Deputy McMahon was in possession and he has five minutes left.
Financial Resolutions, 1980. - Financial Resolution No. 19: General (Resumed).
Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(Minister for Finance.)
In making the comparison between the performance of the Taoiseach as Minister for Social Welfare last year and for the previous year-and-a-half, two-and-a-half years in all, and the performance of his predecessor in office, it can be clearly seen where the social conscience and the caring social philosophy that the Taoiseach is speaking about really lies.
Is the Chair sure about the timing?
Yes. The Deputy started at 12.35 p.m. and went on until 1.30 p.m. He has five minutes left and one of the five minutes has elapsed.
That leaves me very little time to deal with some very important items which I had intended dealing with.
On a point of order, I wonder is it correct that the Deputy only has five minutes left. I was in the House this morning and the Bill I was engaged in went on until 12.45 p.m. and after that Deputy D'Arcy spoke.
The Deputy started his speech at 12.35 p.m.
Was it not 12.55 p.m.?
Deputy Vincent Brady started at 11.57 a.m. and he went on until 12.35 p.m. and the Deputy in possession started at 12.35 p.m. I am sorry if he feels that he has not enough time but he has only an hour.
An hour is not enough time to adequately deal with the budget.
I am not going to cut the Deputy's time in any way but I want to point out to Deputy Barry that he finished at 11.40 a.m., Deputy D'Arcy then started and he had only 15 minutes left. The next speaker, Deputy Vincent Brady, did not take all his time.
I apologise. I thought Deputy Brady had taken all his time.
He took only 35 or 38 minutes of it.
I want to draw the attention of the House to something which I feel very strongly about and that is that when social welfare recipients are given increases in the budget it is many weeks before the increases are implemented whereas increases on petrol or cigarettes or spirits or anything else are implemented overnight. In relation to pay increases it is the accepted practice now that they are retrospective, but here the weaker sections of the community, the less well off sections who depend far more on their allowances than most of us, are still held in the balance waiting for their increases and many of them do not even live to receive them. The period between the time the budget is announced in this House and the time they receive their increases is far too long.
I would ask the Minister to bring in, over the next 12 months, some legislation to broaden our social services because we are lagging behind most if not all of our European partners in caring for the aged, the infirm, the disabled, the blind and widows. On 6 April, more than a month after budget day, they will receive a 25 per cent increase. This does not in any way compensate them for the massive price increases over the last 12 months or since last August or September when the £1 increase was given. When the budget was announced in this House this may have seemed a handsome increase. In normal circumstances 25 per cent could be considered to be a handsome increase for those on social welfare, but when one looks at the price record over the preceding 12 months one realises that this increase does not go near bringing the standard of living of these people to what it was when Fianna Fáil took office in June 1977.
Worse than that, only a few hours after the announcement of the budget the price of bottled gas went up by 77p and ESB charges also rose. In the budget the Minister announced increases in the price of spirits and the pint. Many old age pensioners whom I know, live for their half glass or pint every day and it can be seriously considered as medicine for them. If they were denied it many of them would have reason to call on their GP more often. The cost of living for these people has been increased. The Minister has not yet given the 25 per cent increase to the old age pensioners, the blind and the disabled and he should consider how much of the proposed increase has already been taken from them due to increases in food prices and other commodities.
The Deputy should now conclude.
I have a lot more to say on the budget but the time is not available to me.
Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,
I want to see during the next 12 months some of this caring social philosophy about which the Taoiseach spoke on 5 March. I hope he will at least consider seriously making some attempt to bring in legislation to broaden the social services.
Is é mo thuairim gurb é an ghné is suntasaí den cháinaisnéis atá á plé againn anois le cúpla seachtain agus seans go mbeidh á plé fós go ceann cúpla seachtain eile ná an tsár-iarracht atá déanta an uair seo le cothrom na féinne a thabhairt do chuile dhuine. Tá méaduithe móra tugtha do dhaoine atá ag brath go hiomlán ar liúntais leasa shóisialaigh. Ag an am céanna tá laghdú maith déanta, sílim, ar an gcáin ioncaim a bhéas le n-íoc acu siúd atá ag ioc PAYE. Go áithrid tá laghdú an-mhór déanta ar an gcáin ioncaim a bhéas le níoc ag lánúineacha pósta.
Ar ndóigh, leis na rudaí seo a bheith á dtabhairt ar an dtaobh amháin, ni raibh aon dul as ach roinnt cánacha indireacha a ardú. Ach sílim go bhfuil sé intuigthe ag chuile dhuine gur cánacha iad seo gur féidir leis an bpobal féin smacht áithrid a chur orthu sa mhéid go mbaineann na cánacha sin le hearraí a cheannaíonn daoine dá rogha féin, mar a déarfá. Is earraí cuid acu gur minic gur fearr do dhaoine bheith dá n-uireasa.
Gan amhras bhi fadhbanna móra airgeadais le réiteach ag an Rialtas nuair a shocraídear ar an gcáinaisnéis seo a chur le chéile, ach silim féin go bhfuil éacht déanta ag an Aire Airgeadais chun na deacrachtaí sin a shárú. Ba mhaith liom díriú anois go háithrid ar na nithe den cháin fhaisnéis a thagann faoi mo scáth féin.
Tá an-áthas orm gur éirigh leis an Rialtas beagnach £19 milliún a chur ar fáil domsa i mbliana le caitheamh ar an Ghaeltacht agus ar mhaithe leis an nGaeilge, agus is meadú é sin de £1 mhilliún ar chaitheachas na bliana seo caite. Tá glan-iomlán £10.835 milliún ar fáil i mbliana do Roinn na Gaeltachta i Leabhar na Meastachán do 1980. Meadú beagnach £1 mhilliún ar sholáthar na bliana 1979 ach méadú £2½ milliún ar chaiteachas na bliana seo caite. Baineann na priomh-mhéaduithe sin ar fad le Údaras na Gaeltachta, idir chaiteachas reatha agus chaiteachas caipitil ar dheontais. Baineann siad freisin le ciste na Gaeilge as a dtugtar deontais do Bhord na Gaeilge agus do na heagrais dheonacha eile a fhaigheann deontais ó mo Roinn, agus baineann sé le scéimeanna cultúrtha agus sóisialacha. Níl laghdú in aon fhó-mhírcheann sa Vóta ach amháin sa cheann a bhaineann le costais an toghcháin d'Údarás na Gaeltachta i mí na Nollag seo caite.
Is é bunú Údarás na Gaeltachta, sílim, ó thús na bliana seo faoi Acht a ritheadh anuraidh an chéim is tábhachtaí ó thaobh na Gaeltachta de le fada an lá. Is don Teachta Donncha Ó Gallchóir, iar-Aire na Gaeltachta, atá an chreidiúint ar fad ag dul go bhfuil Údarás daonlathach Ghaeltachta againn anois. Bhimís ag eisteacht ar feadh na blianta istigh sa Teach seo——
(Cur isteach.)
Táimid ag plé leis an gcáinaisnéis. Má éisteann an Teachta cúpla nóiméad——
Níl cead ag an Teachta Mitchell cur isteach ar an Aire mar sin——
Bhímís ag éisteacht le ceithre bliana go leith anuas le Aire Ghaeltachta a tháinig as an bpairtí atá sa bhFreasúra anois. Bhí sé ag caint taobh istigh den Teach seo agus taobh amuigh de faoi Údáras na Gaeltachta a chur ar bun agus thug sé gealltanais do Theachtaí Dála ar an dtaobh seo den Teach agus thug sé gealltanais do mhuintir na Gaeltachta ó cheann ceann na tíre go gcuirfí Údarás Ghaeltachta ar bun. Chuaigh sé chomh fada leis an scéal go ndúirt sé dúinn go raibh sé ag cur an Bhille os comhair an Rialtais. Ach nuair a tháinig Fianna Fáil i gcumhacht i 1977 ní raibh aon Bhille dá shórt reidh ná fiú amháin á scrúdú. An t-aon chaint a bhí ar súil ag an Aire ná an cineál údarás Ghaeltachta a bhí i gceist aige, údarás nach mbeadh aon ghuth toghchánaíochta ag muintir na Gaeltachta ann. Is é sin údarás go dtoghfadh agus go n-ainmneodh an tAire na baill chuige. Bhí an tAire Donncha Ó Gallchobhair sásta le cúnamh agus le tacaiocht Rialtais Fhianna Fáil lui isteach ar an obair agus brú ar aghaidh le Bille a chur os ár gcomhair agus le rialacháin chasta a raibh baint acu leis an mBille sin. Nuair a ceapadh mé féin mar Aire Ghaeltachta bhí na socruithe uile déanta don toghchán, toghchán a thug deis do phobal na Gaeltachta furmhór do chomhaltaí an Údaráis sin a thoghadh iad féin go daonlathach. Ní raibh fágtha ach orduithe a dhéanamh ag cur Gaeltarra Éireann ar ceal agus ag cur Údarás na Gaeltachta ar bun. Thug mise an chéad chruinniú den Údarás sin le chéile ar an 4 Eanáir agus luaigh mé ag an am sin roinnt pointí tábhachtacha leis na baill a bhí ar an Údarás. Mheabhraigh mé dóibh go raibh rudaí airithe leagtha síos go soiléir cúig bhliain déag ó shin sa Pháipéar Bán um Athbheocan na Gaeilge. Séard a bhí ansin ná:
Is é aidhm atá le beartas an Rialtais don Ghaeltacht gníomhaíochtaí oiriúnach a eacnamaíochta a spreagadh agus a fhairsingiú agus cúrsaí sóisialacha a fheabhsú ionas go mbeidh deiseanna leormhaithe ag na daoine a chónaíonn sa Ghaeltacht agus arb í an Ghaeilge a ngnáthurlabhra, chun fostaíocht shocrach a fháil agus caighdeán réasúnta mhaireachtála a bheith acu.
Is de réir an bheartais sin a tugadh cumhachtaí breise do Ghaeltarra Éireann mar a bhí acu sa bhliain 1965, le tionscail fhéiliúnacha a fhorbairt ar fud na Gaeltachtaí ar fad. Sin iad na cumhachtaí céanna a raibh Gaeltarra Éireann ag feidhmiú futhu go dtí deireadh na bliana seo caite go dtí gur bunaíodh Údarás na Gaeltachta.
Mheabhraigh mé ag an gcéad chruinniú freisin do na comhaltaí gur ar an Údarás atáimid ag brath le lánfhostaíocht a chur ar fáil sna Gaeltachtaí, do chainteoirí Gaeilge sna Gaeltachtaí, chomh luath agus is féidir é sin a dhéanamh. Tá na cumhachtaí ar fad a bhí ag Gaeltarra agus tuilleadh, fiú amháin, nach iad san Acht a chuir Údarás na Gaeltachta ar bun. Tá béim níos láidre ná riamh ar an nGaeilge san Acht nua. Baineann alt 8 le feidhmeanna an Údaráis agus is mar seo a leanas a thosnaíonn sé:
Déanfaidh an tÚdarás caomhnú agus leathadh na Gaeilge mar phriomh-mhéan chumarsáide sa Ghaeltacht a spreagadh agus cinnteoidh sé gurb í Gaeilge a usáidfear a mhéid is féidir nuair a bheidh a fheidhmeanna á gcomhlíonadh aige agus thar a cheann.
Is féidir an príomh-chuspóir atá againn a chur in aon abairtin amháin—cainnteoiri Gaeilge a choinneáil sa Ghaeltacht agus iad a choinneáil ag labhairt na Gaeilge. Tá dualgas orainn uile muintir na Gaeltachta a spreagadh i dtreo go mbeidh fonn orthu cloí leis an nGaeilge agus í a chur chun cinn "mar phríomh-mhéan cumarsáide" mar atá luaite san Acht. Baineann sé sin go háirithe leis na ceanntracha Gaeltachta oifigiúil nach bhfuil morán Gaeilge á labhairt iontu faoí láthair. Ó tharla go bhfuil taithí faoi leith ag formhór na gcomhaltaí ar an Údarás ar fhadhbanna den chinéal sin, ba mhaíth liomsa go dtiocfadh an tUdarás ar aghaidh le moltaí fiúntacha.
Anois nuair a bhí toghchán an Údaráis ar siúl bhí daoine áirithe i gceanntracha ar fud na tíre ag rá gur ceart ceanntracha sa Ghaeltacht oifigiúil nach bhfuil morán Gaeilge á labhairt ansan a chur amach as an nGaeltacht. Ní shílimse gur cheart go mbeadh polasaí mar sin ag Rialtais ar bith.
Gabh mo leithscéal, ní diospóireacht é seo faoi Roinn na Gaeltachta féin.
