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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 16 Dec 1983

Vol. 346 No. 12

Estimates 1984. - Adjournment of Dáil: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That the Dáil at its rising on 16th December do adjourn for the Christmas recess until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 18th January, 1984.
—(The Taoiseach).

Mr. Coughlan

When I moved the adjournment of this debate I was speaking about salmon fishing. I will conclude my remarks on fisheries by stating that I am totally dissatisfied with the moneys allocated for fisheries development in 1984. The amount will not help the development of the industry, because it is only a fraction of what is necessary to develop our sea and inland fisheries.

In his speech the Taoiseach referred to a Bill dealing with hours of work. There is an effort by the Government to present that measure as a significant and major contribution towards alleviating unemployment. I understand this legislation has been talked about since 1978 or 1979. I cannot see how it will create any worthwhile jobs. It has been suggested that in this time of recession the total number of new jobs created will be very low, probably in the region of 5,000 or 6,000. It will depend for its success on the goodwill of employers and workers. It is likely that substantial claims will be made to compensate employees for loss of overtime and there will be further demands for pay increases. I do not think the legislation will create an upsurge of new jobs. Unless there is a radical upturn in the economy it will have little significance so far as employment is concerned. I challenge the Taoiseach and the Minister for Labour to spell out the number of jobs that will be created as a result of this Bill. I should also like to know if the Government have got the approval of the unions. Has any estimate been made of what is likely to be sought by employees by way of compensation for loss of overtime when the legislation is passed?

It is my belief the Bill is being used as a smokescreen by the Government to shroud the real issues. It will not resolve the current chaotic situation and it is further evidence of the bankruptcy of ideas of this Government. I urge them to change their policy of cutting back on vital areas that affect the unemployment figures. Decisions to curtail finances for agencies dealing with industrial development at a time when there are 250,000 unemployed is a recipe for anarchy. I warn the Government that as far as the young unemployed are concerned the Government are walking into a minefield. If they continue along the present lines of creating by their inaction economic stagnation, depression and recession the minefield will explode and there is a possibility that the Government will go with it.

At the outset I wish to take the opportunity to welcome my party colleague, Deputy Quinn, as a member of the Cabinet with the important and responsible job of Minister for Labour. As a Deputy he has always contributed significantly to the work of the House and has completed a year of solid and substantial performance as Minister of State. I should also like to welcome publicly my colleague, Deputy Pattison, as Minister of State at the Department of Social Welfare. As a long-serving Member of this House his qualities are well known to us all. I should like also to refer to the recent resignation of my parliamentary and party colleague, Deputy Cluskey, from the Cabinet. I have already paid a public tribute to him for his able work as Minister in his Department and for his contribution to the formation and implementation of Government policy in the past year. I wish now to reiterate in this House my appreciation of his efforts in the past 12 months with regard to the administration of affairs of State.

I am satisfied that when these Estimates are examined carefully — an exercise not so far undertaken by a number of commentators including those on the opposite benches — they will be shown to have hit a correct balance. For many years we have developed a Public Service which provides a wide range of economic and social services which are essential in a modern, caring society. We have no interest in and have not attempted to reverse that trend but we recognise that because of the current state of the nation's finances we must make those services more economical and efficient. We must be prepared to look critically at services that are expanding at a rate faster than necessary or that may no longer be fully essential. However, the primary consideration for us always must be concern for the needs of the poor and underprivileged. Our approach to economies in public expenditure can best be expressed by a commitment to manage those services, ensuring that they are delivered speedily to those who need them and in a way that is most cost-effective to those who pay for them.

The aim of controlling public expenditure is to ensure that the burden carried by those who pay and who, in addition, must carry the weight of our national indebtedness can be lessened. As Tánaiste and Minister for Energy, I look forward to taking control of an area that is at the crossroads of Irish economic development. My responsibilities embrace not just energy policy generally but also the development of native resources, minerals, turf, natural gas and, we hope, oil. I also intend to ensure that the possibilities of renewable green sources of energy are properly demonstrated and assessed.

While I have not yet had an adequate opportunity to review all the aspects of my Department's work, I should like to take this opportunity to indicate those aspects of energy and resource policy which I believe to be particularly significant. In 1982 Ireland imported two-thirds of its primary energy requirement. These supplies are volatile and supplies and prices are uncertain. The conclusion I draw from this is that the optimal and rational utilisation and development of our indigenous energy resources must be accorded a very high priority. It will involve continuing assessment and decisions in relation to the utilisation and development of turf, natural gas and electricity. It will involve development of the framework envisaged in the 1976 licensing terms for the delineation and development of offshore oil and gas.

I also attach importance to ensuring that the potential and possibilities of native renewable energy resources are fully explored. There have been significant changes in the energy situation over the last ten years. Demand for energy has stabilised, and even declined, and there has been major substituation of oil by natural gas. In 1978 the publication Energy Ireland predicted an annual average growth rate of 7.3 per cent per annum; but the reality shows energy consumption has hardly grown at all since then, with a growth of under 1 per cent per annum. This suggests to me that while we try to make the best predictions for the future we must also ensure a maximum degree of flexibility in our planning. Overdependence on any one source must be reduced and alternative and fall-back positions must be put in place.

It is significant that a number of the State's most effective and important agencies are in the energy area, the ESB, Bord na Móna, Bord Gáis and the Irish National Petroleum Corporation. Two of these agencies, the ESB and Bord na Móna, have been adversely affected in their planning and development by changes in the energy market. Bord Gáis, on the other hand, have developed from a paper company in 1975 to becoming a most important energy agency. INPC are now the largest single supplier of oil to the country, meeting 35 per cent of our requirements and their performance can have a dominant effect in both the cost and security of oil supplies.

I will not attempt at this stage to list the challenges and choices that face these agencies over the next few years but I intend to ensure that the resources and expertise available in these agencies are applied systematically and consistently, first to overcoming the problems of development of energy supply and to ensuring the maximum possible contribution of these agencies to economic development.

I should like to review briefly the priorities I see in the development of natural gas. The Kinsale Head gas field has already transformed the Irish energy supply position; one-fifth of our energy is now supplied by natural gas and its direct distribution in Dublin should improve competition in energy markets, thereby improving the lot of consumers generally. The Kinsale development has been of considerable benefit to the Exchequer, the ESB and gas consumers. It has also made possible the agreement concluded by my predecessor to supply domestic users in Northern Ireland, thus enabling genuine co-operation to mutual advantage. It will be a priority for me to see the agreement to supply gas to Northern Ireland implemented and the requisite pipeline built and operational during my period of office.

As far as other natural gas developments are concerned, I will be carefully reviewing the options which exist. I shall consider in particular what kind of role the public sector might play and what the most appropriate mechanisms might be. My predecessor inaugurated a process of corporate planning for semi-State bodies and I look forward to receiving plans from those bodies in the energy sector.

I should like to say a few words about my approach to offshore oil and mineral development. The Government are committed to keeping in place an active and expanding oil exploration programme and to facilitating the production and discovery of oil. Successful exploration is the key to the development of our offshore resources. I will be seeking as a matter of priority ways of accelerating exploration efforts. The role of the Government in this will be to maximise the return to the State from development of oil within the framework of the agreed licensing terms. It is the intention of Government to secure for the State the maximum benefit under the licensing terms in all cases where the prospects are fully commercial. It is my intention to ensure that the letter and the spirit of the licensing terms will be observed, not just by Government but by all parties. As a result of the second licensing round, which saw many new companies attracted to the Celtic Sea off the south coast of Ireland, in 1983 we entered a new phase in exploration in that base. This year's drilling programme, which involved six wells in the Celtic Sea, reflected a reawakening of interest in the hydrocarbon potential of that area. The result of Gulf's 49.2 has, understandably, commanded considerable public attention. The final result of the testing of Gulf's second well on block 49.9 was announced on 26 August 1983. The aggregate oil flows from three different levels was 9,901 barrels of good quality oil per day, while a fourth level flowed 2.1 million cubic feet per day of gas. This is the best result so far of a testing operation in offshore oil.

Probably the most immediate beneficiary result from the test flows on block 49.9 has been their confirmation of the reservoir potential of the Celtic Sea basin. This has had the effect of focussing even greater industry attention on the overall potential of the area. I am very pleased by this: a very large number of companies have expressed interest in acquiring blocks off the south coast. This is indicative of a new confidence in the prospects for the area. I believe, therefore, that we must now strive to secure an intensive exploration of the basin. This will enable us to make a better assessment of the total potential of the Celtic Sea than is now possible on the basis of the available seismic data and the relatively limited amount of drilling already done in the area. In this regard my Department have been reviewing policy in relation to the Celtic Sea and no allocations of blocks in this area will be made pending the outcome of this review.

With regard to the mineral scene, the general picture in 1983 was not encouraging. The number of exploration licences has fallen considerably — to about 400 or 500 compared with more than twice that number a few years ago. This trend has resulted from the lapse of time since the last commercial discovery, the fall in metal prices in recent years and the general escalation of costs. However, the improvement in zinc prices and the fall in the value of the Irish pound against the dollar have helped Tara Mines to return to profitability and, following the decision of An Bord Pleanála confirming planning permission for an underground mine, every effort is being made to bring the Bula ore body to production also. The gypsum mines are also managing to maintain reasonable production.

I will be considering with my Department what measures we can take which might stimulate increased exploration. I will also be concerned to ensure that the resources of the geological survey office will be fully harnessed in order to assist in the appraisal and development of our mineral resources.

I wish to refer briefly to remarks made by the leader of the Fianna Fáil Party during the debate on the Cabinet changes on Tuesday. Deputy Haughey said that the kindest thing that could be said about the Tánaiste was that he had failed to make his mark on the Department of the Environment. I listened carefully to Deputy Haughey, and with a certain degree of satisfaction, during that debate. His contribution continually called to mind the remark often attributed to Daniel O'Connell—"When I am praised in the House of Commons then I start to examine my conscience". Deputy Haughey presided over a Government that had no precedent in this or any other country. I am reminded of the circumstances in which Deputy Haughey presided, all the more forcibly now, when I reflect on the considerations that I had in mind during the various discussions that led to the formation of the present Government. All that I knew of Deputy Haughey then, not to mention what I discovered later, helped me to form the view that a Government led by him would be diametrically opposed to the interests of this country.

I should like to remind the House of some of the things that were known then. Deputy Haughey's Government issued approval for community halls all round the country, even though in many cases no application for funds had been received from the areas concerned. Deputy Haughey's Government turned industrial relations in the public service on their heads by overturning an arbitration award in relation to teachers at three o'clock in the morning. Deputy Haughey's Government was the Government which, in the words of one of the commentators of the day, would offer to build bridges even where there were no rivers if they thought there was a vote in it. We have seen the Deputy Haughey of the Talbot deal, the Gregory deal and the Deputy Haughey who toned down his republicanism when he was talking to The Workers' Party and displayed it when he was talking to Deputy Gregory.

Within a month of taking office Deputy Haughey correctly identified many of the serious problems facing this country and then spent the remainder of his two periods in office making them worse. Deputy Haughey will spend as if there is no tomorrow in order to win votes. If that does not appear to be working, he will publish The Way Forward. If The Way Forward is not popular he will scrap it instantly and start talking about cautionary reflation as if it means something. Of course, his problem of trying to reconcile any coherent policy approach with his insatiable appetite for votes is not recognised only on this side of the House. On more than one occasion his own Front Bench have had to sit on him to prevent him making a total laughing stock of the Fianna Fáil Party.

For the past 12 months we have had a good opportunity to see him in Opposition. Sadly the inconsistency of his opportunism has become even more marked. His entire approach, irrespective of the issue, has been based on the premise that "If the Government are in favour of it I am against it." Thus we have not heard one single policy suggestion from him in 12 months, unless you include his idea of reducing excise duty on drink, an interesting suggestion from an ex-Minister for Health. Instead, new policies are the order of the day and they are totally changed tomorrow so that it becomes difficult to decipher exactly where his party stand on any issue.

One example will suffice. Deputy Haughey will allege that it was his party's approach to our neutrality that led him to attack the British for defending the Falklands from invasion. Presumably it was the same policy that led him to defend the Americans for invading Grenada. I suppose that particular policy must have the merit of being flexible. That is the only explanation that can justify the totally contradictory stand they are capable of in pursuit of that policy. Deputy Haughey has always regarded flexibility as a virtue as long as it enables him to continue running this country as if it were his own personal fiefdom.

Why am I raising all this again? I will tell the House my reason. Twelve months ago when I was involved in the formation of a Government I formed the view that as long as Deputy Haughey led Fianna Fáil I would never assist them in any way in the attainment of power. The past 12 months have merely strengthened the view I held then. As long as that party support a man who has damaged this country immeasurably by his actions, his attitudes and his arrogant presumption that power is his right and his plaything, they will never deserve to have responsibility for the welfare of the people of this country.

I will now conclude my comments on the party opposite, a party who use on their election posters in ever-decreasing print the claim the "Republican Party". This is the party who owe their origin to the Civil War and the party who at election times uses the kind of emotive language which can divide neighbour against neighbour and promote deep distrust and hatred in our society. This is the Fianna Fáil substitute for policy. The cynicism and opportunism which abounds in that party showed itself again in the last year when their only contribution to Irish life was to push this country into a second partitioning in the form of the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution. Here was the Republican Party who ludicrously claim to be the inheritors of the tradition of Tone, Emmet and Mitchel, coldly and deliberately dividing the people on a moral issue to which every religious minority was opposed, for the most base political motives.

I come from a generation which cares little for the politics of the Civil War but I can assure those Republicans opposite that the young people of this country who, in many cases found their family relationships under strain because of this amendment, will be slow to forget the party which forced them to make a decision which effectively negatived the beliefs of one-quarter of this island and which put another barricade in the path of reconciliation.

The Fianna Fáil Party should now instruct their headquarters to remove the words "Republican Party" from their posters. In so doing they will at least stop sullying the names of those in the Republican tradition whose objectives were unification of the people of Ireland rather than a new brand of so-called Republican whose intention is the partitioning of the Irish people with the bomb and the bullet. Fianna Fáil can no longer be considered to be the inheritors of Tone and Emmet, but if the party remove the words "Republican Party" from their posters, they will be doing themselves and this House a service by disassociating themselves once and for all from the other Republican hyenas who still, regrettably, are all too prevalent on this island.

This time last year my party agreed to enter Government on the basis of a programme designed to be implemented over a full Dáil term. It is well know that the economic and social problems facing the country are immense and the options for tackling them limited in the short-term by financial constraints arising from past policies. The future demands a renewed surge of national discipline and endeavour. On many occasions in the past the Irish nation has risen to great challenges. The Labour Party at all levels of their structure, and at parliamentary level among my Cabinet colleagues, will seek always to ensure that the party's overall philosophy and our particular policies on economic, social, national and international questions are presented and understood, and are, where possible, within the framework of the arrangements we have negotiated, acted on and implemented.

Both parties in Government at present are independent political parties. They each have their own political philosophies, policies and perspectives. This is no less true of Labour than it is of Fine Gael. The nature of the arrangement we have entered into is that we have both agreed to set aside our difference in favour of an agreed set of common objectives. That agreement does not in any way imply that we, any more than Fine Gael, have abandoned our long-term aspirations. What we have done is this: we have agreed to try in the national interest to reach consensus on the broad range of issues that confront us for as long as the Government remain in office.

It is implicit in any such arrangement of course that neither party can impose a dominant philosophical approach on the other. Such an attempt would inevitably lead to instability. At different times on specific measures the views of one or other party may be perceived to prevail but the broad orientation of Government policy must be seen to represent the spirit of the agreement entered into following the election. This is the only recipe for stable and effective Government. It provides a mechanism where issues can be highlighted and fully teased out, where people can identify with the major problems and tasks, whether inherited or new, and where people will recognise that the difficult decisions that lie ahead have been tackled in a spirit of equity and compassion.

As I said, this is a two-party Government forged from the decision of the people and based on an agreed programme for a four to five year term. There are, and will be, tensions on policy issues between the Labour and Fine Gael Parties and the constructive clash of ideas and positions but there is, and this is important, a determination and resolution to resolve problems and policy inside the framework of Government in our parliamentary institutions. The objective is to steer the economy steadily to recovery and to make this country a fair and better society to live in.

There is no such thing in practice as socialism made easy. There is no point in grasping at bogus easy options designed solely to achieve temporary passing acclaim. The Labour Party's approach is not designed to deceive the people that there is a magic formula or miracle solution which will make the existing constraints and policy disappear and guarantee increased living standards and a sharp immediate reduction in unemployment.

I have attempted to outline some of the difficulties we face. I think the past 12 months can be rightly seen as a difficult time for the people and the Government but this Government have shown, and will show over the next two to three years, that they have the determination, capacity and loyalty to serve the people and to bring about an atmosphere in this country which has been sadly lacking for a number of years. This will be a difficult task and struggle but as Tánaiste I can state that I know the Irish people have the backbone and the resolution to get on with the job and to face up to these serious and difficult problems.

A Cheann Comhairle, I should like to thank you for your courtesy in the House in 1983 and I trust that we can enjoy the same courtesy in 1984.

I should like to ask what have Deputy Barry, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Deputy Cooney, Minister for Defence, in common? At first sight the answer might seem obvious. Apart from the Taoiseach, they are the only survivors of the ill-fated 1973-77 Coalition craft. They are what Government spokesmen describe regularly in their handouts as senior Ministers. Understandably, their names surface whenever political commentators speculate on the succession stakes in Fine Gael.

Does this explain what they have had in common more recently? It will be noted that they are the only two members of the Government who were excluded from the litany of Ministers in the Taoiseach's speech to Dáil Éireann yesterday. Obviously the events of last week have undermined whatever leadership authority the Taoiseach was endeavouring to exercise over this latest Coalition craft. Any mention of "the men most likely" had to be deleted from the litany of names which has now become standard in the Taoiseach's scripts on every occasion on which he purports to devote himself to reviewing the progress of this leaderless Coalition, whether it be at the Fine Gael Ard Fheis, on the Adjournment Debate, or any such formal occasion.

Quite significantly Deputy John Bruton, recently removed from the important portfolio of Energy, far outstrips any of his other Cabinet colleagues in terms of print and praise from the Taoiseach to the extent that his record in the Department of Energy is what the Taoiseach hopes the electorate will bear in mind when the time comes to consider whether or not to renew the mandate of this Government. His achievements have been honoured in a very strange way by the decision of the Taoiseach to remove him from an office in which, according to the Taoiseach, he has achieved such notable success. The old adage Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes should suggest to Deputy Bruton and men who might have achievements to their credit, that those achievements will be penalised by a leader who lacks authority and confidence in himself. Others who might seem to be senior and weighty, responsible men cannot expect their contribution to this shaky Coalition to be acknowledged in the usual litany trotted out by the Taoiseach.

Government is not about the contributions of individual Ministers who can come in here to report in greater detail on their contributions or their successes. It is about collective activity and confidentiality. In his address the Taoiseach clearly indicated that collective responsibility is not foremost in his mind as a major preoccupation. Confidentiality and collective responsibility have been jettisoned to the extent that individual Ministers are now paramount. This is quite clear from the increase in the press and public relations releases about the various Departments, and notably that of the Taoiseach himself to which I will return in a moment.

