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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 30 May 1979

Vol. 314 No. 11

Garda Síochána Bill, 1979: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The House is already officially aware, from a statement made here by the Taoiseach on 31 January 1978, of a Government decision, which was made on 19 January 1978 to remove from the office of Commissioner of the Garda Síochána the then holder of that office, Mr. Edmund P. Garvey. Mr. Garvey subsequently took legal proceedings which resulted in, amongst other things, a finding by the Supreme Court that the removal from office was null and void.

I propose to return, later on in my statement, to that decision of the Government and to the circumstances in which a decision of the Supreme Court was sought by both sides in the legal proceedings. For the moment, I am concerned only with the fact that that was the decision. It meant that Mr. Garvey was still legally Commissioner of the Garda Síochána and, since the law provides for only one Commissioner, it followed that Mr. Patrick McLaughlin did not hold that office or rank.

The judgements given in the Supreme Court make it clear that the right of the Government to remove a Commissioner from office is not questioned and that the Government were free, if for adequate reason they considered it necessary, to make a new decision removing Mr. Garvey from office, provided certain procedures were adopted.

The Government were satisfied that Mr. Garvey should not be allowed to remain in office but considered it right, as they did in January 1978, to give him the option of resigning. He availed himself of that option. In saying this, perhaps I should make it clear that I am aware that he is reported in a newspaper as having said that he "retired" rather than "resigned". As far as I am concerned, nothing hinges on any distinction that might be thought to exist between those two terms—the position is that the solicitors acting for him used the word "resign" in the relevant letter to me and he himself used the word "retire". Perhaps in that context I should make it clear that he has qualified for, and has been formally awarded, maximum pension and maximum gratuity.

His resignation was expressed to be with effect from, and was accepted as from, 14 May and Mr. McLaughlin has been formally reappointed as Commissioner from the following day, namely 15 May.

There is, therefore, a need to validate actions of Mr. McLaughlin during the period of 16 months or so when he was carrying out the functions of Commissioner but when, as it now transpires, he did not hold the office. There is also a need to validate acts done by some others.

One of the most important functions in respect of which validation is necessary concerns the appointment of new members to the force. Every new member has to be appointed by the Commissioner—the precise terminology is "appointed and enrolled"—and it is, therefore, necessary to have validated all the appointments of new members during the period in question.

The Commissioner is also responsible for promotions up to the rank of inspector, and it is necessary to have those promotions validated. Appointments to the rank of superintendent and higher ranks are a matter for the Government and accordingly the question of validating those appointments does not arise except for one particular appointment to which I shall refer later.

While on the subject of appointments, I invite the attention of the House to an important distinction that is implicit in the terms of the Bill, that is, that while both the appointment of new members and the promotions to sergeant and inspector rank will be validated, the Bill, in so far as Mr. McLaughlin himself is concerned, validates only his actions, not his original appointment. This explains why the Bill contains a reference to his pay and conditions of service in respect of the 16-month period but does not do so in respect of the new members or newly-promoted sergeants or inspectors whose appointment or promotion, as the case may be, is in question. Once those appointments and promotions are validated, the entitlement of the members concerned to the appropriate salary and conditions of service follows as a matter of course. Mr. McLaughlin will not, however, be appointed retrospectively as Commissioner and, in the absence of a special provision, he could in certain circumstances suffer some diminution of pension rights. The reference to his pay is probably unnecessary but it is included as a precautionary measure and also because it would seem inappropriate to include a reference to conditions of service without including a reference to pay.

What I have referred to up to now concerns the validity of appointments within the force. There could also be some consequential matters. For instance, the Commissioner may under section 3 of the Offences Against the State Act, 1939, give a written authorisation to a named superintendent to exercise certain functions that are primarily vested by that Act in chief superintendents. In practice, the only function of significance in this context is the extension from a maximum of 24 hours to a maximum of 48 hours of the period during which a person may be detained under section 30 of the 1939 Act. It has been the practice to grant such authorisations to superintendents attached to Border districts and to superintendents attached to divisional headquarters. There is no injustice to anybody in the retrospective validation of those authorisations since they are authorisations that would have been granted in accordance with well established practice, irrespective of who was Commissioner, and the invalidity of Mr. McLaughlin's original appointment has no material relevance to the decisions taken by the relevant superintendents.

In theory, there could have been similar situations in relation to the prohibition, under the 1939 Act, of certain types of public meetings but this did not arise in practice.

The authorisations I have been referring to are formally given by the Commissioner to certain superintendents under specific statutory authority. There are other situations in which there is no question of a specific statutory authorisation of a particular superintendent but in which, nevertheless, there could be room for argument arising from the fact that the assignment of a superintendent to his district took place during the period we are referring to. There are various provisions in statutes or in rules of court or other statutory instruments whereby applications or notices of one kind or another are to be given to the superintendent of the district in which the person making the relevant application or giving the relevant notice lives or has a premises. The superintendent, in certain cases, has power to grant or refuse certain permits, certificates or the like, or to object in court to the granting or removal of certain certificates or licences.

Although the assignment of a superintendent to a particular district is an administrative matter and is not referred to in statutes or statutory regulations, and although it could be cogently argued that a superintendent who takes up duty in charge of a district is, by that very fact, the superintendent for that district, it is clear that somebody wishing to challenge a superintendent's decision might argue that the assignment flows from, or involves, the exercise of the Commissioner's general statutory function of directing and controlling the force. Consequently, if only to avoid sterile argument, those matters have to be covered also.

Reverting for a moment to functions exercised by the Commissioner, as distinct from persons deriving authority from him, I would mention also bye-laws or rules which he is authorised to make under the Road Traffic Acts. I am informed that one set of traffic bye-laws were made in the period in question and one set of local and temporary rules.

The Bill, as the House will have noticed, refers to things done by Mr. McLaughlin or by any other person. The expression "any other person" is, of course, limited by the context in which it appears—the validity conferred by the section can have no application otherwise than to acts which were invalid by reason of the fact that Mr. McLaughlin's appointment was not effectual. As the House is aware, the word "person", under the standard rules of interpretation, includes a body of persons and, in the present context, it includes the Government in that the Government, in January 1978, appointed a new Deputy Commissioner when, as it then appeared, Mr. McLaughlin had become Commissioner. Under the relevant statutory instrument, there was provision for only two Deputy Commissioners so it appears that the new appointment needs to be validated.

Another example of what is covered by "any other person" is a local authority putting up road signs—their functions in that respect are, by law, exercised subject to the consent of the Commissioner. The expression "any other person" is also intended to cover, if necessary, acts done in the course of their duty by those people I have already mentioned, namely those admitted to the force during the last 16 months, those who were promoted to the rank of sergeant or inspector in that period or those of chief superintendent or superintendent rank who were assigned to their division or district during that period. Naturally, only a small number of the official actions of any of those persons could come into question in any event, since most of their work does not consist of the exercise of statutory powers that might be open to be challenged in the present context. Moreover, in so far as such acts may need to be covered, it seems likely that they would be covered by the validation being accorded to Mr. McLaughlin's acts, on the basis that, once his acts are validated, everything that flows from them is automatically validated. There might however, be room for some argument about that, so it seems safer and simpler to rely on the direct validation that the Bill proposes to give to them as things done by "any other person".

