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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 27 Jun 1979

Vol. 315 No. 8

Housing (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 1979: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The Bill deals in a comprehensive way with certain areas of housing policy. I propose to give Deputies a broad outline only of its provisions and intentions without dwelling in too much detail on what are essentially drafting technicalities. Detailed information about the Bill is set out in the explanatory memorandum.

In general, the Bill is largely a validating measure relating to changes made since 1972 in the schemes of financial assistance in the form of housing grants, subsidies and loans under the Housing Acts, 1966 to 1970. Particulars of these changes and of the retrospective dates involved are set out in the explanatory memorandum. An important point is that I have availed of this opportunity to include provisions in the Bill which will facilitate the making of such changes in the future as may be considered appropriate in these schemes of financial assistance without the need for special legislation to validate every change. The Bill also contains provisions to strengthen the present statutory basis for the control of the prices of certain new private houses and flats. It will provide for a new optional arrangement for pre-sale structural works to local authority houses and will enable certain land now vested in the Minister for Health to be transferred, principally for housing purposes. The Bill will give more flexibility to housing authorities in allocating their houses and empower the Minister for the Environment to direct a housing authority to sell, or not to sell, houses of a specified class. It will also provide for changes of a technical nature required in existing housing and building legislation.

I propose, for the convenience of Deputies, to deal briefly with the Bill, section by section, where possible. Section 1 is the interpretation section. Sections 2 to 7 relate to capital grants.

Regarding section 2, Deputies are aware that a pilot exercise in the devolution of the administration of the new house grant scheme to housing authorities was initiated in County Meath on 14 May 1973. In Counties Longford and Westmeath, similar exercises were undertaken in respect of the schemes of grants for reconstruction work and the installation of private water and sewerage facilities in individual houses, with effect from 1 August 1973. These arrangements were terminated on the introduction of the new State grants schemes in respect of new houses and house improvements with effect from 6 July 1977, and 1 November 1977, respectively, in order to avoid unnecessary duplication of administration. Section 2 of the Bill provides for validation of these devolved arrangements and generally provides also a statutory basis for the possible future devolution by the Minister of the administration of housing grant schemes if the circumstances so warrant.

Section 3 will authorise the Minister to make a grant towards the administration and general expenses of an approved body which represents, or promotes the formation of, co-operative housing groups or voluntary associations. This is a form of activity which I would wish to see developing. My Department's role is, however, of necessity, primarily a co-ordinating one and the success of non-profit housing depends largely on the dedication and initiative of the groups or associations involved. One body which has been to the forefront in fostering the concept of co-operation in the provision of housing, with consequent savings in construction and other costs and, indeed, which has been mainly responsible for the supervision and expansion of co-operative housing activity in recent years is the National Association of Building Co-operatives which was established in 1970. The Government are anxious that NABCo be given every encouragement and have accordingly approved a grant towards their administrative and general expenses in 1979. Incidentally, section 7 refers to grants payable to individual voluntary housing associations and I will touch on this aspect later.

Sections 4 to 6 replace sections 15, 16, 18 and 21 to 32 of the Housing Act, 1966—as amended by sections 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 10, 11 and 14 of the Housing Act, 1970—and sections 2 and 3 of the Local Government (Sanitary Services) Act, 1962. In other words, three sections of the Bill will replace 25 sections in existing legislation. The grant provisions of the Housing Acts, 1966 to 1970, are inflexible in that the amounts of grants payable, floor area limits and other detailed qualifying conditions are specified by the Acts so that changes which were found to be desirable from time to time in grant schemes required amending legislation. This situation has proved to be unduly rigid in the light of the frequency of these changes. To meet this situation, sections 4 to 6 of the Bill have been drafted on the basis that a broad general power is conferred on the Minister or a housing authority to pay a grant for specified purposes, subject to such regulations as may be made by the Minister for the purposes of the section concerned. It is intended to make regulations governing the principal features of the grants. The proposed regulatory powers will be broadly in line with similar provisions in the 1962, 1966 and 1970 Acts, but modified to take account of changes made administratively since 1972 in anticipation of amending legislation. It is envisaged that future changes in grant schemes will be made by regulations under these sections. In accordance with section 5 of the 1966 Act, every regulation made under the Bill will be laid before each House of the Oireachtas as soon as may be after it is made and it may be annulled by resolution of either House.

Section 4 provides a statutory basis for new house grants payable by the Minister. Subsection (2) outlines the aspects of a grant scheme which may be incorporated in regulations and varied subsequently. Subsection (3) enables the Minister to lay down technical standards. Subsection (4) provides for certain cases of hardship. Between July 1977, when I introduced the £1,000 new house grant scheme for first-time owners-occupiers, and the end of May 1979, 17,389 grants were approved and 9,874 grants paid—4,674 grants were approved under the old scheme during the year ended 30 June 1977.

Section 5, which deals with house improvement grants payable by the Minister, broadly follows the same approach as section 4. With hindsight, it is somewhat tortuous to spell out in legislation separate detailed provisions relating to ordinary reconstruction grants, further grants, essential repair grants, improvement grants payable to housing authorities, water and sewerage grants, and so on. In the Bill, I have described a wide range of grants as house improvement grants and my aim is to simplify still further this grant scheme in the future. Section 1 contains a definition of "improvement works", which is based on the definition of "reconstruction" in section 21 of the 1966 Act. Paragraphs 5 and 6 of the explanatory memorandum set out details of the grant changes made since 1972. Incidentally, section 5 (1) will enable the Minister to pay a grant to a housing authority for improvement works to their rented houses; this replaces section 24 of the 1966 Act.

Section 6 of the Bill will enable a housing authority to pay a grant to a person providing a new house and to pay a grant or make other assistance to a person carrying out improvement works to a house, subject to such regulations as may be made. The Minister may also contribute to the expenses incurred by a housing authority in this regard. Section 6 validates the payment of grants by the authorities and the making of contributions by the Minister since 1 February 1972 in respect of improvement works to a house for the accommodation of physically disabled persons. This worthwhile scheme was extended to include severely mentally handicapped persons from 1 July 1975 and I increased the amounts of financial assistance substantially from 1 November 1977. Deputies are, of course, aware that, with the exception of the special scheme to which I have just referred and certain transitional cases, grants or supplementary housing grants are not generally payable by housing authorities since 1977. Section 6 is, therefore, mainly an enabling provision to cater for any schemes which might be considered appropriate in the future.

Another important scheme provided for in the Bill is the making of grants to approved bodies providing housing and caretaker accommodation for elderly persons. Deputies will recall that, in April 1978 I announced details of a package of financial assistance in this type of case, comprising grants, loans and annual subsidies. An improved package of assistance was announced on 1 February 1979. Section 7 of the Bill will empower the Minister to pay grants to bodies approved under the scheme, subject to such regulations as may be made. This section replaces section 19 of the 1966 Act. Loans and subsidies under the package are payable under section 12 of the 1966 Act.

Section 8 deals with house improvement loans. It replaces section 40 of the 1966 Act and section 4 of the Local Government (Sanitary Services) Act, 1962. Generally, section 8 will enable a housing authority to make a secured or an unsecured loan to a person carrying out improvement works to a house, subject to such regulations as may be made. In this way, the maximum unsecured loan, which is being increased from £200 to £600, may be varied with less administrative difficulty in the future.

Section 9 will enable the Minister to pay a subsidy to housing authorities towards the annual loan charges incurred by them in providing sites for private housing, subject to such regulations as may be made. One section largely replaces a corresponding provision in section 44 of the 1966 Act, but the new section is less restrictive as regards the amount of the subsidy. I have taken steps to increase the supply of serviced land by increasing substantially the allocation for sanitary services this year and I asked local authorities last August to consider the development of part of their land reserves with a view to making sites available for private housing, particularly as an incentive to tenants or prospective tenants of their houses to secure their own accommodation. To stimulate this activity, I increased the site subsidy available. This scheme is an important element in the attempts being made to curb increases in house prices.

Subsections (1) and (7) of section 10 validate the subsidy system which applied in the period from 1 April 1973 to 31 December 1976, under which most of the loss on local authority housing provided for letting was transferred on a phased basis to the Exchequer. Up to 31 March 1973 the payment of housing subsidy to local authorities was governed by section 44 of the 1966 Act, which is being repealed. Since 1 January 1977 the loan charges incurred by housing authorities on the provision of houses for letting are generally met in full by the Exchequer. Section 10 (2) provides for the payment of subsidy in accordance with the arrangements in operation since then, subject to such regulations as may be made. Under section 10 (5), subsidy payments can be made either to the housing authority or directly to the agency from which the loans were obtained. Subsection (6) contains a provision whereby, in the case of moneys borrowed from the Commissioners of Public Works, subsidy can also be effected by writing off moneys owed to the Commissioners by housing authorities. This would give rise to some savings in administrative costs, but unfortunately, it is not feasible to introduce this change just yet. If the change is made in a few years' time, it is intended that the amount written off should be clearly identifiable in the Estimates and in the Appropriation Accounts for my Department and that the Minister should be answerable in the Dáil for the sum involved in the normal way.

Section 11 of the Bill will provide a statutory basis for what is known as the low-rise mortgage scheme, which was introduced on 22 November 1976. Recently, I modified the scheme so as to enable certain two-person families, comprising one parent and one child, to qualify.

Section 12 provides statutory authority for the payment by the Minister of an interest subsidy from 1 June 1977 on certain house purchase loans made by a building society and guaranteed by a housing authority under section 42 of the 1966 Act. The loans were made during the period 1969 to 1972 to householders, mainly in the Donaghmede, Finglas, Kilbarrack, Kimmage and Tallaght areas of Dublin who qualified for the normal local authority house purchase loan at a fixed interest rate of 9 per cent from Dublin Corporation and from Dublin County Council. The societies charged the normal variable mortgage rates, and the effect of section 12 is to enable the Minister to subsidise the mortgage interest rates, thereby confining the interest rate charged to a flat 9 per cent.

Section 13 deals with the carrying out of pre-sale works to local authority rented houses prior to their sale to tenants. Section 106 of the 1966 Act requires a housing authority to put a house into good structural condition before the house is sold to the tenant.

I have been concerned that delays in having such pre-sale works completed were holding up the completion of the purchase by tenants. Accordingly, in order to expedite the completion of the arrangements for the purchase of local authority houses, a new optional procedure is being introduced under section 13 whereby the authority and the tenant may agree on the nature, extent and cost of the works necessary to put the house into good structural condition; and the tenant may, within a specified period, carry out the works directly or arrange to have them carried out. The authority would pay the tenant the agreed cost of the works on their satisfactory completion.

As I have said, this is an optional procedure. In the absence of an agreement, the original arrangement whereby the works are carried out by the housing authority will apply. The section also provides for statutory rights of appeal to the Minister under both the optional arrangements and the present arrangement.

Section 14 extends the general power in section 5 of the 1966 Act to make regulations by enabling them to be applied either generally or to specified classes of areas, houses, loans, persons, works or other matters. The section also largely replaces section 14 of the 1966 Act.

Section 15 validates rates relief given before 1 January 1978, arising from the introduction of improvement grants in respect of houses occupied by physically disabled and severely mentally handicapped persons in 1972 and 1975, respectively, and provides for rates relief consequent on the restriction of new house grants between January 1976 and 6 July 1977.

Section 60 (8) of the 1966 Act requires a housing authority, in determining the order of priority to be followed in letting local authority houses in accordance with their approved scheme of letting priorities to obtain and have regard to a report from their chief medical officer. The Health Act, 1970, transferred to health boards functions under the Health Acts previously exercised by local authorities. Since then, there has been a difference of opinion as to whether the existing provisions under the 1966 Act are still satisfactory. Delays have arisen in certain areas due to increases in the work loads of health boards.

