Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 3 Feb 1981

Vol. 326 No. 4

Financial Resolutions, 1981. - Financial Resolution No. 9: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(The Taoiseach.)

When I spoke the other day I referred to a passage from the Taoiseach's speech in which he said that it was the policy to protect the living standards of the underprivileged and less well off in the difficult economic circumstances of today. The budget has done just that. It was designed to meet existing circumstances and the challenge of the future. It was a social welfare budget because the Government in their wisdom, backed by the people, have made provision to give to the needy sections of our society, the handicapped and the aged, an increase in their pensions of roughly 25 per cent, the same increase as last year. It was also the desire of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions that we should afford some greater measure of security against want to our pensioners.

I am not by any means an economist but I believe that if something is morally right then it is economically sound. To give increases to the blind, the handicapped and the aged is surely morally right. The most conservative economists will agree that it is a real investment in human terms. I am very proud of the Government who prepared this budget and I am glad to say that people in this city to whom I have spoken about the budget have been full of praise for its provisions. Like myself, many of them cannot follow the finer points of economic science. I do not feel at a loss because of that but the Government deserves the backing of the people for this budget despite the fact that it has been criticised by various sectors, most of which exert a lot of muscle. Old age pensioners may not have much muscle but to receive the thanks of these people assures one and gives one confidence that whatever obstacles we face will be overcome under this Government and we will beat this recession.

The Englishman John Donne said — in Dublin, I believe — that no man is an island.

I know a man who owns one.

I do not mean that sort of island.

We hope he does not get control of this one because then he will have two.

He has it.

For a while.

John Donne said that no man is an island, and during a world recession very few countries are islands from an economic point of view. What happens elsewhere affects us here. There is no good in putting the blame on the Government for everything that goes wrong. I have yet to hear an Opposition speaker give genuine evidence that they are pleased by the social welfare increases which were given. People will not kick against extra tax once they know the money is being well spent. The Government gave relief not just to the social welfare sector. They took 38,000 people out of the tax bracket and relief was given to PAYE taxpayers.

It has been a very wise budget. Last week there was a barrage of criticism from some sections but this week the atmosphere has changed and people now realise what a great budget it is. I am happy to note that the construction industry have publicly backed the Government because this industry is a kind of national barometer which shows how well the country is doing.

We have shown evidence of our desire to forge ahead with the plans envisaged in this budget. This budget is constructive so I must take the Opposition to task on the line their speakers have taken. They accused the Government of over-spending and then said that they had not spent enough. They forget that people have intelligence and that they can perceive the false approach of the Opposition in promising increased social welfare payments and in also promising a cutback of expenditure. I heard a throw-away remark from the Opposition front bench recently where public sector salaries were criticised. If the Opposition were back in power would there be a pay cut-back in the public sector? An Opposition statement last week criticised our expenditure on salaries in the public sector and lest I do them an injustice I would ask them to clarify their attitude. If they feel that wages are too high they should say so. They cannot sit on the fence.

We must face the fact of the recession. The Opposition parties should treat people as being mature and realise that they will not fool them with that type of argument. In the budget the Government pointed out the difficulties and the sacrifices that are called for and they have not asked the weaker sections to make sacrifices. Many people can afford to make sacrifices towards the common good and they should be prepared to make those sacrifices. The Government have ensured that the old age pensioner, the widow or the orphan will not be asked to make sacrifices to fight the recession but the onus is on the wealthy people to make sacrifices so that we have a society of social justice. The Taoiseach has indicated that despite the recession we are doing as well as and better than some countries who are stronger than us. We should have a unity of purpose towards making this a better country. We should work a little harder so that we can ensure a decent living standard for everyone. We will always have the poor and despite the efforts of the Government many people have not a decent standard of living but there is no reason why they should not have it. If the Government pursue their plans we will eventually have a society where we cherish all our people equally; there will be proper housing and as much employment as possible. We can build an economy equal to some of the more prosperous economies in Europe. It will not be easy. The Government do not have a magic wand but neither do the Opposition. We must all work for these things.

The Government investment plan offers a new opening to the private sector for investment in the national development. A lot of the money that will be invested by the private sector will come from pension funds which are the savings of the employees. The trade unions should consider forming co-operatives and using their savings and the pension funds to invest in public development. This may not be a new suggestion but we have no examples of it yet. Jim Larkin in his wisdom, in order to provide employment, opened a factory in Dublin to manufacture shovels, spades and so on and the trade unions today, who are far stronger, who have greater expertise, should follow along those lines. When the transport union built Liberty Hall to house their staff they were severely criticised but I always felt it a worthwhile investment. All credit is due to them for this project. They have also shown that the trade unions can extend their role in these areas. Many amenities are needed throughout the country and the trade unions could fill a vacuum and provide them. The Government can only do so much and they must rely on taxation for finance. The Government are leading the drive for greater prosperity in giving the private sector a new opening in which to develop. I know that the private sector will take up the offer to become involved in enterprises which up to now were not open to the private sector.

We are too small to neglect any sector and the traditional role of the trade unions has been to better the lives of their members. They had to fight very hard in the bad old days to do this. The Government recognise this now and they have brought in the private sector. I hope the trade unions will consider taking on this type of development. There are State grants and there is money provided by the Exchequer to help certain projects. I feel the lead of Jim Larkin and the transport union could be followed to make a much better society. We must all be one in this matter. I hope the trade unions will come forward with some project which will benefit everybody.

The budget is to enable us to develop our resources. The Government are doing a very good job in the present circumstances in introducing this budget. I believe that over the next few days when we are discussing the budget people will realise the great instrument it is for development and that no sector is neglected. I hope there will be greater trade union investment in the type of projects I have mentioned. The unions have a lot to offer. They have got leaders, expertise and craftsmen. I hope they can mould themselves into a unit. The British trade unions gave us the co-op development and this shows what can be done by the unions.

It is the duty of an Opposition to criticise. I hope they will be a little more constructive in their criticism than they have been up to now. I hate mentioning names in the House but one of the Opposition speakers made the worst speech I have heard on the budget. He had not done his homework or he could not follow the budget. I am sure that he, like everybody else, believed that the social welfare increases deserve some mention but I do not recall his mentioning them. The Fianna Fáil Party have always been very strong on social welfare provisions. I hope that will always be the case.

One of our greatest tasks is to provide proper housing for our people. The Construction Industry Federation praised the budget. If the construction industry are kept going at full blast we will increase employment. We will find work for our craftsmen and many ancillary industries. In addition, we are providing proper housing for our people. RTE had a programme last night about a flats complex in Dublin. There is still a lot wrong in Dublin city housing and money has to be found to ensure that we make further progress. Money is being provided in the budget to do this. We have, thanks to Government backing, started on a policy of urban renewal in the centre of the city. The bad houses, which were built well over a century ago, are being pulled down. Many of our people are forced to live in some of those bad houses. Great progress is being made a short distance from this House. I should be delighted to take any Member of the House on a tour of our inner city to show what is being done.

I know that Members on the Opposition benches, who are members of Dublin City Council, are very sincere in pressing for such development. I worked with them for years. They have always shown how anxious they were to get rid of the bad housing in the city. It is important to provide large sums of money for this work. It costs £15,000 to £20,000 to build a house in the suburbs, but some of the houses in the inner city are costing £40,000 to build, taking the acquisition cost, clearance costs, and the erection of the house into account. I believe we are justified in spending that money. Dublin is not the only city which has decay. The same can be said about Cork, Waterford and Limerick. I am glad to say that Dublin Corporation, with Government backing, are tackling the problem of housing decay in the heart of the city. We will no longer have the centre city without any people living in it.

I am glad that Dublin Corporation will provide at least the same amount of housing this year as was provided last year. We do not build flats any longer. Money is being found to build houses in the inner city. There will be 1,500 new dwellings this year, which is the same as last year. There will also be a few hundred vacancies, so this means we will be providing about 2,000 new lettings this year. It is very hard to quantify the waiting list but, if we take it as around 6,000, it means that it will not take very long to solve the problem. However, this will not happen too easily because a growing city will always have a housing problem. If a city is dying there are no houses needed. Dublin, Cork, Galway or Waterford are not dying. They are all living cities and they need more houses. We must make sure that sufficient money is provided in the budget to keep up our magnificent housing drive.

Last week I gave figures for the number of people who have come back to our cities and towns. During the Donegal by-election I spoke to a teacher in a small school who told me the number of children there who were born outside this country and who had come back here. Ours is an expanding country. The population is rising. Nowadays people demand higher standards which we are providing for them. We must use all our resources and we must involve every section of the community to ensure that we do a good job. With this budget we will succeed.

Perhaps one should not look for credit for doing something good. Some people think this was not a good budget and we must disabuse their minds of that idea. More and more it is being recognised as a very good instrument for national development. In The Irish Times today there is a statement from the Construction Industry Federation. They welcome the budget and the Public Capital Programme. They say that the estimates for 1981 — £1,732.6 million compared with £1,269.9 million — should give the construction industry a badly needed boost. I do not think we can spend too much money on the building industry. We will always have people who need housing.

There are other aspects of the industry too. Every penny possible should be ploughed into the building industry to provide better houses and to create employment. It may be said that investment in housing does not provide great financial dividends but it is the best social investment which can be made. With the expertise of our craftsmen there is no reason why public sector housing should not be really profitable for all concerned. We will need many more dwellings and we will provide the money for them. Any money which can be spared should be invested in the building industry to assist in the plans and programmes for urban renewal which were drawn up by local authorities throughout the country.

We would all like to provide more money for each item in the budget but, to a large extent, we are governed by what is happening in the world outside. This is self-evident. There is no use in blaming the Government for doing the wrong thing or for not doing enough. We have to watch world developments. We are winning against the recession. There are closures of industries, but we all know the magnificent record of the IDA in replacing job losses. It is not recognised generally that more people are in employment at present than ever before in the history of the State. The vast majority of that employment is well paid and productive.

People will always point to the unemployment figures. We cannot shut our eyes to them. We have to do our best to reduce them by providing employment. Let us take some heart from the fact that, over the past three years, there has been a colossal growth in the number of people in employment. In their wisdom the Government have budgeted for expansion. Some people say we are overspending. I would ask Opposition speakers where they would cut back in public spending. Arguments should be backed by solid facts. The Opposition must spell out where they would make the cut-backs.

People have criticised the Government for increasing the cost of motor registration. They say we removed tax from cars and now we are putting it back. We are doing no such thing. If we had left the tax on cars, motorists would now be paying £60 million in tax. We relieved them of that. Had we not taken the rates off private houses years ago people would still be paying rates. It was always very difficult for young married couples to pay rates. I would not be in favour of reintroducing rates. I have heard rumblings from Opposition speakers that local democracy has failed because rates can no longer be struck. Not many young couples would agree with that. The rates were removed because we thought the system was inequitable. Opposition speakers should be more explicit when they criticise the removal of rates from private dwelling houses. Have they any intention of restoring rates? Let them speak out if they have. Perhaps they could make a good case for doing so. Let us hear that case. I do not think there is a good case. People who are sniping about the removal of rates should let us know what is behind their thinking.

The budget is an instrument for national development. It is a clarion call to all sections to come in behind the Government in order that the excellence of the budget may be experienced to the fullest extent. That is why I have appealed to trade unions to play their part in national development. It may be said that the role of a trade union is to look after their members. That is quite true, but we are one of the most unionised countries in Europe. We have about 93 trade unions. I am told that in Germany they have less than a dozen. I will not go into the argument for fewer trade unions. I am trying to show that the trade union movement is very strong and has a tremendous part to play in the drive for national prosperity.

I want to pay tribute to the Taoiseach and his Ministers on the manner in which they framed this budget. It is one of the best budgets ever introduced in this House. We all speak for the people. It has been wonderful to hear the thanks and the praise from the weaker sections of the community for the provisions in this budget for bigger pensions and greater reliefs.

The Tánaiste has gone to the country with an energy saving campaign which is very necessary. We have to conserve fuel nowadays. The Government did not miss out on that either and fuel vouchers have been increased. I do not say a pensioner has a fully adequate pension but he has a fairly adequate one. He also has free travel, free television and gets help with the payment of telephone bills. We have kept faith with pensioners and have shown what we can do. It is only lack of money that prevents us from doing more.

