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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 20 Apr 1983

Vol. 341 No. 7

Criminal Justice (Community Service) Bill, 1983: Second Stage (Resumed) .

Question again propsed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

: Before the adjournment I was making the point that the courts should as a matter of right request probation officers' reports on offenders in a much wider number of instances than is the case at present. I made the point that the system in Scotland is worth looking at and we could learn a great deal from it. I understand that where a court is required to seek from a probation officer a social inquiry report for all offenders under 16 years of age, for all offenders under 21 years of age if a custodial sentence is appropriate and for all first-time offenders over 21 years of age. I understand that similar schemes apply in Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK.

Another point in relation to the Bill before us is that it can be applied only to people of 16 years or over. At present children can leave school at 15 and begin to work at that age. Obviously, quite a number of the people who appear before our courts are under 16 years of age. We should take a look at how the scheme will operate. The Bill should apply to those of 15 years or over rather than 16 or over. However, it may be that the scheme should work for a period as proposed and the matter could be considered again.

The final point to be repeated over and over again is that the Bill will achieve nothing other than to waste the time of the Dáil if it is not backed up with adequate finance and resources, particularly personnel. It is clear that if the scheme is to succeed it will require a high degree of supervision and a high ratio of probation officers to offenders.

: Like other speakers, I welcome the Bill before the House which provides for an alternative method of dealing with offenders brought before the courts. Before speaking on the Bill I would like to say a few brief words in relation to matters raised generally by other speakers and in particular in relation to the certain implications that the Bill before the House is this Government's answer to the increased crime rate and the increased problems in our cities and towns and to various problems that have arisen and escalated in recent times. Speakers opposite have tried to imply in their speeches that this is our answer to the problems. Of course it is not. It is important that we bring in a more extensive Criminal Justice Bill and I understand that such has been in the course of preparation during the previous few Administrations. I hope it will be introduced as soon as possible. Various Administrations are to blame for the delay but when a very comprehensive Bill is being introduced a great deal of discussion has to take place first. Each Minister, and we have had several in the last 18 months to two years, wants to examine it before it is brought before the House. As I said, I hope this Bill will be introduced as soon as possible, preferably this session. I understand it is in the final stages of preparation and the sooner it is introduced the better.

This Bill is an admirable measure which will give justices an alternative way of dealing with offenders in certain cases. It is important to remember that the community order will be appropriate for certain offences only. Obviously there are certain offences in respect of which I, and I do not think any other Member of this House, could not accept that such an order would be appropriate. Murder, manslaughter, armed robbery and various types of assault, with or without deadly weapons, particularly assaults on old people, terrorising people, premeditated robberies, robbery with violence, attacking people in their homes and so on, come to mind, and the people who commit these crimes should pay the most severe penalty.

The comprehensive Bill should look at sentencing with a view to bringing certain sentences into line and having uniform minimum sentences in some cases. Naturally certain discretionary powers will be retained by the courts but it is important that in certain cases minimum sentences should be imposed. For certain offences people should realise they must serve a minimum sentence and that they will not go free before that time is served.

If this scheme is introduced there will be certain benefits for the offenders, the community and the prison administration. I will deal briefly with these points. Many people get into trouble at some time in their lives, but they should not have to suffer for one mistake. If it is not too serious a crime, the lives of the offenders should not be disrupted, for example, by losing their jobs. A term of imprisonment can have a serious effect on the lives of the offender's family and friends. If a community order could be made this would benefit the offender and his family and friends.

The service provided by these offenders can benefit the community. This can take many different forms, which can be explored when this legislation has been in force for some time. Youth clubs, children's groups, the elderly and handicapped can be helped under these orders. Naturally these people should not be used as cheap labour, but if these offenders can help in certain areas they should be encouraged to do so. These offenders can be helped to realise that what they did was wrong but they are now getting an opportunity to repay the community for the wrongs they committed. This could be a more suitable option for the courts, although prison is a necessary institution for certain types of offences. If a judge has the option of sending an offender to prison or making an order for somebody to do so many hours of community work, in the long term this could be very helpful because a prison sentence could be detrimental to his future.

When this legislation comes into operation it will help prison administration but it should not be seen as the answer to our overcrowded prisons, and people who should be in jail should not be roaming the streets or let out of prison early because of overcrowding. There is an obligation on society and on the Government to ensure that, if people have to be detained for a certain length of time, having committed various types of offences, and particularly the serious offences to which I have already referred, prisons are available to detain them. The fact that prisons are overcrowded or that there is a lack of resources should not be given as an excuse. This Bill will be of assistance, but it should not be seen as the answer in itself.

When we are discussing a community service order, particularly in relation to minimum and maximum hours, we will have to see exactly how it will operate. As we all know, certain jobs can be done very quickly or very slowly, depending on how active the individual is. If good work is being done, even if the full number of hours have not been worked the offender should be deemed to have made his contribution. If a person who is holding down a job is also helping in a club and attending regularly, this should be deemed to be satisfactory rather than insisting on the specified number of hours. We should consider that the offender has made his contribution over a period of time and that the job has been completed.

We should have some type of training scheme. Under the present legislation people who are serving sentences have the opportunity to get training in various areas. That should be part of this scheme too. A person who has a job would hope to do his community service outside his working hours, but a person who has just left school and who may not have been trained for anything should be trained so that the time spent on community service will be of use to him or her subsequently. It is important that training should be made available and that minimum skills should be taught, particularly to people who are very young and who have never had a chance. This may be partly the reason why they are in trouble. This aspect should be looked at. It is essential that people who have no basic education should be given a certain amount of education while they are performing a community service. Otherwise they may find themselves in trouble again.

It is interesting to see what has happened in other countries. In America traffic offenders and in Germany young people with alcohol problems or drug problems have been ordered to help out in various ways. The experience in those countries should be considered. Obviously a trial period will be necessary. We will have to monitor how the Bill is working. The provision of community services in certain areas may be quite difficult. If such work is not available locally the offender should be able to go to another district to do this work rather than go to prison. This is another area which must be looked at.

Other speakers mentioned probation and welfare officers who are doing a great job with limited resources. Obviously the increase in crime and robberies is partly due to social problems and a lack of facilities in certain areas. We have to look at the role of the Garda and the community groups. Years ago the Garda in an area knew the various toughs and were able to talk to them, and Johnny or Paddy knew he could go a certain distance only, and after that he was in trouble. Now that the Garda are overworked and resources are not plentiful, the role of liaison officers is very important. In my own constituency I know many probation and welfare officers who have done tremendous work in linking up with young people, taking them in hand, and making sure that they are not idle but getting involved in various interests such as sports or other leisure activities. Parents do not always know where their children are but parents, the police and all sections of the community must play their part in the prevention of crime. I hope the escalation in the crime rate can be stopped. Crime will be reduced over a period of time by a clear commitment from all concerned.

I welcome the Bill. Certain aspects will have to be worked out in finer detail. Certain matters will have to be regulated to meet the needs in various areas. It is only a part of the measures to deal with the overall situation and it should be seen as that. I hope the major Criminal Justice Bill will come before the House shortly. I hope that any teething problems with regard to the Bill before the House can be sorted out particularly during the first months and years of the operation of this measure.

: With previous speakers I welcome the Bill. There are a number of factors that are crucial to its success. It is most important that the Bill be seen by the public as a genuine effort by the Minister, and by everyone in this House because we have a responsibility to the public, to tackle the problem of crime. It has been said that prison is not the answer to many of the problems but I am not sure that the public would agree with that.

There is no doubt that we live in difficult times. Drugs, the excessive use of alcohol, and unemployment are contributing factors to the many difficulties that exist. We must be seen as making a genuine effort to tackle the problem of crime and we must be very careful how we present this Bill to the public. If a person who has been the victim of a crime is told that the offender is coming back the following week to cut the grass or to paint his house, his reaction might be most unfavourable. Probably that person would not want the offender within five miles of his house.

The Garda Síochána, the courts, and the prison system have important roles to play. I know many gardaí who are frustrated with the present set-up in the legal system. They apprehend offenders who are brought to court but frequently they are let out on bail and they commit the same kind of crime. Last week in Cork 14 times in the space of 24 hours young offenders in an untaxed and uninsured car were stopped and apprehended by gardaí. They were brought before a Peace Commissioner but were released on bail and they committed the same type of crime. They drove at excessive speeds in built-up areas, a danger to life, with gardaí following in squad cars. All of this is a big joke to the offenders. Unless they fear the law and have some respect for it we will not make any progress.

The role of the courts is most important. There has been a tremendous lack of consistency in the way cases are dealt with in the courts. During the past few months I have been reading in the newspapers reports of cases and I have been studying cases dealt with by district justices and I have found that there has been a considerable inconsistency in the sentences and fines imposed. The public are well aware of what is happening. They have little confidence in us and in the judicial system. They consider we do not have control over law and order. We are the legislators and we are the people given the responsibility to run the country. Law and order is of the utmost importance. I know that unemployment is often given as the main reason for crime but I do not accept that. Some of the most law-abiding citizens are unemployed but they go about their business in a normal fashion. We must be very careful that people do not regard the approach of the Government as favouring the offender. I know the Minister has heard remarks to this effect also. We seem to be bending over backwards to make better facilities available for offenders in our prisons and elsewhere.