Tá an tAire in ord. Tá ceart aici caint mar gheall ar an nGaeilge.
This morning Deputy McMahon was not allowed to refer to the fact that certain Departments are not paying their bills. The Minister for the Gaeltacht is talking about Gaeltacht elections, going back as far as 1974. Surely she is totally out of order on this budget debate.
The Chair has ruled already that either a Minister so far as the Government side are concerned or a spokesman so far as the Opposition are concerned may refer to matters for which they have responsibility. The matter on which Deputy McMahon was ruled out of order had nothing to do with spokesmanship.
The Minister is engaging in wide-ranging comment on her own Department going back to the time of Deputy O'Donnell as Minister.
And because he did nothing as Minister, the Deputy is embarrassed that I should recall that time.
If the Deputy would remain quiet for a while, the Minister could finish her speech.
The time of the House is being taken up on all these individual Gaeltacht matters.
The Minister is the sixty-first speaker on the budget. The Deputy will be the sixty-second speaker.
The Chair is not being consistent in his ruling. The Government have been pressing for an end to this debate but here we have a Minister who has not been heard of for months, except in her Department, giving us a history of that Department.
All the Chair can say at this stage is that if Deputy Mitchell continues in this way, he will not be speaking on the budget.
That would be consistent with the Chair's type of ruling.
The Deputy must withdraw that remark.
I would draw your attention to——
Before drawing my attention to anything, the Deputy must withdraw the allegation that the Chair is being unfair in his ruling. Also, the Deputy should know at least that he should not stand while the Chair is standing. I am now asking him to withdraw the remark he made.
For the sake of progress I withdraw the remark but I do not withdraw the substance of it.
The Deputy should withdraw the remark without qualification.
I note that the former Taoiseach is reduced to the role of heckling in the House.
If the Deputy continues to refuse to withdraw the remark in question, I shall send for the Ceann Comhairle.
It has been withdrawn already.
But not without qualification.
The remark is withdrawn.
Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,
Nuair a cuireadh isteach orm, bhi mé ag caint faoi dhream a dúirt i rith aimsir thoghchán an Udaráis gur ceart don Ghaeltacht cúngú agus bhí mé ag rá nach gcreidim fhéin gur ceart go mbeadh sé sin mar pholasaí ag aon Rialtas, gur ceart dúinn a bheith ag cur ina luí ar dhaoine den tsórt sin gur cheart dóibh feabhas a chur ar a gcaighdeán Gaeilge agus Gaeilge a úsáid mar mheán cumar-sáide sa mbaile. Má tá daoine a cheapann nó a chreideann gur cheart an Ghealtacht a chúngú, is mó an feall nár sheasadar fhéin mar iarrthóirí os comhair an phobail go bhfeicfimid céard a déarfadh an pobal leo.
Chuir mé in iúl do na comhaltaí go raibh socraithe ann faoi alt 10 den Acht go bhféadfaí an tÚdarás cúnamh airgid a thabhairt dá rogha fhéin suas go dtí £½ mhilliún mar scaireanna nó mar dheontais do shócmhainní in aon chás áirithe le tionscail nó scéim thairgiúil fhostaíochta a bhúnú, a fhorbairt nó a chothabháil sa Ghaeltacht. Mar chuid den ghnáth chóras beidh foireann an Údaráis i gcomhairle le haon Roinn nó eagras Stáit a bhfuil saineolas maidir le tionscail de shaghas ar leith le fáil. Tá an uasteorann sin, £½ mhilliún, i bhfad níos airde ná mar a bhí i bhfeidhm do dheontais amháin ó Ghaeltarra dá rogha féin. Os a cionn sin is féidir leis an Údarás teacht chugam féin má tá cúnamh airgid ag teastáil uathu. Tá scéim beartaithe freisin faoina bhféad-faidh siad a ráthú go n-aisíocfar iasachtaí. Ní raibh aon chumhacht den tsórt sin ag Gaeltarra. Ní bheidh aon cheangal, agus sílim go bhfuil sé seo thar a bheith tábhachtach, ar an Údarás glacadh le scaireanna i gcomhlacht ar bith mar a bhí ag baint le Gaeltarra. Ach béifear ag súil go bhféacfar chuige gurb í an Ghaeilge a bheidh i réim sna tionscail sin nach mbeidh scaireanna acu iontu.
Tá mé ag glacadh leis go dtógfaidh sé tamall ar chomhaltaí an Údaráis léargas cruinn a fháil ar a bhfuil ar siúl faoina scáth, is é sin, na himeachtaí atá aistrithe chucu ó Ghaeltarra. Is ar na cúrsaí sin atá siad ag breathnú agus ag díriú a n-aire faoi láthair agus má éirionn leo moltaí a dhéanamh chun feabhas a chur orthu, is amhlaidh is fearr é. Nuair a bheidh a gcumas léirithe acu, má thagann siad ar an tuairim gur fearr a d'fhéadfaidís leas na Gaeltachta a chur chun cinn ach cumhachtaí de bhreis ar a bhfuil acu faoi láthair a fháil uainn, is féidir leo iarratas dá réir a chur ar aghaidh chugam agus breithneoidh mé go báúil é le súil go bhféadfainn é a chur os comhair an Rialtais agus go mbeadh an Rialtas sásta gur chóir dóibh ordú cuí a dhéanamh faoi alt 9 den Acht. Mar chabhair dom, ar ndóigh, caithfidh an tÚdarás a chinntiú go leagfaidh siad amach an cás go cruinn agus go maith, go dtaispeánfaidh siad dom na lochtanna atá sa chóras faoi láthair, an bealach len iad a laigheas, an costas a bheadh i gceist ann agus rudaí den tsórt sin.
Tá fhíos agam go bhfuil na comhaltaí a toghadh ar an Údarás agus na comhaltaí a hainmníodh ar an Údarás ag obair go dian. Bhuail mé leo uilig an mhí seo chaite agus bím ag caint go minic lena bhformhór. Tuigim go bhfuil socraithe acu anois trí lá a chaitheamh i dteannta a chéil i mo dháil cheantair féin i nGaeltacht Chonamara go luath le díriú ar na fadhbanna, ar na deacrachtaí, sna tionscail ar fud na Gaeltachtaí ar fad a phlé agus go ndéanfar níos soiléire do chomhaltaí an Údaráis an obair chruinn theicniúil ag foireann lán aimseartha an Údaráis. Tá mé cinnte go gcuideoidh sé seo go mór leo siúd nach raibh, b'fhéidir, ag plé le cúrsaí tionsclaíochta taobh istigh nó taobh amuigh den Ghaeltacht go dtí seo.
Tá £13.35 milliúin á chur ar fáil don Údarás i mbliana, is é sin £1.45 mhilliún do chaiteachas reatha agus £11.9 mhilliúin do chaiteachas caipitil ar dheontais do shócmhainni agus d'oiliúint, ar mhonarchana le ligean ar cíos agus ar scaireanna i gcomhlachtaí.
Ní miste a lua ag an am seo—agus tá sé luaite agam le gairid go poiblí—go mbeidh cuid de Roinn na Gaeltachta ag aistriú go dtí na Forbacha an samhradh seo. Tá oifig nua tógtha in aice le Ard-oifig Údarás na Gaeltachta agus beidh na teileafóin agus an troscán á gcur isteach inti go luath. Beidh suas le 30 oifigeach le n-aistriú go dtí an oifig agus tá súil agam go ndéanfaidh sé seo freastal níos fearr ó thaobh mo Roinnse dhe ar mhuintir na Gaeltachta ar fad agus ar mhuintir na Gaeltachta san iarthar go háirithe. Tá mé cinnte go gcinnteoidh sé go mbeidh ceangal i bhfad níos dlúithe ná riamh ag foireann Roinn na Gaeltachta le muintir na Gaeltachta, leo siúd lena bhfuil siad ag plé.
Tá sé thar a bheith tábhachtach go mbeidh tithe maithe ar fud na Gaeltachta agus, mar chabhair chun tithe nua a thógáil nó feabhas a chur ar thithe atá ann cheana, tá £800,000 á sholáthar i mbliana, is é sin beagnach £100,000 de bhreis ar chaiteachas na bliana 1979. Tá méaduithe móra déanta ar dheontais faoi Achtanna na dTithe (Gaeltacht) ó tháinig an Rialtas seo i gcumhacht sa bhliain 1977, agus d'éirigh linn méaduithe den tsórt sin a dhéanamh mar gur tugadh líon mhaith airgid do Roinn na Gaeltachta sna meastacháin sa bhliain 1977, 1978, 1979 agus arís i 1980. Anois, cuir i gcás, tá £2,000 ar fáil le teach nua a thógáil, deontas £750 le teach a fheabhsú, £360 do chóras uisce agus £300 do chóras séarachais, £600 do sheomra folctha le huisce te, £170 le córas uisce nó séarachais a fheabhsú, £810 chun trí sheomra do chuairteoiri a chur le do theach agus £600 chun sealla saoire a thógáil. Tá na deontais sin ar fáil d'iarrthóiri cáilithe gan aird ar an teacht isteach a bhíonn acu. Tá deontais níos mó fós ar fáil do mhuintir na n-oileán Gaeltachta amach ón gcósta, 50 faoin gcéad breise anuas ar na deontais atá luaite agam.
Bíonn cúnamh fial le fáil ó Roinn na Gaeltachta freisin le feabhas a chur ar na saoráidí éagsúla atá ar fáil ar fud na Gaeltachta, cur i gcás, do bhóithre áise agus bóithre portaigh, do scéimeanna uisce agus séarachais, do mhuiroibreacha, d'fhoirgnimh mar choláisti Gaeilge agus hallaí, do chóiríocht saoire, áiseanna chaitheamh aimsire agus mar sin de. Tugtar cabhair mhór do na comharchumainn agus bíonn tairbhe le fáil ag feirmeoirí aonaracha faoí scéim na bplásán féaraigh. Tá tábhacht an-mhór leis na scéimeanna feabhsúcháin seo uilig. Tá an-dul chun cinn déanta ag roinnt de na comharchumann Gaeltachta ó thosnaigh Roinn na Gaeltachta suas le 15 bliana nó mar sin ó shin ag spreagedh an phobail le comharchumainn a bhunú. Is gleas iontach comharchumann éifeachtach agus is maith is fiú cuidiú leis.
Tá £1,350,000 á chur ar fáil i mbliana do scéimeanna cultúrtha, sin meadú mór i gcomórtas le caiteachas na bliana seo caite. Is é an ceann is tábhachtaí de na scéimeanna seo ná scéim na bhfoghlaimeoirí Gaeilge faoina n-íocann Roinn na Gaeltachta deontais díreach le mná tí cáilithe sa Ghaeltacht a mbíonn foghlaimeoirí ag fanacht acu.
Déanadh árdú ar an deontas i mbliana go dtí £1.85 an lá. Tá sé tábhachtach smaoineamh nach amháin i mo Roinnse a fhaigeann na mná tí cúnamh. Faigheann siad freisin é ó lucht eagraithe na gcoláistí, pé acu daoine aonracha iad nó coistí nó comharchumainn. Timpeall 18,000 daltaí a thug aghaidh ar an Ghaeltacht an samhradh seo caite agus táimid ag súil go mbeidh uimhir i bhfad níos mó ann i mbliana.
Ba mhaith liom go ndéanfadh comharchumann, nó lucht eagraithe sna coláistí samhraidh siúráilte de go mbeidh comh-oibriú ceart ar fáil idir na múinteoirí, na mná tí agus na foghlaimeoirí. Ach é sin a bheith déanta, tá mé sásta go rachaidh an scéim seo go mór chun leasa don Ghaeltacht agus don Ghaeilge. Is iontach an deis do ghasúir as taobh amuigh de cheanntair Ghaeltachta dul isteach san Ghaeltacht ar feadh mí, fanacht i dtithe a labhartar an Ghaeilge iontu an t-am ar fad. Tugann sé deis dóibh teacht isteach ar bhlas agus liofacht nádúrtha na Gaeilge tar éis tamaill a chaitheamh i gcaidreamh le cainteoiri dúchais ina dtithe cónaithe féin.
Is iad cúrsai cultúrtha, cúrsaí teangan, atá i gceist sna coláistí samhraidh seo agus nior mhaith liomsa go mbeadh aon duine in aon Ghaeltacht sa tír ag breathnú ar choláistí samhraidh mar shórt tionscail le airgead a chur ina chuid pócaí fhéin. Tá roinnt imni ar mhuintir na Gaeltachta, sna Gaeltachtaí ar fad, go bhfuil roinnt de lucht eagraithe na gcoláistí nach gcuireann srian ceart nó nach mbionn caighdeán sách ard Ghaeilge ag muinteoirí agus ag daltaí a mbionn ag freastal ar na coláistí seo, agus bíonn imni orm féin. Feicim le gairid gur labhair fear atá i gceannas comharchumann i mo dháil-cheantar féin go láidir faoi chaigdeán Ghaeilge sna coláistí samhraidh. Tá súil agam go gcinnteofar go mbeidh caighdeán maith Ghaeilge sna coláistí seo.