Deputy Taylor seems to have noted the trends. The Labour Party Chief Whip has welcomed the fact, as he put it himself, that the curtain has now been pulled back to let us see what he recognises as the reality of the tensions. To quote him Fine Gael now know they cannot take the Labour Party for granted. The curtain has been pulled back to let us see what is happening on the stage and, perhaps, many people feel it is time to pull down the fire curtain to protect us from the consequences of the tensions which are now being fuelled to the point of inflaming the problems of the nation.

None of this is very reassuring for the Irish people who are a little more than a theatre audience to be entertained or amused by the positions of individual Ministers. It is not very reassuring either when the curtain is pulled back and the Taoiseach is spotted abstaining on a delicate and vital decision, and he subsequently instructs his press officer to indicate that he did not vote, but the fact that he did not vote should not be taken as an abstention on the vote.

Is there any precedent in Irish political experience for a Taoiseach to instruct his press officer to indicate the position he took as distinct from the position he was perceived to take as a consequence of the curtain being pulled back? So much for leadership, confidentiality and collective responsibility. I opened on that note because I believe this is not just a constitutional obligation but a vital element in ensuring that the Government can act in a cohesive, confident and mutually interdependent manner.

I want to review now the areas where the Government have failed — all too obviously in the area of economic policy. In the course of this review I want to acknowledge that this is not just an occasion for the Opposition to criticise the Government. It is an occasion for the record of the Government and the Opposition to be analysed and scrutinised, and for what we have said over the past year to be tested against the reality of what has happened. The past year has seen sharp divisions between the Government and the Fianna Fáil Party on many issues of fiscal and economic policy. It is appropriate to review our respective positions with the benefit of hindsight.

We pointed out from day one that the Government's preoccupation with reducing the budget deficit through unprecedented levels of direct and indirect taxation would defeat the very purpose it was intended to achieve. The imposition of a further 1 per cent income levy, a new penal rate of 65 per cent tax, and the failure to adjust the tax bands to take account of inflation — and, incidentally, for the first time in recent years there has been a failure to make an adjustment to take account of inflation — have had the anticipated effect of depressing the economy, and have also resulted in a revenue shortfall from income tax of the order of £120 million to £130 million.

It gives me no great pleasure to say at this point "I told you so" to the Minister for Finance. It gives no great pleasure to emphasise that the records of the debate on the budget and subsequent debates in this House will show that we pointed out to the Minister that, apart from the disincentive effect of these taxes on the work ethic and the depressing effect they would have on the economy, they would also turn out to be a self-defeating strategy. It gives me no great pleasure to be vindicated at the end of the year.

The disincentive effect has been sharply criticised by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, the Confederation of Irish Industry and the Federation of Self Employed. In addition it has run counter to policy guidelines and advice from such disparate but well-established authorities as the ESRI, the Central Bank and the Commission of the European Economic Community. Even one of President Reagan's key economic advisers, Professor Edward B. Laffer, strongly rejected the idea of bridging a current budget deficit through taxation which this Government seem preoccupied to achieve.

The excise duty increases in the budget, together with the extra duties imposed in July, will result in a significant shortfall from the original budget target, as we warned in the budget debate and on many subsequent occasions in this House, in public debates on radio and on television with the Minister for Finance. Even then, the Minister refused to acknowledge that it would have that impact. I remember that in some cool, calculated response the Minister said it was as well that I was not in office as Minister for Finance with that kind of projections relating to revenue yields from income tax or excise duty and indirect taxation.

The ESRI and the Fianna Fáil Party contended immediately following the budget that the Minister for Finance had imposed £150 million more in VAT than he had announced. This is now proved by the fact that revenue from VAT will rise by £150 million above the budget projection. The record is there to show that we indicated that the Minister for Finance was attempting to raise £500 million in revenue, not £350 million as stated by him. If he wished to raise £350 million in revenue he did not need to impose the penal increase of 5 per cent in VAT levels across the board. Once again we have been proved right, but this is the least important thing. Much more important is the damaging effects of these miscalculations on the economy and on the prospects of our people, especially the young.

The Minister at various stages issued indignant denials of these charges and even in May he refused to concede that VAT would bring in a penny more than projected in his budget. The cumulative effects have added 4 per cent to the CPI, with disastrous effects on employment in the tourist industry and the licensing and electrical trades.

Not even the fever of cross-Border traffic has persuaded the Government to relent and the British Exchequer is benefiting handsomely from the windfall. None of us begrudges Newry or the other towns the new-found prosperity which is being stimulated by this cross-Border traffic. None of us who thinks of this island as one place having a people with one future could possibly suggest that this stimulus to these depressed areas is to be regretted but all of us, particularly those who come from Border constituencies, regret the impact on trade and industry in this part of the country and the consequent loss of employment. I do not know if the Government are aware of the extent of the impact in this city where shopping is no longer a feature of pre-Christmas activity and unemployment in these businesses is becoming of chronic concern. People are beginning to wonder whether the "Buy Irish" campaign promoted by this party is being treated seriously by the Government when penal levels of taxation are forcing our people to contribute to the British Exchequer.

It is high time to reduce these penal levels of VAT and indirect taxation which have achieved for us the unenviable distinction of the highest level of indirect taxation in Europe at over 80 per cent of GNP. Can we recall the time when the accepted dogma was that Ireland was the least expensive country in Europe, that France and Belgium were outrageously expensive and Germany was so expensive that it was way beyond our capacity to visit? That was the accepted position in relation to the cost of living. Everybody now knows that the position has reversed and we now find ourselves with the highest cost of living in Europe and the highest level of indirect taxation. Even allowing for the devaluation of our currency within the EMS, let us acknowledge the reality that Ireland is now off-limits for all but the wealthiest tourists from Europe, while our own people flock in ever-increasing numbers to take advantage of what they perceive as bargain holidays abroad despite the currency devaluation.

The Government denied that devaluation would have any effect on inflation. On 22 March we had a special debate on the subject demanded by Fianna Fáil, during which the Minister for Finance stated: "The prospective inflation rate for 1983 as a whole should be no higher following the realignment than appeared at the beginning of the year". That was the cool, calculated assertion by the Minister in the fashion he is accustomed to adopt. The Taoiseach said yesterday that inflation would have been reduced to single figures at this time were it not for the effects of the sharp rise in the value of the dollar by 18 per cent and sterling by 14 per cent during the last nine months. Let us note the reference to nine months, following almost to the day the devaluation decision by the Government on 17 March, our national holiday. There is a certain irony in that. The Taoiseach added that import prices had been increased by over 10 per cent after a period of over a year in which they had remained static.

On 16 and 17 March this year, while the Ministers for Finance were gathered in Europe, the Taoiseach in an unprecedented comment signalled his support for a devaluation of our currency within the EMS, before any decision was taken. Generally Governments, Chancellors of the Exchequer, Secretaries of the Treasury and so on are at pains to deny any such intention until the very last moment when the deed is done. While the Minister for Finance was in Brussels, apparently adhering to the established practice of not disclosing any such intention, his leader was at home on the eve of the national holiday telling us in advance that the ideas suggested outside were broadly in line with what he and the Government had in mind.

This prompted me to go on national radio and television on Saint Patrick's Day to urge the Government before the decision was taken not to proceed with it because of the impact it would have on inflation and the added costs of capital and interest repayments on our foreign debt. I also pleaded on the basis that once you start devaluing a currency the confidence of others in that currency is undermined. I pointed out that it was those currencies which had over the years been subject to devaluation which had inevitably as a consequence come under continuing pressure for devaluation, which had not contributed to any revival or renewal of their economic activities. It was most unusual for an Opposition spokesman in any country on the day the deed was done to have the opportunity to try to dissuade the Government from the step they were about to take. The Government persisted in their headlong determination to devalue, with the result that the budget deficit will now be of the order of £1,000 million, probably more, despite all the adjustments during the course of the year and the national debt will have increased by over £2 million this year — all this from a Government that were making a virtue of fiscal rectitude and determination to restore our competitiveness as an open trading economy.

I invite commentators and others to refer back to the record of the Minister's budget speech in which competitiveness features prominently. Yet at year end our inflation rate remained almost static at approximately 11 per cent, while the international trend is steadily downwards to an OECD average of about 5 to 6 per cent. We all know that in an open trading economy such as ours a development of that kind with a downward pull on inflation will have an immediate effect on the inflationary trend in one's own country. We also know that in the 12 months from November to November last year before this Government came into office inflation had reduced from an unacceptably and intolerably high level of 23 per cent to 12 per cent, while the downward pull externally was not nearly as significant as it has been within the last 12 months. With all those benign influences on our economy from abroad, what have we to boast of at the end of the year because of the actions of our own Government? A measure of 1 per cent of a reduction in the inflation level from a Government making its primary priority our competitiveness vis-á-vis our trading partners in Europe, in particular.

Unemployment did not feature in the budget speech. I do not think that the word occurs in it and I have combed the speech many times, but perhaps it may have been referred to somewhere en passant. The consequences of this non-policy in that area are all too obvious today throughout our society. There is deep concern about its effect on our social stability. Ever increasing expenditure on unemployment benefit and assistance is obviously adding to the pressure on the budget deficit. The business of Government is to create conditions. The people themselves, in a spirit of self-reliance, will respond to leadership and direction; but this Government started with no policies and at this stage seem to have capitulated in a hopeless attempt to establish any degree of consistency, much less give a sense of leadership, direction, priority of policy or any signal of it, to our people — and our young people in particular — who have been waiting in frustration and in vain for some such sign over the last 12 months.

Yesterday the Taoiseach, again in one of his extraordinary apparently unconscious acknowledgments of what he is signalling, delegated the responsibility of Government in public to the economic and social interests to put forward proposals and suggestions — it used to be the sectoral committees and the various expert groups. We have been waiting even for some recommendations from these various expert groups, but at this stage in our economic decline the Taoiseach is waiting for proposals and suggestions from the economic and social interests whom the Government are now going to consult. Mind you, we heard very clearly yesterday from one of these, the President of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union. I do not know if that message from "economic and social interests" will be taken on board by this Government.

Apart from that, the people did not elect "economic and social interests" or "expert committees", to lead this nation. They elected a Government, for better or worse, in the vain hope that it might bring forward the proposals and suggestions to which those interests could then respond. In addition, obviously, to the internal convulsion of recent months, it is now clear that the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste are facing in diametrically opposed directions. The Taoiseach yesterday boasted of the achievement of reducing public expenditure and of confining public service pay to an annualised rate of less than 6½ per cent. Yet the Tánaiste, in his immediate reaction to the call from the President of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions for the Labour Party to quit this Coalition, claimed that public expenditure will actually increase by 7 per cent and that a substantial proportion of this will come about as a result of pay increases already agreed for public service employees. It is clear that both parties in the Coalition are locked into a prison of irreconcilable positions and only the fear of wrath if released from the prison forces them to opt instead for maximum continuing sentence. Can the Tánaiste simply dismiss the view of the President of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union as he might that of any other individual member of the Labour Party? I am sure that the Leas-Cheann Comhairle is aware that each individual member of the Labour Party — to use the Tánaiste's phrase — with the exception of those in Government or in subservient positions in this House, heartily endorse the call from the President of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union.

During the course of this year I constantly called for management policies from the Government to be reflected in the allocation of public expenditure, but Government priorities now seem to be clear. The administration will continue to expand in every direction. Consultants are being recruited at enormous extra cost at every opportunity, exceeded only by the huge growth of 150 per cent for press and public relations in the Department of the Taoiseach, to which the Minister of State now in the House in also attached. Our own resources — agriculture, forestry, fisheries — rank much lower in the Government's scheme of priorities, for the allocations this year are much lower in real terms than even the reduced levels of last year. I have constantly called for a clear signal from the Government for the development of these resources as a priority in our national economic development, but this Government have no hope and no confidence and rely instead on consultants, committees, experts and others who might somehow do the job for them. They have even less respect for our greatest resource of all, our young people. The continuing cutbacks in education at a time of technological revolution in the national economy is the most hopeless signal of all. Not only do our young people deserve better — our future demands it. If this Government cannot face the present problems at least they should not undermine our capacity to face the future with some degree of hope and confidence.

In the minute remaining to me I want to make one final comment. The Tánaiste this morning suggested that the Fianna Fáil Party should delete from its label the term "Republican Party". That demonstrates how little he and his Government recognise what that term really means. It is one which derives even from the basic concepts of Sinn Féin, of self-reliance — a term which respects the capacity of our own people in their own community, village, town, to do it for themselves. It is a term which represents the well being of the people throughout this nation, a term that has always been respected, not just here but elsewhere, as being a characteristic of the fundamental, radical policies which give the people a place in what Governments are trying to achieve. It is a term at the heart of the philosophy of my party. If the Tánaiste chooses to abuse it, as the term Sinn Féin has been misrepresented and abused by other parties, let him not expect that my party will acknowledge those really central elements in our philosophy, not just of my party but of this country, will not be rejected by my party simply because the Tánaiste in an effort to escape from the sanctions being imposed on him tries to turn the heat upon us.

There have been in recent times some welcome developments here. I intended to say this before I heard the Tánaiste's outrageous suggestion. As the Leas-Cheann Comhairle and others will know who sing the real spirit of Ireland, our community organisations, our rural development organisations — I do not want to name them: the kind of people, the kind of things that have been signalled by men of commitment and confidence like Dr. Tom Walsh and others like him — are alive and well awaiting a signal to achieve something for themselves. But what are this Government doing? Instead they are relying on expanding the administration, consulting consultants, looking to experts. Meanwhile the very resources we have in deep reserve, our people, our own resources and that great spirit of communal cohesion which is part of Republicanism is clearly being suffocated by a Government, including the Tánaiste, who do not even know the meaning of the term much less the potential it represents for the future.

I have not contributed to an Adjournment Debate since my election to this House. Having listened to this one so far and read of other Adjournment Debates, I see it as a kind of end of term parliamentary exercise, a sort of "state of the nation" address in which people on this side of the House see the state of the nation in a very different light from those on the other side. It presents an opportunity to criticise, perhaps to go over old scores, bring up issues of contention. I am not going to do any of those things. I feel that the role I play in this Administration, as Minister of State for Women's Affairs and Family Law Reform, is one representing an area that has not received anything like sufficient exposure in this House in putting forward the points of view of women, the issues related to them and the actions and intentions of my Department and this Government relating to the improvement of the status of women in this country.

Instead I shall talk about the allocation to my division in the Vote of the Department of the Taoiseach. I shall not discuss the Book of Estimates or the economic situation; I do not want to take up time on them. It is not that I see them as any less serious than the issues in which I am involved: indeed it is most important that we seriously and courageously tackle the grave economic situation confronting us, coping with the problems obtaining. For example, we must reverse borrowing trends, we must begin to build an Ireland in which our children will be able to live and prosper without inheriting a dreadful legacy of debt.

We must, and are beginning to look at how we can create wealth. I might quote the remarks of another woman politician who spoke about getting money, creating wealth. She said there were four ways of doing that: you can make it; you can earn it; you can marry it or you can borrow it. Marrying and borrowing money are two very dodgey ways of equipping oneself for the rigours of life. They have inherent great risks. I would contend that Ireland has reached the point at which we are marrying money and perhaps in so doing, will be facing as risky a future as did many women, or indeed men, who might have married money and had to pay a sad price therefor.

I was appointed to this office exactly 12 months ago as the first Minister of State for Women's Affairs. The Department and office were set up at what could not have been a worse time for me because there was no money to spend on the many necessary things I believe essential to raising the position of women in terms of affording them proper options in life related to the reality of their life cycle; in other words, that they would have a choice of remaining at home, when they married and have children, or go to work; that it should be possible for them to retain jobs and have good quality child care available so that we could begin to make meaningful that provision of the Constitution which so honourably affords a special position to women. I do not believe it has been meaningful in the past. As we are all aware, many women leave the home to go into gainful employment. I may say, to the detriment of their families and homes because they need to; the economic pressures on them are such that they have to. Unfortunately there have not been any cases over the years which would have challenged that constitutional provision, so that it would be upheld and so that Governments here should either render it meaninful or delete it.

Therefore I was appointed Minister of State for Women's Affairs for the first time and set up my Department in the Department of the Taoiseach. In the year that has been in it I am very happy that, while there has not been money for the Government to initiate very necessary schemes, it has been possible for me to use the very small allocation of funding allotted me. When we talk in this House about billions of pounds may I tell Members that the sum total of what I had to spend was £35,000, having allocated to the Council for the Status of Women the main proportion of that funding.

I believe the Council for the Status of Women is a most important organisation. It is an umbrella group for up to 35 women's organisations in this country. I see it as vital that an organisation such as this continue, be apparent, effective and speak for women regardless of whoever sits on these benches or whichever Government is elected. History will indicate always that there will be a need for a vigilant force to keep an eye on legislation, work practices and on the other needs of women. I see the Council for the Status of Women fulfilling that role. I will be meeting them in the New Year, discussing the work they have done in the past year and examining their plans for the ensuing year. The funding allocated to them in these very pressurised times, when public funding must be seriously accounted for, must also be accounted for by them.

I want to give the House some idea of the broad spectrum of interest groups my Department have been able to fund, and perhaps the most fulfilling part of my work as Minister for Women's Affairs was discovering the number of incredibly resourceful and energetic groups obtaining in the community engaged in very important work which, if they did not perform it, would leave an even greater burden on State funding. For example, there are women in organisations looking after the interests of unmarried mothers. In this year I am sure we will all accept that the problems of the unmarried mother are not just those of women but are also those of children, of babies. Yet the work of caring for and supporting these women has been left to women's organisations. Be that as it may, many of them sprang up, often despite public prejudice and bad public opinion, and have been very effective.

I discovered most of them either were not being funded at all or were being funded very inadequately, again because women's organisations, by and large, do not have the kind of militancy or, let us say, the strong voice of other pressure groups. They have continued regardless, having their coffee mornings, their bring-and-buy sales and so on in efforts to make money for causes that are of vital importance in Irish society. I have been able to fund a broad range of these organisations. To Ally, that splendid organisation who help the unmarried mother and her child and arrange family placements and so on, I have been able to allocate £2,000. To them this is a small fortune. The AIM Group who are involved in family law reform, are a group with whom I have close links. They keep a centre open close to the city centre. They do not charge anything and are made up of a number of very committed women who give of their own time to working there. To that group I have allocated £3,000. Another worthy group are CASE. They are a small group of women who are trying to change public opinion with particular emphasis on changing the attitudes of advertisers so as to bring about a healthy approach to advertising. In other words, to advertise on the basis of the merit of the products instead of using women as objects in the drive to sell anything from drink to motor cars. They are an important organisation too.