The probation officers will have an important role to play with regard to the measure before the House. At the moment they are overloaded with work. I should like to know from the Minister if it is intended to provide additional finance and staff to oversee the work of the offenders in the community? Will the Minister elaborate exactly on how it is intended to act in this area? We do not know the numbers involved. I think there is a huge financial cost involved which has not been spelled out. On paper the Bill looks well but the public may regard it as a cynical move by the politicians. Because we have failed to tackle crime they may consider we are taking the easy way out. We are building nice comfortable prisons for offenders but where accommodation is not available for offenders the public may consider we are taking the easy way out by allowing them out among the community. I hope what is being proposed will be a success but I am also aware of the feelings of people. I live in a built-up area and I see the crimes of vandalism that are taking place at night. I have my reservations about the measure now proposed.

We have very clever lawyers and people before the courts are allowed out on technicalities. This area will have to be tackled. Laws are made to protect people and action should be taken against offenders. If we do not have the confidence of the public generally what we are proposing here will be a failure. We must explain to the people how we will cope with the situation and we must spell out our plans to deal with offenders. There are many unanswered questions and I should like the Minister to elaborate on the matter. I wish the Bill every success but I have serious reservations about it. The Garda Síochána must feel they have the confidence of the people and the support of the politicians. They must act in the knowledge that they have the full backing of the law which is not the situation at the moment. Laws are quoted to gardaí when they apprehend people. Last week I spoke to some gardaí who told me they were totally frustrated with the present situation. Their role seems to be eroded each day. It is commonplace for criminals to make obscene signs at them. Last week young offenders were arrested in Cork. They are taken to the Bridewell, were charged but were released on bail and when they came out of the court some of their friends were waiting for them in an untaxed car. They were back in the Bridewell within two hours having been arrested for stealing cars.

The Bill is worthwhile and I hope it will have the confidence of the community. However, there are many unanswered questions. There are muggings, housebreaking, rape and excessive use of drugs and alcohol. Drugs and drink are contributory factors, because many crimes are being committed by people under their influence.

What are we doing about the port of Cork? Are any officials covering that port in connection with ships coming from South America, the Middle East——

: I appreciate the concern of the Deputy for law and order problems in Cork city, but he should stay within the Bill. I would be grateful for that.

: The success of this Bill depends on many factors. We must recognise that there is no use in polite talking in this House on the part of Deputies and the Minister. We must be serious in our treatment of this whole problem.

This Bill is a genuine attempt to tackle a very serious problem, but if the gardaí are not confident in dealing with crime and the courts do not face up to their responsibility in being consistent in their administration of the law, this legislation will not be a success.

We have been accused of not taking the appropriate measures in ports, and particularly the port of Cork with regard to drugs coming from South America in ships which do not visit other ports, leading to drugs importation to Northern Ireland and Britain. Unless we take measures to deal with this illegal imporation of drugs we are not serious about the whole problem. There should be extra customs officials patrolling the ports, particularly the port of Cork.

: I welcome the Minister's Bill and the confidence of the Dáil in it. I regret that this Bill is titled the Criminal Justice Bill. It should be called the Community Offenders' Bill, or some such name, not giving it this grandiose title. Before the year is out, and possibly before the end of this term, we will need to take another look at the whole area of law reform. Harsher legislation will be brought before the House at a later stage. For that reason the public should be clear in the knowledge that this legislation is a step in a series of steps which the Government intend taking this year to deal with the enormous crime problems.

I welcome this Bill because it has a specific contribution to make. Crime in Dublin is so bad that public representatives are attending public meetings now at an average of one a week. In one particular week I attended three public meetings. The situation is so serious that it is difficult for public representatives to give people hope anymore. This Bill is welcomed because it is an innovation. There are new ideas in it and, taken together with the legislation which I hope will come later in the year — and the sooner the better — it will help to strengthen the law against those who constantly offend against the community.

I ask will this Bill mean that more space will be available within our prisons for accommodating those guilty of more serious crimes? One of the present problems is that people are being released on bail, sometimes after a very short period of imprisonment. Will this Bill dealing with minor offenders free prison space for accommodating those criminals who, when on bail, constantly offend against the community and who are now operating in an organised way? If the legislation has that additional effect, it will be a bonus. I would like to hear the Minister's comments on that aspect.

We must go much further than this Bill goes. Because further legislation is anticipated, there is no need for amendments on this Bill. Were we not anticipating legislation it would be necessary to put down amendments to the Bill to deal, for instance, with the question of the Judges' Rules, the right to silence, consecutive versus concurrent sentencing and a number of other similar areas, such as crime being committed while people are on bail. A number of such areas will have to be considered later.

Before we give the Garda these new powers, how have they accounted for their present powers? Of late, the answer is — not very well. I give notice that the matter which I intend to pursue until I see real efforts being made to attend to it is that the Garda have not accounted for their present powers to any great extent. I do not want to write a carte blanche for any Government agency to take on all sorts of powers if they are not accountable to this House for those powers at some stage. To that extent it is important that whatever legislation is being passed, be it this Criminal Justice Bill or later legislation, we must install some form of review of the Garda, on how they are using the powers given to them, how efficiently they are managing their resources and what they are doing to deal with the present problems.

The problem of crime facing the country will not be solved by this Bill or by any legislation. It has reached the stage where politicians patronise the Garda force to such an extent that if a minority of them are criticised, no matter how constructively, or helpfully, people are taken aback because they feel that the Garda Síochána should be on a pedestal and not criticised. I do not agree with that thinking. I respect the majority of the Garda and expect them to do a decent job. However, the minority of gardaí who are not doing so can expect one public representative, at least, to pursue reform of the management structure of the Garda Síochána.

I want this House to have a committee on crime to which the Garda should be asked to account from time to time, or at least annually, for their activities on these matters. It is a great pity that some things which happened in the recent past did happen. At least they have brought to light some of the existing difficulties. The sooner we really tackle the problem by way of this type of legislation and by way of giving members of the Garda promotion on the basis of merit alone and on no other basis, the better it will be for the community. The problem is so big that no one thinks that the passing of this legislation in isolation will solve it. It simply will not.

On the other side of the coin we must reach a stage where complaints against the Garda are properly and thoroughly investigated, which is not happening at the moment. As one public representative, I am entirely dissatisfied with the complaints procedure at present used within the Garda Síochána. It is not satisfactory and is not dealing competently with complaints.

Dublin city has a very big problem and perhaps also the rest of the country, which will be helped by this legislation. Certain people commit offences and are amateurish enough to get caught but they are not likely to commit an offence again. Their fate depends on which judge they come before. God help them if they come before certain judges and God help the community if they come before others. A young man may commit an offence in one wild outbreak and may never wish to commit a crime again but we take him out of the community, imprison him and make a hardened criminal of him. This Bill, in getting people involved in community services, can help by keeping these people within the community doing services for the community, thus keeping them out of the mainstream of crime. In many cases people who were guilty of certain minor crimes would not continue a life of crime if they could be kept away from the monsters and the mainstream of criminals running around cities. For that reason the provisions of this Bill — forming a part of a plan — have a contribution to make.

We must remember that we will not get anywhere with the elimination of crime unless a joint approach is adopted, unless all of us in this House are committed to the forces of law and order, ensuring that they have the facilities and power to deal with these problems. But we must also ensure that they are answerable for that power and not an authority answerable to nobody. That is not something I would tolerate. I will vote for the strongest legislation introduced here; I will support this Bill without difficulty but I want to ensure that any powers given are accounted for to this House. Hopefully, with the development of the committee system, we shall have a committee on crime. Until such a joint approach is adopted progress will not be made. I am not speaking only of these offenders, many of whom commit offences because they are organised by godfathers who "case" buildings for them beforehand, who tell them where the goods are, who collect the goods from them afterwards, and dispose of them for them. It is the innocent, impressionable offender who commits the crime on their behalf. We must organise ourselves and realise that there is a serious crime situation obtaining in this city. There are indications that there is a north side and south side crime organisation. Unless we organise ourselves and take on these people, unless we are serious and have a joint approach, law and order will break down completely. We must notify these people that we shall not let law and order breakdown, that we shall take them on, that the provisions of this Bill are but a part of the machinery with more to follow, and the sooner the better.

Let us not stop at that. Let us pursue it further. Let us set up that committee on crime. Let us review the situation continuously. Let us hold these people to whom we are giving power accountable for the exercise of that power. Let us ensure that they do not give any encouragement to the criminal element by abusing that power. Let us ensure that the people to whom we are giving this power will get out there, harness community goodwill instead of remaining aloof from the community and, on occasion, being disdainful towards the community.

If it means taking on the criminals it may mean also taking on the Garda representative bodies. If that is necessary then that is what we must do. We must get to the heart of this problem and sort it out once and for all. I am sick and tired listening to constituents, individually and collectively, week after week complaining about the problems obtaining, people who are afraid to leave their houses. During the last three elections I visited many old people who had latches on their doors, something never heard of ten years ago. I did not grow up in a community in which people had to put bolts on their doors and I do not see why anybody else should have to grow up in such a community. I say to the people in the Department of Justice, to the Garda Síochána, that we are taking no more, that they are going to have to be answerable——

: I have been very lenient with the Deputy but he has strayed somewhat from the Bill and I should be glad if he would revert to the Bill itself.

: You have been very helpful, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. The Bill before us could be strengthened in certain respects. Since it is community-orientated perhaps the Minister would consider incorporating a section dealing with community magistrates so that we would have magistrates in local communities to preside over offences committed locally, people who understand local problems, who live locally and who encounter the difficulties people face at first hand. That is not happening at present. Many of our Judiciary do not reside anywhere near the main crime areas and therefore are not in a position to understand the difficulties people face. Such locally appointed magistrates need not necessarily be lawyers but perhaps advised by lawyers, people who would preside over magistrate courts to deal with community offenders, people who live in the area and have first-hand knowledge of the difficulties experienced. One of our problems is that very few of our judges come from what might be termed working-class backgrounds or live in what might be termed working-class or similar type areas. In that way they fail to understand the difficulties some people experience in their homes.