Bionn deontais le fáil ag an nuachtáin seachtainiúil Inniu, agus ag na treimhseacháin An tUltach, Agus, Comhar, Feasta, Deirdre, An Sagart, An Timire, An Gael Óg, Tir na nÓg agus irisí áitiúla Ghaeltachta. Is cúis áthais dom agus do go leor de mhuintir na Gaeltachta é go bhfuil socruithe déanta chun an nuachtán seachtainiúil Amárach a fhoilsiú aris. Bionn deontais ann freisin do ghnáthnuachtáin Bhéarla a fhoilsionn nuacht reatha i nGaeilge ach ní bhfaightear iarratais ach ó chúpla ceann seachtainiúil.
Cuiditear freisin le heagrais chultúrtha, cuir i gcás, Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann leis an obair mhór atá ar bun acu leis an cultúr agus an ceol agus rinncí traidisiúnta a chaomhnú, agus silim gur mar sin is fearr é. Mar chabhair chun an Ghaeilge a chur chun cinn ar fud na tire tá £1,250,000 á chur ar fáil i Vóta Roinn na Gaeltachta i mbliana, méadú £140,000 ar sholáthar na bliana 1979. As sin iocfar deontais le Bord na Gaeilge agus le heagrais eile Ghaeilge a mbeidh cláir mhaithe oibre leagtha amach agus le cur i bhfeidhm acu. Tá roinnt mhaith eagrais i gceist agus níl mé chun iad a lua.
Bionn teacht isteach éigin dá gcuid féin ag an gcuid is mó de na heagrais sin ach chomh maith le Bord na Gaeilge tá Comhdháil Náisiúnta na Gaeilge ag brath go hiomlán ar airgead an Stáit. Labhair mé le deanai le Bord na Gaeilge agus leis na comhaltaí ann agus mhol mé gur cheart doibh féin agus don Chomhdháil suí sios agus díospóireacht a bheith acu faoin obair a bhí ar siul ag an dá eagraiocht. Mhol mé nár cheart go mbeadh treasnaiocht, go ndéanfadh an dá eagraiocht socrú a chuirfeadh a gcuid oibre ar bhunús ceart. Sílim go bhfuil sé thar a bheith tábhachtach nach mbeadh airgead Stáit dá thabhairt do dhá eagraíocht leis an obair céanna a dhéanamh. Tá siad le dul chun caint faoi agus tá mé cinnte go mbeidh siad ag teacht chugamsa le moltaí a dhéanamh le go bhfeadfaí comh-ordú nios fearr a dheanamh ar na heagrais Ghaeilge, orthu fhein go háirithe agus ansin b'fhéidir ar na heagrais Ghaeilge eile.
Níl dabht agam faoi ach go go bhfuil a gcion fein dá dhéanamh ag na heagrais dheonacha Ghaeilge le blianta fada anuas agus tá mé ag súil go leanfaidh na daoine breátha seo atá ag plé leis na heagrais seo ag deanamh a gcion féin ar son na Gaeilge.
De bhreis ar an soláthar i gCiste na Gaeilge, chuir an tAire Airgeadais £100,000 eile in áirithe dom sa cháinaisnéis mar chúnamh speisialta chun an Ghaeilge a chur chun cinn. Is é atá beartaithe againn ná an pobal, a bhfuil bá chomh mór sin acu leis an teanga, a spreagadh le beart dearfa dá réir a dhéanamh agus níos mó Gaeilge a labhairt. Le sin a dhéanamh cheapamar gur cheart airgead speisialta a chur ar fáil le gné nó gníomh amháin mór a dhéanamh i mbliana le cúnamh a thabhairt an Ghaeilge a chur á labhairt ar fud na tíre. Cheapamar clár tarraingteach a chur ar an dteilifís agus ar an raidió. Agus ba mhaith liomsa agus leis an Aire Airgeadais dá bhféadfaí socruithe a dhéanamh chun tús a chur leis an fomhar seo chugainn. Táim i gcomhairle le RTE agus le Bord na Gaeilge faoi sin agus beidh mé ag tóraíocht cunaimh ó na heagrais oideachais ar fud na tíre agus ó eagrais dheonacha Ghaeilge le súil go bhféadfar daoine a thabhairt le chéile ina mbuíonta beaga ar fud na tíre chun an leas is fearr a bhaint as an gcúrsa sin.
Ach ba mhaith liom a rá anseo go bhfuil súil agam nach gceapann RTE nó Bord na Gaeilge go dtabharfaidh mise mar Aire na Gaeltachta an £100,000 iomlán isteach ina láimh féin agus cead acu an clár a chur ar bun. Sílim gur cheart go mbeadh na meán chumharsáide sa tír seo ag déanamh a gcion féin le fairplay a thabhairt do mhuintir na Gaeltachta agus muintir na hÉireann ina bhfuil suim dáirire acu sa Ghaeilge. Ní cheapaim gur cheart go mbeadh aon eagras Stáit ag súil go bhfaighidís airgead díreach ón Roinn Airgeadais leis an ghnó nó an gníomh ar cuireadh ar bun iad an chéad lá ariamh a dhéanamh go héifeachteach. Ba cheart go mbeadh sé sin á dhéanamh gan chúnamh Stáit ar leith ar bith.
I 1972 mhol Comhairle na Gaeilge go gcuirfí leathnú na Gaeilge chuig bord reachtúil ar leith, Bord na Gaeilge. Bunaíodh an bord sin ad hoc i 1975 agus arís fágadh faoi Rialtas Fhianna Fáil é a chur ar bhun reachtúil. Rinne siad é sin i Mí na Samhna 1978. Tá sé leagtha síos san Acht go ndéanfaidh Bord na Gaeilge an Ghaeilge, agus go háirithe a husáid mar theanga beo, mar ghnáth mheán chumarsáide, a chur chun cinn. Ag an am céanna sílim nach féidir le duine ar bith a rá gur ar an mBord amháin a bheidh an teanga ag brath, mar tá sé leagtha síos go soiléir san Acht go leanfaidh Roinn Stáit agus comhlachtaí eile comhlíonadh na bhfeidhmeanna a bhfuil siad freagrach astu.
Tá formhór na hoibre réitigh déanta ag an mbord agus tá dóchas agam go bhféadfar dul chun cinn fiúntach a dhéanamh as seo amach. Is féidir a rá go bhfuil an bord féin ag díriú ar na gnéithe agus na réimsí éagsúla oibre chun an Gaeilge a leathadh ar fud na tíre. Tá úsáid na Gaeilge ag brath go príomdha ar chumas na ndaoine chun an Ghaeilge a labhairt agus tá an cumas sin ag brath cuid mhór ar mhúinteoirí na tíre agus ar an gcaoi a múintear an Ghaeilge sna scoileanna agus tá an fhreagracht ghinearálta faoi sin ag titim ar ghualainní an Aire Oideachais agus an Roinn Oideachais. Mar sin tá spéis ar leith ag an mbord i mbeartas na Roinne Oideachais i ndáil le teagaisc na Gaeilge sna scoileanna ar a n-áirítear inniúlacht agus dúthracht na múinteoirí, fiúntas an teagaisc, na modhanna múinte a bhfuilimid ag baint úsáid astú, na háiseanna teagaisc atá ann agus an lion téacsleabhar i nGaeilge atá ar fáil. Tá comhchoiste bunaithe idir an bord agus an Roinn Oideachais le cúram ar leith a dhéanamh den ghné thábhachtach seo de chur chun cinn na Gaeilge.
Aithneofar, ar ndóigh, gur rud fadtéarmach atá i gceist ansin agus nach bhféadfaí bheith ag súil go mbeadh toradh den tsórt sin le feiceáil abair i mbliana nó an chéad bhliain eile. Aithneofar, freisin, gur gnó atá bunúsach amach is amach d'obair éifeachtach labhairt na Gaeilge. Mura mbeidh an Ghaeilge á múineadh go héifeachtach, dúthrachtach do pháistí na tire seo, ní bheidh an teanga acu mar ghlúin fhásta ar ball, agus gan cumas sa teanga a bheith ag daoine a mbeidh a dtionchar le haireachtáil de réir a chéile i ngach uile ghné de shaol na tíre, cén chaoi a bhféadfaí a beith ag súil le labhairt na Gaeilge a chur chun cinn? Tá an fhadhb chomh bunúsach sin gur ceart go n-aithneoimid uilig tábhacht na ceiste nuair atá a fuascailt fós againn. Dá dtiocfadh glúin iomlán amach chugainn as na scoileanna gan aon Ghaeilge a bheith á cur á labhairt go bheagán Gaeilge a bheith acu, tá faitíos orm gur fánach domsa mar Aire nó don Roinn nó don bhord nó do dhuine ar bith sa Teach seo a bheith ag iarraidh cur ina luí ar na daoine gur ceart don Ghaeilge a bheith á cur á labhairt go forleathan sa tír. Beidh mise i gcomhairle leis an Aire Airgeadais chun a chinntiú go mbeidh comhoibriú iomlán le fáil ag Bord na Gaeilge ó mo Roinn.
Bunaíodh an comhchoiste réamh-scolaíochta i 1978 le spéis san oideachas tri Ghaeilge a spreagadh i dtuismitheoirí, agus tá forbairt shuntasach déanta cheana féin i mbunú naíonraí Gaeilge, mar a thugtar orthu, ar fud na tíre. Cuireadh seimineáir fhairsinge oiliúna agus seirbhísí tacaíochta eile ar fáil do stiúrthóirí an chomhchoiste. Foilsíodh lámhleabhar agus rinneadh léiriú de naíonra i mbun oibre. Tá córas deontais ann a chuireann trealamh réamhscolaíochta ar fáil agus leathnaíodh an ghluaiseacht ar fud na Gaeltachta le cabhair ó Údarás na Gaeltachta. Ní shílim go mbeidh an tairbhe iomlán le baint as na naíonraí Gaeilge seo go dtí go bhféadfar leanúint den chineál céanna oideachais trí Ghaeilge nó béim speisialta ar Ghaeilge sna bunscoileanna, sna hardscoileanna agus ag an tríú leibhéal fiú, agus tá roinnt mhaith de sin á dhéanamh faoi láthair.
Sílim go bhféadfadh na meán chumarsáide cabhair a thabhairt do dhaoine atá i mbun naíonraí Ghaeltacha. Sílim go bhféadfaí é sin a dhéanamh le clár speisialta oideachasúil a chur ar fáil do pháistí trí Ghaeilge go luath sa tráthnóna.
Tá tionscal le úsáid na teanga a leathnú ar cheann de mhór-fheidhmeanna Bhord na Gaeilge agus roghnaíodh sé cheantar speisialta le gairid agus socraíodh ar iarracht faoi leith a dhéanamh leis an Ghaeilge a chur chun cinn iontu le cabhair ón bpobal áitiúil atá ina gcónaí iontu, le cabhair ó na heagraíochtaí uilig a bhí ag feidhmiú iontu idir eagraíochtaí agus eagrais Ghaeilge. Bhí chuile dhuine ag súil go bhféadfaí mór-iarracht chomhorduíthe pobail a spreagadh ar an mbealach sin ar mhaithe leis an nGaeilge. Bunaíodh coiste chomhdhéanta do shaineolaithe, réimsí soceolaíochta, teangeolaíochta, riaracháin agus staitisticí chun an obair sin a stiúradh. Tá foireann ag an mbord anois i láthair na huaire i gcuid de na ceantracha sin agus tá dóchas agam go bhféadfar dul chun cinn a dhéanamh iontu de réir a chéile. Siad na ceantair a roghnaíodh ná Caisleán an Bharraigh, Contae Mhuigh Eo, Mainistir na Féile agus an ceantar máguaird i gContae Luimní, an Daingean i gContae Chiarraí, Cois Móire sna Déise, Contae Phort Láirge, Dúiche Chronáin, ceantair a chuimsionn Cluain Dolcháin i mBaile Átha Cliath agus comhluadar bunaithe ar Scoil Lorcáin i gceantair Bhaile na Manach i gContae Baile Átha Cliath. Cuireadh dianchúrsaí Ghaeilge ar siúl sna ceantair sin i gcomhar le Gael Linn go mbeidh líon réasúnta daoine ar fáil a mbeidh labhairt na teanga ar a dtoil acu féin agus rud a chabhróidh go mór le leathadh na Gaeilge sna ceantair sin.