There is one other point in the text which I think may call for explanation, namely the words in brackets at the beginning of section 1, referring to the satisfying of any condition precedent to the exercise or performance of a power or duty. This is included because a number of functions of the Commissioner may be exercised only on the basis that he is satisfied as to some factor or that he is of a certain opinion or that it appears to him that a particular situation exists. Although the satisfying of conditions of that kind naturally involves his considering the matter and reaching an opinion or conclusion and in that sense involves his doing something, there appeared to be some possibility of argument as to whether the phrase "everything done" would by itself clearly cover it and for that reason it was thought prudent to include those words that I have mentioned.

I have given what I think are the main examples of matters needing validation though the House will appreciate that, in the nature of things, the list does not purport to be a complete one. I would like to make it clear, however, that it is not through an oversight that I have not made any reference to criminal proceedings instituted during the period in question. The reason I have not referred to them is that I am not aware of any reason why it should be thought that a question arises about them. I am aware that certain public statements have been made suggesting the contrary but those statements seem to be based on a misunderstanding of the legal position. Legal proceedings in the more serious cases are brought by the Director of Public Prosecutions and even in a number of less serious the DPP may also be the prosecutor. In those cases where a member of the force brings a prosecution himself, he is not, as a matter of law, acting on behalf of the Commissioner nor is it the Commissioner who, in practice, gives directions as to whether such proceedings should be brought. The member is, therefore, not in any way acting as agent of the Commissioner.

I said, at the beginning of my statement, that I would return to the question of the initial decision of the Government and to the circumstances in which a decision of the Supreme Court was sought by both sides in the legal proceedings. I do not, however, consider it appropriate to go into these matters in any detail, at all events on this occasion, and for a number of reasons. One of the reasons, and a sufficient one by itself alone, is that certain important related issues are before the High Court and, in accordance with long established practice, we ought to avoid issues that are sub judice. This is an area in which I cannot say with any confidence precisely what aspects are likely to be in question in the High Court but, since there is a claim for damages, I have to assume that any aspect of the entire circumstances preceding or relating to the Government decision of January 1978 could become relevant to the proceedings. Over and above that, there is on the Order Paper, in the names of Deputies Harte and O'Keeffe, a motion—it is item No. 73—which will provide opportunity for debate. Indeed, if it were not for the constraints imposed by the fact that those proceedings are before the High Court, I would have suggested that the debate on that motion should take place now in conjunction with the debate on the Bill but, as matters stand, this is not possible.

There are, however, certain matters that are clearly not sub judice, matters that it is permissible to refer to and that, in my view, it is in fact desirable to refer to, even if only briefly, in fairness to the House which is being asked to pass this legislation. In referring to them briefly, I still do so on a purely factual basis that will not anticipate the debate that no doubt will take place on the motion on the Order Paper.

The House is aware, from what was said here by the Taoiseach on 31 January 1978 that the Government lost confidence in Mr. Garvey as Commissioner. Mr. Garvey took a legal action in the High Court which can be described as an action for wrongful dismissal. Counsel on both sides agreed that, instead of embarking on possibly protracted litigation in the High Court on issues that might prove irrelevant, it would be in the interests of all parties to get an initial authoritative ruling on what both sides agreed was a preliminary issue, namely whether the Government had, as a matter of law, unqualified authority to dismiss a Commissioner without notice and without giving reasons.

As it happened, it was Mr. Garvey's legal representatives who proposed that the preliminary issue should first be determined, though I do not make any point about that other than that there is no dispute about the fact that the issue submitted, first to the High Court and then to the Supreme Court, was intended by both sides to be a preliminary one. Counsel for the Government, for their part, recognised that, if the preliminary issue were decided in favour of the Government, the case would end there and then and no costs would have been incurred on investigating issues of fact which would have been irrelevant. It was for that reason that they agreed to this course and certain questions, agreed by both sides, were submitted to the High Court and then, by way of appeal, to the Supreme Court. In the event, the Supreme Court decided against the Government on the particular questions put to them. Furthermore, they went on to decide that, on the basis of their decision on those preliminary questions and the pleadings in the High Court, the dismissal was null and void because—so the court held—the various assertions made in the statement of claim as to the circumstances of the dismissal had not been denied, or sufficiently denied, in the defence that had been filed on the Government's behalf, and those assertions were on that account presumed to have been conceded by or on behalf of the Government.

The House will notice, therefore, that, although the legal representatives on both sides had intended the appeal to the Supreme Court to be an appeal on a preliminary issue, the court's response was such that their decision on that issue, irrespective of what it would be, was going to determine the substantive issue as well. This is clear because, if the court's answers had been in favour of the Government, the plaintiff would necessarily have lost the action at that point and, when the decision went the other way, the court in effect held that the plaintiff had won the action at that point. In either event, therefore, what was intended and understood by both sides to be a preliminary issue was going to turn out to be something quite different.

I mention this matter because it illustrates that there are, unavoidably, areas of the law where uncertainty prevails. Deputy Cluskey, commenting in this House on 16 May—in Volume 314, column 710 of the Official Report —spoke of the incompetence of the Government who, according to the Deputy, did not know how to sack a Commissioner. The Deputy is, of course, entitled to make this political charge. The reality, as he and other Deputies knew, is that governments, irrespective of party, make no pretence to any special inspiration in the interpretation of the law. Even the courts make decisions that are found to be wrong in law. It is a common occurrence for decisions of the High Court to be overruled by the Supreme Court.

The important point is that, however much a party to a legal action may feel aggrieved at a particular decision—and counsel for the Government have stated clearly in open court that the Government do feel aggrieved at the decision—we all, in this House, recognise that we are fortunate in that we live under a system in which the law is interpreted by an independent judiciary. The feeling, on a particular occasion, that one is hard done by is a price that we gladly pay for the benefits of a separation of powers. Moreover, in determining an issue before them, the court are not only the interpreters of the law but also the arbiters on the construction or interpretation of documents and on findings of fact for the purpose of the particular action.