I might pose the following question to the Minister to which she might reply: what will happen if a person who commits an offence, subject to the provisions of this Bill, who does not carry out the sentence or the community service he or she has had imposed by the courts? For example, at the time of sentencing, will the court also say that in the event of this work not being done an automatic sentence of incarceration for so long will follow? Or, for example, will it be necessary to charge the offender again before the courts? The best way to deal with this would be to say to the person at the time of sentencing, "If you do not carry out the community service you are hereby sentenced to carry out you will automatically serve a sentence of a fixed period in prison". It would be helpful if that provision were incorporated in the Bill.

I welcome the Bill but it is a pity that we did not avail of this opportunity to involve the community further in local matters by way of community and Garda joint councils. Perhaps we might consider incorporating such a section in the legislation to come before the House later this year. However, in so far as this Bill constitutes a step in the fight against crime it is a welcome and positive one. I hope it will not be too long before the other necessary steps follow, balanced steps, by which I mean not merely legislation but accountability also.

: Many things have been said already in the course of this debate with which I agree. I welcome this Bill. I first became interested in this type of action to deal with the problems of crime, particularly with young offenders, when as a member of my local authority, Dublin County Council, I visited Craigavon on a goodwill visit to talk to the people there, the elected representatives, and members of the public about the kinds of problems and advantages involved in setting up a new town. We visited a public community centre opened by the local authority there. In fact it was more than a community centre, it was a community project which included a community centre for passive recreation. It comprised also a pets corner to all intent and purpose. As we were shown around we were introduced to two young lads, about 16 or 17 years of age, who were cleaning out the little compounds where there were housed lambs, goats, hens and other small type animals. It was explained to us by the officer showing us around that these boys were actually carrying out a community service. Apparently they had been apprehended some time back for acts of cruelty to these same animals and the judge, in a most enlightened way, had ordered that these boys, as punishment, would take on themselves a certain number of hours working in the community centre in which they had committed these acts of cruelty and violence. That had actually taken place about two years before we visited that centre. The two boys in question had taken such an interest in the job, in the community service they had been ordered to do by the courts, that ever since, voluntarily, they had been coming back a couple of times a week to continue the job. That was tremendously enlightening and encouraging for me. Here were two boys who had gone wrong but who had seen the folly of their ways and had taken on themselves a service which had helped build them into more mature people.

This Bill was mooted when the Tánaiste was Minister of State. At that time I welcomed the proposal to introduce such legislation but it is legislation which cannot of itself stem the enormous problems of crime. However, the Bill should be considered as a forward-looking piece of legislation not only by Members of the Oireachtas but by the public in general and by those who are working in the area of law and order, the Garda, prison officers and so on.

The introduction of the Bill should prompt all of us to concentrate on the huge increase in crime in all areas. The greatest disruption to our day-to-day lives appears to be caused by petty crime which is hitting all sections of the community and all age groups from very young children out playing and whose playthings may be stolen from them right through to teenagers who may be the victims of muggings by some of their own peers. But perhaps those who suffer most from these criminal acts are the elderly. We need only think of the late Mr. Ben Dunne who was admitted to hospital immediately after being mugged. We may not be aware of the effects of some of these acts of vandalism on the elderly in particular. We may all have heard of cases in which people have been injured badly during attacks on them but there are no statistics to indicate the effects of such attacks on the lives of people. On two occasions my car window was broken and my handbag stolen and although I am a lot younger than many of those who have been attacked, these incidents had a very bad effect on me. I am prepared to hazard a guess that some elderly people have died as a direct result of such attacks.

The kind of petty crime that is so prevalent in our society today is having far-reaching effects on the quality of life. We must ask why the crime rate has escalated so much in the past ten years. There are those who say that the reason is the lack of social planning, of good housing, of proper education facilities and so on, while there are those who argue that such a premise is only an easy way out for the criminal. I do not think either argument is correct. It is said, too, that the reason lies to some extent in the situation of the severe economic pressure from which we are all suffering, but that is a worldwide problem. In the thirties also people were living in a situation of severe economic depression and did not have anything like the material goods that even some of the poorest in our society have today but the level of crime then was not anywhere nearly as high as it is now. One of my constituents suggested to me that the reason for the massive increase in crime is greed, that all of us have become too materialistic and that if we want something we cannot afford we will go ahead and get it anyhow, regardless of how we get it. Another premise is that there is supreme confidence on the part of the criminal that he will not be caught. This premise is one that should be examined because if there is any foundation for it we must ascertain what it is. I do not think the problem lies in a basic lack of respect for the Garda but undoubtedly the lessening of foot patrols on the streets in the past few years has not been helpful. I am glad that foot patrols are now being increased. There may have been the impression among petty criminals particularly that so long as they were fast enough and there was no garda in sight they could get away with their criminal acts.

We might ask ourselves how many of us break the law in minor ways simply because we reckon we will not be detected? For instance, how many of us are prepared to park on a double yellow line if there is no traffic warden in sight? Each of us has a role to play in bringing about greater respect for the laws of the land.

In conjunction with this Bill we must consider the whole area of policing. The question of the availability of Garda stations must be considered. The infrastructure in Dublin city in particular has not kept pace with the enormous growth in population in those areas and I am not talking merely of the provision of road lighting and schools. I am aware that there is a committee who are considering continuously the whole question of the provision of Garda stations. I have made the point on many occasions that the location of a Garda station in any area will not necessarily result in a reduction in crime in that area but it is a deterrent. When building large new housing areas we must simultaneously provide whatever infrastructure is necessary to deal with the influx to that area. The provision of community facilities, for instance, is helpful in forming the characters of children at a very early age so that later they do not embark on crime which some of them may consider to be merely a game. All of us who are Members of the Oireachtas or of local authorities must have regard to this whole question of the provision of adequate infrastructures in the planning of any area where large numbers of people are to live. I agree with Deputy Mitchell about the importance of the involvement of the community in ensuring that this legislation will not be merely another Act on the Statute Book which will not be relevant to today and which will not have the effect that we intend it to have.

The best chance this system has of succeeding is to involve the community. I have no doubt that the community will recognise that they have a role to play in this. The community must be involved whether by way of community policing or in identifying areas where offenders can be given work. We must be careful not to permit the courts to instruct offenders to work for local authorities only. They must be sent to carry out work for community groups, voluntary agencies such as the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, the Simon Community or for residents' associations. If the community is not involved in identifying work areas the system will not succeed.

The Garda have a vital role in ensuring that the scheme works. At meetings of the Malahide Residents' Association we invite the local Garda sergeant to talk to us. That is one way of ensuring that he is involved in the day to day happenings in the community. I understand that Garda sergeants in most communities are willing to liaise with community groups and because of such involvement the image that existed of "them" and "us" will disappear completely. The local police station is as relevant to the local community as shops, schools and bus services. I hope local police sergeants will explain to community groups the working of community service orders so that the Minister will be supported in his efforts.

We have not been told the type of crime that will result in community service orders being imposed. Under the Act dealing with liter the maximum fine is £500 and it stands to reason that many people convicted under that Act will not be able to pay a £500 or a fine of £50. A judge should have the power to give offenders under that Act a community service job to perform. The best way to learn a lesson for an offence under that Act is to be made pick up litter or clean roadside ditches. A similar order should be made against those found guilty of petty vandalism. Such acts cost Dublin County Council an enormous amount of money annually. Parks are vandalised daily and by young children in many cases. I am aware that under the Bill orders can only be made against offenders over 16 years of age but in the case of vandalism on community property offenders should be made repair the damage they caused whether it is planting trees or shrubs.

Many of the Bills that have passed through this House were not worth the paper they were printed on because the requirements necessary to carry them out were not provided. In this case I hope the Minister ensures that the terms of the Bill can be implemented. There is little point in a judge sentencing an offender to 160 hours of community service if the necessary sympathethic and enlightened officials are not available to ensure that the order is carried out. Unless provision is made for staff we are wasting time passing this Bill. The necessary personnel must be recruited to ensure that the service orders are carried out to the full. There are many provisions in the Bill to cover cases where the order is not carried out but we should try to ensure that fines are not imposed because that would defeat the purpose of the legislation. The idea in imposing an order on a young person is to try to help that person understand that there is another way of getting satisfaction out of their daily life. It is not just a question of punishment. We hope that as a result of this scheme we will get young men like those I met in Craigavon who, having carried out the work they were ordered to do as a punishment, returned to the centre to mind young animals as an act of love. We must ensure that the orders help the young people involved.

Before sentencing young people to carry out these orders judges should consider whether the order can be carried out. Special consideration must be given to young people who do not have a fixed abode because it will be difficult to ensure that such people carry out the community work. I do not know what the answer to that problem is but we nust investigate the possibility of providing housing and so on for such young people. It is possible that some people in community would be willing to house those young offenders while they were carrying out the community work. The Minister should look at that and other matters before the legislation is passed. We do not want blatant flaws in the legislation before it gets off the ground. I hope the Minister will consider the matters I have raised. When a crime is committed in an area we are a little quick in blaming those living in itinerant settlements and so on. Recently serious acts of terror and vandalism occurred in Coolock and the local paper carried a story about them. However, the itinerant settlement committee of Dublin County Council felt obliged to write to that newspaper pointing out that they did not like the inference that automatically it was assumed that those acts were carried out by itinerant children from a certain area. We have all been guilty of jumping to conclusions as to the perpetrators of crime, assuming when we see a group of young people that they are up to no good. It is easy to fall into that trap and we must be careful not to victimise young people. I have three young boys and there are times when one sees them whispering and giggling and one wonders what they are up to. We must be careful not to blame young people for crimes which they may not have committed.