The budget will enable us to develop the national economy. The bigger the national cake the more there will be for everyone. Next year we will be able to give more to the pensioners. The treatment which we gave to pensioners in this budget justifies any sacrifices asked of the better-off sections of the community.

No budget in the history of the State — this is my twentieth annual budget in the House — has evoked such widespread condemnation as the present one. The immediate, spontaneous reaction from this side of the House to the Minister's speech when presenting his budget last Wednesday has been reiterated in the media and confirmed by the reactions that I am sure every member of the House, irrespective of his party, has been getting from constituents and the man in the street. Reactions from the different sections of the community and from spokesmen representing different sectoral interests have had one underlying common denominator. It could be described as a shock reaction, a realisation that the Government, as revealed in the budget, have not been able to come to grips with the very severe economic and social problems that confront us at present.

We must be honest and face this as objectively as possible. The country is in the grip of a very severe and frightening economic crisis. There were great expectations that in the 1981 budget the Government would avail of the opportunity to clearly demonstrate that they had some of the answers to our serious problems. A most objective analysis of the budget and of the Minister's speech must show up one thing with frightening clarity and that is, unfortunately for the country, the budget contains no answer for the serious economic situation we have at present. There is no real answer in the budget to the grave crisis that confronts the country's most fundamental and important industry, agriculture. There is no real answer to the very serious situation with which Irish manufacturing and processing industry are faced with continuous spiralling costs and inflation eroding their cost competitiveness almost to a state where it is becoming impossible to sell products profitably. There is no real answer in the budget to industrial problems. The third major sector of the economy, the tourist industry, has gone through a difficult period in recent years but 1980 was an absolutely disaster for it. Yet there is nothing in the budget to help the tourist industry or to enable it to reach new objectives or implement new promotion policies for the 1981 tourist season.

The worst feature of the budget is that expectations were aroused that the Government would show clear proof that they realised the country was on the brink of a serious economic crisis and that new policies and economic strategies were called for to tackle the insidious inflationary spiral which is playing havoc with tourism, agriculture and industry. The peoples hopes and expectations were not realised in the budget. As a result of hopes raised three-and-a-half years ago when the Government took office now being shattered in what is perhaps the last budget of the present Dáil, there is, particularly among the young people, a growing disillusionment with the whole political system, a cynicism about politicians, politics and parties.

There is, and I am sure other Members of the House who have taken the trouble to analyse the reactions of the people will also have noticed it, an almost fatalistic acceptance of the gravity of the situation and a total lack of confidence in the ability of the elected representatives, the Government and national parliament, to face up to the reality of the situation. I say in all sincerity that we have reached a situation where the gravity of the situation and its very frightening consequences for employment, industry and agriculture, transcends purely party politics. There is an obligation on all political parties and on all Members of the House to pool their resources, talents and abilities by constructive criticism and bring new ideas and attitudes to bear on the very severe national crisis that faces us at present.

I have had the honour and privilege of being almost 20 years in the House and have served both in and out of Government. We would be living in cloud-cuckoo-land and be totally unrealistic if we did not recognise and admit that the country is in dire trouble. I have always believed in looking for a silver lining. It is a good confidence motivator to look for a silver lining, but how can young people who do not have any real prospect of securing employment that will meet their aspirations, their qualifications or their talents see any silver lining? Is it any wonder that there is abroad a dangerous cynicism, disillusionment and lack of confidence in the ability in elected representatives to come to grips with this problem?

The Government have failed in the budget to deal with this matter. I am not trying to minimise the difficulties which confront the Government and public representatives but the budget is a disaster as far as restoring confidence in the economy, agriculture, industry and tourism is concerned. I have read the Minister's speech on many occasions to try to find some cause for optimism but I could not. Spokesmen for the various sectors of the economy have also failed to find some cause for optimism. At present we have to deal with growing unemployment, galloping inflation, a spiralling cost of living, the worst agricultural crisis in half a century and a processing industry that is fighting a losing battle against inflation. The most serious aspect in relation to the processing industry is that the cost competitiveness of their products has been destroyed. The tourism industry is in a shambles. Our fishing industry, one of our great natural resources, is in a chaotic state.

While I welcome the increases in social welfare benefits, we must be concerned at the revelations of recent surveys in relation to poverty. They revealed an appalling situation. Prior to Christmas a Redemptorist priest in Limerick city stated that as a result of inquiries he had carried out he had learned that 25 per cent of the population of that city were on the poverty margin. That statement provoked considerable controversy among politicians and others. We were aware that poverty existed in the third city of the Republic because we had to deal with such people at our weekly "clinics" and for that reason I reserved judgment on the figure of 25 per cent. However, two weeks ago details of a national survey into poverty, carried out under the auspices of the St. Vincent de Paul society, were revealed. That survey indicated that 25 per cent of the population were living on the verge of poverty. That is a terrible situation and is a shocking indictment of the policies pursued by successive Governments since the foundation of the State.

It is terrible to think that such poverty exists in a country that has so many natural and underdeveloped resources. That report was the worst piece of news I read in the last 12 months. It is more serious than all the other problems that confront the nation, such as economic recession, rising oil prices or redundancies in industries. Considerable play has been made of the decision to increase social welfare benefits by 25 per cent in the budget, but I had hoped that the increase would be more substantial. It is possible to show that the increase represents so many percentage points above our inflation rate but in my view it was the minimum any Government, faced with the impact of inflation and the rising cost of living on such unfortunate people, could grant. It will not improve their lot and will not solve the appalling poverty situation revealed in the two surveys I have mentioned.

In the sixties the late Seán Lemass used describe the budget as the main instrument of Government economic policy. He also said that the acid test of Government policy was the creation of jobs and employment. Having a proper social policy depends on whether the Government have a proper economic policy and vice versa. As a major instrument of an economic and social policy for the country the budget is an abject failure. It reveals the lack of ability by the Government to produce any type of policy. They must be aware of the problems but have not been able in the budget to come up with a formula for national recovery which would restore confidence among our people in the various sectors of our economy.

The sector of the economy causing most concern at present is agriculture. It is a fundamental and basic national industry. However, it has been in decline in recent years. The present crisis did not materialise overnight. The Government have been aware of the crisis in that industry for some years. That industry, the most important one we have, has been crucified by the Government in recent years in the form of additional taxation, all types of levies, resource tax and the abolition of rates relief. Prior to Christmas we introduced a six point programme to help meet some of the difficulties confronting farmers. We expected that those six suggestions would have been accepted by the Government and implemented in the budget. The budget contains certain concessions for the agricultural industry but they are useless as far as dealing with the crisis in the industry is concerned. More is needed. Reputable economists have estimated that a transfer of resources of the order of £200 million to £300 million is necessary to restore confidence in the agriculture sector. The package for agriculture in the budget represents a paltry sum and it is doubtful if it will have any effect on the morale of those engaged in that industry. It could not be regarded as something that will release a new dynamism which will restore confidence in the industry. I am aware that the Minister is endeavouring to negotiate a package from Brussels. I know also that he is endeavouring validly to separate the deal for a special package now from the annual price review, and I agree with that strategy.

Since we joined the EEC in 1973 the Government's annual budget in this country and in every member country of the EEC is affected and influenced by the financial instruments of the EEC which provide annual subvention, grants and so forth to the various countries. Since we entered the EEC every Government have to take into account the anticipated flow of funds from the EEC, the CAP, the Regional Fund, the Social Fund and so forth. For the sake of the agricultural industry I hope that the Minister for Agriculture will succeed in negotiating a realistic package. Furthermore, speaking as one who has the privilege of being an MEP at present, in the December session of the European Parliament my Irish colleagues of all parties and I joined together, transending party politics, and tabled an all-party Irish motion calling on the Commission to come to the aid of the Irish agricultural industry and that motion was passed by a substantial majority of the European Parliament. The Minister for Agriculture can go out and has been going out to Brussels negotiating and I hope sincerely that the combined efforts of the Irish MEPs have strengthened his hand.

The EEC and the funds flowing from it are very relevant to the annual budgetary processes in this country. They must be. I believe that we could be facing very grave difficulties and I would like to avail of this opportunity of saying bluntly, and as briefly as possible how I see the situation. The EEC themselves have been for some time and will continue to be in a severe budgetary crisis. Their major financial instrument, their most important one, the CAP, is under very severe and sustained attack. The Minister, the Government and the MEPs of all parties will have to be on the alert to ensure that any reforms of the CAP will not be detrimental to a small, underdeveloped country like ours which is more dependent on agriculture than any other one of the EEC countries.

The Minister for Agriculture in negotiating the package for Irish agriculture has a cast-iron case because, first of all, under the protocol through the Accession Treaty recognition was given to our state of underdevelopment. The entire island of Ireland was recognised as an underdeveloped country meriting special aid under various financial instruments of the Community. Our annual agricultural output of productivity per acre, per cow and so forth is probably half the European average and we are still in a developing state. We must be careful to ensure that any changes made in the CAP will not be global changes but will take into account the special underdeveloped state of Irish agriculture.

Honestly and sincerely, I wish the Minister for Agriculture well in his negotiations. Great expectations have been aroused now, particularly as a result of the fact that the budget did not come up with anything like the answer that the farming community were expecting and which their spokesmen and Deputies on all sides of the House representing constituencies which have an agricultural sector have been advocating. Great expectations have been aroused and much is expected of the Minister for Agriculture. After listening to the debate in the European Parliament and speaking in that debate in December and hearing the members of that Parliament and the Parliament as a whole accepting the fact that Ireland has a special case for assistance, I can say that if this is to strengthen the Minister's hand he will have to adopt a tough attitude and bring home the goods as far as the agricultural industry is concerned.

A factor that must be recognised and should have been recognised in the budget is the fact that unfortunately, sections of the farming community and the sector of agricultural industry have been hit most severely by the economic recession of the last year or two. Those who have been most severely hit by the credit restrictions that have operated over the last year have been the younger and most progressive farmers. The farmers who invested to improve their holdings and the productivity of their land, to install proper equipment, mechanise their farms and so forth have had to borrow enormous amounts of money to do this. This was a fantastic investment in the future of Ireland. This is something that should at all times have been encouraged. It must continue to be encouraged, even though we are in an economic recession this year because the future of this country will depend on the development of our agricultural industry more than ever before. The most progressive farmers, the young farmers, must be given every encouragement to ensure that they will invest their time, their talents and their lives, so to speak, in developing their farms to the maximum degree.

There is nothing in this budget to encourage this. Worst of all, there is nothing in this budget that would encourage young and progressive farmers, and older farmers also, who have invested their money and mortgaged their lives, so to speak, in developing their holdings, thereby contributing to the national export drive, the development of the national economy, the creation of employment in food processing industries and so on. Their morale has been shattered very badly and their confidence has been almost totally destroyed, because it was expected that the budget would be a real indication that the Government recognised that the economic future of this country depends more on the development of agriculture than on any other single factor.

The greatest weakness of all in the whole economic strategy of the Government, as revealed over the last six or eight months, as revealed also in the budget we are discussing and in the Minister's speech, is that there has been no indication of any long-term planning for agriculture. We need a proper package to get us out of the present crisis, but in order to engender confidence in the future we need longer-term planning, a proper five-year plan. It is rather strange that the Government have been encouraging farmers to formulate development plans when neither the Government themselves nor the Department of Agriculture have a five-year or other long-term plan for agriculture.

The budget is a grave disappointment to everybody in the agricultural industry. Probably for the first time in many years all sections of the community more and more realise the fundamental importance of agriculture to the economy because there have been catastrophic consequences directly and indirectly as a result of the agricultural crisis with food factories and meat processing factories closing or going on short-time, redundancies, and agricultural machinery producers and agricultural service industries disemploying people. Business is dropping catastrophically. I am sure that every shopkeeper in every rural town and village has felt the impact of the agricultural crisis in the past six months.

Another sector of the economy causing great concern at present is manufacturing industry. We have an almost daily litany of industries in difficulties with redundancies and so on. We have a very serious situation in that the cost competitiveness of our industry is being seriously eroded. This has frightening implications for employment. As a German colleague in the European Parliament is forever saying, inflation is the mother of unemployment. The least one would expect in this budget when the common denominator affecting agriculture, industry and tourism has been inflation is that an attempt would be made to tackle it. If the impact of inflation on agriculture has been catastrophic its impact on industry has been likewise. I should like some Member of the House to indicate if possible where and how this budget has even attempted to tackle the inflationary spiral.

