Statement by the Taoiseach on Visit to United States.

The Taoiseach

Earlier this year, my wife and I accepted an invitation from President Carter to pay an official visit to the United States.

Since Ireland holds the Presidency of the European Community for the six months ending 31 December next, my visit afforded an opportunity of discussing not only matters affecting Ireland and United States-Irish relations generally but also aspects of European Community affairs. I was accompanied during the visit by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Mrs. O'Kennedy.

I should like to take this opportunity, on behalf of the official party, formally and most sincerely, to express my thanks to President Carter for his invitation and for the hospitality with which we were received in the United States. We were treated with the generosity for which America is noted. Official, protocol and security arrangements, at all levels, could not have been better. It is a fair conclusion that the historically good relations between Ireland and America were affirmed and reinforced by the visit. I took the opportunity of the visit to invite President Carter and his wife to come to Ireland on a mutually convenient date in the future.

At our meeting on 8 November with President Carter, Secretary of State Vance and National Security Adviser Brzezinski, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and I discussed the fundamental identity of interest between Ireland, the United States and the European Community in the world today which was clearly apparent. The President was most understanding on the need for American investment in Ireland, North and South. As the press statement issued after the meeting indicates, both of us condemned support for organisations engaged, directly or indirectly, in campaigns of violence in Northern Ireland, which only delay the coming of peace and reconciliation and retard economic, political and social progress on this island. I have arranged for a copy of that statement to be laid before the House.

Other American officials or representatives we met included Vice President Mondale, Speaker O'Neill, Senator Moynihan, Congressmen Foley and Boland, the chairmen and other members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. We also met Treasury Secretary Miller, Energy Secretary Duncan and Deputy (Energy) Secretary Sawhill, Governors King, Garrahy and Carey of the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and New York, and Mayors Jane Byrne, Morial and McConn. Again at these meetings we discussed matters affecting Northern Ireland, American investment in Ireland and EEC-US relations. Towards the end of our tour we had discussions with the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Waldheim, and afterwards with the President of the Security Council, the President of the General Assembly and the President of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. We discussed matters affecting world peace and security and in particular Cambodia and Ireland's peace-keeping role in the Lebanon. Our respective heavy schedules made it impossible for Senator Kennedy and me to meet but we had a long and useful telephone discussion on the major issues of common concern.

Much of my time during the visit was taken up also with briefing on the situation in Ireland and in Europe for editors, correspondents and other media representatives.

Throughout our tour, we met with many other representatives and officials and discussed with them—as I did with President Carter and his colleagues—matters such as

—issues facing the United States and the European Community in the world today,

—bilateral issues as between Ireland and the United States and

—policy affecting Northern Ireland.

In relation to Europe, we discussed, in a general way, the major problems facing both our communities in the world today, including the increasingly serious shortage of energy, the impact of modern technology on employment, the shift in trade as between developing and industralised countries and the demographic changes affecting the values and nature of society in many countries.

We discussed also at some of the meetings the issues which are likely to arise in the immediate future such as the completion of the Multilateral Trade Negotiations, the question of the convergence of the economies of the Nine and the budget of the European Community. As Deputies will be aware, the latter items are likely to be considered at the European Council of Heads of State or of Government, at which I will be presiding, in Dublin later this month.

An essential objective of my visit was the affirmation of the good relations between Ireland and the United States. Everywhere we went, we were met with friendship and understanding. The Irish community in America, estimated at about 20 million strong, have much to be proud of in their contribution to the country of their ancestors and to the country of their adoption.

About half of the new foreign investment in industry in this country originates in America. This investment may be influenced by the closeness of the bonds between our two countries, by a common language and by the common values of the American and Irish peoples. But essentially the investment comes here because of the welcome which the Irish people and all of our Governments have given it and because of the high rate of return it can now achieve in a market of 260 million people. Location of American industry in Ireland does not hurt employment or investment in America but gives access to the European market which would not otherwise be available. During my visit I announced details of further investment by nine American corporations, involving capital commitments of about £13 million and about 1,600 new jobs, when fully operational. These industries include firms producing electronic, pharmaceutical, medical, leisure and chemical products, all in high demand and most on the frontiers of technology in the world today. The representatives of other firms, some of them in similar lines of business, and some among the most advanced in their particular fields of operation in the world, indicated their intention of deciding soon to locate in Ireland; but in accordance with a wise and well-established practice, we do not announce details until the decisions are made. These new industries whose names will become apparent in coming weeks and months will continue the drive we are making to establish Ireland as an important manufacturer and supplier, in the world today, of electronic and other high technology products.