Tá iarrachtaí speisialta á dhéanamh freisin le haghaidh an Ghaeilge a chur chun cinn i dTithe an Oireachtais. Sílim mura bhfuilimid sásta, mar Theachtaí Dála nó mar Sheanadóirí thar ceann an phobail, ár n-iarracht féin a dhéanamh anseo sa Teach le úsáid a bhaint as an oiread Gaeilge agus atá againn nó feabhas a chur ar an nGaeilge atá againn cheana fhéin, nó Gaeilge a fhoghlaim mura bhfuil aon Ghaeilge againn, nach féidir linn a bheith ag súil nó a chur in a luí ar phobal na tíre gur cheart dóibh sin beart a dhéanamh dá réir.
Bhí súil againn go bhféadfaimid comhoibriú a fháil óna páirtithe polaitíochta ar fad ach, faraoir, ní raibh an comhoibriú sin ar fáil agus shocraímear sin mar Rialtas agus mar an páirtí is mó sa Teach seo dul ar aghaidh linn féin agus tá sé sin ar siúl ann. Tá ranganna Gaeilge ar siúl uair sa tseachtain d'ár gcuid Teachtaí Dála agus d'ár gcuid Seanadóirí agus freastal mhór ar na ranganna sin agus suim ar leith ag Teachtaí Dála agus ag Seanadóirí nach bhfuil cumas na Gaeilge nó nach bhfuil Gaeilge líofa acu feabhas a chur ar a gcaighdeán agus an teanga a úsáid taobh istigh agus taobh amuigh de Thithe an Oireachtais.
Tá iarrachtaí speisialta á ndéanamh freisin i measc na n-údarás áitiúil agus b'fhéidir gur féidir é sin a dhéanamh i bhfad níos fearr i go leor eagrais eile nó i go leor údaráis phríomháideacha ar fud na tíre mar go bhfuil go leor de na baill ag na húdaráis áitiúla seo a bhfuil líofacht cainte acu féin agus má tá is cóir an líofacht sin a úsáid.
Tá go leor oibre, mar a dúirt mé, ar siúl ag an mbord le aire an phobail a dhíriú ar an méid is féidir leo a dhéanamh le cuidiú le leathadh na Gaeilge ar fud na tíre. Is cuid fíor-thábhachtach é d'ár gcultúr agus d'ár dtraidisiúin go leanfadh muintir na hÉireann le tacaíocht a thabhairt don chultúr agus don tseod is luachmhaire atá againn. Sílim go bhfuil sé tábhachtach go mbeadh éifeacht leis an obair atá ar siúl, is é sin, má tá sé ar siúl ag Bord na Gaeilge nó ag mo Roinnse nó ag eagrais dheonacha Gaeilge ar fud na tíre, nó fiú amháin ag daoine pearsanta nó pobal beag i gceantracha beaga atá scaipthe in áiteanna áirithe ar fud na tíre. Tá sé tábhachtach go dtabharfaí seans do phobal na tíre úsáid a bhaint as an méid Gaeilge atá acu agus tá sé tábhachtach freisin, má theastaíonn ón bpobal an gnó pearsanta a dhéanamh le haon Roinn Stáit nó le haon eagras áitiúil nó le haon údarás áitiúil go mbeadh an seans sin acu. Sílim go bhfuil athrú mór tagtha ar mheon daoine in údaráis in eagrais éagsúla ar fud na tire agus go dtuigeann siad anois gur bunphrionsabal é gur cheart go mbeadh an seans sin ann do mhuintir na hÉireann a gnó a dhéanamh trí Bhéarla nó trí Ghaeilge nó trí an teanga is toil leo a dhéanamh.
Is i gcomhar leis na hinstitiúidí ar fad agus na húdaráis ar fad atá ann a shláneofar an teanga agus tá súil agamsa go mbeidh comhoibriú le fáil go fíal uathu sin ar fad. Tá áit, mar a dúirt mé, ar leith ag na heagrais Ghaeilge iad féin san obair atá ar síúl ag mo Roinnse agus tá sé fíor-thábhachtach go mbeadh comhoibriú iomlán idir mo Roinn agus na heagrais, pé acu ab iad Bord na Gaeilge, Údarás na Gaeltachta nó na heagrais dheonacha Ghaeilge atá ag obair le slánú na Gaeilge agus na Gaeltachta. Dá bhféadfaí na hiarrachtaí ar fad atá ar siúl acu sin a chomhordú i dtreo go bhféadfaí tarraingt in aon mhór-iarracht amháin, ba mhór an chabhair é don Ghaeilge agus don Ghaeltacht, agus tá mé cinnte go bhféadfaí dul chun cinn níos luaithe a dhéanamh.
Mar a dúirt mé tá caidreamh ar siúl le tamall le RTE le cur leis an méid Gaeilge a chloisimid agus a fheiceann muid ar an raidio agus ar an teilifís. Rinneadh teangmháil le Ranna Stáit ar súil go bhféadfadh aon saoránach a thógródh é sin a dhéanamh a chuid gnó a dhéanamh trí Ghaeilge. Cuirfear dlús leis an obair sin de réir a chéile. Bhí áthas orm gur shocraigh Cathaoirleach RTE go mbeadh téipeadáin áirthe de chláracha trí mhéan na Gaeilge ar an dteilifís.
Tá mé ag súil nach gceapfadh éinne gurb é sin an uasteorainn ar chláracha Gaeilge. Ba mhaith liom gur ag dul i dtreise agus ag dul i méid a bheadh na téipeadáin sin de réir mar a thiocfadh feabhas ar obair RTE ó thaobh na Gaeilge de.
Táthar i gcomhairle le féilte áitiúla áirithe le gnéithe a bhaineann leis an nGaeilge a neartú ina gcuid imeachtaí. Táthar i ndlúth-theagmháil freisin le Glór na nGael le súil go bhféadfar a n-iarrachtaí ar mhaithe le cur chun cinn na Gaeilge a threisiú agus le hOireachtas na Gaeilge i leith cabhrú le himeachtaí áirithe dá gcuid.
Mar a dúirt mé agus mé ag tosú mo chuid cainte anseo, tá obair an-mhor le déanamh agus ó thaobh na Gaeilge dhe, ní féidir é sin a dhéanamh gan cabhair agus comhoibriú i gcónaí ó Roinn na Gaeltachta agus ó na heagrais ar fud na tíre atá ag plé le Gaeilge. Act ní mór comhoibriú a bheith ar fáil freisin ó eagrais eile nach bhfuil ag plé le Gaeilge, nó ó údaráis a bhfuil go leor plé acu i gnóthaí na ndaoine ar fud na tíre. Ní mór dúinn cinntiú go gcuirfear an Ghaeilge agus an cultúr ar bhun seasta sa tír seo ionas, faoi dheireadh na hochtóidí, más féidir, go mbeidh chuile dhuine sa tír nó a bhformhór in ann an dá theanga a úsáid agus go mbeidh Gaeilge ar a dtoil acu.
Mar a dúirt mé, tá áthas orm nár tháinig aon laghdú ar an scior airgid atá ar fáil againn i mbliana sna Meastacháin do Roinn na Gaeltachta. Ó tharla go dtáinig ardú ann, taispeánann sé an spéis atá ag an Rialtas i gcúrsaí na teanga agus na Gaeltachta, agus taispeánann sé freisin go bhfuilimid dáiríre faoi chaomhnú na teanga. San gcáinaisnéis shocraigh an tAire Airgeadais agus an Rialtas go ndéanfaidís, chomh fada agus a d'fhéadfaí, cothrom na féinne a thabhairt do chuile dhuine, agus sílim gur tugadh ardú i bhfad níos mó ná mar a bhí ag súil ag na ceardchumainn nó ag éinne taobh istigh den Theach seo agus ag a lán taobh amuigh de ar na liúntais leasa shóisialaigh a bhí ar fáil ag bain-treacha, do shean daoine, do pháistí agus daoine eile ar fud na tíre. Tá sé sin tábhachtach mar tá ardú áirithe tagtha ar phraghsanna. Nuair a chuirnhnímid ar an phraghas atá anois ar ola agus an oiread tionscal ar fud na tíre atá ag brath ar ola, níl aon dabht go gcaithfí ardú dá réir a chur ar phraghsanna na nithe a bhfuil gá leo chuile lá. Shocraigh an Rialtas go dtabharfaí faoiseamh ar cháin ioncaim dóibh siúd a bhí ag íoc b'fhéidir níos mó ná mar ba cheart dóibh, nó mar cheap siad féin go mba cheart dóibh bheith ag íoc. Deineadh é sin nuair a shocraíodh ar faoiseamh mhór a thabhairt do lánúin phósta ina gcuid cáin ioncaim.
Shocraigh an Rialtas seo, mar chuile Rialtas Fhianna Fáil a bhí i gcumhacht, gur cheart aire speisialta a thabhairt dóibh siúd ins an íseal aicme agus cinntiú go dtabharfaí liúntais leasa shóisialaigh do dhaoine den tsórt sin a chuirfeadh ar a gcumas maireachtáil agus a bheith chomh maith as agus a bhí daoine roimh an cháinaisnéis. I mbliana tá tús curtha ar obair mhór an Rialtais cinntiú go dtabharfar cothrom na féinne do chuile dhuine agus go mbeidh isliú ar an méid airgid atá dá fháil ar iasacht as taobh amuigh den tír.
Tá an Rialtas ag cinntiú go mbeidh airgead ar fáil ón Roinn Airgeadais chun go mbeidh an IDA, Údarás na Gaeltachta agus na heagrais atá ag plé go díreach le fostaíocht, in ann é sin a dhéanamh. Tá sé tábhachtach tuiscint gurb é sin bunphrionsabal Fhianna Fáil a thugamar ár n-aghaidh air agus muid ag plé na cáinaisnéise ag tús na bliana seo. Tá sé soiléir ón gcáinaisnéis go bhfuil an t-airgead atá riachtanach ar fáil le fostaíocht a chur chun cinn, agus tá sé tábhachtach nach mbeidh aon laghdú ar sin. Má theastaíonn uainn an tír a choinneáil ar an mbóthar ceart, ár ndaoine a thabhairt abhaile a raibh gá orthu go dtí seo dul thar lear, tá sé tábhachtach go mbeidh dóthain airgid ann le haghaidh na heagrais atá ag plé le fostaíocht.
Dúirt an Teachta atá thiar sa gcathaoir ansin nár cheart domsa bheith ag plé le gnothaí Roinn na Gaeltachta nó na Gaeltachta nó Údarás na Gaeltachta istigh anseo. Sílim go dtaispeánann sé an cineál meoin atá ag páirtí Fhine Gael i leith na Gaeilge agus i leith na Gaeltachta. Is cosúil go gceapann an pairtí sin agus a gcomráidí a bhí leo sa gComhrialtas nach bhfuil gá ar bith an Ghaeilge nó an Ghaeltacht a chaomhnú mar nach bhfuil mórán bainte acu le gnóthaí eacnamaíochta na tíre.
Má tá cultúr dúchais agus ár dteanga féin againn agus muna gcinnteoimid go bhfuil fostaíocht ar fáil ag muintir na Gaeltachta ní bheidh seans acu a bpáirt a ghlacadh i ngnóthaí na tíre. Tá sé thar a bheith tábhachtach go mbeidh an seans sin acu. Ta mé sásta go raibh muintir na hEireann fíor-shásta le cáinaisnéis na bliana seo agus go bhfuil siad ag tnúth le cáinaisnéis na bhliana seo chugainn, mar tá a fhios acu go bhfuil tús curtha leis an dea-obair i mbliana agus go leanfar leis an bhliain seo chugainn, go gcinnteoidh Rialtas Fhianna Fáil, mar a rinne siad ariamh, go mbeidh airgead ar fáil le haghaidh riachtanaisí. Tá a fhios ag daoine go mbeidh faoiseamh cháin ioncaim chomh maith agus is féidir é agus go mbeidh, ag deireadh an lae, cothrom na féinne do phobal na hÉireann ar fad.
The House will resume now the debate on the budget. I am sure the House will welcome at any time a debate on the Estimate for the Department of the Gaeltacht.
The Chair has already told the Deputy that the Minister for the Gaeltacht is completely in order in her contribution. She dealt fully with grants and money available for the Gaeltacht. If the Deputy would read the speech of the Minister for Finance, he would find in it a very long paragraph dealing with the Gaeltacht and the language.