Some housing authorities, however, consider that it is still desirable to have the advice of a medical officer of health of a health board for the purpose of letting houses and that, in that event, the authority should be required to have regard to the advice. Deputies will, no doubt, agree that in many cases, the staff of housing authorities could perform these duties. I am anxious, therefore, to provide a proper statutory basis for flexibility in the arrangements for the letting of local authority houses where this is found to be desirable. Accordingly, section 16 of the Bill provides that a housing authority may exercise a discretion as to whether they should obtain a report from a medical officer of health of the health board. Where, however, such a report is obtained, the authority must have regard to it.

At present, a housing authority have discretion under section 90 of the 1966 Act as to the sale of any of their houses. I want to ensure, however, that special, purpose-built houses which would normally be unsuitable for family use—one example would be elderly person's houses—are not lost from the rented local authority housing stock. On the other hand, I should like to make sure that most local authority tenants will be afforded an opportunity of purchasing their houses. Towards this end, section 17 of the Bill enables the Minister to direct an authority to offer for sale, or not to sell, as the case may be, houses of specified classes.

Section 18 deals with new house prices. The provisions are complex and their implications could be far-reaching. I should like, therefore, to speak about this section in some detail.

I am convinced that there is a need for a satisfactory framework for the operation of controls on the prices of new houses. I think this view is shared by the main political parties, on the basis of debates on this general issue in both Houses of the Oireachtas during the past few years. I understand that many builders also accept in principle the need for some form of house price control.

I should like to make it clear that I do not envisage that the form of house price control which is implemented following the enactment of the Bill will remain unaltered indefinitely. A flexible approach must be adopted and controls adjusted, in consultation with interested bodies, to take account of changing circumstances. Indeed, it is conceivable that the controls could be dismantled from time to time.

Section 18 replaces section 35 (2) of the 1966 Act, under which the system of certifying reasonable value in respect of the prices of new houses and flats has operated up to now. I think, however, it is generally agreed that it no longer provides an adequate statutory framework for the operation of this form of control on house prices. Initially, the Minister simply refused a grant for a house where the consideration being charged exceeded the amount appearing to him to represent reasonable value.

Though this may have been a compelling reason for house builders to obtain and adhere to the terms of certificates of reasonable value (or CRVs, as they are commonly referred to) at the time of their introduction in 1973, when practically all grants for speculatively-built houses were paid to the builders, it is certainly not the case since January 1976, when grants have been payable only to occupants of the houses concerned, not to the builders. At present a builder, having obtained a CRV and committed a purchaser on the strength of it, has no further direct financial incentive to ensure that the terms of the CRV are adhered to and, should any unauthorised departures come to light, it is the purchaser who may suffer to the extent of losing the £1,000 grant, stamp duty exemption and, possibly, since August last, a house-purchase loan.

It is evident to me that the volume of abuses and circumvention of the CRV system has grown since 1976 and it is incumbent on me to bring before the House proposals to counteract these tendencies. These abuses have been highlighted by Deputies on a number of occasions in the House, in the media and in the numerous complaints made to my Department by aggrieved house purchasers. I should like to give some examples of the type of abuse which the new provisions are designed to combat.

Builders have been known to charge prices far in excess of the CRV price while at the same time telling purchasers that they had a CRV and that there would be no problem about the grant or the stamp duty exemption. Cases have come to light of extra money being charged "under the counter", of circumvention by means of departures from price variation clauses and of charging extra for items already included in the approved CRV price. It has also been alleged that contracts are being drawn up under which the sale terms purport to comply with the terms of CRVs when in reality they do not. Another unpalatable aspect of the present situation is that builders who are prepared to abide by the spirit and letter of the system can be put at a disadvantage vis-à-vis less scrupulous competitors.

Broadly, section 18 has two main purposes: first, to empower the Minister to require that certain loans by lending agencies for the purchase of new houses cannot be made unless a CRV is obtained; and second, to impose clear obligations on builders in relation to the construction and sale of houses for which they have obtained a CRV and to enable the Minister to take effective action against those who fail to fulfil these obligations.

Subsection (2) gives effect to the first purpose. I should emphasise that this subsection is an enabling provision which will apply to such categories of loans and for such periods as the Minister may by regulations provide, having regard principally to trends in house prices, costs and earnings, the availability of mortgage finance and the national housing programme. It is not intended that this requirement should apply to short-term borrowing, such as bridging finance; hence, the definition of "loan" in subsection (14).

The remainder of the section deals with the second purpose I have just mentioned as well as making general provisions relating to the issue of CRVs. The broad concept of reasonable value as enshrined in the 1966 Act is not being changed in any material way nor does the new measure imply any fundamental innovation in the approach to the determination of what constitutes reasonable value.

Subsection (6) imposes an obligation on a builder to ensure that a house is contructed in accordance with his application for a CRV and that the price charged is in accordance with the terms of the CRV. It also obliges the purchaser to see that where a CRV exists, and he enjoys the attendant benefits, the price paid accords with the CRV. This should thus deter any possible collusion between builder and purchaser in order to circumvent the CRV requirements.

Subsection (8) comprises an important provision which will enable the Minister at his discretion to refuse, for a period not exceeding five years, to consider any further application for a CRV from any person who has previously obtained a CRV and has either supplied false or misleading information or failed to fulfil requirements under section 18. Before exercising this power the Minister will be required to notify the person concerned of his intention to do so, giving his reasons, and give him an opportunity of making representations in the matter. Furthermore, any person so affected has a right of appeal to the High Court against the Minister's decision. I consider that this power will constitute an effective deterrent against abuses of the type to which I referred earlier. I envisage that the power will be invoked in exceptional circumstances only.

Provision is made for offences under subsections (2), (5), (6), (9), (10) and (11). Subsection (12) provides a defence relating to proceedings for an offence. Provision is being made also for an appeal to the High Court against the Minister's opinion under subsection (14).

To sum up, I think that section 18 will provide a comprehensive statutory framework for the operation of a form of control on the prices of new houses and flats which benefit from State funds or which are financed by mortgages available from limited resources.

The section attempts to strike a fair balance between the interest of the public authorities, the householder, the builder and lending agencies.

Section 19 will extend the categories of persons specified in section 1 of the Statutory Declarations Act, 1938, who may take and receive a statutory declaration for the purposes of an application for a grant, loan or subsidy under the Bill. This measure should facilitate individual householders.

Section 20 contains an amendment of section 30 (2) of the Building Societies Act, 1976, which relates to the powers of the Registrar of Building Societies to investigate the affairs of a society. The section will remove any doubt as to the constitutionality of the existing provisions. The point at issue is similar to that for which provision was made in the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) (Amendment) Act, 1979. The section will also extend the Minister's power to make regulations under section 77 of the 1976 Act in relation to the amounts and purposes of building society loans. This latter amendment has been found to be necessary in the light of experience since the coming into operation of the 1976 Act. For example, it is necessary from time to time to take steps to reconcile the anticipated level of mortgage lending for new houses with the financial needs of the national housing programme.

The purpose of section 21 is to enable the Minister for Health to transfer, mainly for housing purposes, about 54 acres of land at Navan Road, Dublin, to Dublin Corporation and the Commissioners of Public Works. That Minister presently holds the land in trust under section 21 (3) of the Saint Laurence's Hospital Act, 1943, and amending legislation is necessary to ensure satisfactory title on transfer of the lands.

Section 22 of the Bill and the Schedule repeal those sections of the Housing Act, 1966, and of the Local Government (Sanitary Services) Act, 1962, which are superseded by various provisions of the Bill. In all, 30 sections are being repealed wholly or in part and ten sections of the Housing Act, 1977, will be spent when the Bill becomes law. Section 22 includes transitional provisions, where appropriate. It also repeals sections 93 (6) (a) and 98 (5) of the 1966 Act, which enables a housing authority to require payment, generally referred to as a "clawback" payment, to them of part of the profit made on resale by a tenant purchaser of certain houses.

Finally, section 23 of the Bill relates to Title, collective citation and construction. The Bill contains retrospective provisions in sections 2 to 7 and 10 to 12. It is proposed that the remaining sections will come into operation when the Bill is enacted.

Before I conclude I should say that I very much regret the fact that the Construction Industry Federation launched into print recently about section 18 of the Bill without due concern for the facts of the matter. Their press notice of 1 June contained several inaccurate and misleading statements. It is scarcely necessary for me to repeat at this stage all the points which I made in a press rejoinder which I issued on that date. I would simply reiterate the fact that, since this Government resumed office, there have been numerous meetings between the CIF, the Minister, the Minister of State and senior officers of the Department at which various aspects of the CRV system were discussed. I considered, nevertheless, that it would have been entirely inappropriate to have the provisions of section 18 discussed with the CIF in advance of the Bill being circulated to elected representatives in this House. I informed the federation, however, as recently as 23 April last, that as soon as the Bill was published any observations made in the matter by elected representatives, by the federation and by other interested bodies would be carefully considered.

I received a request from the federation to meet them and hear their views on the Bill. In reply I stated that I was prepared to meet a deputation, as requested, and that firm arrangements for the meeting would be made as soon as the federation let me have details of the matters they intended to raise. On 25 June I was informed that the federation did not wish to add to their views as set out in their press notice of 1 June.

In similar circumstances the Irish Building Societies Association, which is particularly concerned about aspects of section 20 of the Bill, also asked me recently to meet a deputation to present their views and submitted in advance a memorandum setting out in considerable detail points which they want to press and the reasons why they feel that the section as drafted should be changed.

I regret that, due mainly to pressure of other commitments, I was unable to meet representatives of the Construction Industry Federation and of the Irish Building Societies Association. I should like, however, to take this opportunity to say that, having considered the representations already made, I shall move a number of amendments to the Bill on Committee Stage. In particular, I intend to provide that, where the Minister refuses to grant a certificate of reasonable value pursuant to subsection (3) (a) of section 18, the applicant will have a right of appeal to a court. I intend to provide expressly that the question of the interest rate applicable to building society loans shall not come within the scope of regulations made under section 77 of the Building Societies Act, 1976, as amended by section 20 of the Bill. I commend the Bill to the House.

(Cavan-Monaghan): At the outset I should like to say it is a great pity that a Bill of this sort is brought before the House in the dying days of this session of Parliament. We received a list of Bills which the Government required to be enacted this week. There were about 20 Bills concerned, one of which was the Bill before us now. The Government expected that all these Bills would be processed through this House yesterday and today, but this is a reckless way of dealing with parliamentary business. I want to put that on record. We are trying to process this Bill as best we can in the ordinary way and have Committee Stage next week. If this is the way that the Government are arranging their business generally at Cabinet level and elsewhere the present chaos and unrest is not to be wondered at. Having said that, I feel this Bill is being introduced at an opportune time. Certainly, there never was a more appropriate time for a housing debate. There is a housing crisis of terrifying dimensions looming. The purchase of a house has gone out of the reach of all but the wealthy and the Government, as a matter of policy, are cutting back on local authority building. The consequences are not very difficult to forecast. We shall have a young and very angry house-seeking population with all the consequences that that will have.

At the moment a person of wealth can move from a good house into a better one and pay no rates. However, a person living on the type of salary or income which the Government are telling him he should be glad to have cannot afford a house and the Government will not provide one for him.

Lest it be said that I am exaggerating or indulging in extravagant language, I would like to put a few facts on the record of this House concerning house prices and housing finance. The price of an average house, financed by building societies, has increased from £12,113 in 1976 to £21,774 in the first quarter of this year, and the price of houses financed by other agencies—such as banks and insurance companies—has increased even more. This is not an increase that has been going on from 1976 and has stopped. The average price of the building society house for the first quarter of 1978 was £17,139 and, as I have said, the average price for the same house for the first quarter of this year is £21,774—an increase of £4,635 between March 1978 and March 1979. These are not my figures; these are figures taken from the quarterly bulletins of housing statistics completed and issued by the Minister's own Department. They must be regarded as accurate and as representing the present price of houses.