So far, in what I have been saying I have been concerned largely with economic and social affairs. I want now to turn to the third of the major concerns of my visit. This was to outline Government policies on Northern Ireland and to give the American people everywhere as wide and as deep as possible an understanding of the issues involved. The essential principles are clear. I have outlined them many times before in this House—most recently in reply to Parliamentary Questions on 17 October 1979. I do not intend to go again in detail into these issues here today. It is sufficient to say that everywhere we went there was widespread support for and understanding of the Government's aims and policies and an extraordinarily high measure of abhorrence for those conducting campaigns of violence or supporting them, directly or indirectly.

An obvious question is whether the visit was a success. I think that it was—in the understanding I received from President Carter and other leaders, in the support which is patently now so widespread among the American people for the Government's aims and policies, in the creation of prosperity and employment from the new investment which the visit so obviously encouraged, and in the extent, veracity and immediacy of the coverage we received from the media both in Washington and elsewhere. But Deputies need not accept my assessment. I need refer only to Senator Kennedy's congratulations in his formal statement after our discussion on our "extremely successful tour of the U.S."—and to Governor Carey's assessment of the visit as being a "profound success".

Dr. FitzGerald

I am glad of this statement by the Taoiseach on a visit which is clearly an important and historic one in so far as he was present in the United States not merely in his capacity as Taoiseach of this State but as President of the Council of Ministers. His discussions with the United States President and other senior officials in his administration related to European Community matters as well as to matters of purely Irish concern. The Taoiseach has referred to these discussions as relating to issues facing the United States and the European Community in the world today. At a later stage he seems to refer to what some of these subjects may have been. I was somewhat concerned to notice that the list was more economic than political and I wondered whether on this occasion the political issues on which the member states of the European Community, through the European political co-operation mechanism, have formed a common view, and where the communication of that view could be helpful, might not also have been discussed. I hope they have. This is the case in relation to the Middle East. We are not told whether that issue came up for discussion. There are other areas of the world such as Iran and Namibia and—although this is in a sense at present sub judice and discussion might not necessarily be helpful—the problems of Zimbabwe Rhodesia where the Community has an interest and has shown its concern.

The value of this trip is evident in its contribution to the further improvement of the understanding of the United States of the true character of the Northern Ireland problems and of our policy. I say "our policy" rather advisedly because in its essentials—that is in the priority for developed self-government, the dangers of British withdrawal in advance of a political solution, as spelled out by the Taoiseach in his Time magazine interview before going—it is one common to the political parties democratically elected by the people of this State. In any event, I speak for my own party in that respect.

The work energetically undertaken by the Taoiseach, in no way sparing himself in what was a long and, I am sure, very tiring tour, is work which he had started in a previous administration as Taoiseach at a time when it was perhaps more difficult and more unpopular to challenge some of the preconceptions of certain Irish-American groups. That work was continued by the National Coalition Government culminating in the visit of the then Taoiseach, Deputy Liam Cosgrave, to the United States in 1976 when he had the unique privilege of addressing the Joint Houses of Congress, and his address had a profound effect on opinion in the United States. The effects and impact of the work carried through in those years, culminating in that address, were to be seen when a year later the four Irish-American leaders issued a joint statement on Northern Ireland and the subject of violence. The immediate credit for this statement was to go to the deputy leader of the SDLP, John Hume, but the advance planning and preparations had been carried through right from the period when the Taoiseach was in office previously and through our period in Government. The efforts during our period in Government also provided the foundation for the Carter initiative and, I believe, for the new sense of involvement of the United States administration in Northern Ireland affairs, and the communication of this to the United Kingdom Government has already had profound effects on British attitudes and must have contributed to today's White Paper, on which it is premature at this stage to make any comment.