My point is that I hope that the rest of us who contribute to the debate will be given the same latitude.
The Deputy should not start his speech on those lines. He has already been informed that the Chair has always given a great deal of latitude to spokesmen of the Opposition when they speak on the matter for which they are spokesmen and to Ministers when they are dealing with matters that concern their own Departments.
I have made my point. I wish to speak on the budget, because it is about time that we got back to that subject. What concerns me most are the industrial relations implications of this budget, which have not been very widely referred to and, indeed, have got very little attention. Inevitably, industrial relations in any year are centred on the major pay deal for that year, which in recent years has become known as the national wage agreement and last year as the national understanding.
Every national level in the past, whether it was spelt out or not, has been based on the principles of index linking. In other words, pay rises were always reasonably in line, usually a little ahead of, price rises. Even the Taoiseach was prepared to say that the budget will contribute 4 per cent to price rises for May of this year. He did not say what percentage it would add after May of this year. The Leader of the Opposition has estimated that the figure will be 6 per cent in the full year. Indeed, there is not much between the Taoiseach's estimate and that of the Opposition.
Inflation is running already at an annual rate of 16 per cent or very close to it and simple arithmetic will tell us that the annual rate for this year's end should be somewhere between 24 and 22 per cent, if things do not get even worse. Whether we like it or not, whether the Minister for Finance likes it or not, that means that we are now faced with wage claims of the order of 22 per cent. I say that with no joy whatever in my heart, as an inevitability. Indeed, the reaction of the trade union movement to the Minister's radio interview last Sunday will reinforce what I am now saying. Can the Irish economy—run down as it is at this moment, and in fact now in reverse because this year we shall have a minus growth, if that is a correct term—be asked to face wage increases of 22 per cent? That means loss of jobs and very poor industrial relations for the remainder of 1980 and, possibly, into 1981.
Back in 1975-76, the Coalition Government were faced with a world recession brought about by the 400 per cent increase in oil prices visited on them overnight. Faced with that crisis, the then Government introduced food subsidies to help the poor, to mitigate the worst effects of the ravages of inflation. They also reduced income taxation and, as part of the deal, we got a very good national pay agreement. Inflation fell rapidly and by the end of 1977 was down to 8 per cent. This happened because we had a Government of social justice, of equity, with concern for the people in our society with less money. Since then, money has been lavished on the rich. We had the abolition of wealth tax. We had the reimbursement of investments in the Irish Trust Bank of £3.3 million.
Should that not have been done, Deputy?
We had the abolition of rates, quite rightly, on ordinary dwellings because they had become a penal imposition on ordinary householders. However, the Government also abolished rates on the mansions and castles of this country. It did not matter if people owned 20 or 30 castles; they got remission of rates, which meant that the very wealthy—some in my constituency owning 20 to 30 houses—got remission of rates, gaining them thousands of pounds per year. On the other hand, the person living in the small local authority house got no benefit at all.
There was abolition of the car tax, again possibly justified for the worker who needs his car to get to work, but there also were the very poor families with no cars and wealthy families with several cars. Capital gains taxes were reduced to 75 per cent. Food subsidies were reduced and in this budget we had changes in income taxation which favour only those—and I want this to go out loud and clear from this House—on tax rates of more than 35p in the £. The vast majority of our workers pay tax at 35p in the £ or less. They will have lost by this budget, whereas the more one goes up the scale, the more one gains. If you have £25,000 a year you have done well out of this budget, especially if you have no children.
That is the background to the national wage agreement facing us. Pleas for moderation coming from a Minister for Finance who has just savaged the people with additional inflation, additional price rises of 6 per cent, are only laughable. The Minister for Finance has a hard neck. He is whistling in the wind if he thinks that, of all the people in this country, he is going to be listened to as far as wage moderation is concerned. He has shown no consideration for price moderation. He has heaped additional price rises on to the present huge price rises.
That is the background to the play which is now starting for the national understanding and I hope there is one coming. We must be realistic. The portents and forecasts are that we will have an annual inflation of 20 to 22 per cent. If history is to be repeated, and there is no reason whatever to believe that it will not, that means that wage increases will be 20 to 22 per cent or more. The only way to break this vicious wages prices chase is to reduce taxation dramatically on blue collar workers, who have not saved anything under the budget, and to freeze prices for some time. That is the only way to stop prices and wages escalating. As far as the Minister for Finance going on radio and making pleas for moderation from workers is concerned, he might as well be whistling in the wind because he is the last person workers would listen to.
As far as industrial relations are concerned, this is a sad budget. It shows no grasp or understanding of the financial pressures on workers, of the view the vast majority of them take of the way the country is run or the unfairness that is correctly perceived on the shop floor and which exists widely in the country. It does nothing to try to bring equity and justice to the situation, whatever the outrageous claims of the Taoiseach. At least the Minister for Finance went on radio and faced his interviewer to be asked questions about the budget and the economic situation. He had the courage to go on. The Taoiseach would not go on unless he could pick the questioner and the questions.
The Deputy's leader did not go on either.
He will go on at any time. It is laughable. Deputy Charles Haughey wants to go on television on his own terms. He will pick the questions and the questioner. What kind of democracy is that when the Taoiseach will not face an interview when he cannot answer questions?
The Deputy should ask his own leader and he will tell him.
My leader will go on television at any time with the Deputy's leader and debate these issues. The Deputy's leader will not take up that challenge. Deputy Charles Haughey will only go on television when he can talk straight to the camera on ministerial broadcasts. He is afraid of his life to be asked questions about the budget or about Fianna Fáil Governments present and past. I challenge the Taoiseach to go on television and radio and face the interviewer—not the ones of his choice but any interviewer RTE chooses—who will ask him questions about all major issues of importance facing the country. What has the Taoiseach to hide?
Nothing.
Why does he not go on television? He is hiding something. He is afraid to answer questions. I hope the Taoiseach will take up my challenge and defend the budget and answer whatever questions are put by whatever questioner is chosen. What has he to hide?
As far as industrial relations are concerned, as main Opposition spokesman in this area I am very sad. I believe from the bottom of my heart, and I bring the strongest conviction to bear in saying this, that the central challenge facing us is the creation of meaningful jobs at home for all our people. We can only do that if we have enduring labour peace. The year 1979 was the worst year of industrial relations in my lifetime. It was the second worst year in history. That is not to say that they just got bad in 1979. Industrial relations have been bad for ever and a day.
If one looks at any international table of comparison for any ten years one cares to mention one will see that our best year is worse than the worst year in countries such as Germany, Denmark and so on. Where does that leave 1979, which was our worst year? Inevitably 1980 will be a better year. I have a feeling—I hope I am wrong—that the Taoiseach and Minister for Labour will talk a lot about industrial relations as they have already done in the first three months of this year. The Minister for Labour has talked more about it in that time than he did in the previous two and half years. The reason is that if they talk about it they give the impression that they are concerned. They hope that 1980 will be a better year than 1979 and that they will get credit for the improvement. That is very clever.
The year 1980 is almost bound to be better than 1979 notwithstanding the budget. If they talk about it and give the impression that they are concerned people will say that they improved the situation and that we only lost one million man-days this year compared with 1.4 million last year. That might be clever but it is too clever by half. We had too much of that kind of approach over the years. That is why we have continuously bad labour relations. It is not the trade unions, their leaders or managers, employers or owners who are at fault; it is successive Irish Governments who are at fault for labour relations. We have not provided the labour relations infrastructure, machinery, resources or economic environment in which they can peacefully proceed.
Rather than helping the situation this budget sharply accentuates the problem. It adds 6 per cent to the cost of living and, therefore, 6 per cent to the wage claims that will be coming in for negotiation in the next few months. So far as industrial relations are concerned this budget is a stupid budget. It is irresponsible, thoughtless and reckless. Industrial relations are bad but not because we have had extremist trade union leaders. We have some of the best trade union leaders in the world, who have been consistently highly motivated by patriotism, but we have never given them due recognition. It is not because we have bad employers or bad managers, because generally we do not have. We have a very good employer organisation who have due regard for the national interest, and yet we have appalling labour relations. The fault lies with successive Governments who have not had the courage to deal with the industrial relations network.
We can bring about labour peace with a little intelligence, common sense and a few bob thrown in. Give the industrial relations sector the resources, the infrastructure and the machinery and we will have lasting labour peace because nobody—certainly nothing above 0.1 per cent of the workforce—seeks a strike. I do not know any trade union leaders or managers who seek strikes, and yet we have strikes by the dozen. Man-days are lost in their millions. Last year we lost 1.43 million man-days. It is worth noting that on average a man-day costs £23 per day, given that the national average wage is £5,500. Crudely, that means that the cost last year in man-days was £30 million, apart from the loss of investment and exports. It is possible to establish lasting labour peace. The Taoiseach in his broadcast to the nation—he will broadcast to the nation but he will not be interviewed or face questions—talked about industrial relations. He talks a lot about industrial relations in the hope that this year will be better than last year, the worst of all time. He believes that, if he keeps talking about it, it will look good. The Taoiseach spoke about a year of industrial peace but 12 months of industrial peace will not solve our problem. What we need—and Deputy FitzGerald, the leader of my party, has been talking about this for two years—is a decade or a generation of industrial peace. There is no reason why we cannot have enduring labour peace. It exists in Sweden, Luxembourg, Belgium and Germany. Why can we not have it? Nobody deliberately seeks a strike.
In my view we have not given the labour relations sector resources or any thought. Governments have not faced up to the issue because they were afraid. They did not know enough about the situation. There has not been in any Government sufficient working-class instincts or knowledge to tackle the problem. The Budget, far from creating the environment for successful industrial relations, has brought us trouble and we will witness that when negotiations open later this year on a new national understanding. I should like to make it clear, as I did in the last two years, that Fine Gael are strongly committed to the continuation of national pay bargaining. We urge moderation in pay bargaining, not just in the overall national interest, which must be primary, but also in the interest of our workers, because it is in their interest that we should stop the wages-prices spiral, this chase that is ruining us all.
There is little we can do on this side of the House about the havoc that will be wreaked on the industrial relations side by the budget, but we can urge that other improvements be brought about in that sector. We can urge that there should be a speedy overhaul of the labour relations machinery and the law on picketing, and that there be a speedy up-dating of legislation requiring proper personnel management and an improvement in public sector management, and Government management. It is accepted that bad management is a factor where there are recurring labour troubles, but it must be emphasised again that there is a stark contrast between the private and public sector in this regard. There are a few private enterprises with bad personnel management but they represent a small minority. The same is not true of the public sector. That does not reflect on the individuals working in public Departments of State, the semi-State bodies or local authorities. Even if the Lord Himself was put into those jobs He could not make a job of them because of the constraints imposed by Government policy. There is no freedom to manoeuvre. We have some excellent public servants but they cannot function. Improvements in industrial relations in the public sector should be brought about.
Our unions, who serve 1.1 million workers, are starved for want of resources. According to figures issued by the Registrar of Friendly Societies in respect of 1978 their total budget was £9.5 million. Unions must provide office accommodation, pensions for their officials, strike pay and so on. The budget could have made a significant contribution to enduring labour peace by recognising the wonderful national service provided by so many trade union leaders. They attend the Employer-Labour Conference, tri-partite talks and act on the boards of AnCO, CIE, IIRS and many other State organisations. While those officials attend such meetings there is nobody in their office to answer their telephones because the unions do not have the resources to pay extra staff. The quality and level of service then diminishes and that is what gives rise to unofficial strikes. The budget could have made a massive step forward in industrial relations by giving a relatively small contribution to the trade unions. They should be given the resources to educate and train their officials, to pay their officials proper salaries, to give them proper office accommodation and give them proper staff. If the Taoiseach addressed himself to the massive management problem in the public sector, we could be praising this budget. However, he ignores the problem. Instead of seeking to remove the constraints which the Department of the Public Service are forced by their political masters to impose, the Minister hints at a public sector pay freeze. This is what the papers read into his remarks on Sunday.
I put it to the Minister for Finance that he should rule out any thought of a public sector pay freeze. One of the problems is that people in our public service are paid not too well but too badly. We are not going to keep the best talents available in the public service if we pay peanuts. Whatever the temporary financial difficulties and whoever brought them about the Minister should rule out any question of a public sector pay freeze. Whatever national agreement is agreed—and I repeat again that I hope a further one will be agreed this year—the terms of such should apply equally to the public sector.