It is necessary to be clear, however, as to what the court have decided and what they have not. As I have said, the court found that the defence pleadings did not constitute a sufficient denial of the various assertions made in the plaintiff's statement of claim and, consequently, that the defence pleadings must be construed as an acceptance of them. To say that particular pleadings must be construed in a particular way, is not to say that such a construction corresponds with the intentions of the Government or of counsel who drafted the pleadings on the Government's behalf. Still less is it to say that the Government must accept, or do in fact accept, in any context or for any purpose other than that of the particular issue before the court, the account given in the plaintiff's statement of claim. As I have already indicated, I am not here embarking on any defence, still less any detailed defence, of the Government's decision and actions. Even if the reasons I have already given did not obtain, I am conscious of the fact that to do so, unless events were to make it necessary, would be open to the charge that it involved gratuitous criticism of a person who is not present to defend himself, and that it was therefore contrary to the traditions of the House.

I think it is both right and necessary, however, to put on record one matter of fact, a fact which is not open to dispute, and that is that, contrary to an impression that may have been given, there was no question of Mr. Garvey being simply called in out of the blue and given two hours to resign. I am not implying that I had previously mentioned either resignation or dismissal to him. All I am saying—but I do say and emphasise that much—is that there was a background to what occurred and one of which he was aware for some time. What that background was, how far back in time it extended, how many people knew at least something about it and so on are matters I do not propose to expand on now because to do so would inescapably involve argument on the merits of what was done and, for the reasons I have given, and especially the fact that there are issues to be determined by the High Court, it would be inappropriate for me to embark on any argument whatsoever about the merits at this stage. I simply want to place on record the fact that what occurred did not occur out of the blue, and if the need arises, either in the context of the motion which is on the Order Paper or otherwise, I propose in due course to say as much as I have to say to defend myself. How much that may be is, perhaps, largely dependent on what may be said or done by others and, in that sense, may be out of my hands.

I conclude by saying that the Bill is put forward to meet a need that clearly has arisen and on that basis I commend the Bill to the House.

This Bill is a monument to the incompetence and bungling of the Administration. Even worse, it follows on the actions of the Minister for Justice in the handling of Garda affairs where he departed from and ignored completely normal standards of natural justice. This was a sorry example, coming from the person who holds the highest office in the State associated with the administration of justice. Listening to the Minister's speech one does not get any indication that the motivation in the Minister's time in any way changed and what really concerns me is that similar examples of denial of natural justice may arise in future in the Minister's actions, administrative and otherwise.

There is a background of course to the present Bill and I should have expected that the entire background would have been exposed in this House and that we, the democratically elected representatives of the people, would have an opportunity of a full and detailed debate thereon. The Minister's speech does not, in fact, deal with many questions that are in my mind and I can only proceed with my own speech on the basis of raising a number of issues to which perhaps we can return at a later stage.

There is one aspect of the case arising out of which I put two questions to the Minister for reply. Will he now clarify whether prior to the 1977 general election he expressly or implicitly indicated that in the event of his party coming to power Commissioner Garvey would be sacked or otherwise removed from office? The second question is: if not, has he any knowledge that other members of his party did so? This aspect of the matter must be cleared up and I challenge the Minister in his reply to deal with these points. Too many rumours have been circulating in this regard and it is only right that the Minister openly in the House should clear up the question once and for all without equivocation.

The answer to both of the Deputy's questions right here and now is no, definitely no.

I am glad indeed to hear the Minister unequivocally give such an answer because I would be concerned if there was any truth in these suggestions if they came from any party. I know from experience of the past couple of months at the hustings, the promises that were made prior to the election and the efforts to win votes but certainly anything that would relate to the basic principles of justice involving a person's standing as a servant of the State is not something that should be bandied about.

The Deputy will forgive the Chair for intervening. The Chair is in a rather difficult position and I appeal to Deputies to ensure that they do not infringe on cases which are already before the courts are sub judice. Discussion of the merits or demerits of the dismissal and things of that nature could not arise on this Bill which is a Bill to validate certain actions. I appeal for the assistance of Deputies who are to speak on the Bill. Most of them are in the legal business and they know exactly what they should or should not touch on.

I appreciate the position of the Chair although I must say that the expression "sub judice” is sometimes bandied around with the purpose of stifling discussion. I do not suggest that that in any way applies to the Chair.

I understand this has always been the ruling of the Chair, that any matter before any court cannot be discussed.

Let us be clear that there is a decision of the Supreme Court at present. We must also be clear as to what exactly is sub judice. It is merely the single issue which is now before the High Court. Matters that have been decided by the courts could not be regarded as sub judice at this stage.

(Cavan-Monaghan): On a point of order, I do not think the present occupant of the Chair was in the Chair when the Minister concluded his speech but the latter portion of the Minister's contribution certainly opened the merits of this case in a most dangerous way. It opened the merits of the case by the Minister saying, “If I have to speak I will speak”—that sort of business.

I am quite prepared to speak as I suggested——

The Chair assures the Deputy that to the extent that the Minister has referred to matters in his speech, the Chair will not curtail any other Member speaking here. However, the debate on this matter must be constrained by the fact that aspects of the matter are still sub judice. The Chair is only asking that Deputies try to keep within rulings that have been given down through the years in the House.

I intend to keep within the confines of the rulings but as you will appreciate I shall have to speak relatively broadly on this Bill.

The necessity for the Bill arises because of the now established inability of the Government to grant to one of the servants of the nation the most elementary and fundamental justice. This is a fair indication of the shameful state of this country. Dáil Éireann is now concerned with the enactment of a Bill which, it is alleged, is necessitated by virtue of the Government, under the Constitution failing to observe the basic tenets of justice. The Minister has referred to the principle of separation of powers and I shall come back to that because there was a rather dangerous implication in some of his remarks.

At this stage, I should say that we, as members of the Opposition or members of the ordinary public, would expect our Government to act in such a way that the dictates of justice are not flouted. We are, indeed, fortunate in having courts which are able to re-establish a situation when that has been done, as has occurred in this case.

Listening to the Minister's speech, one could hardly call the sacking of Mr. Garvey a mistake. Though the Minister has not dealt with the matter in detail, it is fairly clear that no attempt was made to give to Mr. Garvey the consideration which every citizen in similar circumstances would be entitled to expect. Certainly, there is nothing in the Minister's speech which indicates otherwise than that there was an absolute denial of considerations which every fair-minded person would subscribe to.

It may well be asked, how could the Government be so blind to such fundamentals? It may also be asked, if the Government are blind in this fundamental regard and if these are the standards they apply, what standards of fairness, honesty and justice do the Government subscribe to and put into effect in other spheres? I should have expected from the Minister some word of apology, or some attempt at justification. He stands indicted by the Supreme Court of this country for the manner in which he summarily dismissed, without notice, or reason given, a servant of the State of 40 years' standing. Yet, he stands before this House bold as brass, without any effort to explain, or justify his acts. What worries me even more is it does not seem to have sunk into the consciousness of the Minister or his party how reprehensible his actions were in this regard. Are there other public servants shivering at the thought of similar treatment being meted out to them? Have the Minister and his colleagues learned a lesson? Can we have a guarantee to this House that never again will the principles of natural justice be flouted in the same manner as was displayed in the Garvey case? That, perhaps, would be the most important contribution which the Minister could make to the House at this stage.