The Taoiseach, in this visit, carried on this process which had been undertaken by his predecessors and initiated by himself back in 1972. The evidence appears to be that he was successful in this work and, indeed, in spelling out the attractions of this country as a base for United States investment. Despite the cloud thrown over the visit by what I must regard as his unwise disclosure to the US press that security arrangements agreed with the United Kingdom involved a new type of provision for overflights, and even more so by the reactions of members of his own party during his absence, the Taoiseach is right in saying that the visit was a success in the American context. It would appear from what little it is possible to glean at this stage that the kind of reactions created here did not feed back to the United States on such a scale as to damage what he was trying to do for our State. For my own part I was brought up to believe in the duty to support one's Government abroad unless there is a total gulf on a crucial issue affecting democracy. I felt it my duty to do this and, when the polls closed and indeed immediately after the by-election defeats of the Government, to make it clear that we had fought this election on economic issues and that these defeats in no way reflected upon or weakened the Taoiseach's authority to speak on Northern Ireland matters in the United States on behalf of the people of this State on the basis of the common ground set out in his interview in Time magazine. I would only add that the duty which is imposed on the Opposition and also on all those outside politics to support the Government in circumstances of this kind and to leave criticism to another place and another time within the boundaries of our own State is a duty which is shared even by members of the Government party.

Mr. Cluskey

I should like to thank the Taoiseach for making this statement and for continuing with the practice of making a report to the Dáil in this fashion to give leaders of Opposition parties an opportunity to comment after meetings held abroad with Heads of State in other countries. The only exception to that since the commencement of this Dáil was after the meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Thatcher.

The failure to make that statement and allow members of the Opposition parties to comment has led to considerable controversy both in and out side this House on the subject matter of the meetings which the Taoiseach would not report to the Dáil.

The visit of the Taoiseach, accompanied by his wife, Mrs. Lynch, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and his wife, and his party to the United States was in some respects very beneficial to the Irish nation. We should express our appreciation of the very arduous task undertaken by them during those nine days. Some people have the impression that going abroad is one long holiday. Anybody who was aware of the schedule of meetings and commitments undertaken by the Taoiseach and Mrs. Lynch and his party will appreciate the considerable service they have done to this nation. They were all very hard pressed to fulfil the many engagements and commitments which I consider to be desirable for them to undertake on visits such as this one.

There were a number of positive aspects to the visit. Considerable IDA initiated investment was concluded. The Taoiseach was able to show some positive results in relation to investment here and job creation resulting from that investment. I should like to refer briefly to my party's position on this. While we fully appreciate the need and desirability of foreign investment here, I would again refer to the concern of my party and, indeed, a concern shared by people outside my party—Irish business circles included—that there is an undue percentage, particularly of our manufacturing sector, going into foreign hands. This is something we would again urge the Government to look at seriously in the interests of the Irish people. However, the efforts made by the Taoiseach could be regarded as beneficial and we recognise that fact.

On the question of the support the Provisional IRA and any other groups engaged in violence here enjoyed among certain members of the Irish-American community, there has been a very prolonged and intensive campaign by successive Irish Governments, and by our diplomatic missions to the United States, to try to convey to Irish-Americans the abhorrence with which the vast majority of the Irish people view the men of violence here. I fully endorse the Taoiseach's description, in America, of these people as being "the true enemies of the Irish people and of Irish democracy".

We, in this party, both in Government and in Opposition, on any occasion when we had an opportunity of speaking to Irish-Americans—whether politicians, officials, or ordinary American citizens of Irish extraction—have, at all times, very forcibly confirmed the Taoiseach's view and description of these people as being the real enemies of the Irish people and also his description of the people who support them, either financially or otherwise, as falling into the same category. That is something which we, in this party, fully endorse.

It was somewhat regrettable that what could have been a major success, as far as this country's interests were concerned, was somewhat marred and the benefit diminished by certain events which took place both in the United States and within the Fianna Fáil Party here at home and the reaction to the democratic voice of the Irish people in the recent by-elections which started off a chain reaction——

Dáil Éireann debate - Tuesday, 20 Nov 1979

Statement by the Taoiseach on Visit to United States.

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 20 Nov 1979