In regard to housing finance, a young married house purchaser, if he is lucky enough to be able to secure a loan, has today to pay interest at the record figure of 14.15 per cent. It never reached that figure during the height of the depression in 1974 to 1976 when, as we know, there was a very serious world recession and depression. The Government of the day subsidised building societies during that time, to keep down their rate of interest and to cushion the house builders and house purchasers against the recession. At the present rate of interest the cost of financing a £16,000 loan—and this seems to be regarded by the Minister and his Department as a type of loan very much in demand and worthy of the protection of his Department—from a building society for 20 years is £203.20 per month, just under £50 a week. I would regard a payment of £50 a week in respect of a house purchase loan as being beyond, and very far beyond, the capacity of the average person who is expected by the Minister to house himself, yet the Minister expects that person with an income of approximately £75 per week to house himself and that category is being, indeed not too gently, pushed off the housing list. A payment of £50 a week is not alone beyond the capacity of a person with that income but is far beyond one with a far higher income.

We all know that the mortgage interest rate is on the way up. There was an article in one of the papers yesterday giving a figure of a decided increase of 2.7 per cent. I know that that has been contradicted by the building societies—well, not actually contradicted, but the building societies say that they have not yet held their meeting. Figures such as those given in yesterday evening's newspaper are not taken out of the sky; they are not the imagination of somebody who has not done any research in the matter and the figures for the new interest rates that are being spoken about at the moment are 16.85 per cent, 17.85 per cent and 18.35 per cent.

That was what the Evening Herald decided on.

(Cavan-Monaghan): That is the figure that was given in the Evening Herald; the Minister is right. Of course, if the Minister comes to the rescue of the building societies and subsidies them, these figures will not materialise. I did not hear the response from the building societies on the media, but I understand that it was not a point blank denial. It was a denial that these figures had been decided upon at a formal meeting. We know that a formal meeting was not held.

I propose, for the purpose of this debate, to take the lowest of those increases, 16.85 per cent and see how it will affect a loan of £16,000 for 20 years. I have told the House that at the moment that loan is costing about £50 a week.

I do not want to interrupt the Deputy but we have a Bill before us.

(Cavan-Monaghan): I am quite well aware of that. This Bill affords an opportunity of discussing the housing problem, with the greatest respect. Its object is to deal with the housing situation.

It is a miscellaneous Housing Bill. I suppose the Title could be interpreted widely.

I am not preventing the Deputy from having a suitable preamble to the discussion but I am waiting patiently for him to come to the Bill.

(Cavan-Monaghan): This debate would be meaningless if I cannot discuss the cost of houses, the capacity of people to build houses for themselves, the failure of the Government to build local government houses and then to examine the Bill in the light of that and see what the Government propose to do. At the present rate of interest the cost of a £16,000 loan for 20 years is about £50 a week. Under the lowest figure mentioned, in relation to an increase of £16.85, that loan will go up to £60, or add another £10 a week to what people are already paying. That is making it impossible for people, unless they are wealthy, to purchase houses of their own. The people who are expected to pay £50 a week at the moment, which possibly will be £60 a week in a month's time, will have to find a deposit of between £2,000 to £7,000.

We have to look at the position I have outlined in regard to the cost of housing finance in relation to the increase in the cost of living. I will not go into this in detail. I will only refer to the cost of electricity, motoring, rail fares and a host of other increases which will be announced as soon as the House goes into recess. We have to look at the housing market and housing finance in relation to those increases. As things stand, young people who have just got married or are thinking of getting married cannot afford to buy houses or to build them. The Minister cannot contradict that. The approach of the Government towards building local authority houses and the policy and history of the Government in relation to that matter going back to 1969, and all the White Papers and Green Papers they have introduced since they have come into power, are of building less local authority houses and forcing people to build their own houses.

We have had a discussion in the House about the number of new house starts over the years. I put down a question to the Minister for the Environment at the end of May asking him to tell me the number of house starts over a period from 1970 to date. He could not give me the information then and he seemed to be a bit annoyed that I had asked him the question. He told me his Department would give me the information and he hoped that when I got it that the work which would have to be put into it would be justified. I thank the Minister's Department for giving me that information which I got yesterday and for the amount of work they put into it. The work was well worth while for I believe it will shame the Government into revising their policy about local authority housing in the light of house prices and the cost of house financing as I have indicated.

I find that 1978 was the worst year for new house starts since 1971. There was a dramatic cutback in new houses in 1978. In 1978, 5,805 new houses were commenced by county councils and county boroughs. In 1977 there were 7,045 new house starts, almost 2,000 more. In 1976 there were 7,046 houses, in 1975, the year of the recession, there were 6,393, in 1974, 8,215, in 1973, 7,195, in 1972, 6,825, in 1971, 5,494 and in 1970, 4,178. This is a clear indication that when Fianna Fáil are in power the lower income group are neglected as far as housing is concerned. That is much more serious when the cutback in local authority houses by the Government is not only confined to the county councils.

The Deputy must realise that that would be more appropriate on the Estimate. I am still waiting for the Deputy to come to the Bill. We are discussing a Housing Bill.

(Cavan-Monghan): I agree, but the Minister has produced a Housing Bill in which he proposes to almost everything the Bill will do by regulation. I want to make the case for the people who require houses and I want to ask the Minister what he proposes to put into the regulations. I have given the situation as far as the county councils are concerned. It does not stop there. There is a miserable performance as far as the urban councils are concerned. We find that the year 1970 was the worst year of all the years for which I sought information.

In 1970 there were 954 house starts by urban county councils. In 1971 there were 1,375, 1972, 1,361, 1973, 1,113, 1974, 1,921, 1975, 948, 1976, 1,419, 1977, 1,032, 1978, 876. Is the Minister ashamed of himself? Are the Government ashamed of themselves? I am not indulging in extravagant language when I say that a housing crisis of terrifying proportions is looming. The Government are directly responsible for it. I have been waiting some time for this Housing (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 1979. I though there would be some good news in it and some solution to the problem that is rapidly developing. I see no solution unless the Minister gives an undertaking that in the regulations which he seeks power to make under the Bill, he proposes to solve the problem. There is no hope in the Bill or in the Minister's speech for the people requiring houses.

In view of the cost of houses and the cost of finance I suggest to the Minister that he should build more local authority houses and that in these regulations he should revise at once the policy enunciated in the White Paper by his colleagues, the Minister for Economic Planning and Development and the Minister for Finance, which means there will be a cutback in local authority housing. On several occasions in recent months the Minister has denied strongly that there was any cutback in local authority housing but facts speak for themselves. The figures I have given and which I obtained in reply to a parliamentary question prove beyond doubt that there is a drastic cutback in local authority housing. We have not yet got the figures for 1979.

I could also give the House information regarding new house starts for 1979 but I will content myself by saying that there was a drastic cutback in the allocation for new house starts in 1979 as against the number requested. There is no doubt that when information on new house starts for 1979 is given to this House it will show a further drastic cutback in the 1978 figures which are shameful. This is happening at a time when we have a very large percentage of our population in the younger age group, when people are marrying at a younger age and when people expect better housing because they see the wealthy section enjoying the benefit of very good houses. The Minister must build more local authority houses and must revise the policy of cutting back on local authority houses.

In addition, the Minister must increase the SDA loan. I know he has increased the amount but the cost of houses has increased dramatically. In 1977 when the Government introduced a scheme for the £1,000 grant it was regarded as a considerable sum of money but it has been gobbled up several times over by the increases in the cost of housing between 1977 and 1979. I have given the figures. Houses have increased in price from £11,076 to £21,000 or £22,000 in 1979. What use is the £1,000 grant in a situation like that? The Minister must have regard to prevailing conditions. He must increase the SDA loan far in excess of £9,000. The Minister may tell me that this loan is being availed of but it is being availed of by what I call special category builders. These are people who have farms, who can provide their own site and who can do a considerable amount of work on building the house. They are the only kind of people whom this loan can help.

The Minister must increase considerably the income qualification for the SDA loan. I know he has increased it but it is far from adequate. In addition, he must subsidise interest because interest is getting out of hand. He must do something to control effectively house and land prices. The certificate of reasonable value has been in operation for some time and it is obvious that it has not worked. Instead of reducing house prices they have increased drastically. The only thing it has done is to drive a certain category of builder out of building the kind of house that is required and into building more palatial and expensive houses.

The Chair asked me to speak on the Bill. With the greatest of respect, I think that all I have said had to be said and perhaps a lot more could be said. There is nothing in the Bill that will give solace or comfort to the person seeking a house. There are a few matters in the Bill with which I would like to deal.

Section 2 deals with the devolution of administration of housing grants, a scheme that was introduced by Deputy Tully as Minister for Local Government. It was introduced as a pilot scheme in Meath and to some extent in Longford and in Westmeath. The scheme worked well. It facilitated the inspection of houses and it meant that an inspector from the local authority would not inspect the house for one purpose while an inspector from the Department inspected it for another purpose. That kind of duplication only leads to expense and delay. It is a pity the Minister has seen fit to depart from this devolution of housing functions to local authorities instead of extending it. The real answer to it is that once the Minister got his hands on the local authorities' purse strings he had to get tighter control of everything. Instead of devolving functions to the local authorities we are gradually taking control from them and giving power back to the Custom House.

Section 3 deals with expenses to housing co-operatives. That is a worthy provision. I should like the Minister to tell us more about housing co-operatives, how many there are and how they work. The Minister has told us that sections 4, 5, and 6 replace about 25 other sections in the 1966 Act and in other housing Acts. The answer to that is that all the sections in the other legislation will be replaced by regulations, regulations we do not know about and about which we will not be told until they are presented to us. There is no provision in this Bill for laying these regulations before the House but on looking at the 1966 Act with which this measure is to be read I find that section 5 of that Act provides for the laying of regulations before the House. I presume that section will govern any regulations made under this Bill but I should like the Minister to confirm that.

I am assuming that is so, that these regulations will have to be laid before the House and that they can be annulled within 21 sitting days of being laid on the table of the House. There is a defect in that because although the House can annul these regulations, there is a doubt as to whether it can amend them. I think it has been held that the House must either annul them or confirm them but it cannot amend them. That is a serious defect and I intend to put down an amendment on it on Committee Stage because we are giving the Minister the widest powers in regard to housing he ever had or asked for, to control loans, subsidies and so on. Therefore, it is only reasonable that the House should have an opportunity of considering those regulations and amending them if it thinks fit.

If the Minister had any immediate good news about increasing grants, small dwelling loans or the qualifying income for those loans, I am sure he would have told us about it. When concluding, I hope he will have something to say about these matters that will make them more bearable for house builders.

The provision in section 4 seems to be a departure from present Government policy on housing grants. When they introduced their famous manifesto of 1977, they said there would be a £1,000 grant for everybody who wanted to build a house provided—and this was not spelled out—he or she had not previously bought or built a house. There was no tag in regard to a means test or anything like that. We know that when the £1,000 grant was introduced many other grants were abolished, for example, the farmers grant which was as high as £900. The fact that there was no means test was good electioneering. It was much easier to say that everyone building a house, who did not already have one, would get a grant of £1,000, than to say that anyone with an income up to £x would qualify for the grant of £1,000. That would not be nearly so attractive.

They could use it for a deposit.

(Cavan-Monaghan): They could use it to buy a few stools. Section 4 (2) (f) states that the Minister may make regulations regarding:

requirements in relation to the financial and family circumstances of the person to whom the grant is paid, and

What has the Minister in mind there? Will he or his Minister of State tell us if that is a proposal to impose a means test? Is that going back on the election manifesto of 1977? Is it an indication that the Minister is taking power at least to impose a means test? In his reply will the Minister tell us exactly what that means? Section 4 says:

(1) The Minister may, with the consent of the Minister for Finance and subject to such regulations as may be made by the Minister for the purposes of this section, pay, out of moneys provided by the Oireachtas, a grant to a person providing a new house where—....

(2) Regulations under this section may, in particular, but without prejudice to the generality of subsection (1) of this section, make provision in relation to all or any one or more of the following:...