Before dealing with a number of aspects of the Minister's speech which need to be referred to, I shall deal with a general point about this Bill. Retrospective legislation is dangerous legislation. I am concerned that we have before us a Bill which fits into this dangerous category. I appreciate the serious legal implications which touch on the whole foundation of the administration of this country, arising from the chaos and muddle caused by the Government. I have to put on record my worries, in a general sense, in regard to retrospective legislation. I would have no fears in this particular situation, if the retrospective legislation were merely to regularise formalities. The Minister has touched on a number of areas which would be affected by this Bill, if and when it becomes law. The Minister says his list is not exhaustive. I should have expected from him a complete list, so that the House could properly debate this specific Bill, in the context of the principle that retrospective legislation is not the type of legislation that should normally be passing through this House.

I accept a number of aspects which were dealt with by the Minister as needing and being worthy of regularisation. The appointment of new members of the force obviously should be validated. The present law is that such appointments have to be made by the Commissioner. In view of the uncertainly—though it is no longer uncertain at this stage, in view of the fact that Mr. McLaughlin was not Commissioner then—I accept that the appointments of new members of the force since 20 January 1978 should be validated. There is also the question of appointments up to the rank of inspector, again requiring the approval of the Commissioner. On that point also I would entirely accept that the people who have been appointed and promoted since January 1978 should have their positions secured.

I agree with the Minister that we should validate formalities. At the same time there are a few aspects, in regard to this Bill, that give me cause for concern. The 1925 Act provided that the whole direction and control of the Garda is vested in the Commissioner. I am aware that there are certain powers reserved to the Commissioner under the disciplinary regulations. Quite rightly, this aspect was not referred to by the Minister. I do recall, from the days when I practised as a lawyer, before becoming a politician, that there were powers which were specifically reserved to the Commissioner. Here again I am raising the question: what powers under the Garda Síochána disciplinary regulations have been exercised by Mr. McLaughlin since 20 January 1978—I believe that this House is entitled to a full answer to that question—and are there members of the force who have been penalised as a result of actions and decisions of Mr. McLaughlin since January 1978? Even more specifically, are there members or former members of the Garda Síochána whose livelihoods were affected to such an extent that they were dismissed from the force by an invalid act put into effect by Mr. McLaughlin since January 1978? I have reason to believe that to be the case but I would have expected such detailed information to be furnished by the Minister in asking us to approve this Bill. If that is so, in dealing with this Bill we are not merely validating certain formalities; we are validating retrospectively acts which were carried out illegally and invalidly which may have affected the livelihood of individual citizens. In that regard I find the Minister's speech totally incomplete and it is difficult to give a final view on this Bill in the absence of this information. I and my colleagues accept that this is a situation of chaos resulting from the actions of the Minister and that action is necessary in the interests of preserving the institutions of the State and permitting normal legal proceedings to continue. My concern is whether this Bill is all-embracing and covers situations of which Members would not approve if we had full information.

The Minister referred to powers under section 3 of the Offences against the State Act, 1939, and made the point that authorisations issued would not lead to any injustice. The House should have been given full information in regard to this point. Were there people whose detention was increased from 24 hours to 48 hours as a result of such authorisations which were possibly issued invalidly or illegally? If so, how many people were affected? Information on this point was very sparse and it is a matter of genuine concern to many Members. The Minister referred to bye-laws authorised by Mr. McLaughlin since 20 January 1978. We are not given details of these bye-laws and this is typical of the general content of the Minister's speech. Surely if we are to judge how important these were we should have been given some information thereon. We are now asked to validate these bye-laws, yet we have not been told what they were.

The other really disturbing aspect of the Minister's speech was the reference to the Supreme Court and their decision. I will not move into matters which are sub judice but I can only interpret the Minister's remarks as being an attack on the Supreme Court and I am very concerned as an elected representative that such an attack should be made. We accept under our Constitution the principle of the separation of powers and it is of grave concern that a Minister of this Government should stand up in this House and, by way of what appears to be some attempt to justify his own actions, mount an attack on the Supreme Court. This is something which should not go unnoted. I would ask the Minister in his reply clearly to confirm that this attack was unintentional. The Minister's speech can only be interpreted as a bald attack on the Supreme Court merely because they do not uphold his viewpoint. The democracy in which we live respects the rule of law as the basis on which our democracy thrives. In that context attacks on the courts of this land by members of the public are something which diminish respect for the rule of law. When the attack in this situation comes from the Minister for Justice one can realise the seriousness of the attack. It goes beyond the individuals of the court and to the very institutions of the State. In his reply the Minister should indicate that the attack which appears obvious in his speech was unintentional or else he should make it clear that he is withdrawing same.

In this Bill we are asked to validate acts by or on behalf of Patrick McLaughlin between 20 January 1978 and 14 May 1979. It is regrettable that a Bill of this nature should come before the House. I would put another question to the Minister: has he considered the constitutional effects of such retrospective legislation? In effect he is trying to legalise what was illegal and validate what was invalid. It is not possible for me, in the absence of information which I referred to earlier, to comment further at this point but certainly I would be concerned if the rights of an individual were to be interfered with by this Bill, this retrospective legislation. I would be concerned that such a Bill would then be considered to be contrary to the Constitution.

In general, therefore, the view of myself and my party is that retrospective legislation is bad. Yet, looking at the chaos and legal tangles that are resulting from the disgraceful act of this Government in what is now called the Garvey case, we accept that some legislation is necessary. I would have preferred to see a Bill coming before this House which would retrospectively validate certain formalities which would be specified. I mentioned some of them—induction of new members, promotions and so on.

The Bill we have before us is an all-embracing one. We do not have sufficient information on the powers which were actually exercised by Mr. McLaughlin from January 1978 to May 1979. I am concerned and my party are concerned that the exercise of some of these powers may have adversely affected the livelihood of people. Individuals may now be branded as criminals because of invalidations; members of the force may have lost their jobs as a result of decisions taken by Mr. McLaughlin during that period. I would indeed be far happier if, in the light of the discussions today, the Minister were to withdraw the Bill and to reintroduce a measure along the lines I suggested detailing in particular which acts were being validated. If he does not agree to this course he has a duty to this House at the very minimum to give a full and comprehensive account of what acts we are expected to validate by this Bill. I would also suggest, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, that the Minister has a duty to this House, and indeed to this nation, to offer some more decent and reasonable explanation for the manner in which he and his Government acted in regard to the Garvey dismissal. It is the minimum that this House and the country will accept.

In regard to the Bill, I have made these suggestions to the Minister as to what he might do. I accept that legislation is necessary. If the Minister does not accept the proposals which will be coming from my colleagues I will attempt, on Committee Stage, to put down a number of amendments to confine the validation measures to certain acts which are openly approved here and discussed here.