To Cherish, who are probably the best-known of the organisations for unmarried mothers, I have allocated £2,000. Another organisation who are helping countrywide are the Federation of Services for Unmarried Parents and their Children. There is also the Gingerbread organisation who were set up to help one-parent families. Another group who are emerging in a very gradual way but who are extraordinarily dynamic are organisations like the Kilbarrack Local Education and Adults Renewal Group, a group of married women within communities who are organising themselves in setting up second-chance educational facilities. The idea is to take on, perhaps, two leaving certificate subjects, to organise themselves and to bring their children with them on these courses. These women are hungry for education. I have allocated funding to many of them and when I complimented them on their efforts they reminded me that they were doing this for their children. This is the case of many women in Ireland but once they have begun to study, they realise, too, how important education is for themselves. The movement is a growing one and when I had met with two or three of the groups I began to look outside this city and found that there were similar movements in Cork, Limerick, Sligo and in centres in the midlands. Apart from the educational content, the community participation factor in this case is very worthwhile. Most of the costs involved relate to the provision of créches. The groups have a very good relationship with the vocational education committees and they, also are to be commended on this situation. I wish that movement well for the future.

There is too the Limerick Federation of Women's Organisations who are operating in the south-west and who are working on the lines of the Council for the Status of Women. The rape crisis centres represent a growing group of women's local organisations which were set up to respond to a specific problem. They are to be found in Cork, and Limerick as well as in Dublin. There is, too, the Women's Welfare Rights Centre in Finglas which provides information, advice and support locally for women. One other very worthwhile initiative taken by the Women's Study Centre was the establishment of an archive in the Women's Study Centre for the collection of material relating to women in history and in public and political life. I am very happy at the approach they are taking. They operate also on a voluntary basis.

A small amount of money was allocated to the various women's political associations throughout the country to enable them to provide workshop training courses. They are an all-party organisation committed to give money and understanding as to why women should become involved in political parties. There is also the group of Women in the Home. They are a small group with low overheads. They, too, received some money.

There was the poster and essay competition which I organised earlier this year. It started in the spring and the prizes were given in September. The idea of this was to encourage young girls to study the role they were playing in terms of today's options and to examine their futures and say how they envisaged planning their lives in coping with families and careers. That competition was very successful and there was very good participation.

I am very happy to have been able to give money to the battered wives homes, to the one in Athlone which is organised by the Athlone Social Services Centre and more recently to ADAPT in Limerick who opened their doors in recent times and who operate in a splendid building. They are providing an essential service in respect of a problem that up to ten years ago was ignored. This group are providing the service as it should be provided, not in some tatty rat-infested old house that nobody wanted, which was the case in the early days of the movement in Dublin, but in a building adapted specially to suit the needs of families. I doubt if in any other area of budgeting so much use could have been made with so little.

I am hopeful that there will be changes as soon as possible in the legislation relating to contraceptives. There is a big problem involved for women in so far as this issue is concerned and it is not always recognised. Many tend to treat the subject in a pussy-footing way and this has led to putting women at a great disadvantage in that they are at the mercy of the moral values and the attitudes of doctors and chemists. We must question to what extent the abortion trail to England is linked to our very inadequate contraception laws. I support the Minister for Health in his public statements on the matter and I look to the people in the benches opposite in the hope that they will realise that there is something seriously wrong with our laws in this area. I hope that we will be able to reach agreement that something better is needed for women.

Regarding Oireachtas committees, I am very happy that the two I am involved in — the one on Women's Rights and the one on Marital Breakdown — seem to be working very well and attracting good attendances. It is important to note that. A journalist writing a column about last week's meeting of the Committee on Women's Rights was very impressed and described what she found as being fresh and interesting. That journalist expressed the view that it was good to see people of all parties discussing issues such as co-education in a non-contentious way. It was noted that Members were not afraid to put their views forward. That is a worthwhile change in Dáil procedure and must lead to more enlightened legislation.

I am delighted that the Committee on Marriage Breakdown is an all-party group and I look forward to its report, like many other people. I hope Fianna Fáil members of the committee, and others, will open their eyes and ears and become aware of the reality that exists in Ireland. When the New Ireland Forum received oral submissions on the Eileen Evason and Clara Clark paper and from the Church of Ireland the suggestion was put to Fianna Fáil members that they should look at the reality that exists here and not talk about changing our Constitution as if it was a piece of lettuce being put at the rabbit's burrow, as a temptation. We must talk about divorce and see it is a necessary issue that must be considered soon.

My responsibility in regard to family law reform is difficult because that area has been neglected. There was no great concern or interest shown by the last two Governments in regard to that issue. The Department of Justice are showing an awareness of what needs to be done but they must get on with planning what we need in the next four or five years. I can assure the House that we are going to have changes. We will have to look at the laws relating to nullity, family courts, divorce mensa et thoro and other legislation that needs to be changed. With the exception of those who are or have been Members of the House very few people are aware of the procedure involved in changing laws. On radio programmes politicians have been accused of taking their time and dragging their feet on the question of preparing legislation but people do not realise the cumbersome nature of legislative change that exists here. Irrespective of which party are in Government this applies. When I was elected a Member of the House I was amazed to discover that first there is an idea, then a memorandum, followed by observations, another memorandum, general principles and finally the heads of a Bill. That system has to be short-circuited. I do not believe it needs to be as long and cumbersome as that. I accept that that is not my role but I must make the observation. The Government are sincere in their efforts to introduce legislation but the system is very cumbersome. We should take this matter on board and try to do something about it.

Another area that I was involved in in my work in the Department of the Taoiseach was the appointment of women to boards and public bodies. This is an important issue because in reaching decisions those bodies should have the benefit of the wisdom, skills and talents of everybody. An all-male board discussing a matter of relevance to women cannot give fair treatment. I should like to refer to the question of women at work. Women are under pressure in regard to this issue because of the notion many have that because a women is married per se there must be somebody else in the house with an income to support her and, therefore, she is disposable out of the work force. There is an idea prevailing that all married women should be got out of the work force and their jobs then given over to others, presumably unemployed men. We must oppose that concept at every opportunity.

I was distressed to receive a letter from a Dublin woman this morning — it is pleasing to note that women are identifying with my Department and are writing to me — indicating that our new Ombudsman, Michael Mills, will have as his first case an issue involving his Department. An advertisement appeared in the newspapers recently seeking senior investigators for the Office of the Ombudsman and I was horrified to see in the application form a section devoted to married women only. They were asked to give their maiden name and date of marriage. I intend to look into this because it represents a bad procedure. I accept that it applies to many official forms and my Department are investigating it. I am scrutinising the question of forms in general because I find that on many of them, such as those for children's allowances, mothers are asked all types of questions such as when they got married, their maiden names but the man is asked only to give his profession. Application forms for examinations request that the father's name and occupation be stated and the occupation of the mother does not exist. The time has long passed to accept that type of notion. If personal questions are to be asked of the father — I am sure there is a reason for them — we must accept that the mother exists and has an identity, most likely a career. I have had consultations with the Minister for Education on this. It is important that official forms reflect enlightened thinking that the Government want to bring to bear and that I want to leave behind me when I have completed my term of office.

I agree with the Minister of State who said that an incredible amount of work was done during the year. I am aware of the number of organisations the Minister of State managed to help out such as Ally and the group who aid battered wives. It is unfortunate that that organisation in my area has to look for a lot of aid. I do not know if the Minister mentioned the organisation that deals with play groups, a women's organisation that deserves great respect. They do a tremendous job in the inner city and I am aware that the Minister of State came to their assistance during the course of the year. I have no doubt, judging by the success of the Minister's Departments, that if we started all Departments and sections again we could keep down public expenditure a great deal. New Departments are scrutinised from the first day while old Departments tend to introduce schemes that have outlived their purpose. Money should be diverted to Departments like those under the charge of the Minister of State because it would be put to better use in the community. With regard to the view of the Minister of State of the need for women to achieve success I should like to say the achievements of the Minister for Education and Minister of State Fennell in recent months were remarkable.

This debate takes place against the background of very low national morale. The confidence of the people is low — they feel we have let them down. They are looking critically and cynically at what we are doing, and who can say they are wrong, whether they be part of the 200,000 people unemployed, the 75,000 young people without jobs, or the 15,000 people in training courses which do not give them any real prospect of permanent careers? There are also the old people living on miserable pensions. The Christmas they will have this year is not one we should be proud to give to them.

As I have said, the present state of the country is low, for one reason or another. With such a small population how have we got it into this state? There is not much point in saying here that the rot set in in 1973 or 1977 or last year or this year. Our purpose should be to try to do the job that we were elected to do in an unbiased and non-discriminatory way. We should not be knocking each other across the floor of the House. We should be trying to put forward serious solutions to complicated problems. Political criticism of certain Ministers and Departments is not fair. That should not be the content of our contributions here. We should be trying to achieve something instead of apportioning blame.

This brings me to the benefit of all-party committees through which we are making a major break-through. This is coming through in the media who are doing an excellent job in this respect. Some time ago I asked the media to attend these meetings; they have been doing so and they have been reporting them extremely well. These committees are provided with research services so that committee members can sit down and do some constructive work. Last night we had a meeting of the committee on the Private Members' Bill on landlord and tenant law introduced by Fianna Fáil. They were in session for six-and-a-half hours last night and it was tough on the Minister of State, Deputy O'Brien, on his first day in office.

As I have said, the Bill was introduced by Fianna Fáil, and the Government agreed to send it to a special committee of 15. The committee have had five meetings. They did not just cover the Bill but discussed the lot of poorer people. The debate was extremely good, much better than we engage in in this House. This shows what can be achieved by these committees. In the House, legislation goes on its merry way and it is unusual to have amendments accepted. Civil servants hand notes to Ministers but there is no great opportunity to debate amendments. We must get away from this practice and Governments must not be afraid to accept amendments.

Last night we had advice from the Attorney General which was at variance with the recommendations of two former Attorneys General. The Government said they were compelled to follow the Attorney General's advice. In my opinion Attorneys General have made more mistakes than any other branch of the legal profession.

The point I am making is that we should get away from all those hang-ups because if we do not we will be spending long hours debating matters of importance and then filing in to vote "Tá" or "Níl". I am sure the Leas-Cheann Comhairle has gone into the division lobby without knowing what he was voting for. We must accept that there are rights and wrongs on both sides and be prepared to put forward recommendations which will lead to good decisions. Our worst problem is the tragedy of unemployment, particularly of young people, on which we had a report this morning. This is far more dangerous than people realise. My colleagues and I had the sad experience of visiting the Dublin Central constituency during the recent election. Here in our nice accommodation and good building, we are far removed from the realities of life, and we are not inclined to realise the hardships outside.

Half of our population are under the age of 25 and that means we have huge imbalances in our population structure. In our population of 3.4 million there are 1.7 million people under the age of 25, and quarter of the population are over 60. Our working population, and some of them are only part-time, number a little more than one million. There are 200,000 unemployed. Manufacturing industry has been hit left, right and centre; the construction industry has been decimated.

If we are to survive as a nation we cannot afford to have so many young people coming on the labour market every year without being able to offer them jobs. It is a shame to have educated youngsters for up to seven years at second level and allow them to wander around without jobs unless they attend AnCO or other courses. It has been proved in Europe that there is no alternative to such courses, but these courses do not solve the problem. The only thing that can be said for them — I am not against such retraining courses — is that they are better than allowing young people to drift into crime and vandalism.

The figures prove that this is happening. Last year there were 8,200 offences against the person, 3,000 offences against property, 37,000 larcenies and 58,000 other crimes, almost 100,000 crimes — a 10 per cent increase on the previous year and probably there will be a further increase of 10 per cent in the coming year.

The cost of dealing with that type of crime places a very heavy burden on the State. It would be better to give them the money without doing any course. We have to change our ways and stop saying that we do not have the solution to the unemployment problem. I accept that there is a change in society. Between 1961 and 1982 there was a 36 per cent increase in the number employed in industry, 48 per cent decrease in the number employed in agriculture and 44 per cent increase in the number employed in the services. Still, because of our young population, even if the recession was to end tomorrow, we would have a major unemployment problem. There are no opportunities for young people now even if they emigrated and we all accept that emigration is not a solution we want to go back to.

I welcome one thing in the changes announced this morning by the Taoiseach. He has accepted something we said last February, that he made an error in his appointments of Ministers of State when he broke up the Department of Education and moved those who had built up expertise over the last eight years from that Department to the Department of Labour. He has now acknowledged that error and has again put the people dealing with youth and education together. I believe the Minister of State, Deputy George Birmingham is probably right when he says that there is now a demand for a thorough examination of the needs of young people and their potential contribution. There must be a major review of how we deal with youth services. We should also take account of the fundamental, social, economic and cultural changes in society.

There are great challenges ahead and most serious problems facing the country, particularly our young people. We are educating them for highly technological industries but there are no opportunities for them. We are giving grants to factories to bring in new equipment to update them but each time that is done people are put out of work. I have seen this happen time and time again. We give £1 million to some factory employing 500 to 600 people and they will tell you privately that that will mean 100 people will be let go. It is important to update the factories. There is no good just saying that they should be kept there even if they are not viable. It is important to do everything possible to improve our home markets, improve our industrial base and win exports.

Before Deputy Cluskey went out of office he made a major statement on the statistics for 1983 in relation to the fantastic achievements in industry for which the Fianna Fáil Government gave a lot of money to back them in 1977. The trouble is that a lot of industries who were helped turned their backs on those factories as soon as the international recession bit. The Government should be extremely careful about what industries get money and what way it is spent. I have seen in my constituency Lemons factory, which I fought hard for, pulling out. Both Governments gave money to them. In many places like that they find their factories are not viable, they are not up to German standards, the work force do not jump like the Japanese and they cannot get them to work as well as the Chinese do. As soon as they see it is not the haven for a businessman they pull out. What happens then? Lemons now makes sweets in another country, bring them over here, employ a few van drivers, get somebody to give them a guaranteed Irish sign for the van drivers and they go around saying that the sweets are made in Ireland. This is happening in every industry.

We have VAT laws which are causing problems. I know the Fianna Fáil Government brought VAT in but those laws have to be reviewed. We have Batchelors factory, huge employers in north Dublin, who pay at the point of entry for cans to pack the beans in. This puts about 4p onto every tin of beans because of having to pay on the nail; Heinz and other people can bring the beans in, because there is no VAT on foodstuffs, without having to pay this money. That kind of system needs to be looked at if we are to save jobs. It is important for the Government to stop tinkering with the legislation and the tax system. If we were all honest we would say that our tax code is crazy. We have capital tax, VAT, and PRSI. They are all systems which have grown out of each other. They have been changed with amendments here and amendments there and the people who try to implement them barely know what is going on.

One would need a computer even in a simple industry to work out the tax because there are so many different rates. The report of the Committee on Taxation is just left lying around. It is an institute of taxation's dream and nobody really looks at it seriously. People just say that it will cause too many problems. If you go into business today, put your money at risk and work very hard you do not get any reward for it. You get far more reward if you put your money into Government stocks. People who sit at home and put their money into stocks can get a much better return than the people who go out and take a chance in industry.

What kind of system is that? The person who works overtime is taxed out of existence. People say that if we did away with overtime we would be able to employ more people. Most people who do overtime nowadays do it because they have to to get more money to help them to live or because of their expertise. When people do overtime they often have to pay 73 per cent of their income in taxation. Who would want to work until 8 o'clock at night for that? We hear people saying that there is no motivation to work, that you are being taxed out of existence and why should you invest your money in an industry which might not work. They also say why should you look for IDA assistance when the following morning the taxman sends out his VAT forms? This is illogical and we will not improve the employment situation unless there are radical changes. CTT and the IDA are doing their best but this will not have any effect on the number of young people unemployed. There will be 220,000 people unemployed in the coming year and the figure will go much higher unless we do something about it.

I will not have time during this debate to go through all the things which could be done but during the budget debate we will be able to say a lot more on this matter. The Government this year have put 8 per cent on to the outturn of the Departmental Estimates and they have cut the capital programme. They did not spend all the money they assigned for the capital programme in 1983. It is £150 million less than what the Government set aside and that was £200 million down on the Estimates originally prepared by Fianna Fáil. You cannot do this without creating unemployment. The young people suffer most from this.

It is not a waste of money to put money into the capital side, to build schools, hospitals and manufacturing industries in the hope of attracting people here. It is an investment in the future and will give an opportunity to young people. The Government have actually cut the capital programme down by £300 million over a year and this is putting another 15,000 people in the construction industry on the dole. It is causing major problems for the Construction Industry Federation. The entrepreneurs and the young farmers who would put money into industry are disillusioned because they do not see any hope.

There are vast sums of money in banking institutions and pension funds which are not being invested. It is time that people questioned if it is right that institutions can hold vast sums of money and not release it. Is it right that a Government can allow that to happen and that they contribute to it by cutting down on the capital programme? Is it right that they should continue on, willy-nilly, with the services which they said in Opposition and we say in Opposition do not give us the best value for money? Next year we will borrow vast sums of money just to pay for day-to-day services. That we allow that to happen is an indictment of all of us. It happens because we are afraid to stand up to criticism for dropping a service here or there. The Minister for Education will probably say that when you do something like that you will be hit from all sides. The Christmas period last year was not even over when she announced the cuts in education and she was attacked from all sides then.

There is not really a cut-back this year. The figures are changed around but the inflation rate next year will be roughly 8 per cent. The cutbacks are in areas where people outside this House do not see them, but when they lose their jobs next May or June because money is not being pumped into industries they will realise the position. They hear about a £5 charge to keep the school bus service in operation but when they get their cards some Friday then they will see what is happening.

The Margaret Thatcher type policies of putting people on the dole will not work in a country like ours. We are too small, we have too many people totally dependent on the State. We are talking about a work force of one million trying to provide services for 90,000 people. Last week unemployment cost £90,500, pay-related benefit £72,300, unemployment assistance £83,000 and smallholders £20,000. A small base of people are paying taxes to pay for those services which cost the State £5 billion in a year.

One Government will say that they are not going to cut down the deficit over a five-year period, that they never said that it would be in equal slots. Not even a person who never went to school for a day would believe that kind of stuff. It is asking people to believe that we are all infallible and they are all idiots. We were talking about reducing the deficit from £950 million to £850 million to £750 million and now we are talking about a deficit in a day-to-day expenditure on the current budget side of £1,000 million, services of £5 billion and fewer than one million people to pay the taxes to do that. It is an equation that will not work and nobody will convince me otherwise.

We must face up to the fact that current expenditure must be tightened up. When you ask a Government Department in an Estimate of £100 million to cut back .5 per cent you will run into trouble. I have sat at the Cabinet table and I know what happens. Submissions are received and the most ludicrous and outrageous cuts in services are suggested. The only way they can save £100 million is to reduce the number of hospital beds and close schools. People who make such submissions should get them back in the next post and their cards with them. I am talking about services which cost £5 billion in a country with a population of 3.5 million. We have such a tiny base of people paying the taxes and many of the services are out-dated, behind the times, far behind European standards in many areas. We have huge crime problems. People in safe jobs in Government Departments say that they cannot do away with the services and schemes they set up 20 years ago which are no longer needed. They can do it if they are made to do it. It can be done in industry. They would do it if their house was mortgaged against the assets of a company and the bank was moving in on them. They would then find the few per cent necessary to bring it back to £900 million without any difficulty. They will not do it in the present set-up of Government Departments. I know the Minister for Education agrees with me in that because in Education, perhaps more than in other Departments, you never seem to win. If you cut back you are attacked from one side and if you spend you are not spending enough. The same applies to every Department.