This Bill is concerned with communication between young people and those with more experience. I make a fervent plea to parents, members of residents' associations and voluntary groups to welcome this Bill and help by making constructive suggestions. The Minister raised this matter in his speech and said he was open to any proposals. I appeal to people to play a role in making this legislation effective and I wish the Bill a speedy passage.

: I have no doubt that all Members will welcome this legislation. It comes at a time when there is widespread concern about the escalation of violence, particularly in urban areas. The previous speaker referred to problems on the north side of Dublin, which I also represent. In recent months there has been an increasing breakdown in law and order to such an extent that many people are talking seriously about vigilante groups. During the past few days there has been some controversy regarding the setting up of such groups but many people feel they must do something to protect their families and their property and, perhaps, their lives. Crime is increasing and we as legislators must ask what we can do to bring about a reduction in it.

It is unfortunate that we are seeing vast cutbacks in the prison service and in Garda overtime at a time when greater vigilance is required on the part of the Garda and the authorities. While this legislation will be welcomed by many we must not feel that we now have a solution to the problem, a new type of punishment for young crime-doers. It has been emphasised that young people before becoming involved in community work must give their full consent. If a young person refuses to become involved in such work or having started it decides not to continue, what then will be the position?

There is a strongly held opinion that a harder line should be adopted by the authorities. I do not blame people for adopting that attitude because during the past few years we have treated this problem with kid gloves and we are entitled to ask what this approach has achieved. Has it eased the situation? Has it reduced crime in any way? Figures published a short time ago show an increase of about 37 per cent in the crime rate in Dublin during the first three months of this year. This is an alarming figure and it is against this background that we must consider the attempt in this legislation to contribute to a reduction in crime. In my view this Bill will not make such a contribution. It is a continuation of the "softly, softly" kid glove approach to crime and crime-doers. People are asking what action is being taken by the Government and the Garda to reduce the extent of crime.

In recent times gardaí have received bogus calls to certain areas and then have been stoned and assaulted and their vehicles destroyed. In some parts of Dublin the full complement of Garda cars and vans has been put out of action by vandals. The Garda have a difficult enough job without being openly taunted by people and lured into situations where they may suffer bodily harm. These incidents happen so frequently that they no longer receive wide coverage in the newspapers but it is not unusual to see a short item in the morning papers to the effect that gardaí in a certain area were attacked the previous evening and the squad car put out of action. That is the type of society we have today and we are in a sorry state. This Bill will not do anything to alleviate the problem.

There are certain types of people who will benefit by being involved in community work and this can only be good for the community and for the young people themselves. Last year a number of people were brought out from Mountjoy to work in groups on various local projects and this scheme worked so well that it gave a lead to the type of legislation before us. I might add that it was prepared under the previous Government but we are not discussing a political issue. We are all in agreement with any action taken to alleviate crime. There are many areas in Dublin where community work, such as is envisaged in the Bill, could be very advantageous. Very often there are housing estates in a most untidy condition and people could be put to work on them. Our hospitals, old people's homes and old people's estates are all places where this type of community activity could be very beneficial for everybody concerned.

It has very often been emphasised that not enough onus has been placed on the parents as far as crime and vandalism is concerned. I appreciate it would be very difficult to hold certain parents, who may not have the means, financially responsible for damage caused by their offspring. Nevertheless, we should consider something along those lines also because there is a very apparent lack of parental control at the moment. Young children are left roaming the streets all day and even all night in some cases. Their parents often have no idea where they are. The parents are perhaps more at fault in those cases than the children. Some onus should be put on the parents in situations like that because we have extensive damage, amounting to thousands of pounds, being caused on an annual basis by vandalism and the taxpayers are being asked to foot the bill year after year. One hour's vandalism can cost a local authority as much as £20,000 to £30,000. We have known of single acts of vandalism which have caused fire damage amounting to £1 million. In cases like that the parents walk away scot free. While we must all the time look at what can be done to bring about a situation where not alone will young people be punished for those offences but where they will be educated to appreciate that there is much more to life than just going around vandalising property, the parents must be responsible in some way. I would like to see the parents being asked to carry some responsibility.

I believe this Bill will be helpful but at the same time we must not feel that it is the answer to all our problems. The Minister made that quite clear in his contribution this morning. This is a small start and we must consider what other areas should be looked at. We must use every possible resource for the protection of lives, property and the upholding of the law. There are too many people who have come to accept that the way to get through life successfully and profitably is to break the law and to take anything they like. It is up to the authorities, particularly the legislators, to ensure that adequate legislation is introduced for the protection of people's property and right. This Bill must be looked at as a very small step in that direction. I hope the Minister will give urgent consideration to other steps that must be taken to eliminate the almost total breakdown of law and order.

: I would like, as I gather most of the speakers today have done, to welcome the introduction of the Criminal Justice (Community Service) Bill as the first step in our serious tackling of the problems of increasing crime. It was significant that at last Monday's Barrettstown meeting this ranked with the economic issues as one of the major issues for which the Government would develop long-term, short-term and medium-term plans. I see this as the first phase in a radical and extensive overhaul of the system of justice in the country which should within three years lead to an improvement in the laws, the court system and, hopefully, a significant improvement in the level of crime. I see this Bill as a particularly flexible element of that whole programme which I expect to see included within the next year in an extensive Children's Bill, which will look at the whole question of child care and child custody in the case of child criminals, tackle the problem of children's courts, consider the age of criminal responsibility and set up for the first time in modern Ireland proper and adequate procedures to deal with this growing area of crime and young criminals. Those criminals are getting younger in recent years.

I see another element of that attack as the long overdue improvement in the powers of the Garda Síochána and some changes in the laws which have been accepted as necessary by the two previous Governments and which we know are before the Department of Justice at the moment. I am optimistic, now that the first phase of the economic activity has been got out of the way for this year, that the Government will be able to move rapidly to bring about reform in these areas and that the commitment of community policing, first enunciated by the present Minister for Transport, Deputy Jim Mitchell, supported by the Garda sergeants, will also become a reality. When this whole package is implemented, developed and established it will generally improve our facilities to deal with this growing problem, and bring back the sense of confidence in the Government and in law and order which has been badly shattered in the last few years and has left people feeling very unprotected.

I disagree with the previous speaker that we have been approaching the problem with kid gloves in the last few years. We have totally failed to tackle the problem. The largest area of growing crime is among children. Our children's legislation dates back 80 years and is totally inadequate and unsuited to deal with the current problem. Child criminals are tagged on to the normal criminal system and are dealt with in an environment totally unsuited to their needs or unlikely to lead them to change their ways.

The most common resource available to judges is the use of probation. We have not given them the facilities to allow any other sanctions. We had the experience of a totally erratic Judiciary, the most outrageous example of which was in relation to a recent case where young offenders were involved.

This first step should be followed by a Children's Bill, improvement of the Garda Síochána and the development of community policing. If this was done the vigilante movement, which exists in a dangerous form, could be harnessed into a structured and ordered form and be of immense benefit to the community. This should be undertaken speedily.

The Bill is a new approach for us and deals with sanctions which may be imposed on people found guilty of various crimes. The type of crimes for which it could be used will be limited. We can learn from the experience of other countries. Such a Bill has proved to be successful in Britain where it was introduced not without hitches. It has been successful in Germany and other countries. One of its most attractive features is that it gives an opportunity to an offender for constructive activity in the community in a way which does not interfere with his normal training or employment rather than incarcerating him in an institution which would perhaps encourage his criminal tendencies. The experience in Germany has been that only a tiny percentage of offenders who have done community service work commit further crime. It compares with the juvenile liaison officer scheme where it is found that the use of the scheme results in a low level of recurrence of crime. If an offender is dealt with in any other way, such as serving a prison sentence or being involved with the courts, the tendency to return to crime is significantly higher.

I welcome the Bill because the experience in other countries shows that it works. When an offender is charged in a police station and later in court and put into an institution it is commonly accepted that he will meet with hardened criminals and instead of being rehabilitated is confirmed in his criminal techniques. He is removed from the community, cut off from constructive pursuits and important relationships such as family, friends and so on. The sanction of community service work will not be allowed to interfere with a person's employment or education. Admittedly it will not be suitable for a certain number of prisoners. Involvement in the scheme is voluntary. A person who commits a crime must accept the use of this method of sentencing. This is an important element in that the person must make a choice. That involves the criminal in a first positive act. In drug-related crimes the experience has been that people who choose the therapeutic community of Coolmine as an alternative to imprisonment have a high success rate in dealing with their problem. I can understand that the voluntary element will be controversial and people will ask who will choose it. The alternative sanction is such that a person who wishes to be rehabilitated will not choose it. The experience of the Coolmine community would lead one to believe that a well ordered community service operation could be nothing but therapeutic and constructive for those who engage in it.

Other speakers referred to community involvement. This is to be welcomed. It is undoubtedly a challenge to the community. There will be initial fears and worries about its use but these must be overcome. It is encouraging that the trade unions have given a cautious welcome to the Bill and are willing to meet the Minister. They would undoubtedly be represented on any committee dealing with the supervision of the Bill. It is encouraging that they have opened their arms to the Bill as their co-operation is vital. As Deputy Owen specifically outlined, it is very important that the community as a whole would also open itself to the possibilities of this Bill and look for ways in which they could co-operate for mutual benefit.