I read reports of commentators and economic analysists over the past few days and they forecast that the net result of the budget will be a 3 or 4 per cent rise in inflation. I accept this must be so because we must take into account the increase in the petrol price and the increase in telecommunication charges and postal services. Communications are vital to business and industry in this small island country remote from world markets and a good communications system is of paramount importance. We have a 35 per cent increase in the cost of communications which will have a crippling effect on industry and on tourism in particular. The increased petrol price will add to the cost of motoring and this will make Ireland less attractive to motoring tourists. It will make it impossible for the hire-drive sector of the tourist industry to operate. Instead of getting some indication of the determination and the ability of the Government to tackle inflation the net result of all the budgetary strategy is that inflation will rise by 3 or 4 per cent by the end of the year. If this is so we shall be in very serious trouble.

I wanted to approach the budget from the economic point of view and look at it against the background of what it should be, a major instrument of the Government's economic strategy. There are one or two aspects of it about which I am very concerned. I already referred to the fact that there are no answers in the budget to the problems of agriculture, industry or tourism. I do not know if the fishing industry is even mentioned. Tá rud eile a chuireann buairt mhór ormsa agus is é sin nach bhfeicimse focal ar bith i ráiteas an Aire Airgeadais ná rud ar bith sna Meastacháin a léireodh go bhfuil aon phlean nua ag an Rialtas chun leas na Gaeltachtaí agus leas na Gaeilge a chur chun cinn. Tá staid na Gaeilge san lá atá inniu ann go huafásach ar fad. Bunaíodh Údarás na Gaeltachta cúpla bliain ó shin agus is mór an phoiblíocht a bhí ag an Aire agus ag an Rialtas an am sin gurb é bunú Údarás na Gaeltachta an rud is tábhachtaí a thárla riamh sa Ghaeltacht agus dúirt an tAire nuair a bhí sí ag labhairt san díospóireacht sin go mbraithneodh obair an Údaráis ar an Rialtas a bheadh ann agus ar an Aire Ghaeltachta a bheadh i mbun oifige. Níl rud ar bith san cháinfhaisnéis seo nó i ráiteas an Aire a thaispeánann go dtuigeann an Rialtas na deacrachtaí móra eacnamaíochta agus sóisialacha atá ag muintir na Gaeltachta san lá atá inniu ann.

An phríomh aidhm a bhí agamsa nuair a bhí mé im Aire Ghaeltachta ná lánfhostaíocht a chur ar fáil sa Ghaeltacht a luaithe agus is féidir. Níl na figiúirí oifigiúla agamsa ach chomh fada agus is eol dom níor tháinig méadú ar bith ar líon na ndaoine atá fostaithe sa Ghaeltacht ó tháinig an Rialtas seo i mbun oifige agus tá líon na ndaoine atá fostaithe go lánaimseartha ag titim in aghaidh na seachtaine. Cé nach bhfuil aon cheantair Ghaeltachta i mo Dháil Cheantar i Luimneach Thiar, mar sin féin is é mo thuairimse go bhfuil suim ag muintir na hÉireann uile i leas muintir na Gaeltachta mar is é an Ghaeltacht tobar agus foinse ár dteanga agus ár gcultúr. Bhí gach éinne ag súil go mbeadh airgead breise nó plean nua ins an cháinfháisnéis seo agus i ráiteas an Aire a thabharfadh dóchas do mhuintir na Gaeltachta go bhfuil sé ar intinn ag an Rialtais rud éigin a dhéanamh chun na fadhbanna eacnamaíochta móra atá sa Ghaeltacht anois a chur ar réiteach. Mo bhrón, níl aon chruthúnas i ráiteas an Aire nó i Leabhar na Meastachán go bhfuil aon rud ar intinn ag an Rialtas maidir leis an Ghaeltacht agus leis an teanga.

A final point I should like to make and I hope it is relevant — I presume it is because we must look at the whole strategy and judge the whole economic and social strategy of the Government from the budget and particularly from the Minister's speech and the Taoiseach's speech the other day — is that there is a very important asset in the mid-west region, the Shannon Airport and industrial complex.

This year the subvention has been cut by £13 million at a time when there is great concern regarding the future of the airport, the duty-free shop and the industrial estate. A number of other Ministers such as the Minister for Transport and Power and the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism are involved in this matter. I hope there will be some indication of the reason for this substantial and frightening reduction in the amount of money available to the Shannon complex in the current year. I do not think it is in order in this debate to talk about the problems of Shannon per se.

That would be more relevant to the debate on the Estimates.

I have made the point in relation to the budgetary provision for Shannon and the concern felt with regard to the reduction in the subvention. Another disappointing feature of the budget has been the miserable pittance given to one of the most outstanding national organisations, namely, Muintir na Tíre. This movement was founded in the 1930s by the late Canon Hayes. He was a prophet before his time. Now the concept of community development has been recognised throughout the world as an important element in national economic and social development. Muintir na Tíre have a vital role to play, particularly in this difficult time of economic crisis, in encouraging local communities to come together and to make their contribution to the development of their localities. This is vital and worthwhile work and it should have been given special recognition and assistance. When I was travelling to Dublin by train today I heard from a member of Muintir na Tíre that the Government had given the organisation an extra £1,500 this year. I ask the Government to reconsider this matter. I am not sure which Department make the subvention — I think it is the Department of Education. Like me many Members of this House have been involved in Muintir na Tíre and some of us had the privilege of knowing the late Canon Hayes. This concept of community development, of encouraging local communities to make their contribution towards the economic and social betterment of their areas is an important element in overall national development. Community co-operatives have done worthwhile work. I plead with the Government for a realistic subvention. I ask that more active encouragement be given to Muintir na Tíre and to other community development organisations.

I am particularly happy to contribute to a budget debate for the first time as Minister for the Environment. In addressing this House for the very first time in my new capacity as Minister for the Environment in October last I clearly put on record the firm commitment of the Government and myself to ensuring the future development and well-being of the building and construction industry, to maintaining a high level of housing completions each year and to ensuring an expanded programme of infrastructural services in order to further stimulate economic development.

The services for which I am responsible make very heavy demands on resources. I consider it very fitting that they should because the contribution of these services to the economy is immense. All sectors of our economy are affected in one way or another by these services, whether by reference to the houses or general environment in which people live, the roads system which is so essential to our industry, agriculture, and tourism industries, the provision of adequate water supplies for industrial, agricultural and domestic use or to a host of other services which are essential to the effective management of the economy.

This budget delivers on the commitment of the Government made by me in October last — it is, therefore, a cause of immense satisfaction to me. In a developing economy capital must always be limited relative to demands and of necessity there is, therefore, a keen competitiveness between the different services for the available resources. I am glad to say that all of the main services for which I am responsible have done very well and their continued expansion throughout 1981 is assured. I will be dealing in turn with each of these main services. At this stage I will simply put on record a few of the more striking and impressive facts and statistics: £87 million allocated to road authorities by way of grants for road works for 1981, an increase of 49 per cent on the allocations in 1980 and a massive 227 per cent increase on the level of grants allocated by Deputies on the opposite side of the House when last in Government in 1977, capital amounting to £74.7 million provided for sanitary services for 1981 as against £51 million in 1980, an increase of 47 per cent; an allocation of £242 million for housing for 1981 representing an increase of 33 per cent on the original provision of £183 million for 1980; the highest upper limit in any year at 12 per cent for 1981 on the increases in the rate in the pound to be struck by local authorities. The grant in relief of rates now stands at £121 million. I would like to remind Deputies that this grant arises from the decision taken by the Government on their return to office in 1977 to derate domestic and certain other property; still on the question of rates there is the introduction of further concessions for farmers who will now be fully exempted where the land valuations are under £50 rateable valuation and have 50 per cent relief in cases with land valuations of £50 or over but under £70; we also have a proposal to introduce a new special allowance of 100 per cent, which would be set against rental income, in respect of expenditure incurred on the construction of moderate-cost rented residential accommodation.

For the building industry this is a good budget. It gives further confirmation of the Government's commitment to the general wellbeing of the industry and in particular to the employment aspects, a commitment already incorporated in the agreed terms of the second national understanding. It will strengthen the relationship between government, industry and trade unions, based on positive goals and mutual trust. The building industry, as everyone knows, is a key industry, the second largest employer in the country. The health of this industry is vital to the health of the whole economy on two fronts: first, because of the level of employment it provides, and secondly, because it is the vehicle for providing a basic infrastructure necessary to support all other industry and vital social development.

The difference between the treatment of the building and construction industry under the Coalition Government and this Government is indeed striking. It is very difficult to understand the callous indifference of the Coalition Government when in office to the needs of the industry. Let us briefly examine the facts. During the years 1974, 1975 and 1976, which were the three full years in which the Coalition were in office, public capital investment in the building industry fell by 4.5 per cent, 7.2 per cent and 6.0 per cent, respectively — an uninterrupted slide downhill away from prosperity and into unemployment and depression. Output in the industry actually fell by 1 per cent in 1974 and by a further 7 per cent in 1975. In the mid-1970s, employment in the industry fell by at least 5,000. That is indeed a picture of unrelieved gloom. I can assure the House that there will be no repetition of this dismal performance by this Government. Our record speaks for itself. Between 1977 and 1979 output in the building industry rose sharply. Output in 1980 was about 28 per cent above the 1976 level, while direct employment increased by about 13,000 during this period. In 1980, when the current recession began to have its effect on the industry, the Government took immediate action and provided additional State support to the tune of over £92 million, again aimed at boosting confidence and stabilising employment. Faced with this type of problem at the end of 1973, the Coalition Government reduced public capital expenditure in each of the following three years with disastrous effects. Indeed, the effects were felt for years after, particularly through shortages of skilled operatives lost to the industry and disruption of design teams and contracting firms.

This should be a good year for the building industry. With their 1981 Investment Plan, the Government revealed their capital investment strategy for the years ahead. This strategy will increase building activity on a wide front, increase employment and generate confidence, not only in the building industry, but in many related industrial and service activities, while at the same time providing the essential infrastructure needed for further industrial and social development.

I would like now to speak on certain housing aspects of the Government's strategy. In order to put the housing situation in 1981 in context, I wish to outline what has actually been achieved in the recent past. Firstly, new house completions in 1980 totalled 27,785 — an all-time record. Deputies will have been aware of the steady growth in completions from 24,000 in 1976 to 24,500 in 1977, 25,400 in 1978 and 26,500 in 1979. Private new house completions in 1980, estimated at over 21,700 were also a record.

The provision for housing capital expenditure in 1981 at £242 million represents an increase of 33 per cent on the original provision of £183 million for 1980 and an increase of 20 per cent on the estimated outturn of £201 million. The 1981 provision shows an increase of 34 per cent in real terms compared to 1977. Expenditure between 1975 and 1977 in fact dropped by 57 per cent in real terms. Deputies may use the age old arguments that not enough money is being pushed into the housing area. Of course, I would like to have a free hand in the provision of finance for housing — what Minister for the Environment would not? — but I accept, and I think that all fairminded Deputies will agree, that the public purse has its limits and in the context of overall national financial resources housing has done extremely well this year, as indeed it should. Internationally, we compare favourably with other countries in terms of our rates of housing completions and investment in housing generally.

For the eighties, Government housing policy will continue to be directed to ensuring that, as far as the resources of our economy permit, every family can obtain a house of good standard, located in an acceptable environment at a price or rent they can afford. My predecessor asked local authorities in January 1980 to undertake a comprehensive assessment of the nature and extent of existing housing needs and needs expected to arise up to 1985. I expect the results of this assessment to be available within the next few weeks when they will form the basis of the Government housing strategies over the next five years or so. Pending the availability of the detailed results of this assessment Government housing policy continues to be kept under constant review.

I will deal now with some of the more important aspects of housing. Social housing continues to obtain a high level of funding from the public capital programme. The local authority housing programme experienced some difficulties in 1980. Prompt action was, however, taken to get over these; a review of the situation was undertaken and the Government authorised the allocation of an additional £12 million for local authority housebuilding. This ensured that building continued at a satisfactory level.