If this country is to survive and if we are to provide a decent future for the people leaving school we must turn away from the policies we are following now which reduce employment. We have the highest percentage of young population in Europe. About 20 years ago 140,000 people were in the birth to four years of age category. Now that figure is 180,000. Our present policies are cutting employment and limiting our industrial production. We encourage imports. We cannot grow vegetables. We seem incapable of doing anything that will help the home market. Because of indirect taxation people cross the Border or go by boat to Holyhead to buy drink. People will say that if you cut indirect taxation you do not save money, that the law of diminishing returns does not operate. It does operate. If people go outside the country to spend their money then the law of diminishing returns applies. It is estimated that £1 million a day is being spent in Newry. If that amount was spent in the Republic and the VAT rate were reduced by 5 per cent the benefits would be obvious in reduced unemployment. Now goods are smuggled both ways across the Border. It is not too bad when people make stuff here and take it up to the North, but some major wholesale concerns in this city are buying the drink from traders in Newry and bringing it back here to sell it. Goods sent from here to the North are being sold to Dublin people going up there to buy it. On top of all that a semi-State company is transporting them up and down. The system is crazy.

We will continue in this Adjournment Debate to talk about the hopelessness of the position. We need to look to the future to see what positive steps we can take. We can put money into the technological industries and into the NIHE colleges. That in Ballymun for instance, is excellent. It is training a very good work force and attracting the right industries into the country. We can put money into the construction industry and immediately create a large number of jobs. We can give money to small industries where, because people's own livelihoods are on the line, they will be glad to put in effort and money.

One of the many promises made by this Government in their programme was that they would cut down expenditure on one side and put it into capital programmes, but it is to be regretted they have funked that.

I have one last point to make. If we could look at the problems realistically realising that we are a small country with major problems and then start to tackle them in a new way we will have achieved a great deal before the Adjournment Debate of 1984. We have had the Criminal Justice Bill before the House for months and we continue to debate that because we have not got the Estimates. People are not fools and the people inside this House must realise that those outside are disillusioned with the House and no longer have confidence in it. Some day soon many of us might not be around here to talk about our problems and that will be our own fault. We keep throwing cliches across the floor, implying that expenditure this year has not really gone up to £1,000 million, it is really about percentages and GNP. That game does not work. We are not living in the fifties or sixties now. Our educated young population are looking at this House all the time with binoculars. They are waiting to see progress and action. In the next few weeks while the House is in recess the Government will have an opportunity to draft an imaginative budget, not something like the Book of Estimates.

I have always admired Deputy Ahern's concern for young people and their employment prospects. I should like to put on record my appreciation of his remarks about my colleague, the Minister of State with responsibility for Women's Affairs. She was given a very small budget but she has used it to great effect. Many women's organisations have been helped, albeit in a small way, but up to now they had never received any acknowledgment of their work because it was not perceived to be important. Deputy Ahern summed up what all of us felt about the comment of the Minister of State that it was money well spent.

Deputy Ahern, even though in a less showy manner, has managed to emulate his colleague, Deputy Lenihan, who was described by Deputy Cluskey as ending up facing three ways simultaneously. It seems to me Deputy Ahern is very skilful at that also. It reminded me of last year's episode with the Fianna Fáil Estimates. Last year they advocated cuts but they refused to say where the cuts would be made. They just knocked money off but they did not take the necessary policy decisions. To use Deputy Ahern's words, "they funked the policy decisions". If Deputy Ahern is inviting us to believe that the party have changed completely I think it is stretching credulity somewhat. However, I will accept his word that he has changed.

When I became Minister a year ago I was confronted with a series of very difficult decisions, some of which I had to announce even before the Christmas season. I was called Ms. Scrooge and various other names. However, those difficult decisions had to be taken. In large part the Estimates published by the former Government were with us and we were bound by the sums of money included in them. We had to announce and implement many unpopular measures which were implicit in those Estimates. The House will remember only too well that these measures concerned the introduction of charges for school transport, adjustments in the pupil-teacher ratios at post-primary level, increases in fees in all third level colleges and increases in examination fees for post-primary schools.

There were some areas in which we decided at the beginning of the year not to proceed with the former Government's proposals. This was particularly the case with regard to remedial teaching in primary schools. On my advice, the Government decided not to proceed with the Fianna Fáil suggestion to cut back in this area. Some changes were made with regard to transport charges where medical cardholders were exempted. This had not been included in any scheme put forward by the previous Government.

I agree with Deputy Ahern that we should not shout at each other across the floor of this House. However, I find it difficult enough to accept his sincerity because in the first few months of the year there was a constant stream of the most hypocritical and intemperate condemnation from the Opposition benches. They forgot completely all the wonderful intentions expressed in The Way Forward. They washed their hands of their own Estimates. They called them “suggestions” not “decisions” and they tried to adopt a pose as the great defenders of education.

The Government, of which I am proud to be a member, adopted a policy of consistency and honesty with regard to our Estimates. They managed to achieve in 1983 what seems to have eluded Fianna Fáil Ministers for Education all too often in recent years — actually staying within the limits prescribed. In this regard, while keeping within the overall budget for Education, I was able yesterday to bring forward a Supplementary Estimate to give an additional £100,000 to sports' organisations, bringing the total allocation to £719,000. This extra £100,000 will enable supplementary grants to be made to national sports organisations, as well as providing an additional grant to the Olympic Council of Ireland to help in the preparation of athletes for the 1984 Olympic Games.

During the year considerable concern was expressed by many people about the difficulties of Aontas, the co-ordinating body for the development of adult education. Aontas had some special difficulties in 1983 for various reasons which were a cause of concern to my Department and to the Government. Yesterday we moved a Supplementary Estimate to give them an extra £28,000 to get them out of that difficulty, bringing the total allocation for Aontas in 1983 to £80,000. This underlines our strong commitment in the area of adult education.

Despite the limited economy measures introduced in 1983, amounting only to 2 per cent of overall spending on education, one can say that education in Ireland remains in good health. It has not suffered the fate forecast for it by the masters and mistresses of exaggeration and outrage who gave grim forebodings of doom during the year.

I am aware that schools have had to make some adjustments in timetables or in other ways to cope with the changes in ratios and I do not minimise the problems involved. However, we have been at pains to take account of special transitional difficulties and I pay tribute to the school managers and teachers who worked with officials of my Department on a quota review committee to assess and adjudicate on such cases. I was glad recently on behalf of my officials and on my own behalf to receive thanks from the chairperson of the County Dublin VEC for the concern shown in this transitional period.

Education has made its contribution, through general co-operation and goodwill, to the essential task of controlling public expenditure and helping to bring control to our financial affairs. It is necessary to remind the House that this is the course that will do most for our young people in the end. This has been achieved while at the same time maintaining the essential high quality of the service and by establishing as priorities those in the most vulnerable positions in the system.

Throughout our long and careful deliberations about Estimates for 1984, we kept before us several key principles. Within the strict limitations imposed by the need to keep down public spending it was important to ensure that the weakest sectors were protected and specific recognition has been given to the needs of the disadvantaged. I am very much aware of the special educational problems which are encountered in many urban areas, particularly where there are complex social problems and a high incidence of unemployment. Despite these difficult times we have provided in the Estimates a sum of £500,000 to aid primary schools in such areas. A special committee has already been established in my Department to advise on how best to allocate this sum.

The rising number of young people requiring education, projected to increase by 14,000 or 1.5 per cent in 1984, poses a great challenge not only to the Government, but to the whole of Irish society. The fact that the main increase will occur at the third level where costs are highest, makes the challenge all the greater. At the same time, there are many areas crying out for reform — areas in need of structural amendment — and, especially, the crucial area of curriculum changes which will be addressed through the establishment early next year of the Curriculum and Examinations Board. The detailed arrangements for the establishment of the board are at present before Government and the costs of their operation have been included in the Estimates.

Such measures simply cannot be postponed until times are better. We recognise the importance to the country of having a well educated population and our standing internationally in this regard is high. We can all take pride in the experience of the IDA who have found that our levels of education are an important factor in attracting investment to Ireland.

Yet there must be savings; and great attention is being given to measures which will give greater value for money. We must seek measures to achieve greater efficiency, provided that we protect as far as possible the child in the classroom.

We must, of course, agree priorities. This is why our action programme for education, shortly to come before Government will be so important. This programme, drawn up following extensive consultation with educational bodies, will chart our direction for the next four years. The proposals for change which involve extra spending, must of course be modest but we have managed to include in our estimates for 1984, specific items which reflect the intents of the action programme.

I should mention at this point that a very important feature of the action programme will be to act on the various reports outlining and detailing the extent of sexism in the educational system. This was also mentioned by my colleague, the Minister of State for Women's Affairs, this morning. She mentioned a form issued by the Civil Service Commission concerning jobs in the Ombudsman's office which asked for specific details from married women only. One of the early actions I took in my Department was to ask that all forms be examined and changed where they implied any differences of marital status and so on. A working party was set up in the Department immediately following the publication of the Hannon Report on Sexism at second level education. They have now reported back to me and we are incorporating many of their suggestions in the action programme to tackle sexism in any part of the educational system. In that field, I am sure I can count on Deputy Mary O'Rourke's co-operation and assistance as we work together to make sure that sexism is banished from our educational system.

The total gross provision being made in the five votes in the Education Group of Votes, excluding the National Gallery, in 1984 is £964,874,010. The corresponding estimated outturn figure for 1983 is £911,220,820. The 1984 provision represents an increase of £53,653,190 or 6 per cent.

The gross provision for pay and superannuation in 1984 is £727,332,000 or 82.2 per cent of the gross provision for current expenditure. The estimated outturn in 1983 is £673,660,600 or 81.96 per cent of the total current expenditure. The provision for 1984 represents an increase of 8 per cent over the 1983 estimated outturn.

Pay and pensions continue to account for by far the greater part of the non-capital provision. The cost of the first and second phases of the 1983 Public Service Pay Agreement has been provided for in the figures already quoted. The cost of special claims allowable under this agreement is not included, however, as a general provision for such claims has been included in a global Vote for Remuneration. The additional cost in 1984 of such special claims as have already been approved in respect of the education services is estimated at £2.017 million.

As in 1983, the Government accept the need to protect the primary sector particularly. We recognise that many primary schools have encountered difficulties in meeting running costs this year and have thus provided £2.3 million to allow for an increase in capitation grants of £4 per pupil, an increase of 23½ per cent. My discussions during the year with many bodies in this area have convinced me that this is an extremely important step to take. This is a firm declaration by the Government of the real priority which they attach to primary education. The increase, well above projected inflation levels, is the greatest ever granted in a single year. It is also important to point out that the increase applied from September last. In addition to this increase there is the £500,000 for the education of the disadvantaged. This is the first time ever, in the preparation of Estimates for the Department of Education, that a specific provision has been made for disadvantaged areas as a whole. This is a positive action, in contrast to pious expressions of intent of successive Fianna Fáil Governments which were never translated into hard cash.

The grant-in-lieu of fees for secondary schools will also be increased. The Estimate shows an additional £1.6 million which will allow for an increase in the grant of £8 per pupil, bringing the grant to £100. This new rate will be payable from 1 January 1984. This increase, which will keep the level of grant in line with projected inflation levels, is being made available, despite our appalling financial problems, in recognition of the needs which schools in the secondary sector undoubtedly have to meet. This is again a tangible recognition of the Government's sympathetic understanding of the difficulties which schools must face.

Normally, in this difficult area of education, as was mentioned by Deputy Ahern earlier, one does not expect thanks and indeed very rarely receives it. However, I should like to acknowledge a telegram received this morning from Brother Declan Duffy, General Secretary of the Secretariat of Secondary Schools, who congratulates me on the efforts I have made at Cabinet level with regard to second level schools.

I want to take this opportunity of clearing up what may for some people be a misunderstanding relating to the provision in 1984 for Vocational Education. The Book of Estimates shows a provision of £93,559,000 for 1984 compared with an outturn of £93,097,000 this year. This does not reflect the aggregate grant of income to Vocational Education Committees. The subvention from the youth employment levy for the training courses conducted by committees will be increased in 1984 by £2.2 million.

In addition, since 1 January 1983, the procedures for making available capital moneys to vocational education committees have been changed with a view to making the system of payment more efficient. Formerly, committees borrowed from the local loans fund for capital for school building and repaid the loan charges out of their current grants. Now, the capital for vocational school building is a direct charge on the Vote for post-primary education. As a consequence, there will be a reduction of at least £1.0 million in 1984 in the committee's liability for loan charges. Further minor items involve a reduction of £800,000. In interpreting, therefore, the provision for vocational education committees in 1984. these items totalling £4.0 million must be taken into account. The effect of all this is that the disposable income of vocational committes in 1984 will be in fact increased by £4,461,000 in 1984. I am satisfied that the sum now provided for vocational education committees will meet their requirements for 1984 and enable them to cater for an anticipated increase in student numbers of 2½ per cent.

Deputy Ahern mentioned the appointment of Deputy G. Birmingham as Minister of State with extra responsibilities in my Department. I want to assure the House that contrary to Deputy Ahern's assertion, this is not redressing a mistake. This appointment has a specific brief to co-ordinate the fields of education and training, a development which has been widely sought in particular by the Irish Vocational Education Association, and which I believe will satisfy many people in the education system as being a real step forward.

Turning to community and comprehensive schools, this Vote shows an increase of £4.86 million and reflects the continuing growth in the number of pupils in these schools as well as the number of new schools being opened. In ordering priorities the cost of third level education has had to come under close scrutiny. An increase of 2,900 students is anticipated, a rise of 4.7 per cent. Further fee increases cannot be avoided and the whole question of third level fees and student support is extremely complex and must be the subject of careful study. No final decisions in this context have yet been made, except that the Estimates assume an increase in fees in all third level institutions of the order of 20 per cent.

In comparing the 1983 provision for higher education with that for 1984, account must also be taken of the knock-on effect of the greater increases in fees agreed in 1983 as in many cases the second moiety of these fees will not be paid until January 1984. In the Estimate provision for third level education, it is recognised that the sum provided will allow for increased numbers principally through the achievement of greater cost-efficiency in all third level institutions.

No changes have been made in the rules governing pupil-teacher ratios at either primary or post-primary level. However, the changes introduced in 1983 for post-primary schools will continue to be implemented as vacancies arise. No permanent teacher loses his or her job as a result of these changes. There has been some recent comment concerning these changes and about the effects which they are alleged to be having on schools. Obviously any reduction in teacher numbers must result in some changes in school timetables. However, it is important to remember that the pupil-teacher ratio is only one of the variables which affect this situation. The others are class size, the length of the school day and week and the number of hours worked by teachers. It is the function of school managers and principals to determine their priorities, having regard to the best utilisation of all resources available to them.

Those who condemn the reductions in teacher numbers should remember that the growth in such numbers over the last decade took place on a large scale, running far ahead of the parallel growth in pupil numbers. In 1972-73 there were 29,187 teachers at first and second level. Ten years later, in 1982-83 their numbers had risen by 11,068 to 40,255 — an increase of 37.9 per cent. Over the same period the number of full-time pupils had increased by only 17 per cent. Much as we may desire that there be a continuation of this situation it is simply not sustainable in present circumstances. We cannot ignore the fact that in 1984, despite the changed ratios, salaries and pensions will account for such a very large proportion of current expenditure.

I am aware that questions have arisen with regard to the provision for school transport. I want to assure the House that the Estimates do not assume any increase in charges above those introduced in 1983. It is considered that the 3 per cent increase will prove adequate to meet the cost of maintaining services at present levels, taking into account economies which have proved possible in drawing up routes. Some further items deserve brief comment.

The provision for grants in respect of the National Library and National Museum shows an increase of 100 per cent over the 1983 estimated outturn. Although the provision for publications in Irish in 1984 may appear to be lower than in 1983, the real situation is that the amount is the same for both years, excluding a once-off payment of an exceptional nature made in 1983.

It will be noted that higher education grants to students will cost 29 per cent more in 1984 than in 1983. This increase is due to the carryover effect of improvements in the grants scheme introduced by the Coalition Government in 1981 and the increase in course fees in 1983. The provision for courses for teachers shows an increase of over 60 per cent over the 1983 outturn. The Government have recognised the tremendous importance of such courses in ensuring that teachers are kept abreast of current developments in their respective disciplines.

It has been found necessary to impose strict limits on capital expenditure in 1984. The provision of £80.4 million will, however, allow for a substantial programme to be undertaken through a careful scaling of priorities and with emphasis being given to the provision of new places. The increase in the capitation grant to national schools is not the only measure being undertaken to indicate my priority for primary education. The capital grant for 1984 for national school building is increased by £1¼ million compared with that in the Book of Estimates for 1983.

Undoubtedly, the reduction in the capital allocation for second level schools will mean some constraints and a determining of priorities. But the last few years have seen a substantial additional allocation for second-level school building. It could not be anticipated that investment would be maintained at this high level. Numbers are levelling off and the increased enrolments to the end of the decade are unlikely to exceed a further 25,000. Demand for places in the suburban areas are not reaching the levels anticipated and in many cases are being matched by declining enrolments in existing schools. We must take this into account in our planning. The upshot has been that some planned community schools have been found not to be required. In fact, over £2 million has been re-allocated this year from community schools to secondary and vocational schools.

The overall situation, therefore, for 1984 will mean a tight controlling of all expenditure. However, it is essential for all, Minister, Department, managers, teachers and parents, to work to ensure that every effort is made to maximise the educational benefit to those for whom the whole system exists. I believe we will make positive progress. Already in 1983 we have seen important steps taken towards curriculum and examination reform, new courses introduced in modern languages, with new examination modes in 1985 leading on to full oral tests in 1986. We are taking steps to increase awareness of the need to eliminate sexism from education. The forthcoming autumn programme will seriously face up to a whole range of areas where change can and must be achieved.

Those on the opposite side of this House who call for more spending and who try to make political capital from denouncing all Estimates as "not enough" and at the same time calling for lower taxes will be seen by all to be living in a world of the never-never and make-believe. I believe that in the interests of the plain people of this country the Deputies on the Opposition benches should stay there and should not be given the reins of Government in the near future.

The Irish economy and the education system need many years of prudent Government and realistic planning to recover from the effects of the lost years from 1977 to 1981. I hope to play my part in helping this country to stand on its own feet again and I believe that this first year in office has laid a solid foundation for the future of Ireland's young population.

I do not believe we can tax ourselves out of a recession. The inefficient and oppressive tax code is now a major impediment to recovery. The Minister for Finance has been excessively cautious in promoting reform in the taxation system, the need for which is widely agreed by all sectors of the community. Increased financial strain, stemming largely from indiscriminate and excessive taxation, has pushed many families, especially those in the middle income group, into very heavy indebtedness, perhaps for the first times in their lives and it will take them years to recover from that indebtedness. There is increased evidence all around us of this middle income indebtedness. I would refer to it as middle income panic at this stage. The new poor are in the majority. White collar poverty is here to stay. There is significant scope for tax reforms. These reforms could strengthen the public finances and contribute directly to economic recovery.