This Bill is as fine a political obituary as I have read for a long time. Even in its very format all one would need to do is to draw a couple of lines around it and it looks like a tombstone. The only difference is that the symbol on top of the tombstone is not a cross but a harp. If I refer to it as a political obituary it is because it is a political obituary of the many high flying promises that were made especially in the area of justice by representatives of this administration before they came to power in 1977. We all remember the political climate then. We all remember the allegations that the country, under the Coalition Government, was going to the dogs and nowhere more than in the delicate and sensitive area of law and order. Here we have a Government, having come into office at least partly on the kind of sentiment which has been determined by the highest court in the land, who have carried out an administrative action in relation to an appointment which lies at the very core of our system of law and order which is null and void. Null and void are harsh words indeed and the Minister has included them in this script because he could hardly have excluded them, forming as they do part of the judgment of the Supreme Court. I would argue that the position of a Commissioner of the Garda Síochána, along with that of the Minister for Justice himself and that of the President of the Supreme Court, are the three most important and influential appointments that any Taoiseach or Government could make. In respect of one of these three appointments—and it is one which concerns the day to day administration of justice in a very clear and detailed way—the Government have now been found by the Supreme Court to have acted in a way that no Government should act. They should not act like this in any area but that they should have acted like this in this particular area is all the more reprehensible. It is not just reprehensible it is, given the rhetoric of the Fianna Fáil Party when in Opposition, also extremely hypocritical. That a Government who come to power, partly at least on a law and order ticket, should be found within such a brief space of time to have acted so unfairly is, as I said, a fundamental statement of political obituary.

The Minister, in his address to us this morning, tried to make the best of a bad job by arguing that the Government had made a mistake and that after all everybody can make mistakes. He said in referring to a statement by Deputy Cluskey, and I quote:

The reality, as he and other Deputies know, is that Governments, irrespective of party, make no pretence to any special inspiration in the interpretation of the law.

This statement of the Minister is, of course, completely unexceptional. Nobody can take any exception to that statement because no Government and no political party have any function whatsoever in relation to the interpretation of the law. Under our system the interpretation of the law is a matter which is reserved exclusively to the courts. Time and time again in this House—although less frequently now—I have had questions to particular Minister disallowed on the grounds that it is no function of the Minister concerned to supply an interpretation of the law. So the Minister is hiding behind something behind which he cannot logically hide. What we are concerned about here is not any action by a Government interpreting the law but an action by a Government administering the law. We are talking about an administrative executive decision by the Government; we are talking about an administrative decision by the Government which goes to the heart of the administration of justice in this land. That decision and that action has been found to be null and void by the Supreme Court, has been found to be devoid of natural justice. This again, I should like to stress, was in relation to one of the highest appointments in the land. If they do this in the green wood, what will they do in the dry?

The Minister went on to cast some doubt, in so far as it is possible to do so, in the environment of the House on the decision of the Supreme Court. Translated into plain ordinary common or garden speech there are passages in his address to the House which simply read, "We wuz robbed". That emerges in its smoothness in the following sentence: "The feeling, on a particular occasion, that one is hard done-by is a price that we gladly pay for the benefits of a separation of powers". I should like to know who is being "hard done by". The Government appear to think that they are being hard done by, but the Supreme Court took a somewhat contrary decision and came to the conclusion that the Commissioner had been "hard done by". The results of that particular conclusion are still in progress through the courts.

It is extraordinary that a Government who came to office partly on a law and order ticket should come here and complain that they were "hard done by" by the Supreme Court. I do declare that we saw the end of this famous law and order stance a long time ago. I have not done my sums but I would not mind betting that in the last two years they have locked up more children than armed bank robbers. In the latter stages of his speech the Minister made an extraordinary statement. Referring to the Commissioner, he said:—

...there was a background to what occurred and one of which he was aware for some time. What that background was, how far back in time it extended, how many people knew at least something about it and so on are matters I do not propose to expand on now because to do so would inescapably involve argument on the merits of what was done and, for the reasons I have given, and especially the fact that there are issues to be determined by the High Court, it would be inappropriate for me to embark on any argument whatsoever about the merits at this stage. I simply want to place on record the fact that what occurred did not occur out of the blue.

It is now plain on the evidence of the Minister's own words that we got government by incompetence and we are now to have government by innuendo. There are some Ministers and some Departments which specialise in this particular line of attack but I have rarely seen such a calculated example of the technique of innuendo as is contained in that paragraph. If one were on a jury reading those sentences in relation to any action that might be before any court what would one's normal and honest conclusion be? The normal and honest conclusion would be that of course the Government were right to do what they did but that they cannot let us know and, therefore, we have to accept it on its merits. The Minister has said that if the need arises he proposes in due course to say as much as he has to say to defend himself. Will the Minister be going into the witness box in the High Court to give that court the reasons for his dismissal of the Commissioner? If he intends doing that that is the only proper place to do it and he should not be doing it in this House by way of innuendo.

I am intrigued by the phrase, "what that background was, how far back in time it extended". I believe that what was chiefly involved was the fact that Commissioner Garvey, as he then was, simply refused to play ball with the then Opposition. I believe that he is a man who would refuse to play ball with any political party or any administration and that is why his fate was sealed before the election.

The Deputy is getting into a matter which is sub judice. We should not get into that field.

Deputy O'Keeffe asked the Minister a number of question and, if I recall him correctly, he asked him to give an assurance to the House that no promise had been made by himself or any Member of the Opposition at that time that the Commissioner would be sacked if they were returned to office. The Minister answered a categorical negative to both inquiries. I believe that the truth is that they did not need to make any such promise or any such statement because they knew what they intended doing. What they did was based on pique and vindictiveness rather than any concern for the real needs of the situation.

In the course of his speech the Minister stated:

The Government were satisfied that Mr. Garvey should not be allowed to remain in office

The truth of the matter must surely be that it was not just the Government, it was the pre-1977 Opposition which had also come to that conclusion. The Minister referred to some of the retrospective actions which this Bill seeks to justify and validate and, commented:

There is no injustice to anybody in the retrospective validation of those authorisations

Here is the Minister flying on a wing and a prayer if ever I saw it. If the logic he said elsewhere is correct, it is not up to him to decide whether any injustice has been done to anybody; it will be up to the courts to decide. Despite the passage of this legislation—it undoubtedly will be passed despite our reservations —it may still be open, and I would not be surprised to see it happen, for somebody who feels that an injustice was done to take his case to the courts where it will be argued out again. The Minister may yet again have to admit that he was wrong. The situation is a very serious one. We accept that some legislation is needed not to cover up for, because it cannot be covered up for, but to make good the misjudgement and mistakes of the Government in their actions in dismissing the then Commissioner, Mr. Garvey.