(f) requirements in relation to the financial and family circumstances of the person to whom the grant is paid, and

That sounds very like the introduction of a means test. That section continues:

(3) A grant shall not be paid under this section unless the house the subject of the grant complies with such conditions, if any, as may be determined by the Minister from time to time for the purposes of this section in relation to standards of construction of houses and the provision of water, sewerage and other services therein.

Does that include electricity? There should be more co-operation between the ESB and house builders to provide electricity at much more reasonable charges than are being charged at present.

When dealing with grants for the improvement of houses we have the same requirement regarding the financial and family circumstances of the person to whom the grant is to be paid which is spelled out in section 5 (2) (e). Under section 8 (7) improvement grants will not be made unless there is a leasehold interest covering the duration of the repayment of the loan and 15 years. That is unreasonable because if the loan is for 25 years, the person would not get the loan unless he had a lease for 40 years. If a person has a lease covering the period of the loan, which would be 20 or 25 years, that should be sufficient.

Under section 9 the Minister may subsidise local authorities to enable them to provide and make available sites for private houses. The idea behind this is sound. This is in operation at the moment but is not being pursued energetically enough. I also think that when sites are being sold by local authorities they are charging too much for them. They are having regard to the increase in the value of land from the date they bought the land to the date of the selling of the sites. The policy should be to make these sites available at cost. The local authority should not get into the land market or the site market and expect profit. They should make the sites available at cost plus, of course, the cost of development.

We hear a lot of talk from time to time about low rise mortgage interest schemes. My own opinion is that that scheme is practically valueless and that it is not availed of to any extent certainly in rural Ireland. The category of people who would qualify for it is so limited that it does not serve any useful purpose.

I would like the Minister to deal with section 11 which deals with subsidies by the Minister and the housing authorities for the purchase and construction of houses. One of its subsections provides for the payment of a clawback which was a very ugly word some time ago. I would like the Minister to deal with that in his reply.

Section 13 is one of the sections that the Minister spelled out very clearly. That is the section which deals with putting into structurally sound condition houses which local authorities are selling. The Bill proposes to change the old system under which the local authority had to put the house into a reasonable state of repair from a structural point of view before they could transfer it or vest it. The Minister is now changing that. He is providing that the tenant/purchaser and the local authority may enter into an agreement under which the tenant will carry out the work. The Minister gave as his reason the delays which took place in having this work carried out, which delays, he says, held up the vesting on the sale of a house. That is so but it is a shocking indictment of the way the business of the public is carried out by departments and local authorities. It is a shocking admission for a Minister to come into this House and say that he has to change the law because of the delays that took place in repairing these houses. I am not a bit surprised that he should say that because I know how long it takes to get an isolated local authority house built for people who badly need it. It takes years; five years is nothing from the time one starts making representations to the time the house is built.

Something should be done to speed up this sort of thing. I am not sure that it is a good idea to relieve local authorities of the obligation to put a house in structurally sound condition before handing it over to the tenant/purchaser. Local authorities should not be allowed to hand over a house to the tenant/ purchaser on the condition that he will carry out the repairs. Will the repairs be carried out in all cases or will the house be allowed to deteriorate further? It would be much better if the Minister and the local authority were to set about speeding up the repair of these houses rather than washing their hands of it because that is what this section is doing; it is getting rid of an obligation to put these houses into a structurally sound condition.

It is optional.

(Cavan-Monaghan): I know it is optional but it is an option that may be availed of and it would be better to continue to make it a condition for the local authority to put the houses into good condition. I would even go a little further and say that the definition of structural improvements should be extended. The effect of that would be to prolong the life of these houses and, in the long run, to save the State, the taxpayers and what is left of the rate payers the cost involved if houses are allowed to deteriorate. At present the term “structural condition” is interpreted in a very narrow way. Walls, doors and the roof qualify and that is all. It would be a better policy to give a wider interpretation to structural repair and to leave the obligation on the local authorities to make a reasonably good job of these before they hand over the property.

I was rather amused to see that the Minister has availed of this Bill to extend the category of people who may administer statutory declarations. Section 19 provides that:

It shall be lawful for a member of the Garda Síochána or a person in Holy Orders or a regular minister of any religious denomination or community to take and receive a statutory declaration for the purpose of the making of an application for a grant, loan or subsidy under this Act.

I would have thought that there is already a sufficient supply of peace commissioners throughout the country who are enabled to take statutory declarations.

It is already happening. This is just to validate what is happening.

(Cavan-Monaghan): Are we talking about declarations or just the question of witnessing a document?

Yes. It is already being done.

(Cavan-Monaghan): I would like to go back to section 17 (2) which provides:

Section 90 of the Principal Act shall apply, and be deemed always to have applied, to a building consisting of a house and a shop, together with any outoffice, yard, garden or other and appurtenant thereto or usually enjoyed therewith.

There is no explanation given of this in the explanatory memorandum and I would like the Minister to tell us what is behind that section. It is obviously put in to validate some transgressions that there are doubts about and I would like the Minister to spell out exactly what is involved here.

That brings me to section 18 which deals with certificates of reasonable value. Everybody in this House believes that there should be control over the price of houses just as there is control over the price of commodities people buy in shops every day of the week.

It appears that the system of CRVs is not working. It worked to deprive people of grants and cause delays in getting grants and having deeds stamped and it also worked to drive a lot of building structures out of the grant category. The Minister is now extending this in an undefined manner to cover such categories of houses as he may later decide, such categories of houses which are financed by loans, the amount of such loans to be defined. Something should be done about the cost of land for building houses. The cost of sites has rocketed in recent years. I am aware that in Cavan town sites cost on average £6,000. Admittedly, there are unusual circumstances there in that there is a limited amount of land available for building but I understand that £4,000 is the average cost of a site throughout the country. The Minister will have to grasp this nettle soon because as long as the cost of sites continues to rocket it will be impossible to control the price of houses. It is not possible to make omelettes without cracking eggs and it is not possible to build houses without sites.

I accept that this is a problem but the Minister should find a solution to it. I was pleased to hear the Minister say that it was his intention to amend this section on Committee Stage. He told us that one of the amendments he proposed to introduce was one which would give a person who has been refused a CRV the right to appeal to a court. My immediate reaction to that amendment is that unless a special judge is assigned to this type of work intolerable delays will result. By the time such a case is heard what would have been a reasonable value when the application was made will be completely out of date. There are precedents for appointing judges as arbitrators to deal with such matters and I suggest that the Minister, when considering his amendment, should think in terms of appointing a Circuit Court judge as the arbitrator. He should devise a simple procedure for disposing of these appeals or else the whole thing will be meaningless.

There have been other complaints about the delays in the issuing of CRVs in that after a certificate is applied for and £X,000 is mentioned as the reasonable value the application may be refused without any reason being given for such a refusal. The Minister should be obliged to give his reasons for such a refusal. The Minister's decision to allow an applicant the right of appeal to a court against such a refusal will be meaningless unless the Minister gives his reasons for that refusal.

The issuing of the certificates should be speeded up. The Minister has told us that the average delay is about three weeks but my information is that there are longer delays in some important cases. If the Minister intends operating this system he should ensure that his Department have the machinery to operate it expeditiously, even if that means taking on more expert staff to deal with the matter. The housing situation warrants a speeding up of this process. A person should be entitled to a decision on his application within a specified period, similar to a provision which exists under the Act which deals with planning applications. I do not think that the Department should get around the specified time by asking a further question at the end of that period.

The Minister should have meaningful discussions with representatives of the building construction industry and any organisation which represents house purchasers in relation to these certificates. If the Minister imposes an unworkable and unacceptable system instead of solving our problems he will be creating more. I do not wish to be misunderstood in relation to this and I am anxious to make it clear that I am in favour of controlling the price of building land because I do not believe that the cost of houses can be brought down to a reasonable figure unless the cost of land is effectively controlled. It will not be possible to solve any problem by the Minister getting the building construction industry by the throat and insisting on that industry adhering to certain regulations. Meaningful discussions should take place with a view to preparing an acceptable and effective system of price control. The Minister is charged with the responsibility of working out the details of such a system and he has the staff at his disposal to do that.

We shall have more to say about this Bill on Committee Stage. There seems to be some sort of mini-war brewing between the Minister and the building construction industry. That would be a pity and in the long run will not serve the people who want to buy a house. I urge a coming together. I am not here to defend the building industry; indeed I should not have thought they would need any defence against the Minister because not so long ago I thought he and they were very pally—

That was before the contribution.

The Deputy knows nothing about it.

(Cavan-Monaghan): I am here in the interest of the man who wants a house.

They did not get reasonable value.

That scarcely has anything to do with the Bill.

Unfortunately, it has a great deal to do with it.

What about all the discussion on increased prices?

(Cavan-Monaghan): They are very important.

If there was a certificate of reasonable value for political contributions there would be—

(Cavan-Monaghan): I do not suppose we could put that into this Bill. It would require Private Members' Bill. But I am serious about this: apparently they are at war now.

No, that is not true, no what I consider war in any form.

(Cavan-Monaghan): Let it not develop because it is not in the interests of people who want houses. There should be effective price control of houses. That must take into consideration the price of land. There should be discussion on how this can be worked out in a way that will protect the house purchaser and at the same time not drive contractors out of the type of building we want to promote.

Many of the points that have to be made can more appropriately be dealt with on the Committee Stage of this long Bill when we can clarify the Government's intention in regard to the proposed regulations it might envisage under the enabling sections of this Bill. But it is right on the Second Stage to look at the sort of housing strategy the Government are now trying to pursue and for which they have seen fit to introduce this legislation to enable them to pursue that strategy. Since the beginning of this Dáil we have had a number of housing debates in addition to the Estimates. We had a debate last November and in May of this year and we have had a series of exchanges at Question Time in regard to the performance of the Government on housing generally and specifically on their performance on local authority housing within the context of their overall housing policy. It is quite clear—I can give chapter and verse if these are sought but I do not wish to delay the House—that the effect of the Government's policy, applying to Fianna Fáil exactly the same criteria that would apply to the Labour Party and Fine Gael when they were in office, is that it is now more difficult to get a local authority house than it was two, three or four years ago. The queues are growing and local authorities find it more difficult to meet the demand out of capital funds irrespective of any percentage increase in those funds.

We have in our society a section who, because of the economic system or in any economic system because of the level of their remuneration, of their skills or their disability of one kind or another, will never be able to house themselves. Under Fianna Fáil it has become more difficult for that section even to aspire to a house than it was under the last administration. That is a conscious political shift of public resources away from people in housing need to people who can afford to house themselves.

In May the Minister of State accused me of lecturing the House on socialist theory and programmes. Calling to the attention of the House the fact that national resources are being used in a particular way so that those most in need are getting least is not a theoretical lecture; it is pointing out a specific fact. The Government in their White Papers have repeatedly stressed their reliance on the private sector generally as the engine to fuel and drive our economy. The Minister for the Environment and his Minister of State have re-inforced that view and have given effect to that overall Government strategy by boosting or attempting to boost the private sector in housing. Now, two years into their term, the Government housing strategy as set out by the Minister for Economic Planning and Development in the White Papers and Green Papers is basically in shreds. Local authority housing is down on what it was in the last three to four years and it is continuing to drift downwards. The figures are there. The private sector in which the Government purported to place most of its confidence is at war, as Deputy Fitzpatrick said, with the Minister for the Environment. That state of war, which one can only infer from what the Minister himself admitted in his speech, is highly unsatisfactory for the industry and all of those who work in it. Secondly, it is highly unsatisfactory and damaging for the people who depend on that industry to provide them with a home. This is further aggravated by the fact that this Government have shifted emphasis away from local authority housing to the private sector. They have done so in line with the view of the Taoiseach when he was Leader of the Opposition and stated on two separate occasions that the proportion of local authority houses being built by Deputy Tully when he was Minister for Local Government was too high and should be reduced. That proportion has now been reduced to the kind of level the then Leader of the Opposition was talking about.