The Secretary of the Commission on Taxation, Dr. Donal De Buitléir, said that significant and radical tax reform is feasible within the constraints imposed by the present state of the public finances. He said a comprehensive tax base with lower tax rates would make a great contribution to the efficiency of the economy. I entirely accept that. Despite a deflationary budget last year, which was probably the most severe since the hungry fifties, relatively little progress has been made in reducing the current budget deficit. We can see all around us that the impact of those policies has proved disastrous in terms of jobs, output and, at the end of the day and more seriously, in investment in Irish industry.

Next year unemployment will be 60,000 people above the figure which the Government now in office described in their Programme for Government as a disastrous level of unemployment. The leak — if that is the correct word — of the draft White Paper from the IDA, which seems to contain a number of very positive elements which I would support, shows one difficulty. It seems to have been planned around an increase in unemployment during the eighties. This is unfortunate, because it is a fatalistic approach which is unacceptable to a rising generation of young Irish people. It amounts to an abdication of a national and long-standing commitment by successive Governments to at least strive to achieve full employment. To produce a White Paper which seems to indicate a planned level of unemployment is fatalistic and unacceptable.

The room for manoeuvre on the economic front, as we all know and in particular as the Government know, is extremely limited. At the same time, the problems of unemployment, declining investment and low morale have become more pressing. I see a more favourable international economic outlook for 1984. This should give us a breathing space in which we can formulate and implement policies for what this country desperately needs, that is, a new direction.

This new direction which I call for must be based on strong, clear policies to do what we have not done for a long time, that is, to generate some wealth. This will necessitate a gradual, planned, progressive rolling back of the involvement of the State in our economy, which has led to a deterioration in the public finances and a level of personal taxation which now has us classed as one of the highest taxed nations in the world.

I seek a new beginning based on creative and imaginative policies. A new direction would demand a progressive reduction in the level of State involvement. I notice that £100 million is allocated in the current Estimates for restructuring the finances of semi-State bodies which could be better used in creating long-term sustainable jobs. A more market-orientated, competitive approach is now appropriate, particularly in the semi-State area in order to safeguard employment and ensure the best use of very scarce natural resources.

A new direction also demands a restructuring of investment expenditure in favour of indigenous Irish industry. I criticise fair weather foreign investors who pull out during difficult times. We must have incentives geared towards strengthening linkages between grant-aided foreign industry and domestic industry.

A comprehensive programme for natural resource development is also part of the new direction which this nation needs. Measures to support structural change in agriculture could greatly strengthen employment and output. The form in which the farm modernisation programme has been re-introduced is quite inadequate in this regard. I reiterate my call for an immediate and radical overhaul of the taxation system with the objective of restoring incentives and boosting confidence and in that way providing jobs for Irish people.

I believe time is running out for this country. Certainly, it is running out for our economy. It is time to get our act together as a nation. Which direction will we go in? We cannot go in all directions at all times. As a nation we suffer — and like everyone else I suppose I suffer from it too — from the long in diagnosis and pretty short on action. The nature of Irish society has changed dramatically. We now have 62 per cent of Irish people living in towns and cities. In 1925-26 that figure was 32 per cent.

An Foras Forbartha suggest that by the end of the decade in 16 years over 80 per cent of Irish people will be urbanised. That has implications for unemployment, for crime and for the type of society we will have in Ireland in the year 2000. It will be nothing like the Ireland of the twenties or thirties. It will be a new Ireland with a new range of young people. They will have new ambitions and perhaps new standards. That is what we have to plan for urgently.

When I called for a rolling back of State involvement I did so against the background of three figures I want to put before the House. In 1958, when times were better, I suppose, Government expenditure as a percentage of gross national product was 28 per cent. By 1970 it had risen to 41 per cent. In 1983 it is heading for 70 per cent, and we call on people in the private area to provide jobs. How can they? There is no room. The State has taken the market place and is sitting on it and hogging it. If that is the direction we are going in, let us say so and go there honestly together. If that is not the direction we are going in, let us roll it back.

In the name of a married man with two children the State is spending £8,000 per annum which is attributable to him. I doubt that he pays that much tax, or anything like it. When you add to that unemployment, dependency and poverty, the level of taxation and borrowing required to continue to provide the services of the State is too heavy a burden and kills incentive and investment.

I wonder how many of us really look at the figures other than as great big noughts and telephone numbers in a nice green book. Do people realise that every penny of PAYE is being paid out in interest on the national debt? I am not interested in the claims of different political parties as to who can sell the better type of Omo. I am not interested in that type of politics; I am interested in getting the country back on its feet.

Does that signal a conversion on the part of the Deputy?

The Minister will get his chance to speak later. I am on record as having pointed that out during the Adjournment Debate last year and the year before and also in the Seanad. The figures which are in front of us are quite frightening and we are definitely running out of time unless we can between us find ways to handle the economy, whoever gets the credit. Let us get the job done.

In 1963 we were spending 7 per cent of GNP on social welfare. We are now spending nearly 15 per cent. There are 635,000 recipients of social welfare payments who have a further 530,000 dependants, making over 1 million people dependent on social welfare. That is before adding in the now famous children's allowances, which would mean that about 2 million of Ireland's 3 million people are getting some form of social welfare benefit.

Any attempt to tackle the economy must take account of the structure. We have some 3 million people, a work force of 1 million and a very high dependency ratio. Our unemployment rate is 15.5 per cent, while the unemployment rate throughout Europe is 10 per cent and is only 6 per cent in America. What is the problem with Ireland that it cannot have a 10 per cent unemployment level, which would mean a lot more people back at work and a lot of extra revenue accruing to the State? It cannot just be the international recession because the rest of Europe has experienced the same difficulty in regard to the recession, yet their unemployment rate is 5 per cent lower than ours. I suggest that the problem in Ireland is in the area I have been mentioning. Nothing short of a radical, fundamental view of the structure of the economy will tackle the difficulty.

At present £300 million is going annually into Irish pension funds and over 75 per cent of that money is going to the Government in gilts. The pension funds represent one of the biggest areas of capital accumulation and instead of putting their money into industry and job creation it is being lent to the Government because it is safe, virtually tax-free and the Government have an endless appetite for borrowing money. Ten years ago the pension funds had less than half of their money in gilts and on loan to the Government. This demonstrates the fundamental problem in our economy — lack of confidence and lack of freedom to move for the average person who wants to create some employment.

If the State, having built up these enormous deficits and having taxed people to the hilt, had thereby solved all the problems I would be the most enthusiastic supporter of State involvement in the economy. The evidence is the opposite. After all the borrowing and investment by the State we have the highest unemployment rate in Europe. Can we for the next decade look to the State to provide the kind of employment which will soak up the resources of all our people? If we cannot, then we must leave some space for the private sector to do it. We cannot continue to ride both horses. I am not speaking ideologically but from the hard, factual evidence. The Irish double-think must stop. The State must either allow the private sector to create jobs or do so itself. At the moment we have the worst of both worlds. The State is hogging the whole economy and not creating jobs.

We must look carefully at the level of public expenditure in other countries. In this country Government spending as a proportion of total spending is heading towards 75 per cent. In Britain there have been many socialist Governments and they have achieved a figure of 44 per cent Government spending as a percentage of total. In the USA it is 30 per cent, in France 40 per cent, in Japan 28 per cent and in Switzerland 20 per cent. In Ireland it is in the region of 70 per cent. If all that Government investment had solved our problems I would be its enthusiastic supporter, but we must see the decimination of the economy after the flirtation with Irish socialism which is spending taxpayers' money to create State enterprises to create jobs. That is the basis of it. It has not worked to date and we should either stop the experiment or go that road entirely.

I have great sympathy for any Minister for Finance in trying to frame Estimates and a budget. He has approximately £7,000 million to spend. Out of that, £2,400 million goes in public sector pay and a further £1,600 million goes in interest payments. Effectively that leaves £2,500 million to run the State. Almost £5,000 million goes on two items, interest on the national debt and paying the public services. Two steps must be taken if we are to cut taxation. We must cut back the interest, which means cutting back borrowing, and stem the growth in public sector pay. Any other diagnosis is in cloud cuckoo-land. In 1973 total borrowing was £260 million. Today it stands at £8,500 million. If putting up the national debt to that figure had left us with a great economy it would be wonderful, but it has had the opposite effect. That policy was wrong and it has failed. Big answers are needed for big problems. Difficult philosophical decisions must be taken. We cannot just tinker with the system year by year. We must decide the direction of the economy for the coming ten years.

I turn for the moment to the rate of growth in the economy. We are managing at the moment to achieve about 1 per cent, but to make any impression whatsoever on unemployment we need to reach a 6 or 7 per cent growth rate. Again I ask, who is concentrating on creating the growth? Just getting the books in order — which I support because it must be done — at the expense of the creation of some vibrancy, hope and expectation in the economy, leaves no hope for employment. We must not become known in history as the generation who failed to tackle the problem of unemployment. Technology has had its own role to play in creating unemployment, I must confess. For example, in the past two or three years in the United States 100,000 petrol pump attendants lost their jobs due to technological advances. That is an indication of how sweeping the changes can be. In the early days it used to take 80 per cent of the population in the United States to produce food for the whole population. It now takes 5 per cent to make the nation's food.

We have not really tackled here the area of imports. Last year alone we imported £140 million worth of fruit and vegetables, £97 million of live animals, £100 million of animal feedingstuffs, £28 million of potatoes, £320 million of clothing and footwear, £680 million of chemicals and £1,400 million of machinery, including electrical machinery. That is a litany of failures. It demonstrates that there is still scope, with a little imagination, to provide employment at home by replacing these imports with Irish-produced items. That can be done with the right policies and that action cannot wait until the books are balanced. The books should be balanced gradually, but that development must take place in parallel, concurrently, with the book balancing. It is not an either or situation, as the present Minister for Finance seems to think.

I have dealt with our changing population structure. I put forward the proposition that we must concentrate on the creation of wealth at this stage in our economy. The challenge is to reach a consensus, which consensus will have to result in this new direction of which I have spoke before. Ireland's efforts in eliminating poverty, living up to its social commitments and helping those here who find it difficult or impossible in the present climate to help themselves, bring great responsibility. I am sure that the Minister opposite and I would have equal concern over the level of poverty here.

The Deputy has five minutes.

Obviously we will have different diagnoses as to how to handle it, but handled it must be. My proposition is that we should create some wealth here, which we have not done for many years. The best way to live up to our social commitments is by having the wealth to distribute, not the other way around as we appear to have been doing for a very long time now. Simply, to create jobs we must achieve growth and to get growth we must restore initiative and confidence. That might be old fashioned, but has never been as true as it is today.

Recently I put forward a number of specific suggestions which I shall mention very quickly. The charge can easily be levelled that it is relatively easy to diagnose the problem but that when it comes down to specifics the Opposition parties are often accused of being short on these. I put forward as my basic proposition that the State has dominated the economy for too long, that it should be gently pushed back and that incentives should be brought in for private people to create the wealth. The State can regulate the level of taxation in the private area and get its money in a much more simple and easy way by encouraging and allowing private firms to make some profit, which they have not done here for a long time. The State can then get the same amount of money simply by taxation policies. It is this hang-up and ideological obsession with ownership and control of firms and resources which is impeding this country at present. The State could have the same funds available to it if the Government had an imaginative taxation policy, whether the State owns all the shares or not. In the past, the State has not been able to create the wealth to supply the jobs.

On another occasion I suggested that a low rate of tax should be given to companies with a larger labour force. At present the same rate of profit tax is paid whether you employ two or 500, if you make the same profit. This lower rate of tax would encourage people to take on employees. A socialist Government in Britain has brought in a system which is also very popular in the United States, whereby the average person having £4,000 to £6,000 to invest, instead of running to the building society or bank can become an investor directly in industry. He can pick his firm and put his money into that and have it allowed against his income tax. This has brought many millions of pounds into the British system. It has reared a whole new generation of British and American investors and could do that here also. The more people are interested in watching individual firms, the more those firms will prosper. I also call for a three year financial budget to replace the present annual budget. A business of any size now has a four or five year budget and for Ireland to be operating on a year to year basis is crazy.

I would like the idea of the National Development Corporation to be dropped and replaced by a capital venture fund which the State would oversee and coordinate. I want more investment in marketing and a system whereby people can leave the State sector, start their own businesses and be allowed back into the State sector if they so wish. I have not time to deal with these subjects in detail. I want the Irish companies now moving abroad in their hundreds to be given a system of bringing their profits back into Ireland. All the Irish companies are moving out and their profits are not being repatriated. I propose that firms be allowed a double deduction for wages against their tax assessment. That is a discrimination towards wages. I want a re-definement of free trade. This country cannot be good at everything, making everything for everybody and selling everything to everybody.

Would the Deputy please conclude?

We must specialise within the European Community and I suggest that that be done in the area of developing our food industries and particularly our services. In conclusion, my basic contention is that time is running out for this country——

And for the Deputy also.

Time is running out for me, too. This action must be taken and I suggest that it be taken along the lines for which I have called this morning.

I am particularly pleased to have been in the House to listen to Deputy Brennan's contribution. I trust that the Christmas spirit of goodwill which appears to have evaporated last night at the Housing Committee meeting, at which Deputy O'Malley——

That was only because of the Minister's absence.

Let me re-introduce that spirit now. I want to make some points on my Department. I cannot let the record stand in relation to the political, not the personal, comments Deputy S. Brennan made. I do not wish that the remarks I am about to make should be interpreted in any personal sense. I trust Deputy Brennan will accept that. But the record must surely show that his contribution has been quite outrageous politically and entirely ideological. The ideological hang-ups these days seem to be clustered in South County Dublin between Deputy S. Brennan and Deputy Kelly.

Next door to the Minister.

Yes, uncomfortably so. What Deputy Brennan is signalling to the people of this country—and I must make this point to Deputy Brennan who sold Omo with free packets of give-away politics in 1977 — many of the problems obtaining today stem directly from the 1977 Fianna Fáil Manifesto. As I think Deputy O'Malley will agree, the record will show that, in the first debate that followed the first budget of that Administration, the Labour Party of the time argued that the expections of throwing borrowed private money at the private sector, that formed the basis of that entire economic strategy, was guaranteed to fail. Its failure was signalled by Mr. Liam Connellan, the Director General of the Confederation of Irish Industry who said, on a television programme with me, in the summer of 1977, that it was not the requirement, obligation or responsibility of the private sector to create jobs, that they would take the profits, "thank you", but that they were not prepared to respond to the Fianna Fáil Manifesto of that time.

My analysis at that time — and the record will bear out my accurate recollection of it — was that what Fianna Fáil were proposing at the time was akin to borrowing money to place a substantial bet on a horse that they thought might come in. There were clear philosophical or ideological arguments advanced by us on why that horse could not come in because every other time it had run in this country it had not gone beyond the first lap. The cost of putting such a big bet this time on that same horse would result, at the end of the day, in our not having the money we expected from the winnings, and having to repay the money borrowed to place the bet in the first instance. The difficulties in which very many of our people find themselves is a consequence of that extraordinary period of money being thrown away by Fianna Fáil.

That is not true.

When the figures contained in that manifesto started to go wrong, when Mr. Connellan's prophesy that the private sector would not increase employment for a whole variety of complex reasons, the Government of the day deliberately stuffed the public service, packed the public service, rang up State companies asking them if they could take on more people.

Does the Minister object to that?

I do not but I object most strenuously to Deputy Brennan describing that as Irish socialism having failed; that is what I object to. Irish socialism has never been given a chance. If we are to have an ideological discussion let us talk about just that. The State sector has been used outrageously by past Fianna Fáil Administrations to endeavour to achieve objectives totally contrary to every law of economics. Then to turn around and denounce the State sector as being inherently incapable of performing economically — because they would not allow it perform economically in the first instance — seems to me to be totally unfair logic and argument. However, I shall go into that in some detail on another occasion. That is not to deny the enormity of the problem Deputy Brennan raised.

Deputy Brennan's obsession with figures is matched by those of his colleagues in book-balancing in South County Dublin. For example, Deputy Brennan used the figure — that 7 per cent of the budget or was it GDP in 1963, I cannot recall — was spent on social welfare. In 1983 15 per cent was spent on social welfare. I am glad it was 15 per cent. Indeed it is a reflection on all of us that it was not something in the region of 15 per cent in 1963. It should be remembered that in 1963 one had to wait until age 70 before receiving an old age pension, that if one was an unmarried mother one got nothing, or if one's spouse or partner was in jail, one received nothing. In many other areas there was no extension of the social welfare code that virtually every other European post-war economy had comfortably achieved by then. We were miserable to the weak section of our society. That misery was reflected in that figure of 7 per cent. If Deputy Brennan in his arguments that we should revert to that kind of level — which I do not think he is——

No, I am not.

Then he should not present the argument in that way because it is a false representation of figures.

I am asking how one pays for it; one pays for it by creating wealth, and the State has not produced the wealth.

We have a common objective that Deputy O'Malley has often heard me state in this House — this country has got to create wealth; that is quite clear and I have always supported that view.

Is that the job now?

That has always been the job. But we are not a poor nation. Historically a lot of the wealth of this country has been exported. For example, take the figure about which Deputy Brennan spoke in relation to the pension funds, so much of it being in Irish gilts. By implication, the Deputy let the figures hang in the air to the extent of a suggestion that the Irish pension fund money ten years ago was utilised more productively in other sectors of our economy. It was placed on the London Stock Exchange by a telephone call because, until we entered the European Monetary System, the balance of all the Irish pension funds was being placed in London. With all due respect to the Deputy, again his argument is false. I fully support the idea that the pension fund money should be utilised to produce jobs and generate wealth. But we shall have to change the laws in relation to the responsibility of trustees. Perhaps the implication of what is being suggested by Deputy Brennan is that fund managers speculate with pension funds and savings. It should be remembered that there are very clear rules and regulations in relation to them. There are many definite areas in which Irish pension funds could be used, particularly on the question of infrastructure in which area I would hope we would see development. The Housing Finance Agency, perhaps has been the most spectacular innovation in recent times in relation to the utilisation of pension funds. In less than 18 months they loaned £60 million to people buying houses, all of it from pension funds. That kind of model could very usefully be employed elsewhere.

To go on to other points made in relation to the difficulties obtaining here, the suggestion that the State has failed, that we are totally incapable of using a State agency to create wealth in this country is a false presentation and a great insult to many people who work in the State sector.

It was not intended to be so.

Perhaps then this correction of some of the mistaken impressions that might be drawn from Deputy Brennan's comments will be useful.

I am looking at the cost not the people involved.

In many cases the cost is not a function of the people working in them but rather the result of some of the political constraints imposed by different Administrations for uneconomic reasons. If the Deputy looked he would see that there have been State companies that have been spectacularly successful. Indeed their degree of commercial success seems to me to be in direct proportion with the minimum amount of political interference in them on a day-to-day basis. By political interference I mean being forced to locate in certain areas for geographical rather than economic reasons, being forced to maintain price levels that do not reflect the proper market place value they could obtain for their products.