In my own constituency we have had the experience of the existing work programme for prisoners, which is on a different level and involves prisoners who are in closed units being released to do this kind of work. They built a scout hall which could not have been provided by the community because of lack of funds, even with grants from the State. There would have been no such facility available for the young people of the area without this programme. The quality of work was exceptional and a very good relationship developed between the local community and those involved in the scheme. This kind of activity is so different from the average prison experience and the possibility of extending it to persons probaly involved in their first minor crimes is very welcome. In relation to that scheme, it was especially encouraging to be at the informal opening of this hall and to see prisoners attending, some of whom had been released at that stage and some who were still serving sentences. Everyone benefits from this type of development. In relation to that, it is obviously extremely important that different types of work programmes are established involving community associations, residents' associations, hospitals, semi-State and State organisations who could develop projects suitable for involving young offenders in community services. Adequate staff should be made available in the probation service to supervise and order them.

I am very interested in some of the examples the Minister gave this morning of persons with a drink problem working in homes for alcoholics. Surely a lesson would be learned by a young alcoholic if he saw the long-term effect of alcoholism on other adults. That sort of imaginative, constructive approach to crime is long overdue.

The other element that is extremely important is that lives are being interfered with. Instead of interfering with their careers, homes and marriages because of one mistake, we should adopt this constructive approach which minimally interferes with their lives but which involves an element of retribution and constructive punishment. Anyone involved in dealing with social problems in our society have found this to be the best approach.

I hope the Minister will outline on Committee Stage the thinking behind the limitation on age. The young offender from 12 to 16 would particularly benefit from this approach and it would be very much more suitable for that age group to be engaged in that kind of work. I would like the Minister to reply to that and to consider whether the age could be reduced because, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, this problem of crime committed by the very young is extending and tendencies to drug taking and associated crime are constantly moving down to a younger age group. I anticipate that the age of criminal responsibility will be looked at in the new Children's Bill and there may be changes, but it will still involve the use of this or a similar Bill to deal with persons who are involved in crimes in this age group. If there are reasons for this limitation I would like to hear them. I regret the exclusion of a younger age group as they would benefit from constructive intervention in their lives.

The importance of tackling this problem in our community in a new way is an answer to the growing spiral of crime, especially in our cities. Deputy Brady referred to the crime figures released last week. We must all sit up and take notice of them as they are startling figures, especially in relation to Dublin city. Like Deputy Brady, I represent a Dublin north side constituency where the unusual feature of the last three or four years has been the way in which criminal activities have turned on the community itself. One tended in the past to have crimes of property directed against communities, groups and individuals with a great deal of property. I am not saying that any community deserves to have its property attacked but it is particularly sad to note the development in the last number of years where the poorer communities are being destroyed and attacked by their own people and the little they have is being eroded by the activities of vandals and criminals.

Deputy Owen referred to this problem and said that many young people do not fully appreciate what they are doing. I am aware that this is an explanation, but there is a double responsibility on the Government to maintain a firm commitment to certain levels of order for the good of the community and the individual, those who are suffering the crime and those who are perpetrating it. We must also take the kind of action necessary to break this cycle and try to understand why certain young people, although they are still in a minority, turn their energy to destructive purposes. We must look to the family environment from which they emerge. The family is not always to blame — there will always be the chronic offender — but many problems stem from perhaps one family in an area who are known to be responsible for crimes in the area. At present society only steps in either to lock them up or to impose various sanctions on them. The Bill is particularly attractive because society and the law will intervene in a constructive way which will offer the person an alternative pattern on which to model themselves instead of imposing a sentence on them which involves locking them up with those who have more developed criminal tendencies.

If this Bill is added to and strengthened by the recommendations of the task force on child care and a new Children's Bill comes before the Dáil in the next session or two, this will be a very important new direction for our laws and our courts. Society has failed and we as a Government have failed to deal with this problem over the years. It is extremely important that this quite original — in Irish terms — flexible and positive Bill gets maximum co-operation from the community and from the forces of law and order. It offers to our judges an alternative to the extensively overcrowded facilities which limit them to the only possible options of fines or the application of the Probation Act. The message must go out to the community that this is one of many proposals that this Government will be making in the whole job of tackling crime in this city and in the country as a whole. This is the first step, an important one which makes a great deal of sense on many levels. It is cheap, constructive and of more value to the individual and to the community in dealing with the type of criminal that it will suit than any other options which are available to the courts at present or which in any other proposed changes would be made available.

I am happy to welcome the proposals as outlined by the Minister for Justice. I repeat that I would like his comments at a later stage on the age limit and the possibility of extending it downwards. Again I support Deputy Owens' plea to be more involved in the community in particular. This Bill should be given an enthusiastic reception and it should be made to work to the maximum benefit possible to our community.

: I welcome this Bill and I thank the Minister for bringing it into the House. Some Members have said that this has taken some time and that is true. The Bill was almost ready last year. I am sure that it took the Minister some time to come to grips with new legislation on his table and it is to be welcomed that he has at the start of this session been able to bring the Bill forward. With other speakers I would say that it is just one of the Bills which we hope to see passed in this session. It is an important Bill which is trying to come to grips with some of the problems of crime and to rehabilitate and give some assistance to criminals who wish to be rehabilitated. Very often through no fault of their own offenders and wrongdoers are put away into places which are not suitable to the purpose and which do very little to change their attitude when they come out again. I am sure that many criminals engaged in small crime or crime of a more serious nature who wish to be rehabilitated will over the years take advantage of this Bill. For that reason I welcome it.

In some experiments which have taken place over recent years prisoners have been allowed out to do work, as the Minister mentioned, to build scouts' halls and take part in other community activities. These experiments were extremely successful and many jobs were done in the community that would not have been done otherwise. This brings a new realisation to the ordinary members of the community who often think of these offenders as totally unacceptable that given reasonable opportunity they can rehabilitate themselves. Many of the people who have spent years in the various institutions and custodial houses around the country would have benefited from the provisions of this Bill had it been in operation 20 years ago and the problems that we have now might well not be here. Children who have been involved in crimes and who have been thrown from one place to another and often not put in anywhere would have benefited from the type of conditions provided in this Bill.

I accept that the Minister has not been very long in his position and nobody can expect miracles overnight. He was not too long in office when he saw the problems in his own constituency over the Christmas period and this brought to him quick realisation of the law and order position which exists in our cities and to a lesser extent in rural areas today. I hope that he will see his way to bringing in The Criminal Jurisdiction Bill as soon as possible in an attempt to deal with some of the many matters in that Bill which the Fianna Fáil Government had almost ready last October. I know that he would wish to look at certain aspects of it and he might want to change certain things about which his own party feel strongly. There is an absolute obligation on him now as Minister for Justice — these are difficult times in which to be a Minister for Justice — to come forward with legislation that at least will help, along with this Bill and other means, to try to decrease the escalating level of crime in the cities, in his constituency, in my constituency and many others.

We are living in an age when one hears discussions everywhere on the acceptable level of violence. That is sad. Judging from the apathy from official sources it would seem that gangsters who rob banks and businesses, muggers and car thieves seem to emerge with more sympathy and rights than do law-abiding citizens going about their everyday affairs. Crimes, no matter how horrific, seem to be explained away and excused on some kind of socio-economic grounds. Unemployment and environment are given as reasons for a high level of crime. That is partly true in certain areas of Dublin and other cities. There is still an obligation to deal with some of the matters that the Garda have continually put forward as the reasons why they cannot cope with the problem or cannot get on top of it. "Cope" probably is the better word because they are a long way from getting on top of it. If they can cope in keeping it at some consistent level they will be doing a good job in society generally. On their own admission they have failed to do this in recent years. Everybody knows about the right to silence and bail. I would support consecutive rather than concurrent sentences for crimes committed by people while on bail. One big problem in the city today is that people know that if you are caught — which is unlikely anyway — and, which is more unlikely, if you are sentenced, before you are put away the thing to do is go out and do as many more jobs as you can because the sentence will be concurrent rather than consecutive. This is a loophole which the Garda have rightly campaigned against for a number of years and I think it will be amended in the Bill when the Minister brings it forward.

Regarding evidence, many things should be done which would make it less attractive for people to engage in criminal activity. I am referring to such matters as the question of evidence, the right of the Garda to question suspects and to get various information on their identity, addresses, explanations of the various property in their possession, and so on. The Garda cannot do that and therefore they cannot do their jobs. This point was made very clearly over the last year or two. The Garda should have power to search premises if there is reasonable ground for believing that criminal activity has taken place.

I am very concerned about the names of witnesses being taken. They should be excluded from statements and the book of evidence. These witnesses are often intimidated because it is easy for people to find their names and addresses. As a result they withdraw their evidence. The idea the Garda are putting forward is that we should make it more difficult for a criminal to threaten witnesses.

Nobody would disagree that we need a comprehensive updating of penalties for all crimes. They are seriously out of date and should be looked at regularly. The types of sentences — if they are imposed at all — imposed for serious crimes are ludicrous. Very often these criminals get short sentences but rarely serve them. If they did have to serve their full sentences it might help the situation. Many of our present day crimes, such as drug-pushing, are not mentioned in our legislation and should be included in the up-dated legislation. Drug-pushing is one of the most serious crimes in our cities today, yet tough sentences cannot be imposed on these people. It seems to be almost impossible to put away a drugpusher. I must congratulate the Garda because recently they managed to arrest and bring before the courts a number of the better known drug-pushers.