Having taken that right wing ideological attitude—if we need ideological lectures now they are printed at Government expense in the White and Green Papers—the Minister for the Environment proposes to and proceeds to aggravate the private sector on which he proposes to place so much responsibility. That is basically incompetent and impossible to understand. I can understand the right wing drift of Fianna Fáil as a logical and reasonable attitude to take. It is one I disagree with, but I cannot understand that having taken that attitude they should then more or less spit in the face of the people they hope will build the houses their economic strategy requires. I shall come to that in detail when we get to the question of the CRV but in terms of overall housing strategy it is a basic charge to the answering of which the Minister should devote some time.

The relationship between the house building section of the building industry and any Government is absolutely critical. Given the structure of our society I foresee a significant role for the private house building sector to play in our economy. Because of social and demographic patterns of populations in rural and urban areas in the socialist economies of eastern Europe there is a considerable role for private bouse building. We are talking about a very important industry; we are talking about the engine room for the provision of houses. While there will be political differences between the three parties on the role of local and private housing, the importance of the house building industry to the economy and to the social development of our society should be clearly stated to the building industry, who labour under the misapprehension that they have only one political ally— Fianna Fáil.

I regret to say that the Minister's and the Minister of State's handling of the relationship between the industry and the Government appears to have resulted in a serious deterioration in the confidence of that industry to meet the social housing targets set by the Government. I should be delighted if the Minister can refute that charge or allay my fears about it because the complexity of the industry creates sufficient problems for them without aggravation from our self-inflicted political incompetence.

Listening to the Minister's speech one would think that there were only two opinions in terms of housing policy, either private or local authority, and that the co-operative option is little more than window dressing. I congratulate the Minister on introducing the section which enables him to give grants to housing bodies other than local authorities. It is a good proposal and I warmly welcome it. Having introduced the proposal the Minister does not elaborate on the kind of effective role he envisages for that sector of the housing market, the number of houses he envisages the voluntary housing sector providing and the aid to be made available to that sector. If my information is correct we are only talking in terms of £6,000 being given to NABCo this year. That is a paltry sum in the context of the housing industry. After many discussions and representations from the voluntary housing sector the provision of £6,000 as a grant-in-aid is an insignificant gesture. The Minister seems to be conceding the principle of the role of the voluntary housing sector on the one hand and taking it away again by giving them no money.

I take this opportunity to commend the enthusiasm and activity over many years of Bernard Thompson. He pioneered the idea of voluntary housing and created NABCo. I understand that he has been seconded to NABCo.

We must seriously consider a substantially expanding role for the voluntary housing sector. The Minister should have taken the opportunity on Second Stage to indicate the Government's housing strategy. From reading the speech and the Bill, it seems that the nuts and bolts of the strategy will be in the regulations introduced under the Act. I agree with the provisions whereby the Minister holds two ministerial orders. The Minister and the Department should have that flexibility and should not be tied down by specified amounts and specified areas. Without getting an indication of the level of aid proposed under the different categories, it is difficult to assess the Government's housing strategy. When we reach Committee Stage perhaps we can look at this aspect of the matter.

There seems to be a lack of clarity in thinking to the role of local authorities. The idea of delegating to them the power of allocating grants is a positive one and seems to move in the direction of devolution of Government. On the other hand, the Minister is retaining the right to direct housing authorities to sell or not to sell some parts of their housing stock as if housing authorities could not be trusted to keep within their ownership certain categories of houses for their own needs. On the one hand, the Minister appears to trust local authorities to act as runners at local level to dispense grants and to use discretion in their allocation and on the other hand, he has taken powers to direct local authorities to sell or not to sell because, as he said, a local authority might sell houses that were specially built for the elderly and the handicapped.

Does the Minister not trust the Fianna Fáil councillors? Do the Government not trust the democratic judgement of the people who elected those counicllors? Do Fianna Fáil not believe in local democracy to the extent that they are prepared to allow a local authority, with the help and assistance of the officials in the local authority service, who are committed and conscientious, to judge whether a stock of housing in Cavan town should or should not be sold? Why must they take this new, centralised power to themselves, to direct or not to direct a local authority to dispose of its housing stock? I can see absolutely no good housing reason for it. At all times I would argue that the local housing authority on the ground, if doing their job properly, made a better assessment of the housing need, with all due respect to the Minister of the day—and that would apply to any Minister, myself included, were I in that position—than a Minister based in Dublin. I cannot see the housing benefit to the country of enabling a Minister to have this power. I see a far more ominous reason. I can foresee the power being given in this Bill dictated, not by the Minister for the Environment but by either the Minister for Economic Planning and Development or the Minister for Finance, when the direction would be to sell the housing stock rather than hold it in order to recoup some money. I can see that provision being inserted as much at the behest of the Department of Finance as at that of the Minister for the Environment. That is an area that must be clarified. Either we trust local authorities, in principle, to make decisions about their areas—and so I think Deputy F. O'Brien would agree—housing is undoubtedly the top priority of most local authorities, of most local representatives, certainly in larger areas with a growing population. For example, the Housing Committee of Dublin Corporation, with their officials, are in a far better position to assess actual housing needs and priorities, and the strategies of their authority than, with all due respect to them, The people in the Custom House. The assistance and advice of the Custom House people is needed but certainly the final decision should rest with the local authority.

I regret the tendency to increased centralisation resulting in an over-bureaucratised and over-worked central government, which is what is being pursued in this Bill. I fail to see an adequate housing reason. I can see a financial reason dictated by the Department of Finance—that is another story—but I do not see any good housing reason for it, and the way in which it is moving is to be regretted.

The voluntary housing sector did not receive sufficient mention in this Bill. Perhaps the Minister could outline the strategy and role he would envisage for that sector; what percentage of the total new housing output he would envisage being provided by the sector over a period of time once it gets off the ground. The Minister might outline also what would be its specific financial relationship to local authorities on the question of obtaining building sites for housing from local authorities. I know that any attempts at establishing housing co-operatives in the Greater Dublin region have been fraught with difficulty on the question of the price of housing sites obtained from local authorities. Unless the Minister is explicit about this, gives substantial financial assistance to NABCo and, in addition, clarifies Government thinking in relation to the disposal of sites by local authorities to housing co-operatives, the aspirations of the voluntary housing sector will remain just that and will not be converted into real terms.

I would envisage the voluntary housing sector aiming at providing between 2,000 to 3,000 houses per annum within a five-year period of getting off the ground. Ideally we should be looking at a middle turret of housing provision through the agencies of the voluntary housing sector working directly with the small house builders' association. Part of the difficulty experienced by small house builders, was not in their construction of houses but in their marketing of houses, in trying to ride the valleys and troughs of a highly cyclical market, of being unable to plan their way out of perhaps the most chaotic and unplanned part of our economy, which is the building industry in general and, to a certain extent, the housing industry in particular.

Many house builders who become housing contractors do so not because they are skilled in marketing or in sales but because they are skilled craftsmen of one kind or another, men who have been bricklayers, carpenters or whatever and who come together to start building houses. Frequently the difficulties and problems that arise are a product of their relationship to the market by reason of their being salesmen of one kind or another rather than actual builders. I could foresee a lot of small builders benefiting considerably through having a relationship with a housing association, one which would guarantee their markets, enable them to phase their payments and plan ahead, rather than putting a sign up on a site, waiting for prospective buyers at weekends and so on.

Perhaps the Minister could outline Government thinking in relation to the role of the voluntary housing sector. As far as we in the Labour Party are concerned it is an area that must be developed if we are to achieve our goal in the kind of housing provision needed as a result of the change in our population structure, one which will be highlighted dramatically when the recent census figures are published. While on that topic perhaps the Minister would let us know the way in which grants will now be paid to housing co-operatives the way in which group grants will be paid, if there will be any additional grant other than that which obtained up to the last few years. For example, is there any proposal for a differential in the £1,000 grant; will there be an incentive given to people to build in co-operatives, say some provision whereby, if there are ten people applying for grants, one application only will be necessary. It was my experience that separate applications had to be made.

Would the Minister envisage making available an extra £1,000, or a multiple of the number available, in order to end courage the idea of group building on a voluntary basis? Apart from the £6,000 being given to NABCo and assistance that varies throughout the country, there is no positive incentive to people at present to get involved in co-operative housing. These are the people caught between trying to raise the deposit on a house in the private sector—who see the prices of houses soaring beyond their reach—and faced with joining the housing queue in a local authority area, finding that they are very far down the line. Their main problem is that they cannot get into the housing sector to begin with. They can live with the repayments, even the extraordinarily high interest rates—the can just about live with those—but the cannot make that initial jump to get into the housing market.

I am endeavouring to be constructive on this Bill because the political and policy differences between the Government and the Labour Party are quite clear; we have had numerous housing debates in which that has been clearly established. It would be useful on this Bill to endeavour to clarify Government thinking, if any, in these areas and in respect of which they propose to take enabling powers under this Bill.

I presume we shall not have the Committee Stage until the autumn. Does the Minister know if it is proposed to sit next week?

Yes, if necessary; it was mentioned by the Taoiseach yesterday.

On the question of voluntary housing I might mention a point that has arisen in my experience, applying not merely to that sector but to all the loans given by local authorities, that is, the question of legal aid. People under the age of 21 cannot sign a mortgage with a local authority. It is my intention to include an amendment that people aged 18 will be legally entitled to sign a loan with a local authority. In Dublin many young couples of 18 and 19 who have saved a considerable amount of money simply cannot get a loan from a local authority to buy a house because they have not reached the minimum legal age. They go into a flat and by the time they have reached the legal age they have a family and the money is gone. The minimum legal age should be reduced for a variety of reasons but in the context of SDA and low rise mortgage loans there is no reason why an amending section should not be put into this legislation to enable young couples to sign a mortgage.

In another section the Minister proposed to enable local authorities to spend money on improving their existing dwellings and I would like him to elaborate how this is to be interpreted. The Minister in his speech said that section 5 (1) would enable the Minister to pay a grant to a housing authority for improvement works to their rented houses and that this replaces section 24 of the 1966 Act. Is it the Minister's intention to introduce some differential scheme of conservation grants having regard to the different age structure of local authority housing stock around the country? Is it the Minister's intention to integrate such a system of conservation grants with a policy of gradual urban renewal in certain inner city areas? This theme was the subject of a housing conference which the Department runs along with the Institute of Architects every second year. At the recent housing conference, a number of case studies on the question of gradual renewal were presented. The merits of the case for gradual renewal were accepted by all the participants and everybody conceded that what was needed was a comprehensive package of financial incentives by way of grants, tax relief and the relaxation of certain building regulations. If the Minister is to enable himself to give these grants, perhaps he will clarify the Government's thinking on it.

This Government are halfway through their term of office and irrespective of whether they are returned or not we are talking about a five-year period of government, and it is getting late in the day for the development of concrete proposals in these areas as distinct from aspirations and suggestions. I urge the Minister to come forward as quickly as possible in relation to these areas. A lot of work has been done not just in Britain, with which we have direct administrative comparability, but in other countries as well. Given the energy crisis we now have the whole question of the loss of housing stock due to obsolescence. It is a question of major importance and it is not being properly dealt with by the Government. We must give extra special attention to this, particularly in the context of inner city renewal of the kind the Minister for Economic Planning and Development talked about. We will get no serious conservation programme off the ground unless the Minister takes the initiative and comes forward with a detailed package and sells it enthusiastically to the various local authorities. Dublin Corporation established an inner city commission, but until such time as the Custom House gives the green light to a lot of proposals now being discussed, they will remain a committee of aspirations and nothing else.