One must add to what the Deputy has said in relation to the State company and what appears to reflect Fianna Fáil thinking from a particular side — that one of the historic achievements of the Fianna Fáil Party was the successful and essential creation of certain State companies, particularly in the thirties and forties. For example, I would not for one moment regard Bord na Móna, the ESB, or any of the other major State companies as wasteful operations. A lot of those in trouble are so for reasons not of their making. The repeated claim by people in the private sector that they want to create jobs if only they would be allowed to do so, that they have the interests of the nation at heart, must be examined. One cannot just lump the entire private sector together, assigning a unique set of values to it.

There are very fine people in the private sector who are producing wealth and creating jobs, but there are many others who are not doing that. The Deputy made reference to the question of very necessary import substitution, and all the more necessary because of the overheating of the economy by money that was borrowed falsely and injected into the economy between 1977 and 1979. We developed levels of imports in areas in which we never had them before. This was caused by the mismanagement of the economy by Fianna Fáil. To give an example, up to 1977 there were no imports of cement from any quarter apart from what was a negligible amount of imports during the cement strike in the early seventies. From his knowledge of the building industry Deputy Brennan will know that I am right in this. We had a private company who had been set up within a State framework, Irish Cement Limited, who were producing what was perhaps the finest quality cement in the world and who, based on levels of expectations, increased their capacity — though from what we now know are the facts and figures they probably over increased. However, we now have a situation, in which there is involved a very prominent political supporter of Fianna Fáil, cheap Spanish cement is being imported. Until we convince people in the industry that their overall welfare depends on reducing these kinds of imports we will not bring about the kind of import subsitution that is required if we are to release the money necessary for investment.

It was difficult to have to listen to Deputy Brennan making these kind of points when I am aware in a detailed way that on the one hand there are people on the contracting side in the building industry who are demanding that the State increase its percentage investment in the industry from its current level of 70 per cent to higher levels while the very same people are importing foreign-made materials and building on foot of State contracts with these imported materials. The consequence of this will be to put more Irish people out of work. If that is the kind of private sector activity the Deputy is anxious to defend, he is on his own.

Why, then, does he not address himself to these problems and why do the private sector not come forward and deal with them in their own way? In the building industry alone it seems to me that when in trouble, the private sector wish the State to bail them out but when not in trouble to go off on their own and not to be accountable or responsible.

I am only saying that we have the highest tax rates in the world, that we must find ways of reducing those rates and that the only way of doing that is by reducing public expenditure. I do not think it is fair to deduce anything else from my argument.

The Deputy spent a lot of time saying that the State sector had failed totally and that the only possibility so far as the creation of wealth is concerned is by way of the private sector. The Deputy went on to defend what I consider to be contradictions in his argument but we may have about three more years to extend this debate.

That would be unfortunate.

Irrespective of who had the responsibility for governing, the task is becoming more difficult. The only way it can be resolved is by way of the application of a socialist approach to our economic problems. The degree of flexibility and the room for manoeuvre that any administration have at any time is governed by the external figures and the arithmetic both of the economy within which that administration is operating and world trade figures. That is the reality that has restricted the French, the Spanish and the Greek Governments, all of which are majority socialist administrations, in dealing with exactly the same problems that Deputy Brennan identified in relation to public expenditure.

A growing number of our people are becoming unemployed, many of whom never thought they would have become unemployed during their working lives and many of whom have the ability to provide employment for themselves if given some kind of help. But they are caught in a catch-22 situation because they are drawing social welfare benefits to which they are entitled on foot of the substantial contributions they have made during their working lives but cannot avail of that essential money which they need if they wish to start some new enterprise or project. For that reason the Government at their two-day meeting at Barrettstown during the summer decided to introduce an enterprise allowance scheme. This will encourage such people to make a fresh start.

I shall describe the scheme in some detail.

The task force recognised that one of the difficulties facing an unemployed person wishing to set up his or her own enterprise was the lack of an assured income, however basic it might be, and it was necessary that they would have an income during the early stages of the new enterprise. This is not normally a problem in schemes designed to asist bigger enterprises and businesses. The incentives provided in schemes for larger enterprises are generally in the form of capital payments rather than a regular ongoing financial support for a period. The enterprise allowance scheme has been designed to bridge this gap and it will provide a weekly income of £50 for a married person and £30 for a single person for up to 52 weeks during the difficult start-up phase of an enterprise. However, the allowance or part of it may be paid in the form of a lump sum in a limited number of cases to facilitate the purchase of capital assets. Any type of enterprise will be considered under the scheme. The help can be by way of lump sum payment. I am satisfied from the inquiries my Department have been getting in the past few months since the scheme was first mentioned that there is considerable interest in a scheme of this type. These inquiries have come from a wide variety of people interested in starting up various types of business. The scheme is being introduced on a pilot basis during which stage it will be limited to 500 participants.

The enterprise allowance scheme is directed in the first place at persons who have been in receipt of unemployment benefit or assistance for at least 13 weeks but persons who had been in receipt of either and who then went on to participate in training course organised by AnCO, IMI or CERT are also eligible to apply provided that the two periods together make up at least 13 consecutive weeks. In addition, persons in receipt of the disabled persons rehabilitation allowance for at least 13 weeks while attending a training course approved by the National Rehabilitation Board are eligible to apply. Applicants must of course satisfy the eligibility criteria at the time of entry to the scheme.

I should explain that schemes will not be assessed for their long-term viability. To so provide would have made the scheme too cumbersome and would necessitate the establishment of a system of evaluation which would be difficult to implement in practice. At the same time the National Manpower Service will have to be satisfied as to the general suitability of the applicant and the enterprise which he or she proposes to establish. In other words, all persons who are interested in setting up their own business in virtually any sector of economic activity, provided the business is legal and does not cause a nuisance, should apply to the local NMS office to participate in the scheme.

Enterprises set up under the enterprise allowance scheme will be able to benefit as appropriate from other schemes operated by State agencies. In practice participants in this new scheme will require all the assistance and advice organisations such as the IDA, SFADCo, Údarás na Gaeltachta, county development teams and so on can give and I would like to assure prospective participants that such assistance will be made available to them as necessary.

Although it is likely that many applicants to the scheme will wish to operate on their own the phenomenon of worker co-operatives is increasing here in Ireland in common with other European countries and accordingly applications from persons wishing to set up in business together on a co-operative basis or otherwise will be considered.

As I mentioned already, the scheme is being introduced on a pilot basis with up to 500 applications being accepted if that many are found suitable for participation. The scheme will be monitored during the pilot phase to assess its effectiveness in job creation and I hope to be in a position fairly quickly to make recommendations to Government on how best such a scheme could contribute to job creation on an ongoing basis. The total cost of the pilot phase is estimated to be in the region of £1.0 million, practically all of which will arise in 1984. Against this can be offset savings on the Social Welfare Vote on unemployment benefit or assistance. These savings could be substantial and might in effect be equivalent to the total cost of the programme. In fact, if successful enterprises are established under the enterprise allowance scheme, it is likely that there will be a net gain to the Exchequer from VAT and income tax receipts. The 1984 Estimates, published on 14 December show an amount of £600,000 for this scheme. The balance of the cost, that is that relating to persons under 25 years, will be met from the youth employment agency, subhead T.

I should mention that the Minister for Social Welfare is making regulations under the Social Welfare Consolidation Act, 1981, to arrange for the award of credited social welfare contributions to participants in the enterprise scheme in order to keep alive their entitlements to social welfare payments. This will ensure that participants whose enterprises do not succeed and return to the live register are protected. The Government considered that this was a necessary feature of the scheme in order to make it attractive to unemployed persons who might otherwise not be prepared to take the risk of venturing into self employment.

I repeat that I am very confident that this will prove to be an effective job creation scheme. If the scheme is successful, and I believe it will be, there is the enormous historic possibility of turning around the vast amount of resources used under the Social Welfare Vote and the Vote for manpower services and training — they are part and parcel of the figures Deputy Séamus Brennan finds so unacceptable — to create activity, employment and wealth here in ways that have not previously occurred.

There is no reason why the country, and its people, should feel that the State has failed or that we are in such a position that we cannot solve our problems. History records that the earliest recorded settlement of humanity on this island was on the shores of Lough Neagh in Ulster in the year 6000 BC. Since that time there have been approximately 150 generations of people living on this island. We are the 150th generation but no other generation of Irish people have ever been as well fed, well housed, well educated or talented as this generation. We have enormous skills and expertise. We speak with a fluency and unique richness of what is now the modern language of the western world and of the modern technology that will take us into the 21st century. It is an asset that other countries in similar positions, such as Greece, Spain or Portugal, will have to spend thousands of millions of pounds to get in order to reach to the same level. Our ability to sell goods and services abroad is greater than the historically successful trading country, Britain. Every Irishman and Irish woman today exports two and a half times as much in goods and services as his or her British counterparts. Our export figures for this year are a unique tale of success. We should not allow ourselves, or our children, because of the difficulties we have at present which are of a short-term nature irrespective of how they came about, to obscure the facts of the extraordinary asset value the country has.

We must now be sensible and smart about how we use the resources we have. There is an ideological witch-hunt going on at present from the Right in relation to figures, books and State expenditure. The historical fact of reality is that if we had not relied upon the State to help our people since 1921 we would be a totally impoverished nation. I respectfully appeal to Fianna Fáil Members, and the economists outside, most of whom get paid consultancy fees by the State sector and enjoyed an education in grotesquely heavily subsidised third level institutions, not to buy this pup. Fianna Fáil have always described themselves as being non-ideological and totally pragmatic and they should look carefully at the figures and the philosophy on which they are based. While Deputy Brennan presented a series of figures which apparently had an objectivity about them the thrust was clearly philosophical and the position totally ideological. There is the suggestion that the new orthodoxy in economics is that one eliminates State expenditure and reduces costs entirely. Like all new orthodoxies it is over-stated and exaggerated.

Just keep it in proportion. That is all I want. It is not too big.

It becomes a new orthodoxy to replace the old which has been discredited. In many cases, those who are giving us the new orthodoxy are the people who gave us the old one. We should look critically at the authoritative advice and the definitive opinions of people who do not have the responsibility to represent the people, are not accountable to them and are so ready with their advice which they give with a degree of infallibility that would make any Pope blush.

As far as the Labour Party are concerned, I have one clear message in my first speech in the House as Minister for Labour in relation to the State sector. The positive role of a well-managed, properly organised, economically relevant State sector is critical and essential to the process of wealth creation here. We do not for one moment see a day or a time when that will not be the case. It is essential that the ownership of that sector is the State's. If it is not, its potential to do things that the private sector historically has refused to do, cannot do or will not do, will not be there.

The enterprise allowance scheme which I had the honour of announcing heralds an avenue in regard to what we do with thousands of people who are well fed, well educated and trained but who, for whatever reason, be it a change in technology or fluctuations in the world trade market, are no longer in the jobs they had previously. Those people have the ability to do other things. If they are given the assistance of the State and, at the same time, encouraged to develop new projects that marks the beginning of a new chapter which, hopefully, will be part of a long book of success here.

I should like to devote most of my time to the question of Northern Ireland and the New Ireland Forum but I want to make brief reference to a number of other points. The first point is of some considerable importance to the people of two cities and the whole question of the Government's policy in relation to the currently fashionable topic of the utilisation of our natural resources. The Public Capital Programme has a provision of £16.97 million for Bord Gáis for this year. As far as I can ascertain from the newspapers — no guidance was given to Deputies on these matters — all of that figure is earmarked for the building of a pipeline from Dublin to the Border via Drogheda and Dundalk. No money is earmarked for 1984 for the building of a pipeline to either Limerick or Waterford, both of which pipelines had been decided on by Deputy Reynolds, as Minister, in 1982. The work was to go ahead in 1983 and those two cities were to have gas at the beginning of 1984. The earliest date on which they can get natural gas is some time in 1986.

Everybody is agreed that the optimum use that can be made of that natural resource is to extend it to domestic and industrial consumers in the larger urban areas. It is extremely disappointing that the next two largest cities in the country after the two which have been connected, will not now get natural gas, and God alone knows when they will get it. I deplore the fact that this obviously necessary work is not taking place. It could take place at no cost to the Exchequer because the Public Capital Programme is a bit misleading: it shows gross amounts without an appropriations-in-aid. Of the £15.97 million ostensibly being expended to lay the pipeline to the Border in 1984, £9.5 million is being contributed by the British Government. In practice the remainder will come out of the profits of BGE. That is a substantial amount, exceeding £80 million in 1984. It seems a rather crazy approach to the whole question of investment in economic development that such necessary and feasible economic work such as building the two spur lines to Limerick and Waterford is not being proceeded with. I register my strong protest in this respect. If Limerick and Waterford are not to get natural gas for a number of years, what hope have other smaller towns of getting it?

I would draw the attention of the House to the situation in relation to mineral exploration. It is extremely serious, but because of the publicity being given to oil we forget the importance of mineral exploration and extraction. Four years ago there were 1,200 exploration licences extant. Today the figure is 500. Of the 1,200 that were there four years ago, 800 were active and of the 500 there today, 150 are active. In the last two weeks two exploration companies closed down altogether and the third one have retained only four or five staff. Apparently Ireland is not the place to go to spend money on exploration because of the great uncertainty that exists as to what the situation will be, on the one hand in regard to the ownership of the minerals and on the other in regard to the conditions of production.

It is necessary, therefore, that the new Minister for Energy, to whom I offer congratulations, should get to work immediately on the production of terms of conditions in relation to which production licences for minerals will be issued. If that is done and if those terms of conditions are not too unfavourable, bearing in mind that no company has made money out of mineral productions in this country for a number of years, we might see an upsurge in mineral exploration with all the consequential benefits for our economy.

I must refer again to the Government situation in regard to the company known as Atlantic Resources Limited which, as I pointed out on Tuesday, is the fourth biggest company in the country. Up to last May, the Government had 5 per cent in that company; today they have 2.36 per cent. Rather curiously, the Government agreed in the last couple of weeks to the placing of a substantial number of shares as a very substantial discount with unidentified institutions here and abroad, picked or obtained by the directors of the company. The Government have not insisted on any of those shares being placed with them.

If the Government were to maintain their 5 per cent shareholding they should have insisted that perhaps 200,000 of those shares would have been taken up by the Minister for Finance. Virtually overnight he could have resold those shares, if he did not want to hold them, at a profit to the Exchequer, to the benefit of the taxpayer, of 50 per cent. He failed to do so.

I posed this question last Tuesday and the reply the former Minister for Energy, Deputy Bruton, gave to me was that the Government did not wish to speculate in shares. It is not speculation when you put down your money and make a profit of 50 per cent overnight. Why should unnamed institutions at home and abroad be entitled to that kind of profit and the Irish State excluded from it when the property they are dealing in is the property of the Irish State and when, for all practical purposes, the only assets of the company concerned is the licence which the Irish State gave to them to explore for oil which is in the ownership of the Irish people?

I did not get any reply on Tuesday and I am entitled to inquire again how the Government intend to vote at the extraordinary general meeting of this company on 23 December. Will the Government approve of this proposal, which is detrimental to the State's interest and to the interests of the non-institutional shareholders, or will they go along with this without making it clear where the benefit of this operation will accrue? I asked on Tuesday whether any discussions had taken place with the outgoing Minister for Energy or the Government in relation to a possible development licence for this resource, assuming that the current appraisal drilling proves successful. It was interesting to hear what the Minister had to say. He told me that neither the Government nor he had made any decisions on the matter. He was at pains, however, to confine his denial about a decision. He said there had not been a decision. In the circumstances, because of Deputy Cluskey's resignation from the Government, it is pertinent to ask whether such discussions had taken place and if so the nature of the discussions and about the direction in which they were tending.

I would like, in extension of some of the things my colleague, Deputy Séamus Brennan, has been saying in regard to the necessity for wealth creation and incentive, to draw the House's attention and, particular at this time, the attention of the Minister for Finance to a table on page 7 of the Sunday Tribune of 20 November 1983. This is very significant and deserves more attention than it has got up to now. It sets out the proportion of taxpayers in a number of countries who are paying tax above the standard rate of 35 per cent. It is a bit frightening to find that, while the proportion in Ireland of such high rate taxpayers is 40 per cent of all taxpayers, the proportion in Canada is 1.4 per cent, Denmark 4.2 per cent, Sweden 12.4 per cent, Britain, after quite a number of years of Socialist Government within the last ten years, 5.2 per cent and the United States 11.9 per cent.

It is also interesting to compare the proportion of taxpayers here who are paying tax at 60 per cent or higher rates with those in other countries. We find that the figure in Ireland is a startlingly high one of 9 per cent. The corresponding figures are Canada nil, Denmark nil, Sweden nil, Britain 1.3 per cent and the United States 0.3 per cent. If we want to look at that in terms of numbers and to find out what has happened over the last ten years, the table sets out that in the year 1973-74 8,000 people paid tax at higher rates in this country, and in 1983-84 363,000 people are paying tax at the higher rates. I appreciate the difficulties of the Minister for Finance but the economy's greatest difficulty is those figures.

Until the Minister for Finance makes a serious effort to tackle them the economy will continue to contract, as it has been doing over the last few years. If the Minister for Finance has insufficient room for manoeuvre he will have to bear in mind that in 60 per cent of the current budget, which the Government have recently been considering, and in respect of which they have just published the abridged Estimates for next year, they have very little discretion. Roughly 40 per cent of it relates to public service pay, which seems to be untouchable and virtually undiscussable and 20 per cent relates to debt servicing, which equally appears to be untouchable. The proportion of the whole of the Estimates comprised under those two headings is so great that it puts appalling pressure on the more productive remaining 40 per cent within the Estimates and, as a result, we have the type of cuts we have.

I suggest the time has come to take a very serious look at the biggest single item in the Estimates for this year and for quite a number of years past, the size of the public service pay. I do not mean just the level of the pay but the total bill. If we are to make a serious effort at controlling public expenditure I suggest that cannot be successful without fundamentally grasping the hitherto untouchable nettle of the size and cost of the public service generally. We have got to a stage where the diminishing number of productive producers and creators of wealth in the country, whether self-employed or employed, cannot carry the burden any longer. It is not just a question of their individual ability to do this. It is best summed up by the fact that our current public expenditure amounts to 65 per cent of our gross domestic product. I do not know of any other European country on this side of the Iron Curtain that has a figure anywhere approaching that. We cannot continue indefinitely to bear that burden because those who carry it are diminishing in numbers and in capacity to carry it while those who, unwittingly, form that burden do not seem to diminish either in numbers or in cost.

An institution which I believe to be of enormous importance for good or ill to the political development of this country is the New Ireland Forum. If the opportunity that this Forum offers is not grasped enthusiastically long-term damage will inevitably ensue and that will express itself in continuing violence and mounting economic loss for both parts of this island. On the other hand, an open-minded generous approach by all the participants can lead to a restoration of the supremacy of the political approach. This is essential at a time like the present when the Northern political stage is increasingly coming to be dominated on both sides by extremists and bigots rather than by democrats who respect the rights of others.

In all honesty I have to say that it is clear it is the failure of the British to respond meaningfully to the urgings of those who wish to operate the parliamentary system that has principally led to this polarisation. If constitutional, democratic parliamentary politics is seen not to work people sooner or later will inevitably resort to perceived solutions outside that system. It has happened in the North and it is about to begin here for economic as well as political reasons.