I would ask the Minister to initiate a major review of the State's role as an employer and as a paymaster. Obviously the State is doing something wrong because most of our industrial relations problems are in areas where the State is the employer, where the Government are the ultimate managers. That is why I was amused at the Taoiseach addressing himself to the question of bad management. He was talking about himself. The problem of bad management in industrial relations here—and it is mainly a problem in the public sector—is not there because we do not have competent men and women in the public Departments, the local authorities and in the semi-State bodies; we do. It is there because the Taoiseach and his predecessors have imposed impossible constraints within which public servants must operate. I urge the Minister for Finance, I urge the Government to initiate immediately a comprehensive review of the Government's role as an employer and paymaster.
In order to meet the central economic challenge—meaningful job creation—I also urge the Government to abandon the Commission on Industrial Relations. It has been flying on one wing now since last July and only a dreamer would expect that whatever report it eventually issues would be accepted by both sides. It should be abandoned. It is flying on one wing and it is bound to crash in the end. Legislation should be introduced which will comprehensively co-ordinate and expand the labour relations machinery at central, regional and district level, expand the conciliation and rights service and introduce an element of local fire fighting into the deliberations apparatus. I urge the Government to do this because I believe labour peace is attainable. I believe, as I have said so many times before in this House, that there is a broad consensus inside this House and outside it as to the general direction in which we should go in this area.
I hope that when it comes to negotiating the national understanding we will not have the same free negotiating hassle that we had last year, when we had talks about talks and votes not to have talks and then votes to have talks, votes not to accept the results of such talks, more talks and then votes to ultimately accept the fourth round of talks. This is all sapping the national morale. It is certainly sapping the morale of those involved in the industrial relations sector. Let us have some straight talk; let us put our cards on the table.
That is why I am so affronted by the Minister for Finance who is acting just like his predecessor last year. His predecessor pleaded for moderation, suggested a 5 per cent increase, asked for rigid discipline. But last year the midterm elections were coming, local elections and European elections were coming. When pay talks were collapsing in April and May, just before those elections took place, all thought of constraint and rigid discipline was forgotten about. The 5 per cent was forgotten about. Ultimately, we had the Government talking about 12 per cent, which then became 15 per cent and could have ended up at much more than that. Now we have the same thing going on. The Minister puts 6 per cent on prices and then goes on radio and calls for moderation in the workforce. He has contributed to this massive posturing going on in labour relations which saps everybody's morale and credibility.
Straight talking is what we need. If there are price rises of 22 per cent the workforce demand wage rises of 22 per cent, rightly or wrongly. The economists say the economy cannot afford these wage rises, and I agree with them. Why did the Government add a 22 per cent rise in prices when they knew this would be the consequence? Why were the tax changes not tuned in on those at the bottom end of the market instead of those at the top? Why do those on the shop floor not get the benefit of tax changes? Anyone paying 35p in the £ or less loses by this budget and will soon find out. But Ministers and Ministers of State with £20,000 and £23,000 a year gain massively by it and therefore they cannot be expected to understand the problem of the worker on the shop floor who gets £60 a week.
That is what I get after all deductions—£60 a week. But a 20 per cent wage rise will hinder the job creation drive which is the central economic challenge.
That brings me to another aspect of this budget which has already been pointed out. However, it is our duty to underline it again and again. The allocations for all the employment schemes in existence have been cut dramatically. The Government brazen it out and say there are no cuts, that that is only an illusion. There have been massive cuts under the employment incentive scheme, the youth employment premium scheme and the employment maintenance scheme and the Government have welched on their commitment as part of the national understanding to create new jobs. They have welched on every job incentive programme they have made or inherited, by far the most successful of which was the employment incentive scheme introduced by the Coalition Government—and 80 per cent of people who got jobs under the scheme have been kept in employment. It is the big success story.
I do not know how there were 160,000 unemployed when the Coalition went out of office.
How many are there now?
About 62,000.
The index states that there are 90,000 unemployed and, according to Deputy O'Donoghue's arithmetic which we are now using, that means the figure is probably about 150,000, despite our employment incentive scheme and despite the fact that thousands of people have been put off the register in Glenamaddy, Tuam, Mountbellew, Moylough, Menlough, Ballinasloe and Newbridge, as well as in Ballyfermot and other parts of the country. The Minister of State is not doing much for his constituency.
Ask Deputy Donnellan.
He writes a lot of letters.
As both the Minister of State and Deputy Donnellan will know, I have close contacts in Mountbellew and I know that people there have been knocked off the unemployment register, as has happened all over the country.
That is why the figure on the register is so small. The Minister of State understands that but will not admit it.
The unemployment figures are again climbing rapidly. The budget cuts all the employment schemes, especially the employment incentive scheme introduced by Deputy Michael O'Leary, former Minister for Labour, under which real jobs were created in the private sector, not make-believe jobs in the public sector. According to figures given recently by the Minister for Labour, 80 per cent of the 15,000 jobs created last year under the employment incentive scheme were made permanent. The employment action team have come and gone and various industrial concerns which were supposed to come never did, not to mention the work experience programme and other schemes which are only laughing stocks. The successful employment maintenance scheme has also been chopped by the Government and this will badly affect the textile industry.
The Government have also reneged on their agreement as part of the national understanding to create 5,000 extra jobs and that fact will be thrown in their faces when they begin negotiations on a new national understanding.
The effect of this budget will be to push wage claims over 20 per cent and the sad result will be the wrecking of the prospects of our young people in places as far apart as Tuam and Dublin. If our prices are too high we will not be able to sell abroad. This difficulty could be overcome when our currency was linked to sterling which depreciated every year and we were enabled to have huge wage increases which did not affect the price of our goods abroad. We no longer have that luxury and are now linked through the EMS to European countries where they have single-figure inflation and single-figure wage rises. We are pricing ourselves out of the market, and our wage rises will be too high because prices are too high. That means fewer jobs and opportunities for young people. The budget is a disaster in regard to industrial relations and job creation.
In addressing this House the Taoiseach had the audacity to say that there was a caring philosophy behind this budget. The reality is that it stamps the poor into the ground. We are talking about an inflation rate of 22 per cent overall, but if one looks at essentials such as bread, butter, sugar, milk and heat the inflation rate thus isolated is a great deal more than 25 per cent. This means that instead of reducing the stain of poverty we are heightening our shame. The budget does not confer any favours on the poor; it robs them. It helps the individual or the couple earning £20,000, especially if they do not have children, but what about the poor man on the dole who has seven or eight children? He will not receive any tax concessions because he does not pay tax, but he will still have to pay the extra 77p on bottled gas. If he uses town gas for cooking, as do most of the poor in this city, he is confronted for the first time ever with two increases in ten days. That is some record. It is, presumably, part of the Taoiseach's caring philosophy. But people like the Taoiseach and his Ministers with salaries of more than £20,000 per year will be the ones to gain from the budget and that will be at the expense of the poor.
The Government have not done anything about borrowing. There has not been any attempt to bring about a reduction in borrowing as a percentage of GNP. This has led to speculation about an early election. But, knowing Fianna Fáil and having regard to present opinion polls, they will not be likely to go to the country for some time.
Instead of resolving some problems, this budget creates some and accentuates more. It is said in some quarters that the division within the Government is responsible for the production of a budget which wrecks the prospects of so many of our people. In these circumstances the sooner the Government go to the country the better. We have a wonderful country, a country which has great prospects but which needs a sense of direction, a sense of justice, a sense of fair play and which above all needs the kind of leadership that it will not get from the other side of the House.
Since most areas pertaining to the budget have been covered I rise briefly to make a few points. This year's budget is of particular importance in that it is linked with the national understanding but also because of the very substantial increases in social welfare payments, because there is a major start on the road to a more equitable tax system and also because there is a substantial reduction in the dependence on borrowing. In addition, there is a fresh approach to the taxation of farmers. The Minister was faced with a difficult task in trying to strike a balance in regard to the aims of the budget but he succeeded in bringing a degree of reality into the various proposals and in this budget the Government have shown a responsible approach to the country's problems. We now have the opportunity of creating the proper atmosphere between employers and workers and of creating a situation in which we will be in a more favourable position, because of the lessening of the danger of bad labour relations, of attracting industry to the country.
The measures taken to ease the PAYE tax burden and to create more suitable structures for taxation will help to avoid the senseless type of conflict that has arisen between urban and rural dwellers. The farmers claim that they are willing to pay their fair and equitable share of taxation. We must remember that income tax in respect of farmers was introduced only a short number of years ago and that time is needed to allow for the adjustment. Farmers will know now where they stand in relation to the £40 threshold applying for three years and they will accept the more simplified accounts system. We have been promised, too, a re-examination of the resource tax situation. I should hope that in hardship cases, especially in regard to farmers in the £40 to £49 valuation bracket, there would be regard to specific circumstances. I am glad to note that there are to be allowances in respect of taxation so far as such work as land reclamation, fencing and the erection of farm buildings is concerned. This is a very important factor because of the increasing cost of such work. Farmers may not expect now increases at the levels enjoyed in the previous year and to counteract this situation they will have to depend on more efficient production rather than on a substantial increase in production.
Pig production is a very important industry in the area in which I come from as well as in such areas as Cork, Kerry and Cavan. Most pig producers have very large units. The day has gone when pig production was merely a farmyard enterprise. There has been developed a very high degree of efficiency in the industry in terms of production, breeding, proper weights and so on. The producers are very concerned that they are being paid up to £300 per ton less for their products than is being paid on the market for Danish bacon.
One of the problems so far as our producers are concerned is that the Pigs and Bacon Commission are handling only about 40 per cent of the production while the various factories—sometimes competing against each other on the export market—handle the remainder. The producers are concerned not only for their very existence but in regard to the structure generally in respect of this industry. We are producing approximately two million pigs per year but we are competing on the world market with the Danes who are producing 13 million pigs per year. From the point of view of the amount of feed used and when this is related back to the grain producer, the miller and all along the line, it will be seen that there is a big spin-off in the pig industry so far as labour content is concerned. Feed is completely home produced except for the protein meals and some additives. I would hope that the Pigs and Bacon Commission and those factories marketing on their own will come together to bring about a situation in which the producers will not suffer from the present marketing system.
There has been a lot of mention of the super levy on milk production. Our Minister is totally committed to ensuring that our farmers and milk producers will not suffer as far as this levy or any other price margin arrangement in the EEC is concerned. In the recent farm and food booklet I noticed that small farmers were going out of milk production, changing over to beef, in which they will have half only of the profitability they would have had in milk. That will have a serious effect in the 12 western counties, where hopefully in coming years they will receive the grant aids allocated to us under the EEC western drainage scheme and also the scheme to be announced shortly regarding the package assembled by the former Minister, Deputy Gibbons, now with the EEC Commission for approval. In those western counties, bearing in mind the size of farms and farm structures, which are not suitable for grain production, the ideal would be milk production.
There is also the situation at present—under EEC Regulation No. 1271—in which £2,500,000 was allocated in aid of upwards of 60 per cent of the cost of in-can coolers and cooler tanks, along with which applicants would qualify for a farm modernisation scheme grant. It was expected that there would have been some 9,000 applicants; yet some six or seven weeks ago there were 5,000 only. Now the IAOS, who are supervising the scheme, have applied for an extension of the time limit. It is a pity such schemes are not brought to people's attention more effectively. There appears to be a breakdown in communications in this respect. There are many farmers who should be availing of these benefits and indeed who need such at present when the production of a quality article is so essential at all levels. I believe the time has arrived for a reappraisal of all farming activities in the different areas to ensure that where there is grant aid and funding available it will be brought to prospective applicants' notice as quickly as possible.
I listened to the gloomy predictions of the previous speaker. While one might expect that the Opposition would highlight points more suitable to their case, very often at different levels—not in this House but at county council or county committee of agriculture level—they cry wolf and make gloomy predictions which can do irreparable damage to industry, especially the farming industry. One particular instance comes to mind. In the autumn of 1979 following a meeting of a county committee of agriculture, there were headlines in the press announcing that only 25 per cent of winter feed was available in west Cavan. As a result people sold their young stock. It created a scare, a stampede to sell, so that in the weeks prior to Christmas there was a big falling off in the price of store cattle and small stock. The same papers now carry columns of advertisements offering bales of hay for sale, and increasingly higher prices are being offered for young cattle. I believe politicians can make their point but should not labour it to the extent that it could damage our economy.
The Minister's proposals in regard to income tax were very welcome. Certainly the fact that there will now be 75,000 people no longer in the tax net should reduce the workload of tax offices, affording their staffs an opportunity to deal with other cases which tend to pile up, leaving them with a backlog. The income-splitting aspect is to be welcomed also and leaves us in advance of some other countries in the EEC in that respect.