Crime is one of the areas in which people tend to get over-emotional and to say the problem is worse than it is. I do not think it is an exaggeration to say that it is at a very serious level in this city, which is a place I know better than most people who write about it because I spend a great deal of time talking to the people in my constituency and listening to the victims of crimes of vandalism, and the people who have to deal with the effects of these crimes. I would not say law and order has broken down, but we have gone a long way down that road. The Garda do their best but in certain parts of the city they say crime is so bad because they do not have the necessary support from organisations and institutions and particularly this House. They feel we have delayed giving them extra manpower. Last year when I sat around the Cabinet table we gave them a significant number of extra gardaí and more resources, but no matter how much money is spent to clear up this problem, it does not seem to help.

: The Deputy is wandering.

: The courts, the Garda and the people are trying to curtail what is a massive problem. I suggest that we do not police cities like Dublin in the traditional way. The Garda have admitted that if we continue to follow this line, the problem will get worse.

There are provisions in this Bill to deal in a new way with criminals. This is a start to solving the problem. In my view, the solution lies in community policing densely populated areas which have a high crime rate. The Garda sergeants have put forward very good proposals in this area and there is an obligation on the Government to implement some of those suggestions as quickly as possible. If that is not done and if we continue to fight crime in the traditional way, crime will continue to increase and, more important, the support of the community for the Garda will diminish. The Garda admit they are finding it very difficult to get support from the community in certain areas of this city. Many reasons can be put forward as to why that has happened. They say the main cause is a lack of manpower and the necessary resources. In most areas there is only a small number of people involved in crime, but one does not have to be a garda or a local clergyman to know who the criminals are.

We have a large number of gardaí and we have a very small number of criminals, yet this problem is increasing. I am not sure if the reason is an imbalance as to where the gardaí are based, if the existing legislation and powers are not strong enough to deal with the offenders when they are caught, or if there is the incentive to catch them, or, if they catch them, they cannot question them, but I am sure that community support for the Garda is at a very difficult stage.

People say they will have to deal with crime in their own way if the problem is not satisfactorily dealt with. It has been reported recently that I condone such a measure but that is not so. I listened to what I said a number of times but I never meant such a meaning to be taken from what I said. I am saying the Garda have to get on top of the crime situation and take control but to do that they need the necessary back-up by way of legislation, numbers and so on. This will help to solve the problem. If that is not done there will be a continuation of attacks on old people, robberies and so on.

The other night in my area a person over 70 years of age was harassed and petrol bombs were thrown at his door. This is a nightly occurrence. People say we are exaggerating and taking instances out of context, but that is not so. People are living under strain and stress and are being harassed in their own homes. This is a new trend in this city. It is irrelevant whether our crime figures are higher, lower or the same as a US city. We should work on the figures and the level of crime. It is a terrible thing to say that there is "an acceptable level of crime" or "an acceptable level of violence". Anyone who says that should think again.

The Garda have an obligation to try to eliminate the problem and they need help to do that. In the densely populated areas of the city where crime is escalating, and where the criminal operates freely despite the best efforts of the Garda, community policing is the solution. The Garda should be working with the social workers, community workers and the residents' leaders. It goes back to the original idea of policing which was done by the community for the protection of the community. We seem to have got away from that. Everybody talks about dealing with the problems. Nobody tries to prevent them.

Many gardaí seem to see their role as being to deal with crime. I do not see them that way. They should be trying to prevent crime. There were set up in 1922 to be protectors and peacemakers. They did not use guns. They wanted to dissociate themselves from the types of military bodies which were around in those days. They saw their function as being knit with the community, as being men on the beat trying to help and protect people. They should get back to that role today. We cannot do that overnight. We cannot afford the numbers of gardaí needed to achieve community policing in widespread areas.

On the 1981 crime figures 60 per cent of national crime was committed in the metropolitan areas. A large percentage of that figure was committed in small areas within the metropolitan areas. Crime still is not widespread. I could tell the House the five or six locations in this city where heroin is pushed. I could nearly tell the House who is doing the pushing. So could the Garda and everybody else working in those communities. Unfortunately, down through the years the Garda and the community have become divorced from one another to a large extent. To eliminate crime in this city the Garda must again become close knit with the community. We need the man on the beat who knows what is happening, instead of just working in divisional areas.

: As I have said to other Deputies, I would be grateful if the Deputy would get back to the Bill before us. I am very well aware of his concern about this matter.

: This is a community service Bill. It is the first of a number of Bills which the Minister will be bringing before us. I support the concept of community service in its broadest sense. I see a changed role for the Garda. They should see themselves as preventers of crime, as being involved locally and actively with groups and associations who deal with delinquents of one kind or another. The probation officers and others will recommend suitable cases to be covered by this Bill. We need proper liaison in local areas.

In places like Sheriff Street and other flat areas in the centre city there are huge unemployment and environmental problems. As has been proved in other cities, because of the social problems there is also a high level of crime. To deal with it the Garda have to get involved with the people in those areas, not drive through them at 70 miles per hour. I sympathise with them. I have spoken several times to gardaí from rural areas when they come to Dublin. With no disrespect to them——

: The Deputy is driving himself away from the Bill.

: They try to police these areas and do a good job. It is very difficult. Unless the Garda in these areas are from the community or connected with the community, they cannot play a constructive role. The Minister and his officials have a hard job in trying to deal with a problem which is escalating every day. They have to try to come up with solutions and to enact legislation which is not seen as a harassment of the local community and at the same time gives the Garda the necessary powers. The Minister should realise there are other ways of dealing with this. People would be glad to spend extra money to solve this problem. Our society is overtaxed at the moment, but if people thought money was being spent properly to provide services such as those suggested in this Bill, they would be happy to pay. Having 200 men spread out over all the districts will have no effect. We have to get away from the conventional way of policing.

A number of community facilities could be built within the inner city by people who committed crimes. If they were working in their own areas building social centres and scouts' halls, they would see the good they could do for their own areas. At the moment they see only the destruction. Many young people between 16 and 19 years of age steal and rob and take cars. They do not realise that what they are doing is wrong. Nobody explains it to them. If they are charged and sentenced, and if they spend a number of hours on community work, and meet the social workers and gardaí, they will change their attitude.

That is far better than taking ten young boys out of Sheriff Street and sending them to Loughan House for six months, and then bringing them back to Sheriff Street. That does nothing for them. Unfortunately we have continued to cod ourselves and fool ourselves. I should hate us to continue doing that. When these people are arrested and charged, if they are put back into their own environment to work on social centres and services to help their own communities, that will be far better than locking them up in Mountjoy. They should be put back into their own community to work with people who can identify their problems and help them, and perhaps sort them out.

Very often in this city it is not the deprived areas which get the money. The question of equality and opportunity arises. People in the wealthier areas can produce very good documentation and dossiers showing why they should have community facilities. Some facilities are needed everywhere, but they are now built in areas where they are not really needed because there is parental control and the drug problem, lawlessness and vandalism do not exist to the same extent as elsewhere.

The money is not given to the inner cities where the unfortunate people live. Numerous organisations and voluntary bodies would be only too glad to have community centres built in these areas. Companies and businesses would be prepared to fund them, as they do at the moment. I do not want to paint a picture which is all gloom. In some of the parishes in the inner city, firms and companies have put up substantial sums of money to help the community to build their own centres and recreation halls. Young offenders should not be shifted down to the country to work on community service, but put back into their own areas under supervision where they would meet people who would be able to help them in the future when they are out of custodial care.

There is much talk nowadays about law and order and the rising rate of crime and unfortunately some people who have difficult jobs to do regard everything that is said as criticism. We must not get to the stage that we only react to events. I stress to the Minister not to be afraid to take the initiative and to adopt new ideas. If we reform the courts, get this Bill through and have a new Criminal Justice Bill, that would be worth while. We cannot put our heads in the sand at a time that the crime rate is soaring. At the moment old people are afraid to go to Mass in the mornings or to shop in the afternoons. Many of them never go out at night. Attendances at the bingo centres in town have declined. Even though action taken by the authorities may be criticised, it is important that something be done. Otherwise, the crime rate will continue to escalate and in ten years time people in this House will still be talking about the problem. Officials in the Department of Justice will be bringing forward new Bills and Ministers will try to defend impossible positions. In the interests of the community, of the victims of crime and those who inflict crime on others, we must try to find new ways to deal with the matter. It has been done in other countries and we will have to do it here. Otherwise we will be failing in our job and we will not enhance our role as legislators.

: In common with a number of speakers I should like to place on record my approval of this Bill. I echo the sentiments expressed by others with regard to the increased level of crime. There are a number of factors contributing to this, such as the rising level of unemployment and the growth of urban areas. While people in the larger urban areas seem to be experiencing a much greater level of criminal activity than people from rural areas, nevertheless the problem is serious throughout the country and it has to be faced up to by the legislators. I recognise there are difficulties with regard to providing suitable accommodation for those sentenced for crimes.

The rising level of crime has created many difficulties. To throw a person into an institution for a few months will not solve the problem. When a crime is committed against the State there must be some level of retribution. I accept that this Bill will not solve all the problems but the procedures set out in it have been successful in other countries, in particular in the UK and in the North of Ireland and their urban and social problems are far greater than ours. The fact that we are prepared to consider various means to deal with criminality is an important step forward.

A point that must be made is that sentences for similar offences vary from judge to judge. Recently an unfortunate person was convicted of a drunk driving charge but because he did not know his rights he got a jail sentence which I thought most inappropriate. I do not condone driving under the influence of drink but if the person in the case I mentioned had known his rights he could have appealed. He had no financial resources and I considered the law had failed grievously in his case. He spent three weeks in Limerick prison and was released when one-third of his sentence was completed. People are taken into custody at great expense to the State: in many cases police officers have to travel many miles at State expense, but the offenders are released the following day because accommodation is not available. A feature of the problem is that the same people keep turning up in the courts. A person may commit a minor crime and be sentenced to an institution. In such a place he may meet hardened criminals and become tainted. Releasing that person into the community to face again the same problems is of no help.