Compromise is as necessary a concept in politics as profit is in economics but both are unfashionable today. Political progress through give and take is as derided now as national wealth creation through commercial success. There is nothing easier in either part of Ireland today than to raise with certainty a loud and empty cheer by a no surrender attitude. Plenty of people will respond instinctively to the constant reiteration of the catch cries of a previous generation. The real political skill on the other hand lies in bringing such people forward to an understanding of how progress can be made in the very different conditions in which this generation live.

The members of the New Ireland Forum broadly represent the Irish Nationalist tradition. They are, therefore, one side of a triangle consisting of themselves, the British and the Unionists. They are the side who want progress for its own sake and do not see the Northern Ireland problem as merely a response to violence. In practical terms, therefore, the opening bid must come from them. It is no small responsibility because in the short term they are liable to be subjected to all sorts of allegations of selling the past if they are both generous and realistic. They must apply the philosophy of our past to the present problem rather than the literal objectives and solutions of a different age. In doing so they would take no small risk. If they are not prepared to give as well as to take, their gesture may fail if it meets no similar response. Realising the dangers involved, I think it is their duty to take risks. If they do not venture courageously they will achieve nothing. If they are courageous the British will bear the responsibility of coming half way to meet them. If the British fail to do that in these circumstances they will have to shoulder the blame for the consequences. The Irish people, however, North and South, will have to pay the terrible price for such failure in death, in blood and in poverty. Therefore, all elected parliamentary representatives in both these islands face a crunch decision. Will we overcome what seems an almost intractable problem by comprising with one another, or will we fail in our courage, beat our drums louder and turn this island into a battleground?

In conclusion, I remind the British, who must make the response, that it was neither inflexibility nor the maintenance of an artificial hegemony which solved the problem of Rhodesia; neither will they do so here.

Traditionally the debate which takes place at the Adjournment of the Christmas session is an opportunity to review the past year's political scene, and as current Minister for Defence I would like to take the opportunity to say some things pertaining to my portfolio directly and some things which affect it indirectly.

First of all, I would like to pay a very clear tribute to the men and women of the Defence Forces for their unqualified loyalty and their total discipline in the discharge of the many and varied duties which they have been called on to perform during the year. Tributes such as this have been paid so often in the past, and have always been justified, that there is a danger that they might become trite or routine. I want to say that no such considerations are behind my tribute here this afternoon.

The Defence Forces from the earliest days of the State have loyally served the people of the country and the Government of the day irrespective of the political complexion of that Administration. This vitally important principle was laid down by the first Government of the State when it was made abundantly clear in the situation that pertained then that the role of the Army was subservient to the civil power. That direction was then accepted in the letter and in the spirit and has been honoured ever since. In these days when loyalty and discipline are absent from so many facets of Irish life it is a great consolation, to put it mildly, to know that they are still paramount virtues in our Defence Forces.

During the past year the personnel of the Defence Forces have been called on to perform a great variety of duties. They have their traditional role of aiding the civil power in the security field, but more and more in recent times the Defence Forces have been called in by the civil power to perform a huge and varied range of duties. For example, in the past year they were called on to provide catering facilities for the unfortunate patients in Castlebar Mental Hospital when something happened there that a few years ago would have been unthinkable. The nursing staff, whose profession is traditionally dedicated to the care of the sick, left the unfortunate patients without any means of being fed, and those patients suffered from ailments which peculiarly rendered then unable to look after themselves. The Defence Forces were called in and, in their tradition, filled the gap with total efficiency and speed.

They have also been called on during the year to provide fire services in Waterford and Sligo. When the local authority fire services were on strike the men of the Defence Forces were on standby to deal with any emergency that came their way. They were on standby in a number of other areas remote from their military role, but I am glad to say that they were not called to action in those areas and I will not detail what those areas were. In the last month or so they were called on to perform a vital role in the prisons. They provided perimeter security and internally they provided what I would call the housekeeping services, maintained all the utilities and looked after the cooking arrangements within the prisons. Again, if it were not for the availability of the Army as an aid to the civil power, the Garda, the disruption in our prisons could not have been contained and the consequences of that would have been disastrous for the security and stability of this nation. The Army were available and willing without question, in their tradition, to come to the assistance of the civil power when requested. I am happy to say that that dispute has ended and one hopes that the industrial unrest which had been taking place in that sector of Government has come to a final conclusion.

The men of the Air Corps provided an air ambulance service, something they have been doing for a great many years and which is of extreme value in cases of emergency or illness striking a person in a remote part of the country. In 1982 about 180 hours were flown on mercy missions and this year approximately the same number of hours will be involved.

The men of the Naval Service during the year were involved, of course, in their normal fishery protection duties and steamed in excess of 81,000 miles in enforcing the fishery laws of the country and the Community. The area of operation by the Naval Service which commanded most headlines during the year was when they were called in aid by the civil power to enforce the law relating to salmon fishing. In assisting the civil power to enforce the law against illegal salmon fishing they did so most effectively in the face of violent opposition from some of the salmon fishermen, misguided men who seemed to feel that they had a vested interest and entitlement to break the law with impunity. It was no pleasure for the men of the Naval Service to be in confrontation with fellow-seafarers but they had their job to do and they did it. I hope that the people who were engaging in illegal activities in this regard this summer will have learnt a lesson from this year's enforcement of the law, that breaches of the law will not be tolerated, and that next year we may see a more peaceful scene on our coasts when the salmon fishing season opens. The men of the Naval Service require a special word of thanks for their dedication in carrying out that difficult and unpleasant role.

I mentioned the odd roles the Army now find themselves called upon to play. Perhaps the oddest of all was the occasion some weeks ago when the Department of Agriculture sought their assistance to destroy a large number of diseased turkeys. It appears an odd role for the Army to play and so it is but it was a critically important role in the preservation of the status of the poultry industry. This was an important matter in the nation's interest. That unusual role was tackled with efficiency and completed with success.

I hope the Minister will emphasise the important work the Army do other than choking a few turkeys. What about security work along the Border?

Perhaps Deputy Molloy would wait for a moment. If he had been in the House at the start of my speech he would know I mentioned that then but before going to deal with the matter in detail I wanted to deal with the varied roles modern society calls on the Army to play.

Very pedantic.

When I reach the level of intellectual eminence of Deputy Molloy, if I can ever reach that, then my contributions will be less pedantic. The Air Corps who are involved considerably in fishery protection duties expect this year to undertake about 400 hours flying time in discharge of those duties. That is a heavy commitment which is being carried out with efficiency and success. Next year we look forward to receiving into service a new offshore patrol vessel which will have a helicopter-carrying capacity and which will greatly expand the capacity of the Naval Service to deal with illegal fishing in waters far distant from our shores.

The main duty of the Defence Forces, as Deputy Molloy has so perceptively pointed out, is in the security area in supporting the Garda Síochána in enforcing the law of the land, principally in combatting terrorism and preventing serious crime. This role is carried out in many ways. It is done by providing cash escorts for large-scale movements of cash, explosives are escorted when being moved and protection is provided when they are used. There is a Garda presence on patrols along the Border and an Army presence becking up Garda checkpoints. In addition, there are permanent military guards stationed at Limerick and Portlaoise prisons.

All these duties involve the Defence Forces in a daily commitment of 2,500 men and this is a sizeable commitment for an Army whose numbers are comparatively few. It has the unfortunate consequence that the incidence of duty repeats itself more frequently than I would like to see. Nevertheless, the heavy burden this imposes is borne loyally in the tradition of he service.

From time to time extra demands are made on the Defence Forces. We have an example of that at the moment where 500 extra men are engaged in assisting the police in a search operation in County Leitrim. The importance of the role of the Army in this regard cannot be underestimated or understated. Because that role is so important it is vital that the morale of the Army and its capacity to respond and carry out that role be kept at the highest level. As Minister for Defence it is my objective to do what I can to ensure that that continues to be the position. Like every other Minister for Defence, I would prefer if the Government could allocate even more resources towards the purchase of even more, better and more sophisticated equipment. Nevertheless, within the resources available, the Army keeps abreast of modern technology and ensures it has sufficient modern equipment so that its members can be trained in how to operate it.

In the same way I wish there could be greater resources available to continue improving the accommodation available for our soldiers. These are very consuming of resources and the amounts I should like to have at my disposal are just not available. However, funds are available to continue the ongoing policy of improving the living quarters for soldiers throughout the country. It is important for the morale of the Army that living conditions be as good as possible. It is equally important that the military equipment be of such a standard that the personnel in the Army should see themselves, and know that we saw them, as really professional soldiers. As Minister for Defence it is my ambition to ensure that that is the way the Army sees itself, and that it is the way the Army knows we regard it, namely, as an efficient and modern Army. It is only if the Army is so organised and operates in that manner that we can have the benefit of the consequence of high discipline and high morale.

I made the point that the Army acts in aid of the civil power. This is both the actual and the legal position. In legal terms it means the Army does not have an independent police or security role. That role is given by law to the Garda Síochána but in these times to enable them to discharge it they are entitled to, and have to, call on the Defence Forces for assistance. However, in the law enforcement role the initiative belongs to the Garda Síochána and the up-front position has to be taken by them. The Army are in the background whenever required by the Garda. This has always been the role of the Army but because of the large problems of security along the Border, in the public eye the Army appears to have a high profile and are not regarded by the public as being merely supportive of the police. They are seen as having an independent role.

That perception of the Army is shared by politicians in Northern Ireland because there the role of the British Army is legally different from the role of the Army here. The British Army in Northern Ireland have police powers and can act independently of the police in that jurisdiction. From time to time one hears criticism from Northern or British sources that, because contact between the security forces, North and South, is limited to contacts between the police and that our Army are not allowed to have direct contact with the British Army north of the Border, somehow we are less than earnest in fully involving all our forces in the fight against terrorism and that if we allowed such direct contact the efficiency of the fight would be vastly improved. This, of course, is a myth because it does not take into account the constitutional position of our troops. It assumes that they are in the same legal position as troops north of the Border.

Even if there were direct contact our troops could not respond without going through the Garda Síochána who, in turn, obviously would want to contact their northern counterparts to see what the position was from a police point of view. Obviously, that would be a much slower and more complicated chain of communication and, instead of rendering the fight more efficient, would only impede it. I want to make that clear once more because when I was Minister for Justice this particular complaint also reared its head. In spite of the fact that it has been explained on numerous occasions to spokesmen from the North, we still hear criticism that there is no direct contact between the armies on each side. For the reason I have stated, that is not possible and it would not be appropriate for us to give direct police powers to the Army. We do not need to do so. However, one can understand why it has to be done in the North where there is such a lack of police presence on the ground.

I understand that between Belcoo, County Fermanagh, and Crossmaglen in south Armagh there is not a police station within close distance of the Border. Obviously, there is a vacuum which has to be filled largely by army patrols. They cannot always have police with them and, consequently, they have been given a police role. That is not the position here and we do not intend to give police powers to the Army. Consequently, any involvement of our Army in Border duties is via the police.

It is depressing that the level of violent terrorism continues well-nigh unabated. A report prepared for the Forum gives the depressing total of 2,304 people murdered from 1 January 1969 to 30 June 1983 and 24,000 people maimed and injured. The situation continues to be bad and one wonders how it will ever end. I listened to Deputy O'Malley pleading for the breaking off of old political attitudes down here and his wish that, should that happen, it would be responded to generously by the other parties involved in the triangle. He named the other parties as the British Government and the Unionist population. He was saying essentially that there would have to be a compromise on past decisions. That is eminently sensible and logical, new compromises have to be looked for. Unfortunately, he left one element out of his triangle which is there in the middle bedevilling the whole situation. I refer to the Provisional IRA, because if we are to believe what we hear from their spokesmen, a compromise solution on the lines that Deputy O'Malley had in mind, and which is engaging the minds of many other people on both sides, would not be acceptable to that savage gang. It is extraordinary that in this jurisdiction, notwithstanding what I would call macro condemnations of violence frequently over the last ten years, public protestations of detestation for violence, the men of violence still continue to perpetrate their dreadful acts.

When an atrocity takes place there is widespread condemnation, a real and emotionally understandable feeling of revulsion and a great antipathy towards those responsible for it. However, we would have to admit that when a certain amount of time passes this kind of revulsion drops and the immediate horror fades into the background. We forget about the atrocity, put our heads down and carry on until the next one takes place. The reason there is so much continued activity by terrorists and why their front political organisations are so shameless is because they are aware that these condemnations are general in nature and temporary in duration and that, between them, they do not suffer any personal obloquy by virtue of their membership or advocacy of terrorism.

I often think that a stranger from another land who might come to this country and hearing of the atrocities practised by the Provisionals would expect to find supporters of that organisation reviled within their own communities. In fact, he would not find so; he would encounter a complacent attitude towards them and an acceptance of them by the people in their community as normal citizens taking part in commercial life, trade and cultural activities. He would see that they are not reviled because of their advocacy of savage violence. There is some moral blindness or lack of moral sharpness in the Irish people when we are prepared to ignore the horror at individual level. We want to look the other way and that nice fellow who goes with his wife and family to church regularly every Sunday cannot really be a savage man supporting the IRA and advocating violence. We elect them as chairmen of county councils, one is acting general secretary of the largest white collar union in the country and, so long as we are prepared to treat them as normal people, they will feel in their heart of hearts that they are doing what we in our heart of hearts agree they should be doing.

Perhaps I have the wrong attitude but I find it very difficult to look at a member of Provisional Sinn Féin without a sense of loathing. Am I wrong to think like this? Is membership of Provisional Sinn Féin, which is the political front for a savage terrorist organisation and which through their spokesmen have indicated their total support for that campaign of savagery, morally wrong? If it is, I would expect the moral leaders of our community — and as far as Provisional Sinn Féin are concerned that means the leaders of the Roman Catholic Church because without question 99.9 per cent of Provisional Sinn Féin are members of that church — to say unequivocally that membership of Provisional Sinn Féin is wrong, if it is wrong. If it is not wrong I should like to be eased from my sense of loathing for these people and be told I am wrong and that membership of Provisional Sinn Féin carries no moral obloquy. It would clear the air considerably if that question could be answered.

Until our community decide, individual by individual, their attitude towards violence and the people who advocate or perpetrate it and make it very clear to those people that they do not belong to our community, that they are not entitled to the normal courtesies of living in the community — trade, commerce and social intercourse — we will have the scourge of Provisional IRA violence on this island. I speak principally of the Provisional IRA because they have more relevance to us than the other para-militaries. Their viciousness is equally to be condemned.

Until such time as we, as a community, make up our minds if we are going to continue to have them in our community or reject them and make it clear, on an individual basis, that what they are doing is not acceptable, then the wished for compromise which Deputy O'Malley so eloquently called for and which is being worked for might and main will not come to anything because the men of violence will not accept that compromise and will be prepared to wreck it unless the community no longer provide the water for them to operate in.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this debate. This year, 1983, has been very eventful because this debate marks the end of the Coalition's first year in office. It is now possible to judge them on their actions and not by their flowery and sometimes brilliant speeches and public relations handouts. The people in Dublin Central gave their verdict, even without seeing the statistics. They know that the policies of this Government have accelerated the growth in unemployment and sharply reduced the living standards of the middle and lower income groups. They have added vast numbers to the ranks of the poor. The Society of St. Vincent de Paul are very aware of that because they are under increasing pressure for help. From the beginning it was clear that this would be the outcome of their budgetary policies.

Like Fianna Fáil they too had to ask the nation to tighten its belt but unlike Fianna Fáil who invested in infrastructure and productive development to create employment, the Coalition did not offer a strategy for employment. Their sterile book-keeping exercise was destined to raise unemployment to unprecedented levels. The withdrawal of £263 million from the capital programme for 1983 signalled very clearly the disaster which was to follow in building and construction. Nobody needs to be told about that figure now because they understand its implications.

Similarly the suspension of the farm modernisation programme and the planned interest subsidy scheme for farm development showed the negative approach this Coalition have to agriculture, our greatest resource and industry. If one had any doubts about the Government's intentions they should have been dispelled when they increased the provision in the Social Welfare Estimate for the expected additional numbers of unemployed. The Coalition planned for unemployment, and they got it. They have based their projections for 1984 on 225,000 unemployed and they will exceed this target if they continue their present policies.

The Public Capital Programme, which is being further reduced in real terms for 1984, leaves us in no doubt that we face a further year of increasing unemployment and disillusionment. The Coalition have given us an economy without a motor; consequently it can only go downhill. The motor is productive investment, creative, skilful risk-taking, confidence and leadership which spread their energy to all the systems and give them life and growth.

Fianna Fáil's economic plan provides a strategy for growth in employment alongside strict financial control. That is why it is more suited to the Irish nation at the present time. The Taoiseach said that the Coalition's policies are diametrically opposed to those needed to create employment. We know what this means with 200,000 unemployed and rising to a projected 250,000 in the coming year.

There are those in the community who have as yet failed to grasp the reality that the unemployment planned for by this Coalition will soon reach every home. Those who are well connected and have influence, the better off, are beginning to realise that even they cannot find employment for all their children. As public representatives we see the reality of the situation. People who previously would not have any difficulty finding jobs for their children because of their connections, now like so many others, cannot find positions for their children. If the Coalition continue along these lines, finding employment will be even more difficult next year.

Ironically, this Coalition, propped up by Labour, are primarily interested in wealth, not people. They have no parallel policies for people to run alongside their proposals to protect wealth. They have no belief in our people and have sold out our young population in favour of shortsighted bookkeeping which has clearly failed.

It might be asked why I, as spokesman for Justice, should be interested in the general economic situation. This is an opportunity for me to talk about the present economic situation and I am very seriously concerned, particularly as spokesman for Justice, because the Coalition are seriously undermining the whole fabric of our social order by their total neglect of the unemployed. It is well known that many young people who come into conflict with the law initially do so as a result of idleness. Similarly many of those who become addicted to drugs were shown in a Medico-Social Research Board's survey to have been unemployed. These are clear indications of the kind of society we will face under this Coalition.

This is a very uneasy Coalition. They came to power following a relentless and well orchestrated campaign of personal vilification and malicious innuendo. Perfidious acts of these malevolent people who conducted this campaign will in the fullness of time bring their own reward. The Taoiseach, finding himself increasingly isolated, even in his own Cabinet, and unable to cope with the economy has in this Adjournment Debate again resorted to personal invective and innuendo and in this campaign he has the willing support of certain elements in the media. They must realise that their slanderous attacks have worn thin. They are trotted out again and again to distract attention from this uneasy alliance of Fine Gael and Labour. This is a deeply divided Government which is not its own master. By now it must be clear to any objective observer that the Labour Party have given in to Fine Gael and, especially following the departure of Deputy Cluskey, will have little influence on the direction of future policy.

Who, then, is calling the shots for the Coalition? Is it the ominous figure who ploughed money and expertise into the Fine Gael party when they could not get their way with Fianna Fáil because of our clear commitment to the unemployed and the poor and the practical use of our resources in the development of our economy for our people? With the passage of the year, the pieces of this jigsaw begin to fit together. What kind of people are they who believe they can buy the leadership of one major party and who, this year, attempted to do so and failed? Such people must have access to large sums of money for the protection and expansion of their business interests.