The 25 per cent increase granted in the long-term weekly rates of social welfare benefit were particularly welcomed, as was the increase in the rate of allowance to veterans of the War of Independence to £185. In this respect I do not believe the Opposition ever dreamt that such increases would amount to anything like 25 per cent; I think they would have been agreeable to much less. There was one instance at a county council meeting in Monaghan at which a Fine Gael councillor proposed—a man always very generous in his proposals—that there be a 20 per cent increase to social welfare recipients 5 per cent under the Minister's eventual figure.
In a time of stringency, with the Government's deep committment to industrial development, I was glad to note the amount of money allocated to the IDA. The implementation of the Fianna Fáil manifesto has been nowhere more evident than in this area of industrial development. The IDA are to be congratulated on their rate of progress not alone in the grant-aiding of industry but on their general approach. We public representatives find the IDA always ready to listen to our every suggestion, even if it means the securing of only one additional job.
There was also the innovation of the Minister for Industry and Commerce a few years ago of the small cluster units, of 3,000 sq. feet plus per unit, for the small industrialist who heretofore erected premises with grant aid in areas where he had not water, sewerage or electricity supply. It is more advantageous to have a number of these cluster units together, especially when the services are already there. If an applicant wishes to start a business he can rent a cluster unit.
The Minister for the Environment and his Minister of State gave a run down on housing loans and housing grants. Nobody liked to see the withdrawal of the reconstruction grants, but when looking at the figures we should take into account the increases granted for the reconstruction and housing loans. Inside three years the limit was increased from £4,500 to £12,000 and the income limit from £2,350 to £5,500. The Minister should insist that local authorities secure sites in the same way as the IDA acquire sites. When they secure the sites they should develop them, provide the necessary services and sell them to housing applicants.
Members of local authorities know that the cost of building houses has risen drastically. A three-roomed terraced local authority house can cost around £20,000 to build. This is very high. The answer to that problem is for the Minister to insist that local authorities purchase the land, service the sites and then they could give the people on the housing list an opportunity to build their own houses.
Rather than deal with this budget on a national basis I will discuss it as it affects County Galway. Before the budget many people went to a great deal of trouble trying to convince us that it would be very bad. As a result people have accepted it and said it could have been worse. Why do we find ourselves in a very serious financial situation? The Government who were in office a few years ago cannot be blamed. One could not blame it on any Government but a Fianna Fáil Government. Fianna Fáil have to take the blame for this problem, as well as for the present lack of industrial peace.
The last speaker said that this budget would attract industries to this country and that it introduced a better taxation system. Heaven help the next Government who come into office because they will have a very difficult job solving the problems created by Fianna Fáil Governments, first under Deputy J. Lynch and now under Deputy Haughey, the present Taoiseach.
As I said, I will talk about the problems as they affect County Galway. I am a member and chairman of the Galway County Committee of Agriculture. We find it impossible to work as efficiently as we did in the past because of the cut-backs in the amount of money we need to carry out our functions. I have with me our allocations for 1980 and for the record I will repeat a few of them. Under different headings the committee carry out different duties. For the following schemes—cattle, pig and sheep breeding, poultry development, schemes to encourage horticulture, shelter belt schemes, seed potato development schemes, subsidies through agricultural societies, vermin destruction schemes and a scheme to encourage the breeding of Connemara ponies—we estimated we would need something in the region of £17,280. We were granted £13,320, a cut of £3,960. How are we to operate these schemes this year?
I presume the Minister of State is in the House to listen to what Deputies have to say with a view to bringing our comments to the notice of the Minister for Finance or even the Taoiseach. Deputy Mitchell appealed to the Minister to take a few notes of what he said because, if Ministers are not au fait with what we are talking about, from listening and taking notes they might be educated. I appeal to the Minister of State present to listen to what I am saying because I know he was not listenting to what I was saying about the cuts in the allocations for the county committees of agriculture.
The Galway County Committee of Agriculture run courses under the EEC 161 scheme. We estimated we would need £13,180 to run this scheme and we were given £12,000, a cut of £1,180. That may not appear to be a big cut but it is very big in relation to the total sum. Many Deputies who support the Government do not seem to be aware that these cuts will have a detrimental effect on the working of the committees. We also run a number of non-residential courses for which we calculated we would need £4,050. The Department reduced that figure to £3,000, a cut of £1,050. We also run short residential courses for which we need £300; that figure was left alone.
There is something I cannot understand under the heading general administration. Naturally a county committee of agriculture office has to operate efficiently. Under the following headings—rents and rates, repairs, lighting and heating, insurance, equipment, telephone and postage, incidentals, printing, stationery, the journal, the annual publication we get out and so forth—we need £41,330. The Department decided that we may consider that we want it but we are not going to get it. They decided to give us £35,680, which means a cut of £5,650. Perhaps in reply to this budget debate or at some other stage, perhaps by letter or some public statement by a Minister, a Minister of State or Taoiseach, the Government might explain to the county committee of agriculture in Galway how under that cut of £5,650 for office equipment and so on they expect the office to operate at all.
Bad as that may be, we have had one further cut which was the meanest and lowest under the belt that I have ever heard of, and when the Minister of State, Deputy Connolly, hears about it, he will agree with me. For members' travelling expenses for the 11 meetings we hold annually we estimated that we would need £5,000 for our 20-member committee. The Department decided to cut it down to £2,620. I put the question to the Minister of State: how does he expect a county committee of agriculture to operate on half the travelling expenses they had last year? I am sure that many members of his party are members of their own county committee of agriculture in Laois or Offaly or maybe the two counties are joined together. The majority of the members of these committees are not paid politicians as I am. There are three or maybe four politicians on the entire county committee of agriculture. We are called professional politicians in the sense that for the services we render in the Dáil or Seanad we are paid to some degree, some people say too much and possibly Members themselves will say too little. How do the Government expect the other members of these committees to attend 11 monthly meetings? We do not hold one in the month of August. How do they expect us to run even five or six meeting this year.
This matter came to our notice at our meeting last Friday. Various suggestions were put forward and one by myself as chairman was to the effect that we should run the committee into the ground and close it up after about six months, if that would be the wish of the Government party. The composition of that committee now is a hell of a sight different from what it was when the party opposite were in power in County Galway because they would not let anybody on to the committee. All the political seats on it were filled by Fianna Fáil councillors and TDs and they decided that they would select the rest of the members themselves.
The Deputy will have to clarify that. It does not refer to my county.
I am referring to my own county, not to the Minister of State's. If he had been listening to me he would realise that.
I was listening.
He was not listening fully. The county committee in Galway is representative——
That is better.
——of all political shades and opinions. Even the Labour Party are represented on it and we have invited representation from the ICA, the IFA and Macra na Feirme. We have a very broadly based committee. The expression of opinion at our meeting last Friday was that they were not at all satisfied with the cut-backs we have had from the Department and they were wondering to whom or through what channel they could appeal so that this could be brought to the notice of the public. I am glad that I am possibly the first to get the opportunity of standing up publicly, particularly here in Dáil Éireann, to explain the position exactly as it is. I hope that the Minister of State will bring this message to his Government and as a result we might see some change.
There are various bodies in County Galway to whom we give a few pounds every now and again, such as show societies of one description or another. We try to give something in the region of £50 or £100 if the event is important enough. We might give a little more to, for instance, the committee who organise the county ploughing championship. At any rate we are very limited in what we can give them with the small budget at our disposal. On 25 May this year the national sheep-shearing contest will be held in a place called Duniry in County Galway and there was a request from the organisation running that for some type of grant from the county committee for the purpose of helping to defray the expenses of that project. The request was for £100, and you cannot do much with £100 these days. Every day that passes you seem to get a little less for it. We could not grant them anything. Is it not terrible that we have a national sheep-shearing championship and that we in the county committee of agriculture cannot grant the organisation running it a few pounds to help defray expenses? A member of the Minister's party, Deputy Callanan, expressed the view that I am expressing now in relation to the sheep-shearing competition, that money should be available whereby we would be able to give them some type of grant.
Over the years applications have been made by the county committee of agriculture for additional instructors. When I was not a member of the committee I took up the cause and talked about it here in Leinster House. Since I became a member of that committee I have put our case on the floor of the House for additional agricultural instructors in Galway, but I seem to be wasting time. The ratio of farmers to agricultural instructors in Galway is higher than it is in any other county. It is something in the region of 690 farmers for every agricultural instructor. How could an agricultural instructor look after 690 farmers and give them the service which they deserve and which he would like to give them? We made application for additional agricultural instructors for the sole purpose of increasing agricultural production of getting a much better ratio of agricultural instructors to farmers. I should like to see the ratio at something in the region of an agricultural instructor for every 250 farmers.
On the question of seeking additional staff for county committee offices in Galway and for the regional offices out of which a number of regional instructors work, in Tuam six agricultural instructors work out of an office which has no secretarial help whatsoever. This point has been brought to the notice of the present Minister for Agriculture and to the notice of his predecessor and the storm was blown very much into our faces. The county committee also requested that the regional laboratory in Athlone should be used for blood testing and so on, so that the problems that exist in blood testing—and particularly those that existed last year—will not continue to occur. Some people do not seem to be happy with the present arrangements. The Minister must be tired listening to talk of county committees, but how can they operate in 1980? Would the Minister please take a note of this request and relay it to the relevant authority, presumably the Minister for Agriculture and, if not, to the Taoiseach? It is possible that there has been some mistake. The county committee will be meeting again in a month's time, if we can afford to meet, and I should be happy to have, by then, some reply to the questions I have raised here today.
As a result of this budget, the Galway Vocational Education Committee has suffered a 25 per cent cut on what was looked for on the administrative side, and a 35 per cent cut on maintenance. Salaries are up, which makes the position worse. Possibly the worst feature on the subject of education in general is that capital expenditure in regard to education has been cut from £53 million to £49 million. Some of the biggest problems in primary education in Galway are caused by the lack of schools and of extensions to existing schools, about which representations have been made to the Department. Many of the schools have prefab buildings beside them, erected a number of years ago. This is not peculiar to the vocational education side. These buildings were a stop-gap or a temporary measure but have now become a permanent feature in the playgrounds of most schools. Many of our VEC schools need to be replaced. New schools have been promised here and there, particularly in the Tuam area, but as a result of the present financial situation in Galway this cannot be done. Prefabs are not very satisfactory in many ways. They are not joined to the main building. They create problems for students and teachers and are generally unsuitable. The teaching profession have expressed their disapproval and dissatisfaction on this subject from time to time but their protests seem to have fallen on deaf ears. A new national school has been promised for Tuam for a couple of years, but to date we have heard nothing about it and it would appear that we shall wait a few more years before we hear anything about it.
There is a big problem in Ballinasloe at the moment, a town with a growing population, which I cannot see any hope of being alleviated during 1980. Additional facilities are also being sought at New Inn, Glenamaddy and Portumna and no action has been taken in any of these areas, particularly in 1980.
While I am speaking on education, in December 1979 I asked the Minister for Education if he was aware that there was no running water or toilet facilities in Leitrim national school, Loughrea, County Galway. His answer was that the Department had sanctioned a grant towards the cost of a scheme for essential improvements, including water for sanitation. To make a long story short, terrible problems exist there. Whether it is lack of communication between the Department of Education and the Office of Public Works I do not know, but there is some breakdown in communications there. Perhaps the Minister might take up that subject with a view to having something done about it?
In January 1977, the then Minister for Education sanctioned a new national school in Gorteen, Ballinasloe, County Galway. To date, there is no school, and no prospect of it either. I was proud to arrange a deputation on the occasion when the Minister made the decision to grant the new school. Whether the present Government are trying to throw a spanner in the works or getting another Government Department to do it for them I do not know, but there is no sign of a school and these people are becoming very impatient. The Minister will have terrible problems on his hands regarding that area if something is not done.
I should like to talk for one minute about the educational establishment I attended a long time ago, Ballinlash national school, which had a problem with a boundary wall, regarding a water butt. Although the management of the school had been in contact with the Department of Education, through the Office of Public Works, it was not until a parliamentary question was put down about it that we had any action at all. I am convinced that, were it not for this question being put down, we would not have any action today either. We are having a bit of it at the moment.
I also made representations by way of parliamentary question to the Minister for Education in regard to proposals for additional accommodation at Cummer national school, Tuam, County Galway. The answer that it is being considered is not satisfactory. I would like to have more action on it. Perhaps the Minister will take a note of it and as a result of that we might get some action.
This budget has created a terrible problem in Galway as far as housing is concerned. I have a lot of papers before me including the estimates for Galway County Council for the coming year and a copy of the Fianna Fáil manifesto. As with all other local authorities we have a housing programme which we hope to put into operation and carry through successfully. In 1970 we built one rural house in County Galway. The situation improved in 1971 and 1972 and the improvement was carried along in similar fashion through 1973, and 1974 and 1975. It had been doing quite well up until last year when we had a problem. This year we have a terrible problem.