New house completions by local authorities in 1980 again topped the 6,000 mark. The Government have thus maintained the level of completions within the range 6,000 to 6,300 for the fourth year in succession. Despite the difficult period in mid-1980, average monthly employment last year actually increased to about 6,800 as against an average of 6,650 in 1979, and 5,600 in 1976. Overall then, I think the Government can be well satisfied with the performance in the local authority housing area, having completed another successful year of steady progress.

The indications for 1981 are that there will be some fall in the level of cost increases. However, the levels of claims by housing authorities for their programmes show that the demands on the available capital will be impossible to meet. This is in the normal order of things and I would be very surprised if local authorities did not ask for more than they could reasonably expect to get. However, I would ask authorities to appreciate that the pool of capital available for the pro-programme is not without its limits and that excessive demands from any area can be met only at the expense of other areas. I will give due consideration to the special claims pressed by authorities but I would ask authorities to resist the temptation to pursue completely unrealistic demands which make the already difficult task of fair allocation even more arduous.

With co-operation from authorities in this regard and with careful management of resources, I am confident that the total provision of £108.5 million for local authority housing in the public capital programme for this year will ensure that the programme is kept on course this year.

I mentioned earlier that a record number of private houses was completed last year. Local authorities continue to provide extremely valuable assistance to this sector by means of their ordinary house purchase and low-rise mortgage loan scheme. The Government are fully conscious of the importance of this scheme to the categories of persons who are not catered for by the commercial lending agencies and this is evidenced by the very substantial increases which have been made in the qualifying loan and income limits in the past three years. Since we resumed office in July 1977 the loan limit has been increased from £4,500 to £12,000 — an increase of 166 per cent while the income limit has been increased from £2,350 to £5,500 — an increase of 134 per cent.

An indication of the extent to which the scheme is fulfilling the purpose for which it was intended is the growth in the demand for the loans. The increase in the loan and income limits in January 1980 resulted in exceptionally heavy demand for payment in 1980 and consequently, put considerable pressure on the limited funds available. Although an unprecedentedly high allocation was made in the public capital programme for the loan schemes in 1980, it was necessary to allocate a further £7 million to meet increased demand during the year to bring the total available to about £63 million. This compares with expenditure of £17 million in 1977.

A record sum of £98.5 million has been made available for the house purchase and low rise mortgage schemes in 1981. This compares with £17 million in 1977. This is about 44 per cent greater than the amount provided in 1980. The provision of so substantial a sum is a further indication of the Government's commitment to ensuring that the schemes continue to cater for the deserving categories of persons for whom they are intended.

Building societies, who contribute approximately 70 per cent of house purchase loan finance, are dependent to a very large degree on the level of inflow of new funds from investors. Despite a drop in the level of inflows in the early part of 1980 societies were able to maintain a reasonably high level of approvals because of the exceptionally high inflows during 1979. The inflow situation was improved, however, as a result of the introduction of a subsidy in April 1980 which had the effect of allowing societies to increase their investment interest rate while maintaining the mortgage rate at 14.15 per cent. In coming to this decision to subsidise, the Government were extremely conscious of the heavy additional burden which would otherwise have fallen on house purchasers with building society loans to repay. In the absence of subsidy the additional repayments on an average loan of £16,000 would, for example, have been approximately £30 per month. While the primary aim of the subsidy was to eliminate the hardship which would have been caused to borrowers, the subsidy also had the desired effect of increasing inflows to societies, enabling them to make loans amounting to approximately £270 million in respect of an estimated record of 16,800 houses. I am confident that societies will also make an impressive contribution to the financing of the Government's housing programme in 1981. The downward trend in interest rates in the latter half of 1980 made it possible to terminate the subsidy with effect from 1 October 1980 and enabled building society mortgage rates generally to be reduced to 13.15 per cent.

Since my appointment as Minister for the Environment, on a number of occasions, both in this House and elsewhere, I have reiterated my own and the Government's commitment to the implementation of the programme of works identified in the Road Development Plan for the 1980s.

The importance of good roads to this country is evident from the fact that up to 95 per cent of internal passenger traffic and 85 per cent of freight traffic is carried on the road system. Road transport forms a significant element in agricultural, industrial and commercial costs, and it can be a deciding factor in the choice of location of new industry. The growth of tourism and of social development are related to the efficiency of the road system. Development generally brings a growing demand for higher standards — for road widening, by-passes, new access roads and bridges and for special attention to maintenance.

The Government, in their appreciation of the deficiencies of the road system and of the economic costs which these deficiencies impose, published the Road Development Plan for the 1980s. This plan outlines its objectives for the development of the road system in the current decade through the preservation of the overall network up to a satisfactory standard; the provision of an adequate strategic inter-urban road system connecting the principal towns, seaports and airports; the adoption of a minimum two-lane standard for the national route network, without prejudice to the necessity for higher standards for particular sections of that network; the provision of by-passes of towns on the national routes where these are considered necessary on planning, traffic or environmental grounds; a special programme to meet the need for new river crossings, ring roads and relief routes in the county boroughs and other major urban centres.

The recently published Investment Plan 1981 identified the major road network as deserving priority in increased infrastructure investment, on the lines proposed in the Road Development Plan. The Government this year will provide £80 million in grant expenditure for road improvement and maintenance works. This level of finance, unprecedented in the history of the State, is a positive demonstration of the Government's determination to bring the standard of the road network into line with the demands of today's transportation needs.

The provision of £80 million has enabled me to allocate this year grants to road authorities totalling £67 million for improvement works and £20 million for maintenance works. This represents an increase of 49 per cent on the road grants allocated last year and of a remarkable 227 per cent on the level of grants which were provided by the Coalition Government four years ago at the beginning of 1977.

The allocations which I have made for improvements include grants of more than £31 million for major works identified in the Road Development Plan. The grants provide for progress on 13 of the major works in the Dublin region including the commencement of a new road for the N 1 from Whitehall to the airport; a by-pass of Swords on the same route; Balbriggan by-pass; a new road linking Clontarf Road with the East Wall road; a new bridge in the vicinity of Heuston Bridge and a by-pass at Palmerstown on the N 4 to the west.

I have allocated grants for seven of the major works listed in the plan for Cork city including three new bridges over the Lee and a new ring road. For Limerick, Waterford and other large urban areas, I have provided grants for 14 of the major works identified in the plan, including ring roads in Limerick, new bridges in Waterford, Athlone and Galway and inner relief roads or ring roads in Sligo, Dundalk, Drogheda, Kilkenny, Tralee and Clonmel.

For other sections of the national routes I have provided grants for 47 of the major works identified in the plan, including the Naas by-pass; new Cork-Mallow road; new road through the Curragh; and ring roads or by-passes at Dunleer, Navan, Mullingar, Carrick-on-Shannon, Collooney, Ballinasloe, Oranmore, Roscrea, Donegal, Midleton and Dungarvan.

While the plan highlights the major works to be undertaken, it also provides for an extensive programme of normal improvement works designed to bring all sections of the national primary routes and significant sections of the national secondary routes up to a specified minimum standard. The programme will include realignments, provision of hard shoulders, eradication of accident black-spots and strengthening of pavements, and I have allocated grants of more than £21 million for such works in 1981. I have also provided substantial grants for road maintenance, block grants to supplement the resources of road authorities and grants for special works, including bridge works, on roads other than national roads. The need for the strengthening and renewal of critical sections of the principal roads has not been overlooked and the grant allocations I have made provide for expenditure of over £6 million for a special programme for such works.

The 1981 grants programme is an ambitious one by any standards. I am confident that the capacity and enterprise of the road authorities will meet the challenge offered to take a major step towards the development of a road network adequate for the 1980s and beyond.

One of the prime considerations of the Government when preparing the Investment Plan 1981 was the need to protect existing employment and to create as far as possible additional work opportunity. Road works as a means of generating employment has been well established in Ireland. Not only do they give a wide distribution of on-site employment throughout the country but also they afford substantial indirect employment in quarrying, plant and other related industries. The bulk of investment in roads is spent on Irish labour and materials and equipment of Irish manufacture and origin.

I am confident that the provision of £80 million this year will generate a significantly increased level of employment both on-site and in ancillary industries producing road-making materials and equipment. I expect that at least 11,500 road workers will be employed on the 1981 works programme of the road authorities which will represent an increase of over 600 such man-year jobs over 1980. On that point I have impressed on the managers of road authorities the need for the maximum use of Irish materials to ensure that employment in Irish firms is protected and increased.

Investment in road improvement works must be complemented by improvements in traffic management measures. The problem of traffic congestion is not only a source of frustration to road users and of damage to the environment of our cities but also imposes an unnecessary burden on the economy and threatens to place serious constraints on economic development. Though it would be difficult to quantify the costs of traffic congestion, its adverse effects in terms of energy wastage, disruption of public transport and delays to the system of distribution of goods and services are considerable.

In view of its position as the nation's principal commercial and industrial centre the traffic situation in Dublin gives most cause for concern. As well as disrupting the economic and social life of the city, the costs and delays caused by congestion have effects throughout the country and the economy. The Government accordingly have accepted the need for special measures and decisive action in order to tackle this problem effectively. The programme to be followed will involve co-ordinated action on a number of fronts with a role for both the public and private sector.

I recently made regulations under the Road Traffic Acts to provide for the necessary statutory traffic signs and roadway markings to enable the implementation of certain bus priority measures which will begin to take effect in the coming months. These measures are designed to assist the improvement of the operation of public transport.

The traffic problem in Dublin has been worsened by extensive illegal parking. To counteract this practice the Garda Commissioner has recently recruited the equivalent of 100 full-time traffic wardens, the results of which in terms of increased enforcement are already becoming evident. In view of the limited space which can be made available for on-street parking it is essential, particularly in the interests of the commercial life of the city, that priority be given to short-term parkers. On this principle Dublin Corporation recently installed an additional number of parking meters and propose to extend the system to further streets in the near future.

The provision of additional off-street parking spaces is, of course, essential. I am, therefore, glad to say that in both Dublin and Cork there are proposals in hands to provide such new facilities. These proposals, which are being pursued as a matter of priority, should provide approximately 950 additional parking spaces in Dublin and about 750 such spaces in Cork. It is particularly encouraging to note that interest has been shown by the private sector in participating in these developments which will be of considerable benefit to the commercial life of both cities as well as playing a vital role in contributing to a solution of traffic problems in these areas.

Apart from the country's public road network, there is a considerable mileage of "non-public" or accommodation roads, which are of particular importance to the agricultural community. The Local Improvements Scheme caters for the improvement of such roads, as well as for minor drainage works and so on, for the joint benefit of groups of farmers. The provision under this scheme has been increased to £2.714 million in 1981 compared with £2 million in 1980. The scheme is of particular benefit to the western counties and provides valuable seasonal employment in the rural areas. It is estimated that this year the scheme will provide the equivalent of 300 man-year jobs.

It is envisaged that a proportion of the expenditure on accommodation roads in the western counties under the local improvements scheme, as well as on selected county roads in these areas, will attract aid from the European Agricultural Guidance and Guarantee Fund, known as FEOGA, under an EEC Regulation adopted last year. This regulation provides for aid for infrastructural improvements, including roads, for the stimulation of agricultural development in the western counties. A suitable programme has been submitted to the EEC for approval.

I am very conscious of the necessity to make our roads safer for all road users. The Road Development Plan, which as I have indicated will be pushed ahead vigorously under this year's road works programme, clearly spells out road safety as an important objective. As well as providing improvements in transport, efficiency and mobility the plan aims at removing accident black spots, better standards of signposting, road markings and so on, all of which can contribute positively to reducing the risk of accidents.

Continued support is being provided for the roads research work af An Foras Forbartha which provides a valuable base for the formulation and implementation of policy in relation to road planning and construction, the improvement of traffic management and the promotion of road safety generally.

The Road Traffic (Amendment) Act, 1978, has enabled the Garda to pursue vigorous action against the drinking driver. The grant to the Medical Bureau of Road Safety has been increased substantially this year to £315,000 to enable it to deal with the increasing number of specimens received from the Garda Síochána for analysis. The number of specimens analysed by the bureau in the first nine months of 1980, the latest available statistics was 6,897, This represents an increase of 12 per cent over the same period in 1979 and is equivalent to an annual rate of 9,200. A disturbing feature is the large percentage of specimens which exceed the legal blood alcohol concentration limit and, more especially, the 40 per cent which have over twice the legal limit. These figures show that there is a very substantial body of persons who regularly drive after drinking heavily. It is the duty of all responsible people to do everything in their power to curtail these practices. Amending legislation will come before the House in the near future which will clarify and rectify some of the existing provisions in the law dealing with driving while under the influence of alcohol so that enforcement measures will take their full effect.