I am pleased to note that the offender must consent to community work before he is given that work. That is most appropriate. The success of this Bill will depend on the degree of acceptance to do certain kinds of community work and to carry it out under supervision. Once a person is convicted in the court it leaves a certain blemish on his character, at least in the minds of other people, and this is grossly unfair in many instances. By doing some community work such offenders will be seen to make a positive contribution to the society they have injured. There are many options available to the courts and I think they will lead to a decrease in demand for the institutionalisation of prisoners. It will also release space for prisoners who must be committed. Accommodation is extremely expensive and from recently published figures it is clear that the overall cost of keeping people in prison has risen astronomically and is continually increasing. The level of income of some of the prison officers is far in excess of what it should be and there are also growing dangers for the safety of these prison officials. For that reason, they are demanding additional payments to exercise control over certain types of prisoners.

It has always been part of the payment to society that a person who commits a serious crime be institutionalised. When the offender is of good behaviour over a certain period of time he is given a fair reduction of sentence, which should be the case. Special consideration should be given to those not in the normal sense real criminals, who commit crimes of a minor nature and who may have learnt from their experience. By committing such persons to prison, one may be doing great damage. Sending them out into society willing to make a contribution would be extremely successful and I am delighted that this is being attempted under the provisions of this Bill.

There is a variety of works of which various communities are in need. Sometimes funds can be raised by the local community, but supervision of this type of work is of extreme importance. We already have youth work programmes and some excellent community centres have resulted from these. This is because they have been exceptionally well supervised by very competent people. It is precisely on that point that I commend to the Minister to give very serious consideration to the level of supervision of this type of work. Without proper supervision I cannot foresee any benefit to the community. I have discussed this aspect with people involved in the repatriation of criminals at various age levels, who feel that this Bill can only be successful if the level of supervision is appropriate to the level of the crime committed and people are paid for this work. That has been suggested in the Bill. To make this scheme a success it must command a certain funding over and above what is now available.

In the countries which have tried this type of programme, to which reference has already been made, it has been exceptionally successful. Various pilot schemes have initially been created, for example in Britain, and arising from their success rate the programme was extended and the Bill amended and updated. It now covers the entire country. Considerable benefits have accrued from the fact that the levels of achievement were studied and the schemes improved and there has been considerable input into this work by the various community organisations and, indeed, by the police.

Mention has been made of the level of and increase in crime and also the level of policing. There is a demand, particularly in the urban areas, for additional numbers of gardaí. The gardaí should not be operating in a remote controlled form. They should be part of the community, must identify with it and be seen at all times to do so. That is not the case and I do not know why. Various police statistics claim that the level of indictable crime is not increasing to the extent that people claim. In rural areas almost every village had a police station, with an almost 24-hour service. These men were seen to be part of the community but, unfortunately, that is no longer the situation, which is most regrettable, although there is the presence of squad cars.

Significantly, over the Christmas period advertisements warned that drunken driving would be severely impugned and that there would be quite a large increase in the level of policing. I drove around frequently and encountered only one police block. There was no physical evidence of increased levels of policing, but that it was in the minds of people that they would be fined or lose their licences was a serious deterrent against driving under the influence of drink. That campaign was successful last year, but to what extent will it be successful again? Much as I regret saying so, it will not have the same degree of success again unless there is a very definite police presence and they are seen to be stopping people. I would not wish people to be fined or convicted of the crime of drunkenness and once people know that the police will be there, they will refrain from driving when drunk.

Extreme levels of unemployment exist in all the major cities, not only in Dublin, but even in my own city of Kilkenny and in the city of Waterford in which I also lived. These cities have unacceptable levels of unemployment. Arising particularly out of the level of youth unemployment, there is a degree of poverty and deprivation, with an obvious effect on those involved. They take it out on society in various ways. Car thefts are on the increase, particularly in the major areas. We must have community work which will fit the type of crime committed. Over a time, it could be most beneficial to the community.

It has been suggested in the Bill that helping the disabled and the old is a most desirable type of community work. Other commendable examples are the development of scout centres and of community centres. It is to be hoped that in 12 months time we will be able to report a tremendous level of success in this regard.

The probation officers and welfare officers have constant contact with people. However, they might not necessarily be the right choice to supervise people who have been sentenced and have agreed to do certain levels of community work. Perhaps someone totally different could be engaged who could teach them a trade and give them a new insight into community activities. This would be helpful. Sometimes these offenders have a certain loathing for police officers and welfare officers, but perhaps that situation could be improved.

The fact that the work will not interfere with the normal work of the offender is to be applauded, but in most cases people who commit crimes punishable under the provisions of this Bill will not have any work. The type of crime envisaged will be committed by people of 16 years and over who will not have any work. It must be remembered that there is a great variety of crime. In the future probably there will be more people convicted who will already have had one or two convictions for drunken driving or drugs abuse, but many other offences could command a mandatory prison sentence. Taking into account the background of such people sending them to prison perhaps would be the wrong approach. It is precisely those circumstances — the notion of criminals paying back to the community — for which this Bill has been designed.

The general level of policing within the community is very important and something to which thought must be given. I made the point about having a fulltime police presence in most communities. Whether or not we realise it, whether it be because of lack of finance or otherwise — and that must be taken in to account in these difficult times—we are creating no-go areas. Reference was made to vigilante groups. I totally dissociate myself from such groups. I should hate to see that type of development take place in our democracy because it is totally unacceptable. We have an excellent police force who do, and have done, an excellent job over the years. Nonetheless sometimes they are seriously impeded by various laws that prevent them from getting the necessary convictions.

: I might appeal to the Deputy to confine his remarks to the Bill.

: I make that point because the Bill is designed so that the normal, convicted person can undertake certain community work. However there are people in respect of whom we are unable to get a conviction. If we could get such convictions the provisions of this Bill would be a most appropriate way of getting them to make recompense to society for some offence they had committed.

This is an exceptionally important Bill which I recommend to every Member of the House. I am certain its provisions will prove significantly advantageous and beneficial to all communities provided there is a will on the part of all people concerned about rising crime, about unemployment, particularly among young people, people who are concerned about the level of deprivation obtaining in a number of our communities. It carries the significant advantage that, at the end of the day the community will have benefited tangibly from the commital of a crime by a person who would normally be institutionalised, with no hope of reformation for himself in regard to his attitude towards crime. At least such people will be able to say: "Arising out of that crime I made a contribution towards the community".

I feel the provisions of this Bill will prove to be worth while.

(Dublin North-West): While welcoming this Bill I am not sure it goes far enough in alleviating the type of crime I hear of daily as a Dublin Deputy, about which I read in the papers and am told constantly by my constituents.

I see listed in this little booklet the type of tasks an offender will be asked to undertake. Perhaps many of these tasks would have been appropriate for criminals five, six, or seven years ago, but I cannot envisage the type of criminal of today, or anybody supervising them, settling down to undertake this type of work, such as helping in residential children's homes, pre-school groups and youth clubs or decorating old people's homes. We have in this city a huge litter problem. The walls of our city are covered in graffiti. There is a lot of other work that could be undertaken in the community by such criminals but I cannot envisage them fitting into the type of work listed in this booklet.

The Minister said this morning that additional prison accommodation would be provided in the near future. We all welcome that, but equally I feel we should not provide hotel-like accommodation for criminals such has been done in the past. Certainly I do not think some fo them should be provided with televisions, video, radio or even newspapers because some of them are in there only to organise more crime when they emerge. Court sentences today are in many cases a joke. I might refer to the murder of the young man in Fairview about which there was widespread concern expressed at the attitude of the judge in that case. It was utterly ridiculous. In a case like that I do not know whether a new trial can be demanded. The strange thing is that those people walked out of court scot-free and organised a victory parade through the city from the GPO to Fairview. That constitutes nothing short of making a joke of the law. There are many citizens with no confidence whatsoever in the courts. Because of lack of prison accommodation we know that many prisoners sentenced in court for serious crimes are released after a few weeks. They go back onto the streets to rob homes, shops, banks; they are doing so even while on bail. As recently as Sunday last I heard on radio an old woman say she had been beaten up and robbed several times. In the Isle of Man, a small little island, there is none of this type of crime because there is there a provision that the birch will be used in respect of people who commit crimes of the type we are referring to. I recall listening to the man promoting tourism in the Isle of Man, I think on the Gay Byrne programme, who when asked to what extent the birch was used replied "Very rarely" because he said the fear of it acted as a deterrent.

Having regard to the way that crime has escalated here, the birch is needed to deal with the problem. In my area the local church has been the target. Every shrine in it has been smashed and robbed while the doors and windows have been broken. Only last week three children between the ages of five and eight were apprehended but all the Garda could do was to take them to the local Garda station and release them later that evening. We have reached the stage in this city where people are afraid to walk the streets in daylight. After dark the situation is intolerable. If one knocks on a door at night in some parts of the city the occupants of the house will not be prepared to answer the knock. One shop in my constituency has been robbed 13 times in the past 18 months. While the criminal concerned has not been caught in the act it is known that he is a man who has been released from prison on several occasions having served only a short time on each occasion for the various crimes of which he was found guilty.

Another serious problem is the stealing and burning of cars. Apart from the loss of the cars to the people concerned there is the further dimension of stolen cars being involved subsequently in the murder of people. People are killed on the roads by so-called joy riders. Some may describe death caused in this way as manslaughter but I would refer to it as murder. The Garda, to whom the community have always looked for protection, are now the targets of these criminals. Patrol cars have been rammed in this city on many occasions leaving the occupants to run for their lives. I cannot find anything in this Bill that will alleviate that problem.

