not so acute—we suffer from the disadvantage of not having diplomatic representation in these countries. Consequently, we are not in a position generally to supervise the operations of our aid programmes and our development-aid policies or to see how effective they are. This situation stymies co-operation with those at whom the aid is directed. However, I intend very soon to correct that position and I can tell the House now that within the very near future we will have a development officer operating in Lesotho which is a priority target area. This person will be on the spot and will be able to evaluate the impact of what is being done and to report back to us on the problems that might arise. This will enable us more effectively to pursue in that country and in other countries from the experience gained in this way our bi-lateral aid programme. The person who will be charged with this task will not be a diplomatic officer but he will enjoy many of the immunities of a diplomatic officer. In addition it will be a priority for me in the development of further diplomatic relations along the east coast of Africa to ensure that it will be tailored to our development policy and also to our co-operation policies with the countries concerned.

: Does that rule out Nairobi, for example?

: Some of the criticisms that were directed towards me and which were understandable perhaps would have more properly been directed to my predecessor.

: Perhaps the Minister would like to switch to this side, then?

: Regarding Nairobi the questions would have been better put to my predecessor, although I appreciate that Deputy Quinn would not have had that opportunity.

: It is the Minister's job to answer.

: I am prepared to answer but the decision in regard to Nairobi was taken by my predecessor and I would have thought that he would have considered the options. However, I intend to continue on the basis of his decision.

: It would be nice to think that the Government are so tied by all the decisions of the previous administration.

: The Deputy will appreciate that when it is intended to have diplomatic relations with a country and when agreement is entered into on that basis, it would be a very severe rebuff to make the argument that the decision had been taken by a Minister in a previous Government and that it would be left at that. There are regional problems in Africa. But, while they flare up with a degree of intensity, they do not last for as long perhaps as some of the problems that exist in other parts of the world. One can only hope that the relationship between the states concerned—and in this context Deputy Quinn's point was well made—will not prevent us from extending our accreditions to other countries.

I trust that the House will be gratified to know that we intend to supervise by an identifiable personal presence our aid programmes to the maximum extent possible and also that we will regard this as being a very essential element in the extension of our diplomatic relations.

: We suffer from the historical disadvantage of not having diplomatic relations with many of these countries. Obviously some of our partners in the Community who were former colonial powers have such relations with them. In many cases this gives them a certain advantage through the operation of the Lomé Convention and through the consultancy contracts which Deputy Quinn referred to because the countries in respect of which these contracts are being developed tend very often to think in terms of former colonial overlords, while those who have not had diplomatic relations with them are left at a disadvantage. I trust that we will be able to corrct that situation soon.

In the few minutes remaining to me I shall have to concentrate on the questions to which most attention was given by the Deputies and I wish to talk in particular about the CSCE and the Belgrade Conference. This brings us to another aspect of international relations. First, I must point out that the Leader of Fine Gael said in this House recently that he hoped I would endeavour to ensure that the outcome from Madrid would be more satisfactory than the outcome from Belgrade. If it were in my power to ensure what the outcome of the resumed conference in Madrid would be, I can assure the Deputy that I would do so. As a former Foreign Minister he must know that it is impossible to do this when the 35 countries who signed the Helsinki Final Act differ so considerably in their social and political systems. I have acknowledged that the weak document which emerged as a conclusion to the Belgrade session of the Helsinki Conference was totally unsatisfactory from our point of view. I also said that the process still continues. We go to Madrid in the knowledge that there is already a verbal commitment, and hopefully it will be matched by a real commitment, to the whole purpose of that conference—to detente, human rights and dignity.

I do not want to go into great detail here but we regarded our approach to that conference at all times as covering a consistent range of relations between states—security, economic co-operation and human rights, all part and parcel of a consistent package which is to emerge. We regard ourselves and each State which signed that document as being bound by international commitment to convention to implement it. We were dissatisfied that states were not in a position to register conclusions at Belgrade which would enable us effectively to ensure the protections of these aims. We have referred to the Orlov trial in the Soviet Union where steps were taken which were clearly against the spirit and the letter of the Helsinki Conference and we regret it.

Let us recognise that we are talking about states of different social and political order and their fundamental obligation must be to ensure that those rights in every sense will be protected. We should try, slowly but positively, to bring about that period of detente which is indivisible and does not apply only to certain regions but to all the activities of the various governments who signed that document.

In discussions with the Nine and Yugoslavia we made it very clear that the detente to which we all give our support will not be just a matter of public statement and solemn declaration but it will be the real thing. I hope and expect that the preparations for Madrid which are going on in preparatory committees will ensure that the consequence will be more satisfactory than the outcome of the Belgrade Conference.

I would like to take up a point raised by Deputy Deasy. In relation to the critical problem in the Middle East he thought we should be more forthcoming in our criticism, that we should be clear in our opinions and be seen to express these opinions more consistently. I hope it will be understood from what I have said that we must have a position and use our influence to arrive at a solution. In this way our development policy, the Lomé Convention and the role played by the United Nations Peacekeeping Force, can be justified as having a persuasive influence on those who are belligerent with each other. If Deputy Deasy looks at it from that point of view he will see that for me as Minister for Foreign Affairs to make a statement here or elsewhere criticising one of the parties about what has been a very serious and lasting problem in the Middle East would not necessarily be helpful; it might have the opposite effect.

I want to tell the Deputy that as a member of the European Community, and particularly as part of the process through which we consult with our Community partners in the Nine, our views have been made known and the guidelines in relation to the appropriate solution of these problems have been clearly stated. I have had the opportunity of conveying my views and those of the Irish people to a senior member of the Israeli Government who visited us. I also made comments on the Sadat-Begin talks. The Deputy would be advising me wrongly if he told me to publicly set myself up as a judge on the rights or wrongs of the situation. Every nation has views on the Middle East situation. The one thing we should not do is attribute blame to one party or the other. Rather we should encourage them, which I have done in contact with parties more directly concerned, such as the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Cyrus Vance. President Tito and the President of Romania.

: I assumed we had a political opinion——

: We have.

: ——irrespective of our membership of the EEC.

: I can assure the Deputy that we do have. The question is that we should not always in what is a fluctuating situation express our opinion simply for the sake of expressing it. The Deputy was slightly incorrect when he said that the Israelis had withdrawn from Lebanon before our troops went in.

: No, I said the conflict was virtually over.

: A condition of Israeli withdrawal was the entry of the UN force. If they were not available the Israelis would not have withdrawn. The Deputy raised some interesting points about the United Nations. Ideally I would like to see a UN presence where conflicts arise in Africa. I would also like to see these conflicts settled without intervention by other powers. It must be recognised that the UN reflect the attitudes of the member states and the Security Council can be very effectively blocked by a veto by any of the permanent representatives.

: The Minister should conclude now if he wants to finish this debate tonight.

: The Deputy can accept that in principle and ideally I would like to see the kind of thing he is talking about emerge. I thank the House for allowing me to introduce my first Estimate.

Vote put and agreed to.
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