The major responsibility for the practice and promotion of road safety rests and will always rest on individual road users. It is the actions of each of us, whether driver, cyclist or pedestrian, that determine whether the roads will be safe for ourselves and for others. This is a heavy responsibility but one which we must face up to if we are to discharge it properly. The provisional statistics of road accidents in 1980, which show the lowest number of fatalities since 1976 and a reduction compared to 1979 in the number of people injured, are some encouragement to the belief that people are gradually responding to the need to show more care and consideration on the roads. The development of an awareness of, and the responsibility of the road user for, safe road behaviour is the task of road safety education and publicity. It is not an easy task but one which has been faced up to with considerable success by the National Road Safety Association, whose activities are to a large extent funded by an annual grant from my Department. It is hoped that the association's achievements in securing sponsorship from the private sector for a number of valuable road safety projects will encourage an even wider range of interests throughout the country to become involved in aiding this valuable work,

Since returning to office the Government increased the capital provision for public water and sewerage schemes by almost 90 per cent — from less than £25 million in 1977 to £46.75 million in 1980. The sanitary services programme is benefiting from the Government's commitment to increased infrastructural investment in the Investment Plan 1981. As a result the present year will see a huge increase on the previous level of investment, with £66 million in capital being made available for the public water and sewerage programmes — a massive increase on the 1980 non-voted capital provision for public schemes. In addition, £7.4 million is being provided for group schemes grants and £1.3 million for special grants for public schemes in western counties, giving a total of £74.7 million. This will permit a considerable expansion of the programme and will clear the backlog of major schemes at tender stage. I have recently sanctioned the seeking of tenders for 11 major schemes estimated to cost £6.75 million, and will shortly sanction tenders for a further four schemes estimated to cost £3.5 million. In addition I am approving contract documents for a further number of major schemes estimated to cost £25 million. Contract documents for further schemes will be approved as soon as the capital allocations to individual sanitary authorities have been finalised.

Small public water and sewerage extensions are frequently required to cater for unforeseen developments at local level and to cater for urgent building proposals. Proposed small schemes need not be submitted individually to my Department for approval. Local authorities submit statements annually of the small scheme proposals they intend to carry out. A global allocation is subsequently made to the local authorities who can then proceed to carry out the most urgent works involved. The Government increased the capital cost limit for small schemes from £20,000 to £30,000 in 1978.

I am now happy to inform the House that I intend to increase spending on these small schemes by 50 per cent in 1981.

The large-scale building of industries, houses, factories and other buildings is using up serviced land at an estimated rate of over 6,000 acres per annum. New water and sewerage schemes must be approved and undertaken now to ensure that an adequate stock of serviced land is available to allow this country to take advantage of a future upturn in the climate for private investment at home and abroad. Failure to make provision for medium-and long-term water and sewerage requirements would lead to acute shortages of serviced sites and the loss of potential industries dependent on sanitary services. Such a shortage would also cause inflation in land prices and thereby increase the cost of building factories, houses and community buildings including schools and hospitals. I am proud that this Government, despite the current difficulties in the national and world economies, have had the courage and the conviction to invest heavily now in sanitary services. In this way we will build a sound basis for the future economic expansion of our country.

Successive industrial plans published by the Industrial Development Authority have emphasised the importance of an adequate network of piped water and sewerage schemes to attracting new industries and to the advance factory programmes. Moreover, the Government and the IDA are determined that industrial development will proceed in a way which is consistent with protecting our environment — which is part of our natural heritage. This requires the construction of new and improved sewerage schemes which are capable of safely disposing of the growing volume of effluent generated by industrial development. As Minister for the Environment, I am determined that a sustained effort should be made, over a period of years, to eliminate pollution caused by the overloading of existing public sewage disposal systems.

Rural Deputies will be aware that modern farming requires adequate supplies of wholesome water. A farm without piped water supplies has limited potential for expanding livestock numbers, milk production and for the improvements in farm hygiene so essential to animal health. Many farmers still have to spend undue time and effort in drawing water to their holdings. Agriculture is a cornerstone of the Irish economy and we simply cannot afford to have the modernisation of farming impeded by deficiencies in water supplies. This is why I intend to approve a number of county council water schemes this year which will cater for the servicing of several thousand farms and for the development and expansion of the food processing industries.

Private group water schemes play a major role in bringing piped water to rural houses and associated farms. Group schemes have installed water in a total of almost 90,000 houses, including almost 10,300 grant-aided installations made in 1980. The future prospects of group schemes are bright. At 31 December 1980 220 schemes had been designed to serve over 7,100 houses; Work was in progress in installing water in a further 7,300 houses approximately; about 1,500 schemes were at earlier stages of development including the location and testing of suitable sources, preparation of designs and so on. The level of group scheme activity will receive a big boost in 1981 and future years as a result of aid being available from the FEOGA under the Western Package approved in July last year. An outline programme has been submitted to the EEC Commission for approval. As soon as this programme is approved, I will be in a position to announce details of increased grants for group schemes in the western areas.

I have dealt at some length with the major services for which my Department have responsibility. I would now like to move on to some of the other areas in which, although they could not be classed in the same category as housing, roads and sanitary services from an expenditure point of view, nevertheless, are very important in their own right and of vital importance to the whole community.

It is essential that an adequate level of capital investment in the fire service be maintained if lives, property and jobs are to be given reasonable protection against the effects of fire outbreaks. Capital investment in fire stations and equipment has increased significantly in the last few years and I am confident that this year's provision of £2.5 million will enable local authorities to continue to make good progress with their programmes for the provision of urgently-needed fire stations and the acquisition of modern fire fighting equipment. As a measure of the progress being made, I would mention that 14 new or improved fire stations have been completed during the last three years, 11 are at present under construction and a further six are expected to get under way shortly. In addition proposals for financing the purchase of 44 new fire appliances, crash rescue, communications and other fire service equipment were approved by my Department in the same period.

For many years the public library service received a very scarce allocation of capital for new or improved buildings and other facilities. In fact, as late as 1977 the relevant provision stood at just £290,000. It is encouraging, however, that since 1978 the capital provision for investment in libraries has increased significantly. This pattern will be maintained in 1981 with over £1.4 million in capital being made available to public libraries. In all, about £5½ million has been assigned for this purpose between 1978 and 1981, which is approximately four times the amount provided in the previous four years. This, together with increased revenue spending on public libraries by local authorities is making for a very real improvement in the spread and quality of this important service.

The inner city of Dublin is also an area with which I am concerned. Responsibility for the Inner City Group and Fund was transferred to the Minister for the Environment in February 1980. The group have been active in a number of areas in the economic, social and education fields and have allocated approximately £824,000 to date from the Inner City Fund for inner city projects. Assistance is being given to local co-operatives. Grants have been given for the provision of recreational facilities and for employment in environmental improvement schemes including a special tree planting scheme. Money is also being made available for improvements to inner city schools and for the provision of teaching equipment. A special inner city employment programme is being implemented by the National Manpower Service on behalf of the group. The programme is in operation from 1 January and under it any employer who employs people from a special inner city register will receive a premium of £30 per week up to a maximum of 26 weeks for each adult worker employed. It is hoped that up to 200 people may be employed under the programme.

Additional money is being made available to the Inner City Fund this year to enable the group to continue their work of alleviating the many problems of the inner city.

We are not the only country experiencing problems of urban dereliction. Most developed countries have similar problems. With a view to stimulating interest in urban problems and to accumulating ideas for their solution the Council of Europe have decided to sponsor, during the current year, a campaign for urban renaissance. To organise our participation in the campaign a national committee has been set up under my chairmanship and it is currently involved in assessing national demonstration projects from local authorities and the private sector which will be reported on to the Council of Europe and which illustrate various aspects of urban renewal and improvement. It is hoped that the campaign will encourage greater co-operation between local communities, business sector and local authorities in seeking solutions to problems of urban dereliction and in carrying our renewal schemes.

While a budget debate naturally tends to be concerned for the most part with practical financial and economic matters we must not lose sight of other issues which are vitally important in modern society. Good environmental conditions are in more demand and are now more highly valued than ever before. Many of the major financial provisions in the budget will have environmental and pollution implications. Our physical environment is coming under increasing pressure as our population increases, towns expand and our economic development proceeds. Industrial, agricultural and infrastructural developments can have far-reaching environmental consequences. A new sense of environmental responsibility is, therefore, necessary, from individuals, local communities, private and public bodies. As Minister for the Environment I have the specific function of promoting the protection and improvement of the physical environment.

The quality of the environment is a matter of direct concern to all of us and in recent years there has been an increasing public debate on many environmental issues. I welcome the growth of public interest and involvement as an expression of the general concern to protect the good quality of our amenities and natural resources. The public, after all, can be the best watchdog in such matters provided concern for the environment does not impose unreasonable conditions on legitimate development.

The Government are committed to the continuing growth and expansion of economic activity in order to provide increased job opportunities for our people and raise the standard of living. The resulting development, and other changes taking place in our society, such as the growth and movement of population, the increasing trend to urban living, the increase in tourism and the demands for better recreational facilities, are increasing the pressures on the environment. We must ensure that we are in a position to deal with these pressures so that the quality of the environment does not suffer as a result. We are fortunate that, despite some problem areas, we still have a very pleasant natural environment and the overall quality is high.

The Government are taking steps to ensure that progress in economic and social improvements is not offset by a deterioration in environmental conditions. In particular, infrastructural services are being improved so that development will be facilitated without harming the environment. This year, the Government are substantially increasing investment for this purpose. In so far as my Department are concerned, I have already mentioned the significant increases in the level of finance being made available for housing, roads, water supply and sewerage facilities. This expenditure will generate additional employment, encourage private investment, facilitate further development and help to ensure that environmental resources and amenities do not suffer.

The State will continue to play a major part in funding investment and, indeed, in carrying out development. This may be done through the local authorities, as in my Department, or through the activities of other State and semi-State organisations. A good standard in these developments, together with the physical planning and pollution controls on development generally will continue to play a significant part in determining the quality of our future environmental conditions. In this respect it is important that the needs of the environment must be given adequate consideration when investment decisions are being taken. Such consideration will be greatly facilitated by a national environment policy, which I intend to develop. The adoption of such a policy will be an important step in ensuring that our environment is protected for the future. The environment council have recently prepared a report on this subject which is being considered in my Department and I hope to be in a position to say more about it before long.

The question of the disposal of toxic and dangerous waste has been prominent in recent times. Such prominence is, indeed, fully justified by the importance of the subject. I would like to assure the House that the question of the measures that can be taken to improve our capacity for dealing with this problem is under active consideration at present. A team comprising experts from the IIRS, the Geological Survey Office and my Department have been studying the various options open for the disposal of dangerous wastes for the last few months. I hope to have their report and to be in a position to consider these options very soon.

As Deputies will be aware I recently visited Denmark with some of my officials in order to observe at first hand the manner in which problem wastes are dealt with in that country. I have no doubt that what I saw and learned there will be of value to us as we proceed to consider the arrangements that can best enable us to deal effectively with our own particular circumstances. It is evident that local authorities will have an important part to play in the future arrangements to be made to ensure that industrial development and employment growth will not be impeded for want of an adequate and safe system for the accommodation of industrial wastes.

I believe that the litter problem is our most widespread and inexcusable environmental problem. The Environment Council have described the litter problem, rightly in my view, as "a national scandal". It is totally unnecessary because we carelessly create it ourselves. Its effects on our national image are devastating particularly when our visitors see recreational and scenic areas, and public places generally, littered with refuse of all descriptions. We must convince people that litter is simply not acceptable. A new community based awareness of benefits in keeping street and countryside clean, tidy and beautiful is required. Litter is essentially a local problem and without the support and involvement of local communities the problem will never be solved. Local authorities are the prime custodians of the environment and they have a leading role to play in this task. By their leadership and encouragement much can be achieved locally by their efforts.