Concern has been expressed about the administration of the work scheme. I understand that the Minister will have power to make the rules and regulations governing the legislation, but I would consider Army personnel to be the most suitable people to supervise the work that offenders will be asked to do.

In the past we considered tourism to be a very good industry but people no longer wish to come here especially people who were robbed on a previous visit. They will not be likely to come back.

Traffic offences represent another problem. People found guilty in this respect should be included in this work scheme. It is usual to see motorists breaking the lights in this city and as a result being involved in serious accidents. Motorists who damage property should have to pay for that property.

I note that the sentence in respect of the work scheme will be from 40 to 200 hours. That is not enough. The Minister has said that an offender who was at work or who was attending college would be allowed to undertake the work imposed on him in respect of an offence at times that could be arranged so that his regular work or his studies would not be interrupted. I do not agree with that because it would make matters too easy for the offender. His lifestyle should be interrupted because the more difficult he finds the situation, the less likelihood there will be of his committing crime again.

Perhaps failure to enforce the law is the greatest cause of concern in the community today. I welcome the Bill but I have reservations about it. Perhaps much of what has been omitted will be included in the Criminal Justice Bill.

: I have been here during most of this debate and I realise that it would be difficult to have a debate on this legislation without discussing such questions as the level of crime, the need for other legislation or the behaviour of the Garda. Perhaps this is understandable since we live in extraordinary times in terms of crime and violence. However, while I wish to restrict myself in so far as possible to the Bill, I shall refer to the constituency concern with the present crime levels.

Increasingly TDs are being asked to attend meetings in their constituencies. Almost weekly I am asked to attend a meeting of some women's group and I find that the people concerned are anxious to talk to me mostly about law and order. I find that more than anything else these organisations are anxious to tell me about the lack of law and the awful disorder in their communities. In urban areas particularly the problem is very serious. Those of us who represent urban constituencies are aware of the frustration and the sense of helplessness on the part of constituents. One must question how these people will relate to the idea of community service orders and to offenders working in the community. I am thinking of a typical residential area in my constituency to which I was asked to go because of the imminent setting up of a vigilante group. I was asked to go there and to listen to the problems that the people were experiencing. I complied with that request and the evening was one of the best that I could have spent. The area involved a cul-de-sac type of estate and I was told firsthand of the incidence of crime there. One of the complaints that these people had was the Garda in the area were not sufficiently responsive to appeals for help with the result that the community felt they had been abandoned. Subsequently I helped to organise liaison between these people and the local Garda and I was told that the area could be assessed in terms of easy access for the purpose of crime. I asked the people to send me a list of all the crimes they were talking of and on receipt of that list one would be forgiven for getting the impression that the major criminals were going out to the area in tour buses. There was an astonishing level of crime there in a period of two to three months. We must ask how people who are so distressed about their property, about their children and about their own safety are to respond to the idea of offenders who may have robbed their houses or stolen their cars being given an easy option by the judge making a decision that instead of sending them to jail — some people feel that it is the only retribution for crimes against the community — ordering them to do week-end jobs. I am optimistic about this because I am committed to the notion that we should be getting away from the present system. We must look at more alternatives to prison than we have at present.

The Minister told us that the legislation will come into operation when he makes the necessary order and that the selection and necessary training of staff for the new scheme will take some time. That is not a bad thing because we must prepare for the operation of this new system and hopefully we will have the other criminal justice legislation before the House prior to the scheme coming into operation. We have been told that the procedure proposed is effective in other countries but we must bear in mind that, for instance, in continental Europe, people are more law-abiding and accustomed to more rigid enforcement than we are. I would not like to see the Swiss system introduced here. In that country people are told the time of the morning when they can put out their dustbins and when they should bring them in again. The reality is that people in those countries are accustomed to carrying identity cards and rigidly recognising traffic laws. For that reason they adapt to systems which are more humane and rehabilitative. It may be that the Bill is being introduced at an inappropriate time but that should not be a deterrent. It should be a challenge to us all. We have an ideal opportunity to explain to people what will develop from the legislation. Many people who are distressed and upset at the level of crime are also upset when people look for harsh and severe recriminations against offenders. At times groups such as residents' associations, women's groups and others, have suggested that proposals such as those in the Bill should be introduced.

A sentencing judge will have to make a decision about whether an offender is suitable for a community service sentence and that poses the question of what will happen to an offender who has a psychiatric or a severe psychological problem which may have influenced the crime. Will such an offender be disqualified from such an order because he has that problem and as a result be sent to prison? That would be undesirable and unhelpful to the prisoner. I am aware that about 40 per cent of those who go to prison here have reasonable to serious psychological and psychiatric problems. Those problems are not detected before those people go to prison and are not detected or treated in prison. I am not suggesting that people who have problems that may not be apparent but may become exaggerated in the atmosphere of a prison should be cut off or disqualified from a system that may be more helpful to them.

The question of finance has been raised by many Members and it was dealt with by the Minister in his speech. If we look at the cost of maintaining our prison population, the number of people in prison and the bad record of rehabilitation, we will come to the conclusion that it should be a case of transferring funds for maintaining offenders in prisons to fund schemes that will give them an opportunity of repaying the community for the crimes they committed. With regard to the number of committals to prison I should like to quote from the December 1981 issue of Horizon, the journal of the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors. An article in that issue states:

Of the total number committed to prison in 1980, 24 per cent were 21 years or under.

It is intersting to look at the ages because this legislation refers to young prisoners. The article in Horizon continues:

In 1976 the figure was 25 per cent. In the past five years the percentage of the male prison population under 21 has remained much the same but there has been a dramatic increase in the number of females under 21 who have been committed — from 36 per cent in 1976 to 45 per cent in 1980.

On the question of the rehabilitation of prisoners the article states:

It is difficult to judge how successful the rehabilitative process within the prison system is but if one is to take the number of offenders being committed to prison who have already been "in" before the signs are not encouraging. Almost seven out of every ten prisoners have previously served "time" [That is very high]. The actual number in 1980 was 65 per cent — 3 per cent more than in 1976. 35 per cent of this number had previously served once to five times, 22 per cent served five to 20 times and 8 per cent had served over 20 times. In the five year period there has been a steady increase in the number of persons being committed who had been in prison before, especially in the one to five times category.

Those statistics must pose the question: What is the point of high expenditure on a system which does not appear to be doing anything for the people concerned? I am glad that there will be an involvement of welfare and probation officers when the sentence is passed and the order is made. Presumably there will be fairly intensive participation.

There is a problem with crime families where young boys systematically graduate to a career in crime. I have spoken with the mothers of some of these families and I feel it would be beneficial to involve a welfare officer with such a family in the context of a community service order. At present these families are abandoned outcasts. People tend to think of Mafia-type criminal families and I accept that they exist but I am thinking of, perhaps, large families in small houses where children become involved in petty crime and it becomes a way of life. This tends to be a behaviour pattern in the family and it is difficult to break the cycle. I believe much good could be done by the involvement of welfare workers.

The Minister referred to the types of crimes with which this legislation will deal. I would be horrified to think that people convicted of crimes of rape or other similarly violent crimes would benefit from it. Certain definite exclusions would have to be incorporated. I would also question whether it might be possible for prisoners already serving sentences to apply to have their sentences changed by way of a community service order so that they could have the benefit of facilities which will be available to those before the courts following the passage of this Bill.

I will consider the matter of women in prison. I have already given figures which show that there has been an increase in the number of women offenders but we are talking about an increase in a very small minority group. Women form only a very small proportion of the entire prison population. There were 18 women prisoners in Mountjoy in 1980 compared with 422 men. In Limerick prison the figure is slightly higher — ten women compared to 118 men — because there are more long-term prisoners there. I believe we do not need another prison for women because the problem of women offenders is not a serious issue and I would propose that community service orders should be made in respect of them. I have been in court and seen poor, disadvantaged women being sentenced to three or four months' imprisonment for being drunk and disorderly. This should be unacceptable to us. Perhaps it is felt that it is a worse crime for a woman to be drunk and disorderly rather than a man. Many women are in prison because of minor offences such as drunkenness and shoplifting and very few of them have committed crimes of violence. Community service orders could well be made in respect of women offenders and could possibly halve the number of women prisoners in Mountjoy, probably about 28. There are about 500 men serving sentences there, many of them having been convicted of violent crimes.

We should welcome this alternative and encourage the community to accept and understand the reason for it. Prison sentences are not the answer. Anyone who has visited our prisons and seen the life there, particularly in Mountjoy which is very old, must understand the horror of it. The Minister mentioned that prisoners are one to a cell but I think there are instances where there are more. It is very like living one's life in a brush cupboard with no privacy, cut off from family, very tense and entirely boring. An alternative to this type of incarceration must be welcomed.

I wish to pay tribute to the members of the welfare service who are very committed and humanitarian in their approach. I am sure they will be watching to see how this legislation progresses. It is important that it be handled carefully and that we should project the idea that it is a positive move which will be an asset in terms of prison reform. It must be perceived by the community as a means by which they will be positively involved with offenders. Deputy Keating pointed out that there may be initial problems and that there will be people standing by ready to say "we told you so" if it is not successful. We must allow for some mistakes and not condemn this measure. It certainly represents a move in the right direction and we will have other legislation which will give a balance in terms of the frustrations which the community are feeling. We will address ourselves to the fears which people have expressed during this debate about the level of crime. I hope the community service order will not only be accepted in the House but will be supported as well.

Debate adjourned.
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