I believe it is true to say that even though the Government were aware in 1978 that their action would be to some extent popular within the force the Commissioner was a tough boss and tough bosses are not always loved by their subordinates—the real reason is that it was an action which compounded incompetence and vindictiveness and because it was vindictiveness they tripped over themselves and got it wrong. They not only got it wrong but, in the process, in the eyes of the Supreme Court did considerable injustice to a man who, whatever problems would have arisen in relation to his appointment and tenure of office, was and remains an honourable man. The Government also in this action, in this serious hamfisted and vindictive action contributed significantly to the undermining of the institutions they are sworn to defend.

This Bill has been dealing with the difficulties that have arisen from the purported dismissal of Garda Commissioner Edmund Garvey. The new Commissioner, Donegal man Mr. Paddy McLaughlin is also involved. I feel I should pay tribute to him. I remember him when I was a boy in Donegal and when he first joined the Garda. He moved up the ranks of the Garda and I am proud that a Donegal man has proved that he can get to the top of the line. It was of great satisfaction to me to watch his progress.

I would ask the Deputy to leave it at that. I have given the Deputy an opportunity of paying his tribute. If the Deputy goes ahead and pays his tribute some other Deputy might want to come in to attack the man, therefore it is better to leave it at that.

I pay tribute to the new Commissioner and I am proud that he made it to the top of the ladder. His hour of glory was destroyed by the incompetence of the Minister when he appointed and purported to appoint him Commissioner of the Garda and by his blundering incompetence in handling the Garvey case. It is a disgrace that a man who has served so well should be put in an embarrassing position by the Minister's handling of this case. Paddy McLaughlin was destined to become Commissioner of the Garda when Commissioner Garvey retired having served the appropriate number of years and I protest with deep resentment about this matter. Since Garda McLaughlin became Commissioner I only spoke to him on the phone once and I would not know him if I met him in the street but I remember him in Donegal waiting to enlist in the Garda.

This state of affairs has been brought about by the incompetence and political intrigue of a Minister more interested in politics than anything else.

I have never met or spoken to Commissioner Edmund Garvey and I am totally neutral as to the administration under Mr. Garvey and as to whether he was causing friction within the ranks or not. That is not the issue here. Deputies O'Keeffe and Horgan mentioned the legal difficulties arising from the purported dismissal of Garda Commissioner Edmund Garvey and the reasons for this Bill being before the House. It is all very well to talk about whether a person is technically properly in jail or whether a person has been technically, not correctly enlisted in the Garda, but the reasons for this Bill go a lot deeper than that. The Minister can deny that until the cows come home or until the Post Office workers get back to work but he will not convince me or anybody else.

Before the 1977 election it was commonly noted by candidates representing different parties in different constituencies that if Fianna Fáil got back into office Garda Commissioner Garvey's days as chief of police were gone. I do not know why that was said but it must be acknowledged that every other promotion conferred on Garda Garvey was conferred during the term of office of the Fianna Fáil party. Tributes were paid to Edmund Garvey by former Fianna Fáil Ministers for Justice, by Deputy Haughey, Deputy Brian Lenihan, Deputy O'Malley and Deputy Oscar Traynor. It is not without significance that within six months of the present Minister taking office a man who won the admiration and the confidence of these Minister was publicly embarrassed without reason. I do not condone but condemn these standards.

There are broader issues involved than just the dismissal of a police officer because, as the Minister for Justice says, the Government can no longer have confidence in him.

I would ask the Deputy to come to the Bill. We are now getting into the field that must be sub judice. We are getting involved in matters that are really before the courts at present. The Chair must appeal to the Deputy to leave that matter and to get on to the Bill.

I do not wish to come into conflict with the Chair and I would completely accept what the Chair says except for the statement which the Minister made at the conclusion of page 16 of his speech "that it was therefore contrary to the traditions of this House". Until that point the draft of the Minister's speech it would appear was prepared by legal advisers in the Department to save the Minister from the difficult position he had found himself in because of his bungling of the Garvey affair. However, when the Minister continued in his speech to say "I think it is both right and necessary, however, to put on record one matter of fact", he opened the debate because, as Deputy Horgan has said, by innuendo he was saying he was not permitted to put these matters before the House because Mr. Garvey was not here to defend himself.

The Chair is concerned that we keep to the rules of the House and that anything which is sub judice, properly before the courts, will not be debated here.

Deputy Harte is only replying to something the Minister said—he is not straying an inch from what the Minister said.

Deputy Kelly should not come in on this matter. The Chair has a very difficult task with the Bill before us and matters that are before the courts. The Chair is trying to keep the House in order.

Of course, but the Chair was being occupied by the Ceann Comhairle when the Minister spoke.

I was in the Chair for most of the Minister's speech. I am not invisible. Deputy Harte to continue on the Bill.

As Deputy Kelly has explained, I suggest that by making the comments which followed the words "I think it both right and necessary", up to the conclusion of his speech, the Minister opened up this debate. He said:

All I am saying—but I do say and emphasise that much—is that there was a background to what occurred....

There was no background when Deputy Cooney or Deputy O'Malley or Deputy Lenihan was Minister for Justice, or if it was it was not known. Why did it become known a few months after Deputy Collins became Minister for Justice? Deputy Collins said that he or his party did not do a deal with anybody about the dismissal of Commissioner Garvey. I say categorically that preelection attitudes on this matter by Fianna Fáil were heard clearly in constituencies like Donegal to the effect that if there was a change of Government there would be a change of leadership in the Garda.

The Chair has already ruled that these are matters that are before the courts and Deputy Harte should not continue along those lines.

This point is not before the courts.

As a legal man Deputy O'Keeffe should know what is in order on this debate. The Chair has ruled that the matters now being discussed are sub judice.

(Cavan-Monaghan): To try to run this debate on what the Chair regards as established precedent is to ask the House to walk a tightrope.

The Chair understands the difficulties involved and is trying to keep the debate reasonably within the rules of order. The rules of the House state that any matter that could be or would be or might be sub judice should not be debated in the House. The Chair feels that matters now being discussed, and going into detail on them—the Chair will allow reference to them—are not in order. We are discussing something which happened last year and which is before the courts. We may be getting involved in something that is before the courts.

In view of the frequent references to the rules, it is important that we should be quite clear about what is before the courts. I suggest that many of the matters being discussed are not sub judice.

That is the point I was going to make. I understand that the only thing to be decided in the Garvey case is the amount of damages.

The Minister is adding to them every minute.

This is not the first time that a chief of police has been dismissed. I will not go into the circumstances of the last such occasion here, which was before I was born. If we want to create a society and standards whereby all Irishmen and women will have a sense of security and confidence, in which they will know they are safe and that political intrigue will not undermine the ground they are standing on, the standards set by Deputy Collins as Minister for Justice stand condemned. He has done a disservice not alone to Edmund Garvey, not alone to his party and Government but to all the people of the State.