Many local authorities have made considerable efforts, including anti-litter campaigns, and at some considerable cost, to deal with the problem but generally to little effect. Bord Fáilte ran a very commendable campaign last year. Young people are frequently blamed as the major cause of litter but even casual observation would show that many adults are just as blameworthy in this respect.

There is need now for stronger and more co-ordinated action. There are no easy answers and no instant solutions. Attention is being given in my Department to a number of anti-litter activities. The Litter Bill that I will shortly be introducing is one aspect of an important element in what will be a long term programme of action to deal with this problem. I do not wish to go into detail about the Bill at this stage beyond stating that it will strengthen the powers for dealing with litter offenders and enable more effective arrangements to be made for controlling litter. It will also provide for action on abandoned vehicles and unsightly accumulations of disused vehicles and other articles which can be an eyesore in many areas.

Our pattern of behaviour and attitudes of indifference need to change and in the longer term an educational programme gives the best hope of improvement. My Department are in consultation with the Department of Education on this matter at present. Also, an anti-litter leaflet is being prepared in my Department, which I hope to have distributed widely at an early date.

Deputies will be aware that local authorities have been notified that I have determined 12 per cent to be the upper limit on increases in the rate in the pound to be struck by local authorities for 1981 over the rate in the pound struck by them for 1980. This is the highest limit in any year since the burden of rates was removed from householders. I think it would be as well for me at this stage to spell out what the effects of this limit are.

The most direct effect is on those people who pay rates, industrialists, shopkeepers, business people of all sorts and some farmers. The upper limit means that on the same effective valuation as in 1980 a ceiling of 12 per cent is put on the maximum increase in their rates liability for 1981. The actual increase in liability will depend on whatever increase within the 12 per cent limit is determined by each local authority. I make no apology for taking action to limit the burden on ratepayers in this way. Those who have criticised the limit as too low might well explain that what they are advocating is an increase in the burden on the industrialists, small shopkeepers, hoteliers and others who pay rates.

A second main effect is that the limit helps to hold a reasonable balance between central and local expenditure. The cost of the removal of rates from dwellings, community halls, secondary schools and certain farm buildings is met by the Exchequer. The upper limit on rate increases is a mechanism by which understandable aspirations of local authorities to improve and extend their ordinary day-to-day services is balanced against the cost to the Exchequer.

Perhaps the most relevant aspect in the context of this debate, and the least understood, is the effect on local finance. Critics of the 12 per cent increase have represented it as a measure of the increase in local authority expenditure in 1981 as compared to 1980. It is no such thing. The 12 per cent is not in any way a measure of the extra money local authorities will have to spend for 1981. What local authorities have to spend in any year depends on a whole series of items, such as their capital allocations, income from direct charges, rents, housing loans repayments and so forth, State grants for a whole range of individual programmes, as well as the income from rates and from those State grants related directly to rates. Of these only rates and the State grants directly related to rates, such as domestic rates relief and agricultural grant, are influenced by the rate limit. But these account for only about one third of the total capital and current spending of local authorities.

Even this one-third is not limited by the 12 per cent. Buoyancy of valuations which is about 3 per cent per annum for the whole country increases this part of local income before any rate increase is added. The comparison between current expenditure of local authorities, leaving out capital altogether, and the rate limits shows how wrong it is to regard the upper rate limit as a measure of local authority expenditure. Since we removed the burden of rates from householders, the cumulative maximum increase in rate limits has been 34 per cent. This is made up of the 11 per cent for 1978, 10 per cent for 1979 and a further 10 per cent for 1980. In the same period the total current expenditure of local authorities went up by 62 per cent. The current expenditure of local authorities in 1977 was £317 million. The 62 per cent increase means that there has been a massive increase of almost £200 million in three years to bring the current spending of local authorities in 1980 up to £516 million.

Let me repeat, this increase of nearly £200 million or 62 per cent in three years relates to current expenditure alone, and current expenditure gives only part of the picture. If capital is taken into account, total expenditure of local authorities jumped from £439 million in 1977 to £744 million in 1980. This is an increase of £305 million or 69 per cent in the same period when the cumulative increase in the rate limits was 34 per cent.

These figures speak for themselves. It may be useful though to take a single year. To take 1980 alone — local authorities were able to budget in respect of 1980 for current spending of £516 million or £76 million, 18 per cent more than the previous year.

In 1980, when current and capital spending are taken together, local authorities were able to budget for spending about £129 million more than in 1979, an increase of almost 21 per cent. Yet in respect of 1980 the upper limit placed on the size of increases in the rate in the pound was 10 per cent. The expenditure of local authorities, between current and capital rose, not by 10 per cent, but by 21 per cent in 1980 over 1979.

It will be clear from these facts that the upper limit of 12 per cent is not a measure of the extra money local authorities will have to spend in 1981. Apart altogether from the decisions local authorities might take when they come to consider their rates estimates, the allocations already announced for road grants, capital for water and sewerage and housing will clear the way for an expansion in local services and employment.

The one criticism which cannot validly be made for the main services such as roads, sanitary services, housing, and so on, for which I am responsible is that the funds provided are inadequate. Yet my colleagues on the opposite side will make this criticism — a clear indication of how bereft they are of any worthwhile ideas. However, before making this type of ridiculous criticism they would do well to look back at their own abysmal record when in office.

The Minister could not convince the Cork county manager that that is the case.

The present budget represents a milestone for roads and sanitary services especially and will clearly be seen in the future as such. I make no apology for again putting on record, as I did in debates in this House in October and December last, the firm commitment of the Government and myself to ensuring the continued development and wellbeing of the building industry, to ensuring the continuance of a high level of house completions and to ensuring the implementation of an expanded programme of roads works and sanitary services in order to further stimulate economic development and employment.

I will say for Fianna Fáil that in their worst days down through the years they could always get somebody to come into this House and bluff and bluff and tell all sorts of stories in the expectation that somebody might believe them. Following the 1977 election manifesto very few people are prepared to believe Fianna Fáil's bluff.

If there had been no reduction in the value of money over the years the Minister for the Environment, who is just leaving the House, would be doing a remarkable job. However, not only has inflation gone wild, but we have had a devaluation of the punt to the tune of 25 per cent. The Minister must think the Irish people are a lot of morons if he believes they will accept what he has said this evening as being factual. As we all had in Government, he has very good script-writers and I give him all the credit in the world for the way in which he read the script. I would not blame him for leaving the House as quickly as he could after he finished, because the figures he has given must be related to what the county engineers said a few months ago: unless there was expenditure of an additional £20 million on the roads of Ireland in 1980, approximately £20 billion would be required to rebuild the Irish roads if they were left in that condition for another winter.

I do not know anybody else who travelled around the country in the storm last night but I did, and I did not realise how bad the roads were until I discovered there was water all over the place. The pools of water were easy to see. The surface of the roads, not only the county roads but the national secondary and primary roads, seems to be completely broken up. The money the Minister talked about is less than what was being spent on roads when I left office and this means we will have to continue with a very poor road surface at least until Fianna Fáil leave office.

It may be considered good politics to promise to do wonderful things in the knowledge that those promises will not have to be kept, and knowing that the people making the promises will not have to carry them out. That is the only salvation I see for Fianna Fáil. The Government who introduced this budget had no imagination, and the way in which they dealt with ordinary budgetary matters showed that they were not very interested in their effect on the Irish people.

The Minister for Finance told us he was introducing a budget which would be acceptable to the people. I have been knocking about for quite some time and I have been in politics for a good while and I never heard such an outcry against a budget as I heard over the past few days. The only person I heard saying a good word for the budget was an old age pensioner. This was an old lady who thought she was not doing too badly until her neighbour reminded her that she was now paying £4.60 a bag for two bags of coal she was buying each week. The first old lady got black in the face and she was nearly as black as the coal before she finished.

Expenditure on simple matters connected with road maintenance has gone through the roof. For example, a few years ago it was possible to buy a signpost for a few pounds. The cost of a sign now is over £20 and the post itself costs another £13 or £14, and that does not include the cost of labour. I was amused listening to the Minister for the Environment talking about his interest in road workers. I can claim priority because, for 30 years, I have been attempting to get road workers into a position where they could live on what they were getting and that when they were leaving they would get some recompense for their long service.

This year for the first time in many years men who were employed on road work for a long time have been told there was no work for them. That was not the right expression. The work was there but there was no money to pay them. A number of county council officials told me that in their areas they had plenty of work to be done, and they had the staff but, if they kept on the staff, they would not have the money to buy the materials, and if they bought the materials they would have to let some of the staff go. This is the result of three-and-a-half years of Fianna Fáil Government.

I listened to the Minister for the Environment talking about local government affairs. I paid him a compliment and said I felt that he would fight hard for local government, but there is no point in trying to fight hard when the situation is that approximately 80 per cent of the income of local authorities last year had to be earmarked for wages and salaries. The Minister said they were able to spend 21 per cent more than the previous year although they got only 10 per cent. On that basis the 12 per cent this year would enable them to spend 3 per cent more.

There is no local authority that is not up to its ears in debt. Is the Minister aware that every local authority owes not thousands, not hundreds of thousands, but millions of pounds? They had to overspend to get jobs done and they were promised money for housing. Do the Government understand that they have almost wrecked the country and that we are fast reaching the stage where we can be compared to Israel where the rate of inflation can go up to 100 per cent? It is most remarkable that people can come into the House and tell us everything in the garden is rosy. Either they do not know the situation or they are telling stories that are not correct.

How are those wishing to be housed by local authorities dealt with? If a sum of £5,000 was coming into a house, not just being paid to one person, no matter how badly housed those people were they would not be entitled to be rehoused. In 1973 I took over the Department after a two year rent strike by local authority tenants under a Fianna Fáil Government. I got a reasonable agreement and we had peace with them. Before the last election NATO met Fianna Fáil who promised them solemnly they would honour the agreement made with me in 1973. This year the Government threw it overboard, they refused to negotiate with them but told them the rents they would be charged. The Government did not ask them what they thought nor did they try to seek a compromise. I heard the Minister for the Environment saying that the rents were as low as 15p a week. They were in my time but there is no such thing now. Everyone, even those living on the edge of poverty, are paying from £3 and £4 a week upwards. A Government who do that have no respect for their own word nor for the unfortunate people who are unable to buy houses for themselves. The rents being charged are too high and it will take a change of Government to do something about it.

Those who were refused housing were told they could build their own and that they would be given a loan of up to £12,000. However, a person with an income of more than £105 a week does not qualify for an SDA loan while a person earning below that figure only gets a loan in proportion to his income. In 1977 a three-bedroomed house cost £13,000 but today it is well over £27,000. We know how useful a £12,000 loan is even if people get it.

A person who applied for a loan was given a letter stating the amount of the loan he qualified for. On the strength of the letter a lot of people got bridging finance from banks to enable them to build their houses. They and the bank were under the impression that when the house was finished the loan would be forthcoming from the local authority. Around June last local authorities tumbled to it that they were not getting money. I know of one local authority who were looking for £2½ million and got slightly under £1¼ million over the full year. Those on bridging finance found they were unable to pay the rest of the money and they were paying interest of between 17 and 18 per cent on the bridging loan. The result was that several people had to dispose of their houses and were left literally on the road. In June local authorities sent out circulars to applicants stating that their application had been received and they would be allocated £X if money became available. Some local authorities, not Dublin city or Cork city, have as many as 500 people on their list who have been half-promised SDA loans for which no money was given last year and none will be given this year if my guess is right. It was promised because there is an election in the offing. The Department increased the income limit and the amount of the loan but they did not increase the amount of money given to local authorities. A person with a £12,000 SDA loan will pay £33 a week for the next 30 years.

The £1,000 grant, which Deputy Lynch said last year could be used as a deposit on a house, is not paid until the house is completed. I had a letter from a person who has been living in his house for one and a half years and still has not got his grant. If a person is lucky enough to get a £12,000 loan and £1,000 grant he still has to find the rest of the £27,000. Some people have gone to great lengths to borrow the money, and I am sorry for them. I cannot see them being in a position to repay the loan. We have reached the situation where, with the odd exception, young people getting married will never own their own house unless they are willed it. The Government are doing nothing to help such people.