In relation to the housing numbers game concerning starts and completions of 25,000 houses a year, as far as we in the Labour Party are concerned, for statistical purposes we regard a rehabilitated house as a new completion to be included in the overall figure. At the moment, the numbers game in relation to new housing starts predominates too much in our housing policy; we are concerned exclusively with new housing provision to the exclusion of total housing stock. Even if we built 30 houses a year we would only be increasing the housing stock by less than 2 per cent. We must pay more attention to housing people in the existing housing stock. A scheme of conservation grants which would be promoted and developed by the Government and which would have as part of it provision to count a rehabilitated house as part of new completions for that year, is a scheme to which we would give approval in principle. The arguments for conservation are very strong and I am glad that the Minister has made this provision.

The grants the Minister is making available to local authorities should come out of the capital provision and money to be spent on the conservation of housing stock should come from the capital provision. One of the great problems of local authorities at the moment is that repairs or modernisation of any type must come out of the maintenance grant and there are too many constraints on that grant. It is not possible to effect the kind of repairs necessary, for example in many of the flats in Dublin which are now very substandard and badly in need of major repairs. There is no financial provision or flexibility available to repair them at the moment. As a consequence the people in those flats want to get out of them. The area then begins to suffer a process of social decline with consequent negative effects right through the inner city area. Deputy Fergus O'Brien is in a far better position than I to know what that can mean in real terms.

Two points arise on the matter of making grants: a comprehensive conservation programme, which would come out of capital grant allocations to local authorities and which we, in turn, would recognise as part of the housing provision for the year.

Section 18 is a major section which relates to CRVs. Most of this legislation can be dealt with more properly on Committee Stage and therefore I will not go into the question of mortgage finance and all that. I do not think that is germane to this legislation or to the general question of housing policy. With a record level of interest rates at the moment, I hope the Minister will be able to persuade some of the more right-wing members of the Government to do something about interest subsidies building societies, and perhaps he would find out from the Minister for Finance how he can reconcile his bland assertions last Christmas that our entry the EMS would mean we would be no longer tied to the minimum lending rate of the Bank of England and that consequently the hike in interest rates here before Christmas would never happen again. That is by way of an aside.

I might have some credit from the bank in that respect. Section will have to be looked at in great detail on Committee Stage. It is disturbing because if you have a Government depend on the private sector enthusiastically that they make Margaret Thatcher appear as a mildly social democrat at times, if you have a Government who hope that the private sector will take us into Tír na nÓg, you then look at the way in which a Government Department relate to the largest single industry outside agriculture from the point of view of employment volume of capital employed, the construction industry. The Minister of State last November, in his contribution to the debate on local authority housing, the construction industry had been in the gutter when Fianna Fáil returned to office and Fianna Fáil raised it from the gutter and gave it new confidence.

The relationship that now seem exist between the house building sector of the construction industry and the Government appears to be disastrous That is not to anybody's advantage least of all those hoping to be housed and those who work in the industry Perhaps the Minister for Labour has embarked on a new industrial relations policy for the entire Government to effect that they will not talk to anybody until a dispute happens. I do not understand the Minister's statement today when he said:

I should like to make it clear that I do not envisage that whatever form of house price control is implemented following the enactment of the Bill will remain unaltered indefinitely. A flexible approach must be adopted and controls adjusted, in consultation with interested bodies, to take account of changing circumstances.

That seems to be a perfectly reasonable sort of statement, but what has been happening? The two major components of housing provision here are the CIF and the Building Societies Association. The Minister has referred to both in his speech and I should like to know what consultations have taken place between the Minister and the CIF since the Minister took office and before the drafting of this Bill.

More meetings have taken place between the CIF, my Department, the Minister of State and myself, in 18 months than for a number of years before that. There has been a lot of consultation.

I am glad to hear it. It seems to me extraordinary that if those meetings took place they have been unproductive in terms of getting the kind of joint approach that is required. A statement was published by the CIF, and the fact that the Minister saw fit to reply to it directly in the House seems to indicate a considerable difference between them.

Their interpretation, contained in that statement, had many inaccuracies. I said that in my speech as a rejoinder to that statement.

Let us try to find out what has been agreed in relation to CRVs. We all realise there must be some form of consumer protection in relation to standards and reasonable value. That is not an issue even in the industry itself —what is at issue is the administration and the interpretation of it. If a system like this is to work, particularly when one is talking about private interests, there must be the consent and the co-operation of the organisation that represents the private interests, irrespective of individual members of such an organisation. Undoubtedly there are cowboys in the building industry, there are house builders who use their positions to exploit vulnerable house purchasers. We all know that, and we know there are people who have attempted directly to evade the application of the CRVs, who have got would-be house purchasers to sign letters informing contractors that they would not be getting CRVs.

Deputy Keating has brought to the Minister's attention a major house construction company who operated that tactic. We are aware of the abuses and we have been responsible in the way we have portrayed these abuses when speaking here, because of our concern. I cannot understand why a draft of section 18, with its implications and its penalties, was not shown to the interested bodies before it was published. The Minister made the plea that it was in deference to the sensibilities of Members of the Oireachtas that he had refused to let people see a draft of the legislation before TDs and Senators.

I should like to believe that.

The Minister said he considered it would have been entirely inappropriate to have the provisions of section 18 discussed with the CIF in advance of the Bill being circulated to elected representatives in this House. He went on to say that as soon as the Bill had been published any observations made on the Bill by elected representatives, the federation and other interested bodies, would be carefully considered. I cannot square that kind of approach with the application of CRVs and the Minister's statement on page 10 of his speech that a flexible approach must be adopted and controls adjusted in consultation with interested bodies to take account of changing circumstances. Indeed the proof of what I have been saying is contained in the last paragraph of the Minister's speech when he spoke about amendments he proposes to introduce on Committee Stage. The Minister has claimed he met the CIF on numerous occasions, and I cannot dispute it, but he also said that in the last few weeks or months he has been unable to meet them.

The Minister said also:

I regret that, due mainly to pressure of other commitments, I was unable to meet representatives of the Construction Industry Federation and of the Irish Building Societies Association. I should like, however, to take this opportunity to say that, having considered the representations already made, I shall move a number of amendments to the Bill at the Committee Stage.

It is a tradition of this House that, basically, Opposition amendments are not accepted. That is regrettable. If we had a proper legislative system incorporating a proper committee structure, all the elected representatives could play a role in drafting legislation. The Minister is aware that the role played by the Opposition on Committee Stage is simply to clarify what is intended. It is very seldom, except in cases where there has been agreement, that Opposition amendments are accepted. The result of this situation is that for the most part legislation goes through as initiated. Yet the Minister is indicating already in this instance that the Bill is drafted inadequately in relation to the building societies and that, consequently, he will be introducing amendments on Committee Stage.

It is quite common for a Minister to introduce amendments.

I am aware of that but in this instance we are talking about a contentious section, that is section 18. We have talked on numerous occasions about this question of CRVs. It is for the Minister and the representatives of the industry to clarify the situation. All I can do is observe from this side of the House that irrespective of the meetings that have been held in the past, those meetings that were held specifically to deal with this matter of CRVs have not been productive. According to the Minister he has not been able to find time to meet representatives of the CIF or of the building societies and neither has he been able to make his Minister of State available to these people.

To clarify the situation, I would point out that on more than one occasion the CIF were asked to make submissions but failed to do so. However, very recently, within a matter of some days past, we received a message from them saying that they had nothing further to add to what was contained in their newspaper item of 1 June. The reference to the pressure of time relates to the past few days. Had they made their submissions before then and given me time to fix a date, I would have done so.

I thank the Minister for the clarification but that is not the impression I got from the reference in the Minister's speech to his inability to meet these people. I shall not dwell any further on this point because we can consider it in detail on Committee Stage, but I would make the point that this legislation is attempting to give power, by way of a series of enabling sections, to the Minister to push his housing policy. That policy has been identified in the past as a policy relying on the private sector and on the house-building industry by way of a system of grants of one kind or another. Consequently, the emphasis has been taken from local authority housing.

The Minister of State has denied this and has attempted in the House to support that denial, but the figures indicate otherwise, as most local representatives and Fianna Fáil back benchers would agree. I would argue that this shift has taken place as between local authority and private housing. If it has taken place the private sector's relationship with the Minister is being aggravated. The private sector have gone up market and are building the more expensive type houses. The result of this is that the people most in need of housing are not being accommodated. The number of starts in local authority housing has been reduced. My assessment of the situation is that the Minister and the private building industry are engaged in a cold war but if I am wrong I should be glad to hear the Minister refute what I am saying. There are two lessons to be learned from the situation. First, the building industry should realise that Fianna Fáil in Opposition and Fianna Fáil in office are two separate things and that the perceived relationship which the building industry had traditionally with Fianna Fáil, a relationship that emerges from the Burlington Hotel and other places in terms of Fianna Fáil activities, should be seen now for what it is.

The second point is that if the Government are to pursue a right-wing policy in relation to house building they should ensure first that the relationship with the industry is reasonably satisfactory. The Minister assures me that he has done everything possible to meet the industry but the fact remains that there is now a situation that can be described as a state of war between the Minister and the industry in relation to the application of CRVs. I note that the Minister is shaking his head but I note also that in his speech he said in relation to the CIF that:

Their press notice of 1 June contained several inaccurate and misleading statements. It is scarcely necessary for me to repeat at this stage all the points which I made in a press rejoinder which I issued on that date. I would simply reiterate the fact that, since this Government resumed office, there have been numerous meetings between the CIF, the Minister, the Minister of State and senior officers of the Department at which various aspects of the CRV system were discussed.

That is the Minister's word as of today but the CIF are saying that they have nothing further to add to their statement. There is one big gap in relation to the application of a system that is being incorporated in section 18 of this Bill. This means that every lending agency will have to obtain a CRV before a house is built and we know what happened in the past in relation to administration——

Is the Deputy in favour of CRVs?

I am very much in favour of them but I am in favour also of local authority housing and of developing the voluntary housing sector. If I were Minister these are the aspects of the industry that I should be concentrating on. This Government have seen fit to have regard almost exclusively to the private sector. They are opting for the wrong road and, what is worse, they are making a bad job of it. Essentially I am criticising the management of this Government in the area of housing. They are prepared to engage in this mismanagement in order to achieve their housing targets. We are now to pass legislation to make CRVs obligatory for lending agencies as well as for house builders. Given the nature of the housing market, this will distort the activities of the builders to such an extent that those most in need of housing are not likely to get it. We do not know how this Bill is going to work and there will be all sorts of difficulties.

If they start building they will flood the upper side of the market.

Let us not get into housing figures and prices at the moment, but the Minister knows how flooded that particular area is. My concern is that the people least able to house themselves—as distinct from the people who are not able to house themselves—who can afford to make some financial provision for themselves and normally depend on the private sector to provide low cost housing for them will suffer most. It is my contention that the larger house building, construction companies, will move out of this area and into other areas of the building industry because of the present state of the house building industry and the demand for construction in other sectors.

The CIF themselves do not know the position because the market is so diverse and the variables so many that we do not know what the impact is likely to be. I can quite clearly say that unless you get the management of the CRV system right, to the extent that the people operating the system feel that it is right, it will not work. Introducing heavier penalties, as provided for under section 18, will not help the situation at all. The Minister's words are "co-operation and consultation and a flexible approach". If what the Minister has had for the last year or so with the CIF has been a flexible approach and that flexibility has resulted in a stalemate between one Government Department and the organisation of the other, is it any wonder that the postal strike lasted for 17 weeks and is it any wonder that we have all the other industrial difficulties?

These are asides, Deputy.

They are not, really. The question on Second Stage—and I am quoting what the Minister introduced in debate—is the competence of the Minister to implement and pursue a policy that the Government have seen fit to identify as their right wing strategy. That, frankly, begs the question and I hope the Minister will reply.

That is all I wish to say on Second Stage. There are a number of other points which would more properly come up on Committee Stage and are questions that require clarification, rather than points of view. Many of these provisions are enabling ones and it would depend on the actual regulations and their publication before we can see the strategy. If the Minister has defined thinking in the area of the concrete role of the voluntary housing sector and on the question of conservation grants and grants for local authorities, he should indicate that as soon as possible so that the local authorities and local authority members such as Deputy O'Brien, can begin to anticipate the legislation and the regulations and move forward to identify activities in their own local authority areas.