There was a shortfall last year in the funds for all local authority housing in Galway of £475,000. The Minister's Department deal with this. We did not do all the work we had hoped to do last year. For instance in Clarinbridge, Corofin, Tuam, Loughrea and Moycullen, we were supposed to have new staff. As the Minister is aware, a specific amount of money must be laid out by the Department for such things. It is given for the express purpose of having new staff.
However bad the problem was last year it will be much worse in 1980. I am not taking into consideration schemes planned for Tuam, Corofin, Portumna and Moycullen—Tuam, eight houses; Corofin, six; Portumna, ten; and Moycullen, 12. We might be able to start schemes for demountable rural dwellings in Athenry, Ballygar, Clifden, Roundstone if we get additional money in the region of £585,000 from the Government. We have another scheme, but no new work can be undertaken and the programme of rural housing will have to be curtailed. There is a list for Loughrea, Tuam, Eyrecourt, Woodford, Clarinbridge Williamstown, Kilconly and Kilconnell. We estimated that we could start these schemes between 1 April and 1 August. They would amount to about 100 houses. Unless we get money for new staff from the Department we cannot make a start. I hope the Minister takes note of what I am saying. The Minister can see the problems the members of Galway County Council have and the disastrous shortfall in the amount of money.
There has been a lot of talk about the cost of housing. The Minister can appreciate that we may be in the last generation of home owners because of the escalating cost of houses. A lot of people have to rely on local authority housing. If we do not get the necessary finance I do not know what these people will do. There will be more people going into flats. Deputy Leonard spoke about loans being increased for reconstruction and new housing. He did not refer to the abolition of the home improvement grant. Not alone does that hit the individual but it is a big problem for local authorities. It was a retrograde step and a bad decision.
The Taoiseach at the Ard Fheis, when he was keeping the troops going, eventually put in the boot and said that we would find oil off the west coast. I believe there is oil there and there is a strong rumour that it has been found. We never needed it so much. It would want to flow very quickly or we will collapse entirely. As far as the allocation for local improvement schemes is concerned, last year we got £240,000. This year we have been allocated £171,000. As a result of Fianna Fáil administration last year we had a postal strike that lasted a long time. That is part of the reason why we did not expend all the £240,000 which was given to us. I put down a number of questions to various Ministers trying to pin them down and to make money available for bog development, bog roads and drainage of bogs. This is very necessary at present due to the high cost of imported fuel. I made an effort to get the Minister for Energy to make a commitment, but whether he did not understand me or not—and that is quite possible—he did not give me a commitment. There should be 100 per cent grants available for repairs to bog roads, the making of new bog roads and the drainage of bogs. The allocation of £171,000 for local improvement schemes in 1980 does not meet the number of applications we have submitted. The total cost of meeting those applications is £477,626.
In this regard one must take into consideration the fact that the cost of heating a home in early 1973 was £78 and the average cost now, not taking into consideration the recent increases in fuel, is £700 annually. The Minister of State at the Department of Finance must appreciate the need to improve and develop bog roads to give people an opportunity of harvesting turf. I have been informed that the Irish Sugar Company have 15 machines cutting turf west of the Shannon and that they cut 700,000 yards of bog in 70 different areas. A similar area of bog is cut by private individuals annually in the west. As a result of the increase in the price of various fuel at source and due to the imposition of Government taxes there is a great demand for turf, a demand which will increase. If the Minister does not accept the information I have given him he should consult the article written by Desmond Rushe in the Irish Independent on 14 February 1980.
I was disappointed that there was not a change in the system of capital taxation on farmers. That capital taxation was introduced in 1975 and it was to be adjusted every three years in line with inflation. Nothing happened in 1978, although we were told during the election campaign of 1977 that Fianna Fáil would abolish it entirely. We lost power in 1977 and, consequently, we could not carry out our promise of adjusting it in 1978. The Government should do something about that. The problem is that on a natural transfer, or in the event of a death, a farmer is put into a bad situation in that he must sell part of the family farm to rescue the rest of it. During the election campaign of 1977 many Deputies, and potential Members, spoke about this but no action has been taken since. In many cases family holdings have to be broken up because farmers do not have the ready cash and do not have any way of borrowing it.
Any farmer with a land valuation over £40 is in terrible trouble. He must face the increases in the price of machinery, fertiliser, oil, and the general increases in the cost of living. It is very difficult to compare those involved in agriculture in different parts of the country. They cannot be lumped together into one category. I spent a successful three weeks in County Cork before Christmas and I had an opportunity of comparing the farming situation there with that in the west. The land and the weather conditions vary greatly. There is little point in comparing the land around Fermoy and other areas in the south with the land in my constituency. Taking similar valuations into consideration a farmer in the west, regardless of how good he is, cannot earn an income similar to that of the farmer in the south. With few exceptions western farmers are in need of special consideration. We must contend with a heavy annual rainfall in the west. This year in the factory in Tuam, where extra machines were at the disposal of farmers, through no fault of the operators or the farmers, the tail-end of the beet had to be sent to other factories. The rainfall in the west, generally speaking, makes life that much more difficult for people engaged in agriculture there in comparison with farmers in other parts of the country. This should be taken into consideration by the Government.
I was also disappointed by the cuts of about £2 million in arterial drainage this year, on 13 December 1979 I put down a question to the Minister for Finance in relation to a scheme which my father was responsible for putting into operation in the early 1950's: the drainage of the River Nanny, a tributary of the River Corrib. A Minister of State from that area, Deputy Killilea, promised the farmers there that this river would be drained. The reason why it was not done up to now was that it was being used as a water supply for the town of Tuam. Since then an alternative water supply has been found and as a result drainage can be done now. But I understand now that this river must take its place on the priority list. If that stream takes its place on a priority list then the youngest Member of this House will not see it carried out if he lives to be 100 years of age. It is necessary. It was part of a drainage scheme. It would have been done in the first stage of the Corrib/Clare drainage scheme were it not being used as a water supply for the town of Tuam. It floods hundreds of acres backstream from the town of Tuam, and this should be taken into consideration and money allocated for its drainage.
One Deputy tells me that I am talking about the Dunkellin again. Only last week I was talking about the Dunkellin and I will keep talking about it. In County Galway we have two Ministers of State, Deputies Killilea and Hussey, and a Minister, Deputy Mrs. Geoghegan-Quinn. It is possibly a disappointment to Deputy Callanan that he is not a Minister, but he might come up trumps tomorrow. I hope he does, because that will make the situation more embarrassing for him and his colleagues. Recently we also had Deputy Molloy who was also a Minister. The EEC granted £42 million for drainage in the west—£28 million for field drainage and £14 million for arterial drainage. By letter in 1971 it was stated by the late Deputy Noel Lemass, who was then responsible, that the draining of the Dunkellin would start in 1972. Various promises have been made since about the Dunkellin. But most tragic of all is the fact that we got £14 million for arterial drainage in the western regions and, with all the State cars in County Galway, they could not borrow a few pounds out of it to drain the Dunkellin where there are approximately 100,000 acres of land to be drained.
It is possible that it might be done sometime in the future but the people there have lost confidence in all public representatives because they are floating down the Dunkellin. There are people in County Galway who might be expected to have a certain amount of political clout and they are doing nothing about the Dunkellin. They may listen to the Minister of State, Deputy Connolly, if he tries to persuade them to spend a few pounds on it. There are two drainage committees, the IFA drainage committee and a Fianna Fáil drainage committee.
The Deputy has five minutes to drain the Dunkellin.
The Chair might give me an additional five minutes because I was interrupted earlier on. In fact I have eight minutes; I did not start until——
It is 6.47 p.m. now. We will not fall out over a few minutes.
A deputation from the IFA drainage committee met the then Minister of State, Deputy Wyse, and he said that the only problem was that he could not get engineers. That seems to have been a problem for quite some time. Surely the Office of Public Works pay the same rate for engineers as any other branch of the public service, and they should be able to pay them in competition with private industry. Perhaps the Minister of State present might be able to get something done.
There is another problem in relation to the drainage of the Island river, Williamstown. We are told that this is part of a greater arterial drainage scheme, the drainage of the Suck. But in turn the Suck is a tributary of the Shannon. So the Shannon must be drained, the Suck must be drained and then the tributary of the Suck, the Island river, will be drained. There is quite a lobby of support for the drainage of this river at the moment. I would appreciate it if the Minister would convey my remarks to the relevant people.
The overall effect of this budget and Government policy on the draft roadworks scheme is that we are short £735,641. The Minister might draw this to the attention of his colleagues in Government who are on the local authority and who pay no attention to it whatsoever. Quite a number of things had to be deleted, a number of schemes in Athenry and places of that nature. As a result of Government action also the council find themselves no longer responsible for road restoration; at least they cannot spend any more than £50,000 on road restoration, whereas we estimated that about £90,000 would be needed for group water schemes.
We must pay for the maintenance of the Connacht-Clare drainage scheme, and it will cost £271,668 in 1980; the Killimer-Cappagh scheme will cost £109,678 and maintenance of the Corrib-Headford scheme will cost £107,455, making a total of £488,801. There has been an increase of about 25 per cent, which roughly corresponds with the rate of inflation. The local authority must find that amount, although the Government did not give a 25 per cent increase and we feel they should be responsible for the provision of these funds.
The local authority also find themselves with a supplementary claim from the Western Health Board of £121,509 in respect of 1979. This was not notified to the council until 31 December 1979 and it has not been provided for in the estimates. This creates a very difficult financial position.
During the past two-and-a-half years the price of the following commodities has increased as follows: one pound of butter has increased from 53½p to 66½p; a gallon of petrol from 87p to £1.51; a standard loaf from 24p to 36p; a pint of beer from 38p to 59p; one pound of tea from 90p to £1.06; four kilograms of flour from 84p to £1.34; and electricity charges have risen by 70 per cent. The cost of running a car as small as the Mini is £40 per week.
The change of leadership seemed to promise something, but nothing has been delivered. Fianna Fáil must have valued the services as Taoiseach of Deputy Lynch to the extent of £100,000. He was able to keep the hurling fraternity with him and it will take £100,000 from this Government to keep them going.
This budget is just not true. Advantage was taken of many and various things, including money not collected during the postal strike which is now being taken in and which is really a windfall. There has been only a paper reduction in borrowing. During his speech the Minister for Finance said: "We must all ensure that this new burden, unwelcomed though it may be, will be shouldered by all who can bear it". The new level of tax free allowance is not to be extended to the self-employed. A person such as a carpenter will still get the old tax free allowance and this is discrimination in the extreme.
There is also discrimination in relation to farmers. The former Minister for Finance, Deputy Colley, said that farmers must pay £100,000. That was three years ago when farmers had a much higher income. The reduction in income this year is given as 30 per cent but that money is being exacted from farmers in the form of a new resource tax; they must pay their tax and then pay a resource tax. I call that wealth tax under another name.
Existing business has also been neglected. I am not referring to grant-aided businesses from overseas which have the advantage of tax allowances and IDA grants and can, perhaps, export all their production to the parent company. I am referring to old-established businesses in our towns and cities which have been giving employment. Many such businesses are going to the wall and anybody who reads the newspapers will agree with me. The Government have not been able to do anything to help them because of the Government's profligate spending under the manifesto which has rendered them impotent.
They could have done something about the very high interest charges being paid by ordinary businesses which exist on overdraft accommodation or term loans. Because of the money they spent to buy government they are not in a position to offer any help. The Central Bank have been approached by the four main commercial banks seeking a 2½ per cent increase in interest charges. What did it cost the farmer to borrow money from the ACC last year? The figure was 20.375 per cent. The situation has arisen that our own barley, in the worst places as far as milling is concerned, is now outpricing foreign imported tapioca. People will suffer serious losses in such areas, particularly in Wexford because the barley must sometimes be moved as far as Belfast to compete with imported barley.
Because of their manifesto, their spending and their removal of tax on cars and rates on houses, this Government have created a situation whereby the figures coming to the Central Bank gave them no option but to place strictures on the commercial banks and force them to charge higher interest rates—interest rates which were crushing in the extreme. Existing industry will produce reduced profits or no profits at all. The worker depends for his job on the creation of profit; otherwise the day will come when there will be no money for wages. The action of the Government was dictated by political expediency in their effort to buy power. The purchase was made and we are now paying the price.
Deputy Donnellan referred to the difficulties faced by local authorities who have been limited to an increase of 10 per cent in their expenditure at a time of 18 per cent inflation. The money coming from the Government is being reduced rather than increased and that is why there is no money for roads.
Debate adjourned.