Building societies are doing a lot and, for all their faults, have helped many people. They do not have an endless amount of money, although some people do not appreciate that. The assets of a building society, which they may advertise to show how strong they are, are tied up in people's houses. If anyone wanted to realise on the assets they would have to sell out a lot of people. When I took over the Department in 1973 the building societies were operating under an Act which had been passed through the British Parliament at the end of the last century. I brought them into this century and into the situation that they are now in a position to get pension funds. When the disastrous joining of the EMS took place one thing it did was bring back money to the country from Britain. Many people invested it in building societies. They can only do that once. That money was spent and is not there now.

The building societies have been messing around for some time. That is one of the things I regret not having dealt with in that Bill because there should be a regulation as to the qualifications for a loan. One building society this week will say that applicants should have a deposit of £1,000 with them for six months but the following week it may be £2,500 for two years and later it may be £1,000 for 18 months. Although the regulations are pretty strict I am not too happy that all the money building societies get is being used for the purpose it was intended for, the building of houses.

Last year when the interest rates were too high the Government followed my example and introduced a subsidy. That operated for a while but the Government were quick to withdraw. When they were in Opposition they told us that the rates were too high but they do not find anything wrong with people having to pay a much higher rate when they are in office. In fact, they withdrew their subsidy and that situation continues. This year the situation in relation to housing will be very bleak. This morning I heard a representative of the construction industry congratulating the Government on their investment in housing.

That must have upset the Deputy.

Deputy Tully should be allowed to continue without interruption.

It did not upset me when I was Minister for Local Government that the same person spent a lot of his time abusing me and does not upset me now. It must be straw that will be used in building the houses because Cement Limited say they are not selling cement. I do not know what is happening. The Government are not giving the money to local authorities and the building societies will have less available than they had last year. The money the Government say will be made available for building has not been provided for and for that reason I wonder where the money the gentleman in the construction industry said will be available is to come from. The fact that some of the builders& lsquo;suppliers are laying off workers does not bear out what that gentleman said. It is possible that within the next few months when the Government have got their just reward we will be able to assess the true position. When Fianna Fáil are in Opposition they will suddenly discover that the building industry is not going well but they will then blame us for what they did not do when in office.

I was glad to hear the Minister refer to the fire service because it requires a lot of extra money. I do not see why the insurance companies, on whose behalf the fire service works as much as for the general public, should not pay some of the cost. After all, the more that is saved by the fire service the more such companies benefit. It is time something definite was done about that. Many of the water and sewerage schemes the Minister said he sanctioned have been awaiting approval since shortly after I left office. In fact, some of them were approved before I left but so far the money has not come through. One scheme in my constituency which was to be completed in stages annually is tied up now and I do not think it will be completed until the Government are put out of office.

Water and sewerage grants are not available and there is no point in the Minister telling us that there will be a big development on that front because the money is not there. There is a lot of talk about protecting our countryside and preventing effluent destroying our rivers and streams but since the foundation of the State sufficient money was not spent on the installation of proper sewerage schemes in our big towns and cities. We made a brilliant start and it is a pity that effort was not continued.

The Minister spoke about litter but I am sure he is aware that this city and the remainder of the country have got tatty again. The Minister said that money is available to tackle the problem of litter but he is aware that many local authorities had to suspend their litter collections because of lack of money. Some had to reduce weekly collections to fortnightly and, in fact, some had to cease the collections altogether. One area in my constituency had to change the litter collection to fortnightly instead of weekly and had to cease commercial litter collections. It was surprising against that backround to hear the Minister tell of the big improvements that will take place in the litter collection. He told us he intended introducing a new Bill to deal with litter and spoke of the many walls that were defaced. When I was in office I asked local authorities to clean such walls. There is no reason why they should not. There is no reason why, because some moron wants to write slogans on such walls, we should allow signs about H Blocks, the IRA and many other things of little relevance, to remain. Recently I asked a local engineer if his local authority had ever thought of cleaning local road signs which could not be read because they were covered with mud and I am glad to report that a start has been made on that work in my area.

There was a comment on the question of driving while drunk. It is a problem and while a lot of people have been prosecuted a lot seem to be enjoying this. I do not know how it is that so many people are allowed to drive motor vehicles while under the influence of drink. That law should be tightened up. I am aware that the amount that can legally be consumed by a driver is far greater than in other countries but we do not appear to mind that. People will continue to drive around while under the influence until something is done about this.

During a discussion on the Bill dealing with malicious injury I mentioned that something should be done about stolen cars. Those cars are either crashed or abandoned after windows have been broken and objects stolen from them. In this city there is a section of the Garda to deal with stolen cars and one would imagine that if that section was notified that a car had been abandoned, or was crashed along a road, it would be moved but that is not the case. We have come to accept that a car which is abandoned in an area is fair game for those without much conscience to take apart piece by piece. The wreck is left spoiling the countryside. It happens in Dublin a lot. The Minister for Justice should consider asking the Garda to be a little more active in dealing with this problem.

According to the Minister the number of road fatalities and accidents dropped last year. That is good news. This year we are likely to have a further drop but it will not be because people are driving any better. If the Government continue to increase the tax on petrol as they have been doing I am sure they will successfully prevent people from driving at all.

Also there is reference in the budget to what they call the registration fee on cars. I remember before the last general election cars going around with stickers on them saying, "After Fianna Fáil are elected we will pay no more tax". Good for them, but what they did not know was that a rose by another name would smell just as sweet. So when the election was over they did not pay road tax but they did pay what was called by Fianna Fáil a registration fee of £5 the first year doubled to £10 the next year, doubled to £20 this year. If Fianna Fáil are there I wonder what it will be next year. The reason why it is called a registration fee instead of road tax is that the road tax went into the road fund and the potholes in the roads were in the main filled by people who were employed out of money from the road fund. Therefore, if there is no road tax there is no road fund and the £20 will go now into a different fund altogether.

Talking about potholes, I was coming up the road the other day to Dublin and I saw something which was a very good idea. It must be the local authority who did it. The red and white cones which the Garda use when there has been an accident and they want to close off the area were beside the bigger potholes on that road.

Down in Cork you see them everywhere.

I am aware that from time to time people have broken axles and one person I know got rather a serious injury through getting a puncture going into a pothole and crashing into the side of the ditch. We have reached the stage where we may forget about roads being repaired at all. One thing that annoys me, particularly driving along a narrow road, is to find somebody driving in the middle of the road. In fact I think everybody does it. People dare not go to the side of the road because the sides are all gone and so they drive in the middle of the road and that is an extra hazard.

There is reference to an additional sum of £35 million which the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs in some peculiar way is going to produce in the next few weeks as his share of the budget. I suppose that £35 million means extra on letters, phone calls, installation of phones and so on. We might get a little service with regard to the phones because I have complained again and again in this House about phones even in this House. With the phone in room 116 upstairs where I am it is impossible to get a call out without getting at least three wrong numbers. It is ludicrous that a Minister of any Government should go around the country telling everybody about the wonderful things he is doing for the telephone service while the existing phones cannot be made to work. Three people were with me today. One of them is a Post Office employee and his phone is out of order and he cannot get anything done with it. Another is the General Secretary of NATO and he has not been able to use his phone for two months. They came out and looked at it and that was all. The other person has not had a phone for several weeks. I had phone calls from factories in my area a few weeks ago. Usually the story is that something has gone wrong with an underground cable. While this is going on we are told by the Minister, Deputy Reynolds, that he had 62,000 last year and this year he is going to have 80,000 and he is going to flood the place with phones. Shortly we will be able to go into Woolworths and buy a phone for a couple of pence and bring it home and stick it into something and I suppose we will get as good a service as we are getting now.

With regard to letters the service we get from P & T is pretty good but I notice particularly around Christmas that a lot of people stopped sending the usual greetings. They just could not afford it. Many people tell me that they cannot afford the money. People phone me and say that postage is so expensive. We can kill the goose that lays the golden eggs and the Minister and the Government are going a very long way towards doing that.

One peculiar thing in the documents which we got before the budget concerns social welfare. If my figuring is correct there is a very substantial reduction in the amount of money being made available for social welfare. More peculiar still, there is a reduction of about £700,000 in the post and telephone bill for that Department. If I add the two together I assume that an attempt is being made to tell us that not alone will people not be able to get the money which they are entitled to — and God knows some of them are finding it hard enough to get it now — but the telephone service and particularly the postal service will be curtailed so much that many letters fewer will be sent out with their money. If they are the letters which are sent out to people who apply for social welfare and the reminders, that would be all right. One man applied a few weeks ago. He had 40 years unbroken service and he sent in his certificates, four in four successive weeks, and then he got a UB15 which he was supposed to fill up and send back. He did not get any money although he had 40 years' continuous insurance with the Department of Social Welfare.

A few months ago I met a woman whose husband had died 12 months earlier. She had two children and she could not get her widow's pension. Eventually she got the widow's pension and was told that no arrears were due to her. After a lot of trouble with the Department they paid her eventually when severe pressure was put on them. She was paid in Christmas week and the amount of arrears due to that poor woman was £1,800 and it should have been paid from nearly two years earlier. I am not blaming the Department officials. The people who are to blame are the people who sit on those benches over there. There must be an arrangement whereby there will not be an excessive draw on what they used to call long ago the fund. If too much money is taken out there will not be money enough to pay for other things such as executive jets. The result is that many people have complained to me. Today I have had about ten complaints from various people who are social welfare recipients. Some of them were paid for a few weeks and then payment stopped. Some people did not get it at all. All right, when I write to the Department these people will be paid, but it should not be necessary for a Member of this House or anyone else to have to write to the Department to get these people what they are entitled to. These people are entitled to their money and again I believe it is not the workers in the Department who are responsible here. I believe that it happens because they are told to do things in a certain way.

We have not yet been able to find out, though I am sure we will know shortly, whether the additional PRSI and the additional income tax allowance which they are supposed to get will balance out or whether it will be found, as most people say, that they will be getting less in their week's pay package, until the next wage increase comes along, than they were getting before the budget. I imagine that that is what the score will be, but it is just too bad that people at the bottom of the ladder seem to get caught every time when these things come along.

The Minister for social Welfare is also Minister for Health and we have similar complaints from the health boards, who say that they have not nearly enough money and they will have to cut drastically the benefits which people are getting from them. Some of them have been cut fairly tightly over the last couple of years but it appears as if they are going to be cut now, and the wonderful hospitals and so on which they were promised in the sweet by and by are very slow in coming. We are told that money is not made available in this year's capital programme for certain hospitals which were planned and sung about over the last couple of years. Today I heard what I thought was the last word. Certain repairs were being done to a hospital and there was not enough money to finish the work so somebody did a whip-around and collected £5 each from the nurses. Did you ever hear anvthing like that in your life, having to collect money from employees? The next thing will be that somebody will get on to a bus and collect from the CIE driver and conductor to pay for the running of CIE. The health services have been deteroriating and no effort is being made to bring them up to a reasonable standard.

On the question of whether the farmers did well or not, as I see it, having been born and reared in the country, the farmers have got very little help and a great deal of promises. If somebody in the EEC decides to do things in a certain way perhaps the farmers will come out all right; if not, the farmers will get nothing out of it. Fianna Fáil succeeded in getting away for a long time with their belief that something promised was better than something given. I do not think that will work again. So long as the promise was there, there were people who felt that they might do better. So, if the Taoiseach, as I believe he is, is preparing to go to the Park in the near future his promise that the Minister for Agriculture through certain people in the EEC will be able to help the farmers considerably later in the year is expected to work. I do not believe it will: the signs are that the EEC will yield very little extra for farmers. Nobody knows this better than the farmers. They had a couple of good years, but they needed them.

I shall never forget two days before the election attending a meeting of 300 or 400 farmers in the company of those who were representing the constituency along with me. Fianna Fáil representatives were then prepared to tell them that they would not interfere with the taxation system and certainly would not interfere with rates on agricultural land, which the Government have done away with completely, have added on and done away with again. I do not know what the next move will be. The suggestion they are making now is only for 12 months anyway. They were told then that the valuation liable for tax would not be interfered with nor would they interfere with the system of collecting tax. They were very definite about that and waved the manifesto saying: We have written it down; you can see there what we propose to do. We know what they did, and nobody better than the farmers.