I am happy to have on opportunity to speak on this Bill. This Bill does not reveal any housing policy whatsoever. It is purely to enable the Minister, in time, to do certain things if he wants to do them. Given the serious nature of our housing problem I would prefer the Minister to have a defined policy.

We have a large number of families reluctantly sharing with their in-laws. We have hundreds of families, particularly in Dublin, squatting in local authority housing. We have very long waiting lists for housing and one would get the impression, from this Government's stance on housing, that these lists will get longer. Many houses are falling into disrepair through lack of maintenance, due, among other reasons, to the fact that grants are totally inadequate. Housing stock in this town is in a major decline and the Government have no real policy for tackling this serious problem. It could be tackled by way of tax relief incentives to people who invest money in their homes and in their property. The grants for these people should be generous grants and these are not forthcoming. There is, unfortunately, nothing to show this approach in the Bill. When one considers the money that must be invested in new housing it is tragic to see this terrible decline in reasonably good housing stock. Young families are unable to get private accommodation or, if they do, they are forced to pay more than one-third of their income for slum accommodation. Have the Government any policy on this? I do not thing they have. It is sad to see these people being forced to pay terrible rents for accommodation which, literally, is not fit for animals. Because of the housing shortage, this type of accommodation is being used and abused by the people who own it and the Government are standing back from the problem.

There are families who have to accept crushing debt burdens to get accommodation. Not alone are they going to building societies and local authorities but they are forced to get a second loan from banks or other financial institutions, in order to obtain a deposit for their houses. This means putting themselves "in hock" away beyond their earning capacity and when one considers the very high interest rates being passed on to them, in many cases there is real poverty in this area, which appears to be totally disregarded. People who have the courage to provide their own accommodation are, in my view, being severely penalised and not given any real help. This legislation mentions grants and help and all sorts of accommodation for people; in fact, there is little by way of help for these people.

When the trumpets and fanfares were sounding in mid-1977 regarding the £1,000 grant, one would have thought that this was a bonanza. As Deputy Tully earlier said, it could be used by way of a deposit. This £1,000 grant has lost any real meaning or value that it had because of escalating costs. Also, as a grant it should be divided up, with £500 being paid at roofing stage and the balance on completion. The trouble with this grant is that your house may be built and the builder may hand it over to you, but unless you are actually living in the house with furniture, curtains and all the paraphernalia one must have in a house you do not get this £1,000. You might put a mattress on the floor and be sleeping on it but that will not be accepted as living in the house because there are no curtains on the windows.

Surely a grant is to help people? I suppose £1,000 is useful because it will help a man to pay off his debts. Why should he be given £1,000 to pay off his debts when the grant could be given earlier when the man really needs it? I have had several complaints about this from different people and I have got on to the Department about them but the grant was not given. Those people could not move into their houses because they could not afford to buy furniture.

A grant is given to help people. As Deputy Fitzpatrick said this appears to be enabling legislation for the Minister to put some sort of income limit on this grant. When this £1,000 grant was being praised by the Government there was no impediment whatsoever. As long as a person was buying a house for the first time he was entitled to the grant. Under this new Bill the Minister is obviously having second thoughts. This side of the House did not introduce this £1,000 grant so I am not saying whether I am for or against it. If this Bill, on top of making the £1,000 grant available only to first owners, is making it restrictive on the basis of earnings I believe it will be useless.

The purpose of that section is to validate the restrictions which were put on by the last Government with regard to a means test. That action has to be validated the same as everything since 1872.

Is the Minister saying that he does not contemplate in the future putting any income limit on this grant?

I am saying that I am simply validating the action taken by the National Coalition with regard to a means test for grants. That is the sole purpose of this.

The Minister is validating this.

It has to be validated legally.

I am glad the Minister has raised this point. Is he contemplating in the future putting an income limit on this £1,000 grant?

I have no plans to do so.

The Deputy should not be asking questions like this.

It is important to get that on the record.

I am only validating what was done by the National Coalition.

It is equally important that the Deputy makes his own speech at this stage. We can have questions and answers on Committee Stage.

It was important to raise that matter. We now have it on the record of the House that there will not be any income limit on this grant. The Minister says that he is only validating actions taken by the previous Government. He has now said quite clearly that he does not intend to put any income limit on the £1,000 grant. We could possibly call this Bill the Validation Bill rather than the Miscellaneous Provisions Bill.

There is an income limit on loans granted for repairs. People do repairs to keep their property in good order and there should not be an income limit on loans for repairs. In fact, a tax incentive should be given to encourage people to keep their property in good order. The loan granted is £2,500 but one cannot get much done for that amount of money. It is important that we keep our existing housing stock in as good a condition as we can. A very large amount of capital is required to build new houses. The land they have to be build on also costs a large sum of money. I ask the Minister to look at the income limit on repairs. The Minister is giving himself a lot of enabling powers in this Bill. He should avail of those enabling powers in relation to the grant for repairs.

There are many people who might like to buy houses and rent this accommodation to people. Those people should be given grants to improve their property particularly if it can be proved that they will provide good accommodation for young families. There are many young people looking for any type of accommodation. They are obliged to pay over one-third of their income for slum accommodation. If people are given grants at low interest rates to provide good accommodation at reasonable rents for those young people we should encourage this. We do not seem to want to do this. When people are paying substantial rent for their accommodation they should be able to claim tax relief. I know this is a matter for another Minister but I believe it is in the housing area. If the Minister accepts that this type of accommodation should be available he should be prepared to approach the Minister for Finance and get him to agree to give some tax relief to the people who are in rented accommodation. People who are buying homes of their own get tax relief on the interest they pay but the people who are paying very high rent are not getting any tax relief. I believe that if those people were given some tax relief the Minister for Finance would be able to get at the tax dodgers at the other end of the scale. This would not cost the Exchequer a great deal of money but it would help the person in rented accommodation to help meet the cost of his rent.

The question of housing and house prices is important. We are not facing up to the problem of escalating costs and the problems this will create. Local authority housing is on the decline because of specific decisions taken by the Government. That is their policy and they will have to stand by it. As public representatives we have to meet our constituents and discuss their various problems. The main problem is housing. I have found in the past year that people who hitherto would have provided their own houses are unable to do so because of the escalating cost of houses in the past few years and because no real effort has been made to come to grips with the financing of houses for them. The SDA loan is £9,000 but the average house price is £20,000 and at the lower limit it is in the range of £15,000 to £16,000. We are talking about a man who must earn less than £80 per week in order to qualify for the SDA loan. Before he can consider buying a house he must have £6,000 or £7,000 in his pocket. It is obvious that it is a ludicrous situation. We are saying we will provide the money but we do not have to lend it because people cannot afford it.

Low rise mortgage has considerable merit. The then Minister, Deputy Tully, introduced the scheme and it was worth while. Possibly there were too many restrictions but at least it was a start to subsidise loans. That start was never developed as it should have been to cater for people. The scheme had considerable merit because it enabled people in the initial stage to have subsidised loans.

The Government took a deliberate decision to cut back on local authority housing. We have a responsibility to put alternatives to the Government. The tragic result of the Government's decision is that people will be exploited and will be forced to live in accommodation that is unfit for animals. If the Government had any sense they would ask what incentive could be given to young people who genuinely want to provide their own homes. Surely the way to do it by way of the low rise mortgage scheme where deposits will be rather low and where we can lend reasonably high. Because of the subsidised lending rate people will be able to avail of the scheme.

It would alleviate many of our housing problems and would take many people from the housing lists if they could be helped to provide their own houses. I can see in two years' time a doubling of the corporation housing list. We have a young population and people are tending to marry at an early age. If there is a doubling of the housing list we will have a real housing crisis. However, the problem can be solved if we have the will and the social conscience. The Government who are committed to the private sector will be helping that sector because they will be building to meet the needs of young people. It behoves the Government to examine the whole area of financing for young people. The Government have a choice whether we will have a housing crisis or not.

This Bill does not give hope to people in need of housing. Public representatives are well aware of the hardship, illhealth and the broken families caused by bad accommodation or no accommodation at all. A loan of £9,000 sounds very nice but housing costs have risen dramatically. This Government took office in the second quarter of 1977 and up to March of this year there has been an increase in housing costs of 49 per cent. That is staggering. The cost of building materials accounts for 17 per cent of that. Labour accounts for 65 per cent of house costs but I wonder if labour costs account for the very high increases in the past 21 months. I do not think they do.

The Minister mentioned CRVs, constraints, threats and so on, but in my view there is a certain amount of dishonesty here. He is not serious about keeping house prices down. He is merely paying political lip service. He should examine this area again to see if the 49 per cent has been a real increase resulting from inflation and rising costs. I do not believe that argument would stand up under any circumstances because in that period the cost of materials rose by 17 per cent. It is important to ask: where is the bulk of the increase going? I do not know; I can only hazard a guess that it is going into the pockets of many builders. Although labour costs have risen in my view they have not risen to the extent we are talking about here.

Is the Minister aware that 39 per cent of privately built houses were financed by agencies, other than those mentioned by him, who did not care if a CRV was issued? How serious is he when he talks about CRVs? The CIF were in touch with him about this but at the end they were blowing hot and cold because when they looked at the figures and saw that nearly 40 per cent of privately built houses were financed by private agencies this seemed a joke. That is why I wonder if the Minister is seriously concerned that we are getting reasonable value for houses. I do not think we are. In my opinion the Minister is not taking this seriously. He is giving himself legislation, paying political lip service. The CIF do not put the boot in now, as was intended earlier. The Minister would not show them this legislation because, he said, he wanted to pay us the courtesy of bringing it first before the House.

I would like to believe that but I find it very hard to do so especially when one reads statements made by different Ministers all over the country who do not care whether it would be better if those statements were first made in the House. I resent it when the Minister uses this House to defend himself against the CIF because when it is to his advantage he or any other Ministers, will make statements of policy outside this House. I ask the Minister not to give us that kind of claptrap. We are not fools. It suited him to hide behind us on this occasion.

Deputy Quinn mentioned voluntary housing associations. If we are serious about tackling housing problems we must look at every aspect of this subject and see where we get help to develop because housing is a basic need. When Christ was born His parents could not find a roof for over their heads and He was born in a manager.

I accept that housing costs are rising and that the financial constraints on the Government are rough and tough but the Minister's speech and the Bill do not give us any hope for the future. This legislation enables the Minister to do this, that and the other. Voluntary housing societies not alone must be encouraged but they must be developed. That would not be costly. Housing aid societies should be in a position to buy old houses and refurbish them. On the Continent they buy property and when the people die the society takes over the property. This is a long-term situation; it does not solve any immediate problems. If we encourage such societies we will show that we are serious about developing and preserving housing stock.

There are people who are prepared to give their time free to help do this but they do not have the capital. The Government should develop the voluntary organisations. If one goes through this city one will see a great deal of run-down property that could be purchased, developed and let to young families who are in dire need of housing, who are living with their in-laws, are suffering serious mental stress and many of whom are on valium and on numerous occasions have attempted to take their own lives. I have no doubt that Deputy Moore has seen this in his own area—young women attempting to take their lives because of the pressures they were living under.

This House and the Government have a very definite obligation to do something about this, to stand up and be counted. We must admit that we have a problem. We have constraints upon ourselves but we should be asking ourselves what we can do and where are there areas we can help without costing this State a vast fortune. We have the voluntary housing agencies, the co-operatives. They are doing a job and the grants they get are miserable. That highlights our total indifference to people who want to help themselves. They should be given free sites and generous grants and the expertise should be made available to help these housing co-operatives. If that was done they would develop and mushroom. We could also have housing aid societies which would buy old houses from people and when those people had died they would take over the houses and we would be creating a whole new housing stock.