The Government party have preached the unity of the Irish people. How have they contributed to any sense of confidence to fellow Irishmen in the North? If any of them wanted a career in the police force would they feel any sense of security in this part of Ireland considering the standards set by the Minister for Justice? Is any one mad enough to think that what Deputy Collins did was applauded by the police forces of Northern Ireland or Great Britain or by the ordinary people living there?

The Bill before the House does not stop at the issue of whether Edmund Garvey continued to hold the confidence of the Government. There are far deeper implications and it is about time the Minister and the Government realised that in addition to the duties they are obliged to perform as Ministers of State, their obligations go far beyond that. By example and performance they must create an atmosphere in which people of all traditions, classes and creeds can say, "We would like to belong to that society".

That is not what has happened. What has happened has been a downright disgrace. Edmund Garvey has been publicly embarrassed. The head of our police force has been dismissed, and the standard set is that if any future Garda Commissioner disagrees with the Minister he will do so at the peril of being dismissed. There is to be no freedom of expression. Edmund Garvey was within two years of retirement. He joined the police force as a young man and had all the knowledge that experience brings during a period of nearly 40 years of State service. All that has gone for nothing because a Member of this House who happened to belong to a party which got a majority of Deputies and the Taoiseach decided he should be Minister for Justice. On the simple basis that someone is elected to the House, is fortunate to be a member of the party who takes control of the House and is honoured by being placed in a Cabinet position, he challenges the experience of almost 40 years in the police force. I leave the Members of this House or anyone else to decide the wisdom of that.

As I said at the outset, I have no axe to grind. I have heard Edmund Garvey being criticised by members of the police force. I have heard him being praised by members of the police force. That is not the issue here. With respect to the Minister for Justice, if I had been in his position I would have said to Edmund Garvey, "I am not satisfied with the way you are running our police force. I am hearing too many complaints from other parties. We will have to work out another method. We will have to do something together to have this problem resolved".

Edmund Garvey's task was not an easy one. He took over the police force when they were under attack from subversive organisations, when the general public not only in the Republic of Ireland but in the entire island of Ireland and in Great Britain and also exiled friends in different parts of the world were praying to God for some guidance in Ireland, for peace and sanity, and above all for law and order there. If it meant pushing a few gardaí around, that price should have been accepted by the Minister for Justice and if Edmund Garvey went to the extent of pushing it too far that should have been understood by the Minister for Justice.

Again the Chair must say that the case before the High Court could involve any of these matters. I ask the Deputy not to proceed on those lines. He is discussing the merits or demerits of a case. That is a matter for the courts.

As Deputy Fitzpatrick has said, it is difficult, and I know that you, Sir, must have a certain amount of patience if we are to make our points.

It is not so much patience, it is trying to keep the debate within what is allowable under the rules of the House.

My contribution will not take me much longer. I protest at the action of the Minister. There is no point in running behind denials and saying "we did not do it, we were unaware of any rumour circulating before the 1977 general election". There is no point in denying that because if the Minister for Justice denies it what he is really saying is that he was unaware of a rumour which all candidates could hear except Fianna Fáil candidates. I am not saying that the Minister for Justice was aware of this, but if he was not aware of it he was not very much in touch with preelection rumours. I heard it in Donegal and other Members had heard it all over the State and it was only a matter of time as to when the thing would happen.

I am also aware that there were difficulties in the police force and that in itself presented the new Minister for Justice with a difficulty, but I do not consent to a decision by the Minister for Justice to dismiss within two hours without reason the head of a police force, a man who had given such long and outstanding service to that police force. If the Minister had ended his speech before saying that there was no question of Mr. Garvey being given only two hours to resign, less exception could have been taken to what he said. His speech changed in style at that point. That change in style occurred when the Minister stated:

I think it is both right and necessary, however, to put on record one matter of fact, a fact which is not open to dispute,...

The infallibility of the Minister for Justice. It is not open to dispute. In other words no one can say to the Minister for Justice, "You are wrong". He has the right side of it. A man whose backside was scarcely hot in the seat of the Minister for Justice would challenge the experience, expertise and knowledge of a man who had given his life to the police force, and that fact is not open to dispute. The Minister went on to say:

...contrary to the impression that may have been given, there was no question of Mr. Garvey being simply called in out of the blue and given two hours to resign.

We know that Mr. Garvey was kept sweating in his office for weeks. He was not consulted, he was ignored, no business was given to him, he was pushed around and made to feel that he was not wanted. We know there was a crisis. The Minister went on to say:

I am not implying that I had previously mentioned either resignation or dismissal to him.

In other words, he had never talked seriously to the former commissioner about the intentions he had of sacking him. That is the expression we use. The Minister says "his dismissal". He was sacked; he was told he was not wanted, that he was not suitable. He was not suitable on whose judgement? On the judgement of a man who had three or four month's experience as Minister for Justice, who was more politically orientated and more concerned about getting votes than about the high standards that he should have in the carrying out of his duties as Minister for Justice.

Deputy Horgan mentioned the Minister casting doubts on the Supreme Court. If that remark was taken in isolation we could dismiss it as being off the cuff, a remark put into the script maybe in a moment of temptation. However, when we know that on the day the Supreme Court gave its decision, the Tánaiste, who is the Deputy Prime Minister and speaks for the Taoiseach when the Taoiseach is not in the House, stated that they might consider impeaching when he said, "We will look for a two-thirds majority." That was an off-the-cuff remark, but if it was it was symptomatic of the thinking of the members of the Government and their jackboot tactics of clobbering everyone in their way or who disagrees with them and of a King Kong attitude of 84 Deputies who feel they can do what they like. The power of those 84 Deputies was challenged and rocked when the petticoats of 3,000 nurses came to Dublin. The King Kong power of those 84 Deputies has them roaring like mice since the Post Office workers went on strike.

Remember what happened to King Kong.

When it comes to someone stepping in one's way, something that can be done by manipulating a scene, by delivering a pre-election promise, there is no difficulty. Perhaps singularly the sacking of Mr. Edmund Garvey is also a noted thing because at present I cannot remember, nor am I aware, of any other election promise that the Government have fulfilled. At this point in time the Minister for Justice must surely regret the sacking of Mr. Edmund Garvey. He must surely regret that he did not do justice to the present Commissioner, Mr. Patrick McLaughlin, who deserved more than being placed in the middle of a political row. His service to this State, his service in the police force, deserved better than being publicly embarrassed and being caught in the middle of a political battle between the Minister for Justice and the rest of the police force.