As one who lived all his life in a country district and who negotiated with farmers in good times and bad for farm workers, I can say that when farmers had the means they paid and when they had not it was very difficult to get anything from them. Now I fear we are reaching a time when the only way farmers will be able to keep going is to let workers go. I saw such times before, saw workers being let off because the farmers felt it was the only way they could survive. Farm workers are still underpaid. They must be experts now to work on a farm. They must know crop rotation and everything about running machinery and how to repair it if something goes wrong. While they have never been properly paid I claim to have been responsible for improving their lot very substantially through trade union action, but it now looks as if many of them will find it very difficult to keep their jobs as things are going.

Farm workers who are getting on in years are not eligible for State employment. Men of 45 and over know that many of them may never see a job again — a terrible thought. At the last count we had a register of 122,000 unemployed not counting those on short time. It is not long ago since Deputy Jack Lynch said that any Government that could not keep unemployment under 100,000 should not stay in office. I am sure he meant it then — he got out anyway. Perhaps he meant the whole lot should go and he was trying to keep his word. I agree that there are 30,000 or 40,000 people who have not worked for a long time and may not be able to continue in employment even if they got it. There should be a special register for them and they should be paid in a different way. Leaving that aside, no effort has been made in the budget to produce the kind of money and ideas that would generate employment for people who, despite what may be said about them, would much prefer to be be working than drawing the dole or unemployment benefit.

There is a myth particularly among young industrialists, people who got sizeable grants and were unable to succeed in many cases, who talk about the country going to the dogs because of all the people getting the dole, as they say. I have had to remind them many times that they got money from the State as a handout while the people drawing unemployment benefit get it because they and their colleagues stamped cards to provide against hard times. We still have so many unemployed that I do not know if ever, certainly hardly in my lifetime, we will see anything like full employment. Despite the microchip it seems that we are going farther and farther away from that ideal.

I do not think the Government appreciate the mess they have put the country into. I heard the Minister for the Environment talk about" when they did away with rates" and I want to put on record again that Fianna Fáil did not do away with rates. They talked about it but did not do it; we did it and they just carried on. The record stands, no matter what they say. Perhaps we should not have taken them all away or done it in a different way, but we did it. When we have the type of thinking evidenced during the week by the new Minister for Labour, who talked aloud to some pressmen, we are in a dangerous position. I remember the early days of Fianna Fáil and when I came to this House they had been in and out of office for many years. They were not men of very high intellect; one or two perhaps could be so described but they were men of integrity who really believed that the country came first and they were really intent on doing something for the country. When I look at the Front Bench now and try to compare I find there is really a big change. It appears that what we have now is a group of people who will look after themselves and to hell with anybody else.

We have redundancies and the three-day week with many factories closing down. Even in Drogheda last week three big factories went on a three-day week. This is a terrible prospect for people who thought they were secure in employment. Yes, Fianna Fáil will talk about the 1,000 jobs about to be provided somewhere else in the area in a couple of months. That is usual and it is also usual to talk of job potential, not a job. There is a great difference. One hundred potential jobs may mean 15 actual jobs and they may not even last very long.

We have meat factories closing down. This in my opinion is caused by Government bungling because we have people from Northern Ireland prepared to offer up to £100 per beast more for cattle than the local factories can offer. Is it any wonder our factories are closing? Something must be done.

Somebody asked today about foreign potatoes being imported. Last year I saw foreign potatoes being sold in a plastic bag with "Foras Talúntais" stamped on it. Perhaps somebody pulled a "fast one" but if Foras Talúntais lend assistance to that kind of thing, it is wrong. I asked the Minister to investigate it and I hope he will.

It is very difficult to get Irish grown vegetables and I blame the farmers and horticulturists for much of this. I do not think they are doing their job. If they were there would be plenty of Irish vegetables on sale. Perhaps it is easier for them to deal with other aspects of farming. The Government should encourage them to produce home grown vegetables and potatoes.

Some moments ago I spoke about the value of the punt. It is noticeable that of the stocks in supermarkets about 80 per cent comprises British goods. A short time after we joined the EMS our currency started to slip. When we tried to draw attention to this I distinctly remember Ministers saying in this House that it was a very good thing, that a drop in the value of the Irish £ gave us an edge on the British market. Our currency went down and down and now it is more than 25p under value as compared with the £ sterling. A few days ago our £ went up by nearly 1p and they nearly lit bonfires in RTE. It was mentioned two or three times when the news and the news headlines were announced. Either it was good for the country when the value of our currency dropped or it was good for the country when it went up. We cannot have it both ways. It is bad enough that we have to pay additional money for foreign goods but when the drop of 25p does not give us an edge on the British market it is obvious that something is wrong with the management of the country. Something must be wrong when we cannot take advantage of that. It is a devaluation of our £ to the tune of 25 per cent.

The State operates a very expensive scheme encouraging people to but Irish goods and I am 100 per cent behind that. A person who does not buy Irish goods when he can do so is entirely wrong. In my view it is a certain type of snobbery to go for foreign goods when Irish goods are available. People who do this are making a mistake and they should not be allowed to do so. I will give an instance to the House. The carpet industry is in a parlous state but recently RTE, after consulting the Irish Goods Council, purchased carpet tiles in Holland. I do not know what to make of the mentality of people who do that.

In my area a school that was started four or five years ago was finished last year. When the children returned to school after the holidays they were given a leaflet that contained a photograph of children sitting at similar desks. It was pointed out to the children how important it was to encourage people to buy Irish goods, that this would have a major influence on whether they got jobs when they left school. Yet, when the school was being carpeted it was French carpets that were used. What can one make of people who do such things? I am sorry the Minister of State is occupying the place of another Minister to whom I would have liked to say these things because it was the Office of Public Works who supplied the carpet. Is there any sense in an Irish Government Department preaching to people to buy Irish and then going abroad themselves to purchase items that could be bought 20 miles away in Navan where there is one of the best carpet factories in the country? Perhaps the Office of Public Works wanted to have French carpets but, God knows, the children would not have objected to Irish carpets.

Listening to the Minister for Education today one got the impression that the Government were spending millions of pounds on building schools. I was glad to see him figure in the local papers recently. He seems to spend most of his time opening schools in Cavan and Monaghan and good luck to him. He says he is going to build a technical school in Kingscourt "shortly". The strange thing is that the children of that area are going to an excellent technical school at Nobber but that school is not large enough and agreement has been reached with the Department for the erection of additional rooms. Two years ago that project was to start "shortly"— if the "shortly" in the case of Kingscourt school means the same thing I would not advise the people of that area to start dancing in the streets for a while. Similarly, Kells was to have a new technical school; it was sanctioned but that was the end of it. The same situation applies with regard to Trim. It is impossible to get money from the Department. They are not spending the money that is necessary. Unless we can put enough money into primary, vocational and secondary school levels, there is no point in talking about universities.

Even in 1981 some 60 per cent to 70 per cent of pupils do not go further than secondary school level.

Recently there was a row — one of the numerous rows in which the Minister for Education has been involved — regarding the appointment of temporary teachers. The manager and the parent-teacher group asked to meet him but I understand he said he would not. That was very foolish. In our kind of democracy the Minister should have met those people and discussed matters with them. He cannot always be right. Some people have the impression that they must always be right but the Minister is all wrong if he thinks that is the case. I ask him to reconsider his attitude.

I asked the Minister of State who is present now some questions regarding Garda stations. First he would not answer me; he said the Office of Public Works were responsible only for the shell of the stations. Then he said the Department of Justice were responsible. I have been looking through the Estimates and I have not seen provision for additional money for this item. A number of Garda stations throughout the country are a disgrace — they require furniture, repair and painting. Somebody should take the job in hand and do what is necessary.

This Government have not made an effort to deal with prices. Even in the budget they ignored the fact that people have less purchasing power now and this affects wage earners particularly. This will go very strongly against them when they go to the polls. The Government should, in conjunction with the Central Bank, attempt to do something about the púnt. People who saved all their lives, when money was hard to get, are trying to live on the few pounds saved. Some have invested it and some are attempting to eke it out as best they can. These people are suffering very badly as a result of this Government's failure to protect their interests. Having looked at all the aspects of Government which I have had time to do tonight, and having studied the budget, particularly the capital budget, I have come to the conclusion that there is only one salvation for this country, that is for the Taoiseach to seek a new mandate. If he does not, and stays in office much longer, he will create here a situation which will be impossible for any Government to rectify for a long number of years. My advice to the Taoiseach would be: in God's name go.

I consider, having regard to the present times, that this is a truly excellent budget. The main thrust of criticism which I have heard around the House, from the Opposition benches and generally, is at 15p on the gallon of petrol. Apart from that, general public satisfaction has been expressed at the increases in social welfare allowances, particularly to old age pensioners, widows and people on long-term benefits, not to mention those on short-term benefits and the unemployed. However, I read in the newspapers more critical comment of what is not in the budget and which should have been than what is in the budget, particularly in relation to what I consider to be the lack of a warm welcome by the media in general to the social welfare increases. These have been given a welcome of a sort but not the welcome that the majority of our people gave them.

Fianna Fáil Governments time after time have introduced increases in the social welfare categories far beyond anything ever envisaged or granted by any other Government in this State. The mealy-mouthed criticism of the budget by the Labour Party in particular — and the more left they are the more anti-budget they are — is disappointing. I would have thought that the likes of Deputy Dr. Browne would have welcomed the budget-by saying that, whatever else he did not like about it, he liked the increases in the social welfare allowances. Instead, they took the line that it was far beyond what we can afford in present times.

Deputy Tully has described RTE as lighting bonfires because the púnt has increased by 1p against the English pound. The point here is that RTE in particular, but the media generally, always equate the drop of the púnt against sterling. They never say that European currencies dropped further against sterling on the markets. What is happening is that all the EMS currencies are dropping against the pound sterling. Everyone here knows the problems which this is creating in Britain. It is causing tremendous unemployment because of the uncompetitiveness of British products as against other EEC currencies.

The British Prime Minister is following a very unpopular policy of housekeeping, cleaning out a lot of unprofitable industries. Good industries are also going, but mainly industries which would go over the years in any case. She considers it a good housekeeping drive. Whether it works or not remains to be seen at the next British election.

Does the Deputy think this is good housekeeping?

I did not say that. I said that it remained to be seen whether or not this policy will work. When the next British election comes in the next year or so we shall see whether or not it worked. We must remember that what is good for Britain is good for us and what is bad for Britain can be bad for us in the long term. We want a strong economy in Britain because 43 per cent of our exports go to that country and we want them to be in a position to buy our exports.

There is no question about it, were we still tied to sterling we could double the number of people on the employment register. That has been to our advantage. We are still approximately in the middle of the European basket of currencies. We are still holding our own against other European currencies. What grieves me are the attacks of unpatriotic people in this House and in this country who all the time try to make other countries lose confidence in our ability to work our way through a recession when we are doing that far better than other EEC countries. We have heard recently about the big problems being experienced by West Germany, which was the most powerful economy in the EEC. We are getting through. In the last three years we have created more jobs than in any similar times since the State was founded and in the face of continuing world recession. We are continuing to build up our industrial arm at a tremendous rate. When this recession is eventually over we will be one of the fastest growing, fastest moving countries in the EEC, make no mistake about that. We will have those words on the record of this House to haunt the Deputies who keep pointing the finger at Fianna Fáil and telling them that everything is going wrong.

Right through the Minister's Financial Statement one can see the improvements being made — small savings are up, the money being put into building societies is increasing, the job creation programme is going ahead. To listen to Opposition Deputies one would think that everything was crumbling around our feet. We are doing pretty well in the face of present problems. How many of the 80,000 people working in the new jobs created by Fianna Fáil lost their jobs during the Coalition Government? These people will not forget that, although the Coalition have forgotten. The coalition of Labour and Fine Gael has never been anything but that, in spite of what people say. I have always said that Governments are rejected, not elected. There is no way that the people of this country want another Coalition back for many a year, until again, as has happened before, the damage they have done to this country is forgotten.

Fíanna Fáil have always recognised the great importance to our economy of the building industry. It has been slumping slightly, but Fíanna Fáil are taking remedial action to get it back to what it was and will continue along this road. The building industry will receive large inputs of capital from the Government's capital investment programme. The Construction Industry Federation welcomed the investment programme and were pooh-poohed and laughed at by Deputy Tully. Most of our work force get their employment through the building industry and Fíanna Fáil recognise the importance of the building industry.

Debate adjourned.
Top
Share