In other countries architects are involved in the provision of housing. Of all the professional bodies architects have a very strong social conscience. There is a fund of goodwill here that can be tapped. We could ask the architects' association to become involved in the setting up of a housing body to be financed by the Government; sites could be provided under the Derelict Sites Act. Around Dublin there is an enormous number of derelict sites and a lot of land could be provided in that way. I suggest that people of the calibre of architects would give generously of their time to put something into their own areas. But nobody seems to have the will or the desire to do any of those things. Nobody wants to take any new initiative to provide new areas of housing. Local authorities are being run down and it behoves the people who are running them down to provide something in their place. Otherwise we will have a problem of great magnitude in the very near future which is something none of us in this House would want to see. If we go on as we are doing at the moment that is precisely what is going to happen. I would ask this Government to use their initiative and develop housing for the people.

Another area which is neglected is in relation to the local authorities. They get a capital grant every year to do with it what they want to do and to build what they can with it. We must take a serious look at the whole area of replacement. The capital grants should be used only for new developments. Replacing and refurbishing run-down housing stock in local authority areas, particularly in Dublin, where a big clearance is being carried out, is going on using that money. It is only when a councillor in a particular area decides to put down a motion in a local authority housing committee that action is reluctantly taken if the councillor can get sufficient support from his colleagues. Action is only taken when the particular housing stock is a slum of the worst type. That is what is happening at the moment. There should be a planned programme over ten years as to what a local authority are going to do every year and the amount of money they are going to get to develop an area and they should knock down a building if it has to be knocked down or refurbish it if it can be refurbished.

But if we decide that we should take some action in regard to certain property the people in it are being housed in new housing stock developed by the corporation out of their normal capital fund and there is absolutely no provision made whatsoever for special funding for this type of work. This is why there is a reluctance on the part of many local authorities to go ahead and try to get areas closed because they know that if they do all those people will have to be housed in prime areas thus depriving many people who are already on the waiting list. That is because there is no proper policy.

It is important that we have a policy and the initiative must come from central Government. They must look at it and realise that we have a major problem. I know we have an inter-departmental committee on inner city development. I hope—and I will be very much involved and interested—that something is going to happen in this line. Often if one wants to do nothing one sets up a committee and that looks after everything. I do not think we need a committee to get things done in the city of Dublin. What we need is a financial commitment. The corporation are well aware of what is wanted. Basically I am not against this committee and I will not knock it because hopefully it will do something useful. It is the person who set up the committee that I want to knock because if he had gone to the local authority and told them that he was sincerely interested in the inner city and asked what was needed he would have been told that this inter-departmental committee was not needed because the very hard-working officials of Dublin Corporation and the equally hard-working councillors would have been in a position to tell him exactly what was required for this type of development. Really it is a question of putting it on the long finger because if I ask a question in the House I will be told that the inter-departmental committee are looking into it and they will refer back to me in a few months time.

This may be digressing from the Bill but again one does not often get an opportunity in this House to discuss this very serious problem. People might say that this would be irrelevant to Estimates but Estimates come up and if we get an hour at them for everybody we are lucky; then they are postponed and then they die. The day of the Estimate and the day of getting a bite at the cherry of the Estimate is gone and so when we do get an opportunity of discussing housing it is welcome. Eighty per cent of the problems with constituents relate to housing and that is why I am glad I have the opportunity to talk on this very serious subject. I do not think the Government are taking it seriously. It is obvious that they do not have any policy and are leaving all this to the private developer. They are not providing the facilities to encourage people to build their own houses and as a result we are faced with the huge problem of bad and inadequate housing.

We should also try to find ways to encourage private developers to move into vacant sites in the inner city. Such developers are in the building business for the purpose of making a profit, and I do not object to that, but if they do not see profit in the development of an inner city site they will not embark on any project there. It is up to us to encourage them by way of tax incentives or otherwise to develop those sites. During the last couple of years a lot of sites were left vacant because that was not the type of development to be engaged in. Such developers must be able to see a profit at the end of their work or otherwise they will not embark on such projects. Had the proper incentives been available I have no doubt that many developers would have commenced a mixed type of development in the inner city area. It is that type of development which is essential. We do not want lopsided development but, unfortunately, there is not much interest in housing in the inner city along normal and balanced lines. I raised this matter with the former Minister for Finance and also asked him to experiment in this direction by giving incentives to developers to erect houses in the inner city.

I hope the Minister will see some merit in the suggestions I have put forward. I am not contending that my suggestions are revolutionary or new, but we must face the fact that we have a chronic housing shortage and a duty to provide homes for our people. I have heard many people speaking about the great advantage it was to have our people getting married at an early age but we will have to provide housing for that young population. If we do not do that we will effectively be forcing them to live in substandard accommodation, breeding grounds for vandalism and violence. Then we will be failing miserably in our duty to our young people. We have a moral obligation to provide decent housing accommodation in a proper environment for our young people.

I was happy to be associated with a Government—in particular the former Minister for Local Government, Deputy Tully—who tackled the housing problem in a serious manner. They were not interested in the cost of such improvements; their only concern was the welfare of our people. Over the years various inner city communities have been plugging away to get housing in their areas and we are all aware of the developments at the cattle mart, the Coombe, Clanbrassil Street, Smithfield and Ringsend, but it should be remembered that before we left office we had made a commitment to embark on those projects. It appears that the Government have not made any further commitment to do similar work.

Having listened to the Minister in relation to the inner city development and the cost, I am sceptical about the outcome of the report of the Inter-Departmental Committee on that area. It should be remembered that we are concerned about people, not bricks and mortar. The only way to ensure that people will live in the inner city is to provide them with decent accommodation. If there is not a serious commitment on the part of the committee its establishment will amount to nothing less than an exercise in chicanery, which none of us wanted.

I should like to deal with the question of voluntary help in regard to housing. In my constituency we are fortunate to have such a concerned group as the Iveagh Trust. However, because of constraints they are now experiencing a serious financial situation. Last year I was successful in my efforts to obtain a grant from Dublin Corporation to help that trust in its efforts but it is my view that we should have a more positive policy towards such organisations. The Iveagh Trust is a non-profit making concern and they should not have to run around seeking help or wondering if they will have to cease operations because of lack of funds. It is unfortunate that the Department are reluctant to underwrite such non-profit making concerns against losses. The Department, if they adopted that suggestion, could appoint a representative on the board of that trust who would be in a position to scrutinise all the accounts. The trust recently obtained an estimate of £38,000 for the repainting of their houses, an estimate which they had to reject because they did not have the money. The result is that the housing stock of the trust is gradually deteriorating. In housing terms such an amount of money is very small but it would help the trust to keep those houses in a proper state of repair. Such laudable organisations should be encouraged to remain in being and keep up the standard of their houses. We are all aware that where voluntary organisations are prepared to help the underprivileged they are whipped to death. That is an indictment of our thinking and social conscience and is alien to everything we should stand for. The Minister should be more generous to such people because any grant given to them is a good investment. He is giving substantial grants to repair homes, a sensible and practical approach which is long overdue, but he should also consider the voluntary organisations.

The Minister appears to be dominated by the Ministers for Finance and Economic Planning and Development and it is the latter Minister who appears to be calling all the shots. It appears that the Minister for the Environment does not have any authority other than to put through certain legislation. He does not appear to have any control over money. It is hard to understand why such important legislation as this was brought before the House in the last week of this session. I cannot understand why we are being given the impression that if we do not pass it immediately the housing industry will collapse although the Bill seeks to regularise matters since 1970. I do not believe there is any great urgency about this legislation and I trust that we will have ample opportunity to consider it in detail on Committee Stage. This rushing by the Government epitomises their attitude to our serious social problem of housing, a problem which they are anxious to sweep under the carpet.

They can have us back next week and the week after if they want that but I contend this legislation must be discussed and we must get the time to put down reasoned amendments which I hope the Minister will accept. If he refers the Bill to a select committee I would be happy with that because we could discuss and amend it so as to get the type of legislation we all want. Unless we get this type of co-operation from the Government I am not prepared to give the Minister the Bill quickly. We are prepared to sit and go through it line by line to ensure we get what we and the people we represent want and expect to get.

I am not happy with the manner in which this Bill was brought before the House. It epitomises the Government's attitude to housing policy. They want to run down local authority housing and get us back to the slum conditions we thought we were getting away from. If the Government have sense and can read the political messages that were conveyed in the past few weeks in this city, they should know the city is not too happy with them. They may have got a mandate in 1977 but the past few weeks showed the people are not too pleased but if the Government want to pursue their merry way it is on their own heads. If they have any political "cop" they will sit up and take seriously the job with which they were charged—to develop and provide reasonable housing accommodation for the people.

I shall participate in the Committee Stage but I assure the Minister that under no circumstances can he expect to get this Bill in a hurry. I do not intend to give it because it is too serious a matter and given that serious nature the Minister should defer the Bill until the autumn. If he does not want to do that, we are prepared to sit until it is properly debated and amended in a reasonable way.

Some of the rectifying aspects of this Bill date back many years, and listening to the Opposition speakers one wonders what they were doing when they had the opportunity to do something positive about the housing situation.

Twenty-six thousand houses a year.

Deputy Lawlor without interruption, please.

The first quarter of this year invalidates that number game because we have probably built more houses in that quarter than ever before. The figures are there and the trend is there. Housing is progressing——

What about local authority housing? It is down.

So long as the Opposition parties in local authorities behave as they have been behaving in the areas about which the Deputy opposite is so concerned, bogging down the matter of housing in irrelevant detail rather than getting on with this so-called urgent requirement of housing in the inner city, the problem will remain.

If we get the money we will build the houses.

As regards Dublin and the inner city, this Government have done more and have recognised the problem more quickly than any other previous administration to the extent that economic planning has been given a special brief for it and voted funds for it. A recent report by the National Economic and Social Council has been produced on inner Dublin and for the first time in many years we are positively committed and the record is there now to prove that we intend to do something about it.

I agree with Deputy O'Brien when he says that the Bill is comprehensive and complex. While there may be need for more discussion and possibly some minor amendments, the Opposition were given the opportunity to put forward their suggestions. If the Bill is delayed the people it was designed to assist will suffer. In his speech the Minister referred to the need of the less fortunate in our community. The Minister has recognised the delays in housing the physically handicapped and he has assumed direct responsibility to ensure that action is taken in this area. The Minister should be commended for ensuring that the less fortunate members of our community are catered for.

The Coalition Government may have made progress in the laying of foundations but they did not commit themselves to the funding of serviced land. The only way to control the price of houses is to have more serviced land than is needed. The main requirement in the future is a commitment to fund serviced land. There has been much talk about the downgrading of local authorities but the Bill recognises their importance. In sections 8 and 9 the Minister has recognised the importance of the involvement of local authorities in the housing drive. Section 8 of the Bill proposes an increase in home improvement grants from £200 to £600. This is practical recognition of the need for change in this area. The income limit for county council loans has been increased on two occasions. When the Coalition were in power Fianna Fáil appealed to them to increase the income limit. In my constituency the benefits of the increased income limit can be seen. The number of loan applications confirms the success of the Government's housing policy. There has been a great increase in the demand for the £1,000 grant. The current number of applications is 9,874 as against 4,674.

The Bill recognises the need for a national housing policy. In my constituency two satellite towns are being developed and there has been a great increase in the number of local authority houses. Deputy O'Brien should visit my constituency and see what is being done to provide local authority housing. The overlapping of boundaries between local authorities leads to complications. I would ask the Minister and the managers concerned to consider the matter in relation to housing in County Dublin. Some of my constituents make payments to two local authorities—to the county council and the corporation. The different schemes and methods of payment cause confusion. I know that the Minister has visited many areas and seen local authority and private developments. There is need for a closer working relationship between the corporation and the county council.

The CRV scheme is desirable and should be supported because it assures house purchasers that they are getting value for money. The guarantee scheme introduced by the Minister is a further assurance for first-time house purchasers. This scheme has a number of legal stipulations built into it which ensure value for money.

Debate adjourned.
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