It must be a difficult job to be a Minister for Justice in present times but there were times when it was more difficult. The beginning of the last decade, from 1969 onwards, warranted the support of all parties in this House, warranted everything necessary to make the job of the Minister for Justice successful, not because we wanted to be nice to the person occupying the office but because it was essential in the general interest and for the good of all. The last couple of years have not been that difficult, not as difficult as in the early and middle parts of the seventies. It could be said that the present Minister for Justice is having an easier ride than his two predecessors. However, it is still a difficult job and I wish him well in it. But the Minister for Justice is lacking in one thing: he did not recognise the same difficulties that go with being Commissioner of the Garda Síochána, a man who gives such distinguished service to our police force, a man saddled with the responsibility of ensuring not alone that law and order are upheld but that every garda be loyal to the force, that every garda without question could be depended on to do his duty. That in itself is a mammoth task. It did not deserve what the Minister for Justice offered Mr. Edmund Garvey—two hours notice to resign or be sacked. I protest against those standards. I will never accept those standards. While I offer the Minister for Justice every help and wish him every success in the years ahead of him as Minister for Justice or in any other role he has to play, I condemn without reservation his handling of the Garvey affair. I condemn him because he passes it on to the Government, contending in his speech that it was a Government decision, but he is hiding behind the Cabinet table. The Government took the advice of the Minister for Justice. The Government merely accepted the advice the Minister for Justice offered the Cabinet, and he misled his own party. If at some time in the quietness of the evening the Minister has a guilty conscience it will do him no harm to admit publicly that he did Mr. Edmund Garvey a dreadful disservice, that he did the police force of this country a dreadful disservice and that he did neither himself nor his party a service.

In many ways it is difficult to be restrained when dealing with this Bill because it does not bring much credit to the relationship between public servants, the Executive and indeed the discharge of that mutual interaction of contract of employment. It is on that aspect I shall make some brief observations.

I in no way deny but rather fully accept the right of any Government of the day—for reasons best known to them and acting in the national interest—to the ultimate prerogative of government. That most certainly does reside in the right to discharge and remove from office the Commissioner of the Garda Síochána. That is a basic right of the Government of the day, just as the Government have the right to remove from the public service any other member of the Garda Síochána, from the lowest to the highest rank, to remove from office any other member of the security forces or indeed any other person serving in a public office under the Civil Service and Garda Síochána Acts. That right is not being challenged in any way on this side of the House. But what I find very disturbing is the manner in which the Government went about discharging that right. I have never served in the Cabinet but my understanding of the process would be that, in the first instance, the Minister of the day would prepare a memorandum. Presumably he would discuss that memorandum with the secretary of his Department, perhaps with the assistant secretary of his Department. In the process of the preparation of that memorandum relative to the employment of the Garda Commissioner he might well consult with the Attorney General. In relation to aspects of superannuation and termination of employment he might well consult the Department of the Public Service. In due course when he had the memorandum ready within his Department he would have it transmitted to the Cabinet in the strictest confidence. It would be placed then on the Cabinet agenda, debated internally in the Cabinet and, since the Government of the day must exercise that right—and in the Government alone resides the right—there is then a Government decision taken.

I wonder and we are entitled to know, and every public servant in the country has the right to know, what happened on that occasion. For example, I wonder did the Minister for Justice call in the secretary of his Department and say, "Look, I am at a total impasse in my relations with the Garda Commissioner. I have good reason to come to a conclusion that I must terminate his employment. Therefore, let us set in train the preparation of a Department of Justice memorandum.” Did this happen? We are entitled to know if it did happen. There are many eminent members of the Government who are members of the legal profession. The Taoiseach has a legal background. The Minister for Foreign Affairs trained as a lawyer as well. The Tánaiste, prior to becoming Deputy Leader, while in Opposition went back into active legal practice. He has quite considerable legal experience. A former Minister for Justice, who is now Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy, is a member of the legal profession. Whatever talents the Government may possess they are not short of general legal expertise and legal training. The Minister for Labour has no more legal training than I have, but one would have thought that he would have said to his Cabinet Ministers: “Let us be quite clear about what we are doing. We are terminating the employment of a public servant. Let us tabulate our precise reasons for doing this. Let us ask the AG if we are likely to find ourselves in dire trouble subsequently.”

One can only surmise, because one is not likely to be told, that a precipitate decision was taken for some reason, that very little thought was given to the precise reasons for dismissal and that the due process, which any public servant is entitled to, was dispensed with in an outrageous fashion. I am profoundly disturbed that any Government, whether it be Fianna Fáil, National Coalition or any other, would proceed in a manner like this. Apparently what happened to Commissioner Garvey could have happened to any public official. We have to contend with that situation and we have to ensure that by public condemnation in the House this will not happen again.

We have to bear in mind that when a public servant in the State takes up office that person signs the Official Secrets Act. If that person suffers the humiliation of being dismissed from office the Official Secrets Act still applies. Even if that person is under intense cross-examination in the Supreme Court, the Official Secrets Act still applies. Every civil servant knows that. No matter how any public servant may be dismissed that person has enormous constraints placed on him or her in terms of defence, disclosure of what happened internally during his or her employment and is at enormous personal disadvantage in regard to public controversy. I would have thought the Government would have taken all those factors into account in arriving at any decision in relation to Commissioner Garvey.

I was under the impression during the last general election campaign, when I was meeting many people from all walks of life, that it was the intention of the Fianna Fáil Party, if they were returned to power, to remove the Garda Commissioner. I do not know the Garda Commissioner personally. I have never had any personal dealings with him, although we live quite near to each other. It was nothing short of disgraceful, in a country which prides itself on being a democracy, to subject any public servant to the process which was invoked in relation to Commissioner Garvey and to the humiliation which ensued. I know that some members of the Garda Síochána were at odds with the former Commissioner, but that does not constitute grounds for dismissal. I know that some members of the Fianna Fáil Shadow Cabinet at that time were at odds with the Commissioner but that does not constitute grounds for dismissal.

The Deputy is now getting into possible reasons which might be matters for the High Court.

I will be speaking for another few minutes only.

I am not denying the Deputy the right to speak as long as he wishes, but we are trying to get away from matters which might be involved in the High Court case which still has to be heard.

The Houses of the Oireachtas are entitled to their say. Thanks be to God we have the Supreme Court to take the ultimate——

The Chair wants to make its decision very clear on this. The Chair does not wish to deny anybody the right to his or her say in the House but there are rules of long-standing concerning cases before the court. The Deputy is aware of that.

I accept that. I want to conclude my comments on the debacle by saying that the Fianna Fáil Cabinet disgraced themselves the way they handled this affair. I have rarely harsh words to say about the Minister for Justice but he did not bring much credit on his office in his handling of the affair. Commissioner Garvey, at least in this House, is owed a vindication simply as a public servant, to ensure that no future action taken by any Government will be carried out in the way this was carried out. We have a fundamental obligation in the House to protect the servants of the State as much as to ensure that they discharge their responsibilities.

Mr. T.J. Fitzpatrick (Cavan-Monaghan) rose.

Debate adjourned.
Business suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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