What kind of business interests in this country are large enough to attract this kind of intervention in our political structures? Can it be that they have interests in our natural resources over which the Government of the day have so much control? Could it be that these same people are the ones who invested so heavily in Fine Gael since 1981? It has been reported that Fine Gael got vast sums of money from the United States. Who provided this money? Is this another attempt to influence the disposal of our natural resources? Did Deputy Cluskey see something even he could not stomach? In Opposition we will have to be particularly vigilant especially early in the New Year to ensure that the country is not sold out.

The Coalition have been masquerading as the Government of law and order, but the reality shows that they have not got the commitment in terms of finance and resources which Fianna Fáil have. The Minister inherited the benefits which flowed from the decisive actions on law and order of the Fianna Fáil Government in 1982. We committed the State to the appointment of 2,000 extra gardaí, many of whom had arrived on the scene from training towards the end of 1982 and early in 1983. This put more gardaí on the beat. We strengthened the drugs squad in 1982, and produced results which led to convictions this year. We set up the special task force and severely curbed bank robberies and kidnappings. We accelerated the prison building programme to meet modern needs. In stark contrast, the present Minister promised 700 extra gardaí and 1,000 sergeants this year, but only delivered an extra 416, increasing, as we saw in reply to a Parliamentary Question this week, the Garda strength from 10,831 at 1 January 1983 to 11,247 at November 30. This is the reality, and it is far short of the Minister's public pronouncements.

The special position and standing given to the drugs squad by Fianna Fáil has already been diluted. The chief superintendent who was given this special task by Fianna Fáil last year, following consultations with the Commissioner, was moved to other duties and his post was downgraded. The drugs squad was subsumed in the serious crimes division, thereby diluting and diminishing its effectiveness. This is the reality of the Government's commitment. The special divisional task forces have been disbanded all around the country. Indeed, several of my colleagues have made reference to this. We have received innumerable complaints about this move, and the consequent risk of a rise in armed robberies, kidnappings and hijackings.

These are the cutbacks which have been implemented by this Administration. In reply to a Parliamentary Question this week the Minister denied that they were disbanded. He said that the Garda authorities in recent months had made certain organisational changes under which the members of those divisional task forces have been integrated with the detective units in the Garda divisions in which they operate. The divisional task forces are gone. That is the reality, and kidnappings have increased. The Minister put it in a nice flowery phrase but, if you analyse that phrase, it is quite clear that the special task force has gone. People are complaining about the loss of that force.

The statistics on kidnappings are a damning indictment of the Government. In 1982, there was one and in 1983 there were eight. Another example is the removal of the divisional task force from the Carrick-on-Shannon area earlier this year. Subsequently, following an armed robbery in the post office in Galway, the culprits with eight machine guns escaped across the bridge at Rooskey where only a routine unarmed Garda check point was in operation. As a result two gardaí were shot. When Fianna Fáil were in office, the task force then in existence would have sealed off this important escape route, because it is one of the major escape routes through that area. With Fine Gael in office, there was no divisional task force present because it had been absorbed as a cutback.

The Estimates show clearly that the Government are cutting back on the availability and the resources of the Garda. At Estimate time, it is very easy to confuse people because if numbers have changed and increased, automatically that means pay has to increase pro rata. If there has been a national understanding in the meantime, pay has to increase as well. Consequently, somebody trying to examine these figures can be misled very easily. When we look at them, we see the Government are cutting back on the availability and the resources of the Garda.

The extra 2,000 gardaí will not be provided. There will be fewer gardaí, less available through overtime costs, less transport, less travel and radio and other equipment. The provision for Garda transport is reduced by 21 per cent, Garda travel by 3 per cent and equipment by 69 per cent. If we add to this the projected 8 per cent inflation, the real cutbacks are much greater. So much for a commitment to law and order.

The need for more secure radio equipment is one of the current scandals in our police communications. The police themselves are well aware of this. Any night of the week you can listen to the instructions issuing to gardaí in cars or on the beat over simple, widely available, cheap, multi-band transistor radios. The criminals and the car thieves know this well and make full use of them, especially in car chases and robberies. You can often see a man in the back of a car wearing a balaclava and with one of these things in his hand.

It is not permissible to produce exhibits.

The Chair appreciates what I am talking about. He can purchase this in Woolworth's store for under £10. These people can pick up all the instructions coming from central control to the gardaí on the beat and the gardaí in cars. Obviously, since they are well into this business, they know how to make use of them to the best advantage. The Garda should have closed, secure systems or even scramblers as a short-term measure. Do the cutbacks on equipment mean that the criminals will continue to have this advantage?

The administration of our prisons system is one of the key problem areas of our time. I welcome the promise given to prison officers by the Minister that he will set up a full inquiry into our prisons system. I must condemn the Minister for his costly mishandling of the recent industrial dispute in Mountjoy. His failure to implement normal industrial relations procedures at that critical time not only led to a serious breakdown in security but, as we now know, it cost the taxpayer an extra £1.045 million over a period of two weeks. There is no doubt in my mind that, had the Minister or the governor of the prison been available over the few critical days, the dispute which involved a lock out would have been settled through normal industrial relations procedures.

The greatest scandal in our prisons is the fact that so many people are sent out without serving the necessary part of their sentences. This year some 4,200 prisoners registered at Mountjoy where there is accommodation for 500 only. Consequently over 1,320 were shed. That is the figure the Minister gave in reply to a Parliamentary Question. They were shed from the system and many others were given holidays. In 1983, Fianna Fáil provided £17.648 million for an urgent programme of prison building. On taking office, the Coalition cut that to £11.498 million, a cut of £6 million. At the end of the year only £10.1 million had been spent so, in practice, they cut it further. This cutback by the Government in a key area shows them for what they are — a Government without a real financial commitment to law and order. The £11.8 million provided for 1984 is still a long way behind Fianna Fáil's £17.6 million for 1983. I accuse this Government of gross misrepresentation in their claim to be serious about law and order. Good public relations posturing is a poor substitute for inadequate financial provision and practical management.

The serious breaches of security at Mountjoy and St. Patrick's Institution should have alerted the Minister to the dangers. On 6 September a prison officer at Mountjoy was suspended for allegedly smuggling in equipment to enable 15 long-term prisoners to escape on the day of the all-Ireland final in nearby Croke Park. A warrant has since been issued for an arrest in this case but it is understood that the man has left the jurisdiction. On 11 September there was a riot in St. Patrick's and at least ten prisoners escaped. On 15 November a prisoner serving a five-year sentence for rape escaped from Mountjoy. There were no outside patrols due to cutbacks. On 4 December a prisoner, with a long list of previous convictions, and serving a three-month sentence escaped from Mountjoy — again there were no outside patrols. On 8 December a prisoner serving an 18-month sentence escaped. In November last he escaped from Loughan House and he had escaped previously from a hospital. Due to cutbacks there were no outside patrols at night. On 12 December two prisoners attempted to escape from Mountjoy using a toy gun and mobile scaffolding. Some of these incidents have not been generally made known and I am sure there are others of which I am not aware. The Criminal Justice Bill was introduced by the Minister during this session.

The Chair feels that a passing reference to the Bill is all right but we have Second Stage of the Bill before the House currently.

The Minister acknowledged when introducing the Bill that the detention provisions had such serious implications for the traditional rights of the citizen that special safeguards in the form of a new complaints procedure should be introduced side by side with the provisions in the Bill. He has stated that even if the Bill is passed the detention sections will not be brought into force until the safeguards are also operational. We still have no idea what these new procedures are to be, yet the Minister expects the Oireachtas to pass a Bill such as this on a vague promise to introduce procedures of which he is still ignorant, both as to their nature and effect. To ask the Oireachtas to pass a Bill which is dependent for its operation on procedures of which every Member of the Oireachtas is ignorant is irresponsible and can only serve to undermine the functions of this House as a legislative assembly. The promotion of the Bill in such a piecemeal and irresponsible way demonstrates——

This would be much more appropriate on Second Stage.

We are now at the end of the year and the Bill is moving on to Committee Stage, but we have not yet seen the details of the complaints procedure. It is only fair that the Opposition should be allowed to comment on this fact.

I will not allow a Second Stage speech.

The promotion of the Bill in such a piecemeal way demonstrates that the Minister was primarily concerned with printing the Bill for public relations purposes rather than seriously committed to putting it through. Why had he not consulted the Garda in advance? That question must be asked. Even the Garda Representative Body said recently that they would not only welcome the introduction of a complaints procedure but have already published details of such a procedure and recommended its adoption. The Minister's incapacity to act efficiently and responsibly in bringing in much needed legislation on law and order is compounded by divisions within the Cabinet and in his own party. The Labour Party would not agree to this Bill until additional safeguards were provided but the Minister has failed to produce them and has stated that he does not even know whether they will be administrative or legislative measures. It is important that this House should be treated in relation to this Bill with the respect it deserves.

The Minister has now been a year in office and the deep divisions in a virtually leaderless Government are causing further delays in the passing of much needed amendments to the law on bail, majority verdicts, Garda investigation powers and so on. The Minister should get his house in order by going back to the drawing board so as to bring before us a properly prepared Bill, complete with the relevant provisions — including safeguards — so that the House will know precisely what it is being asked to approve.

The Deputy is out of order and is being disorderly. I am sorry to have to say that.

We have given our approval in principle to the Bill on Second Stage. We are anxious to get on to Committee Stage so as to make any necessary amendments.

I understand that there are reports that Mr. Don Tidey has been found safe and well and I am sure the House will join with me in expressing our great pleasure and delight at that news and in wishing the Tidey family well at Christmas. We trust the information is true. In addition I congratulate the Garda on their work in relation to this kidnapping.

The Select Committee on Crime was established last July and a clerk was appointed to the committee last week. I thank the Ceann Comhairle and the staff of the Houses of the Oireachtas for the assistance they gave to the committee during the interim. I also thank the Garda Commissioner and his staff for the help they have given this committee, of which I have the honour of being chairman. The committee have taken as their first priority the question of community policing and the deployment of police within the community. They plan to prepare a report on this important matter early in the new year and for this reason I have not chosen to dwell on community policing in this debate.

We are prepared to support the Government in committing any necessary resources to the tackling of crime, lawlessness, vandalism and the spate of robberies, hijackings and other crimes which have been troubling the country. While the Government say they are prepared seriously to tackle these problems, we do not see a commitment in the Estimates which would match those statements. I have pointed to some areas where there are serious and substantial financial reductions in the commitment to law and order. It is only by the proper allocation of people and resources to tackling crime that results will be achieved.

There are many other things which need to be done in relation to crime prevention. We could spend much time talking about the probation and welfare services within the prison system, as well as the implementation of the legislation relating to community service orders. It is our sincere commitment to tackle crime and bring it under control. The Government will have our full support during the coming year if they commit themselves and the necessary resources to this task. They will have our constant criticism if we find that sufficient resources are not being committed and that cutbacks are being made in stretegic areas.

We offer once again our special congratulations to the Garda on their excellent and painstaking work and express our great delight at the safe return of Mr. Don Tidey to his family.

I wish to deal with my contribution in two parts, relating firstly to Health and secondly to Social Welfare.

The net non-capital provision in the Book of Estimates for Health is £963.612 million. This compares with an out-turn figure of £936.7 million for 1983.

The 1984 provision includes £4 million to enable the new Tralee General Hospital to be commissioned on a phased basis during 1984, to provide for improvements in child care services and to finance the drug abuse programme. The Estimates provision for health services will enable a sum in the region of about £1,062 million to be spent on health services in 1984 when account is taken of appropriations-in-aid. This represents an increase of £29 million on the 1983 out-turn of expenditure.

The problem of the escalating costs of health services is general in Europe. There is now a general acceptance that this growth must be contained at a level which is sustainable by the level of resources that can be applied to public services. Non-capital expenditure on health services in this country has increased from £400 million in 1978 to £1,033 million in 1983. This represents an increase of 158 per cent in a five-year period. As a percentage of GNP the growth in the same period was from 6.25 per cent to about 8 per cent. Clearly this trend could not be allowed to continue if the country was to maintain normal Exchequer support for the health services.

Before dealing with the 1984 situation, it would be useful to consider briefly the current financial position of the services themselves. I think it will be accepted that in the current year, 1983, there were no major financial problems. My Department's Estimate for 1983 will not be exceeded. This year, for the first time in many years, there will be no Supplementary Estimate. Despite the July reduction of £13.6 million in the net provision for Health, it has been possible to avoid reducing the 1984 allocations of health boards, voluntary hospitals, homes for the mentally handicapped, and other agencies. This situation contrasts with that which obtained in 1982 when, as a result of a decision taken by the previous Government in July 1982, substantial cuts were made in the allocation of health agencies. Coming at a stage when more than 50 per cent of the budgets for the year had been expended, this gave rise to considerable problems in maintaining services. The situation in 1983 was that services levels were maintained and it was even possible to effect certain improvements.

This, then, is the financial situation in global terms for the health services for the coming year. The allocation for 1984 is at this time being broken down and their individual allocations notified to the various executive agencies through which the health services are delivered. I will not attempt to deny that the year ahead will be a very difficult one for those administering and providing services — how difficult and with what consequence is, in fact, being measured at the present time. Let me say this, however, our health services are very wide flung and diverse and with the benefit of a year's experience in office behind me I am well aware of the fact that there are throughout the country a number of facilities and services which are not essential to maintain the fabric and quality of the services necessary to prevent and treat illness. Furthermore, I am satisfied that there is scope for rationalisation of services, for the redeployment of financial and personnel resources on an identifiable priority basis, for the dropping of wasteful procedures in the ordering and stocking of consumables and so on. It is also, for example, obviously all too easy in many instances to gain admission to hospital and there is an indiscriminate use of diagnostic facilities which must be eliminated. We must from now on continue the systematic streamlining of the services and elimination of inessential uses so that the efficient and vital elements will continue and even be developed by the reallocation of resources. I have been involved in the current year in a number of closures, for example Teach Ultain and Mercer's Hospitals have closed. These were, I might say, hospitals which is the past served the community well but had outlived their usefulness in terms of the requirements of modern medicine. Trim and Dungarvan maternity units have been closed in the interests both of the safety of mothers and children and of the valid use of resources. Bantry maternity unit could not be continued as an in-patient obstetric unit because it would not be possible to appoint the necessary consultant staffing in the light of the likely user of obstetric services. This process will, of necessity, have to continue because it is clear that this country could not, in the light of economic circumstances which are likely to obtain for some years ahead, afford the apportionment of a greater share of the gross national product to the health services. For that reason, I have avoided making what I would call rash promises. In fact I spent a good part of the year trying to clear up the mess which I inherited of so many party political promises in the area of health made for the most part by my predecessors, my immediate predecessor in particular.

Rationalisation could not, I accept, be expected to be achieved if there were no resources made available to improve the health capital infrastructure and I am therefore glad to be able to say that I have obtained a capital allocation of £55.5 million for the coming year which will enable me to keep major capital programmes of improvement of facilities on stream — the total value of the projects currently before me for consideration is no less than £520 million. I have completed a review of the programme in a medium term five year context and the allocation for 1984 enables me to build or to continue planning all of the projects which I consider essential to maintaining the fabric of the health services. The programme has a greater number of projects in it with a realistic prospect of financing to completion because of the rigorous in-depth examination of all projects I have undertaken and of the pruning from projects of all but basic essential elements.

Accordingly, the planned rationalisation of the general hospital scene with its concentration upon the development of six major hospitals in the Dublin conurbation would enable the closure of obsolete facilities in the Dublin area as a result. The hospitals around which our plans now centre in Dublin are St. James's at Tallaght, St. Vincent's, James Connolly, Blanchardstown, the Mater and Beaumont hospitals. Elsewhere in the country the work of planning and building as appropriate will continue at, for example, Letterkenny, Tralee, Sligo, Castlebar, Mullingar, Ardkeen, Wexford, Kilkenny and Ennis General Hospitals. Unfortunately, I am precluded from referring to Cavan hospital, much as I would wish, but I can assure the House that that matter has not been forgotten.

On the mental handicap side, major developments at Cheeverstown, Swinford and Loughlinstown will be funded. Developments as in the case of Enniscorthy will be planned for inclusion in the programme at a future date.

The schemes of upgrading the accommodation and other improvements in psychiatric facilities will be continued, as will the provision of accommodation for geriatric patients of which St. Oliver Plunkett Hospital in Dundalk is probably the major example.

In line with the policy of developing community facilities, the 1984 programme provides for the replacement and/or provision of health centres, day care centres, hostels and clinics throughout the country.

The 1984 programme also provides for the development, in service areas in particular, of paediatric and orthopaedic services. A feature of the programme also is the continued provision of an allocation for the replacement of essential equipment in hospitals.

The promotion of community care is now generally accepted as a priority by all Governments. While the evidence suggests that it is in fact very difficult to bring about a significant change in the structure of health care, I am not, however, discouraged by this. I believe that there is a basis for optimism in the fact that we have a very well developed network of services within the community. For example, our traditions of general medical practice are widely respected and the general practitioner plays a very significant role as the point of first contact in most episodes of illness. We also have an administrative structure within our health boards which has the capacity to focus upon the needs of individual communities and to combine the range of services and facilities which are required at community level. Finally, we must all be greatly heartened by the evidence all around us that families, relatives and neighbours continue to provide a very effective informal network of care in the community. I am not suggesting that all is perfect in regard to these services or that they are available in sufficient quantity relative to need. I do believe, however, that they constitute an effective foundation upon which future policy can be built.

There is a substantial and growing body of evidence available internationally which demonstrates the real potential of community care services in meeting health needs. For example, trends in the provision of care to the mentally ill and the mentally handicapped demonstrate that all of those professionally involved in these services are convinced that the appropriate way forward is to promote normal living within the community with adequate support services. The emergence of a strong professional consensus in so many disciplines in respect of promoting care within the community is very encouraging.

Another factor which leads me to conclude that community care will receive a much heightened role is the pressure which our present economic difficulties places upon all of us involved in decision-making in the health care area. We now have to examine very carefully the rationale for existing services and policies which were introduced many years ago in very different circumstances. I am convinced that all of those involved in health care will be forced to the conclusion that our only hope of preserving and improving the health status of our population will be by a well-planned health care system which emphasises personal responsibility for health care, prevention of avoidable diseases and a restriction of specialised and institutional care only to those whose needs cannot be adequately met elsewhere in the community.

The practical implications of the issues which I have raised are now being carefully examined. For example, a review of services for the mentally ill has been in progress for some time and involves representatives of all those involved in the provision of services. A working party is reviewing the operation of the General Medical Service and, in particular, the role of the general practitioner in the context of a strengthened framework for community care. I look forward to receiving in the near future the results of both of these reviews which will go far towards putting in place the practical arrangements necessary to achieve effective community care. I intend to elaborate on my views on these issues in a Green Paper on the future of the health services which is now in course of preparation. However, at this point I can say that there are a number of steps which I believe must be taken, as a matter of urgency, in order to develop our community care services.

In the first instance, we must increase the level of resources available to services in the community, in particular through the up-grading and provision, where necessary, of appropriate premises in which these services can be made available. Therefore I shall be paying particular attention to capital investment in these community facilities, over the coming year.

We need also to have more effective collaboration between general practitioners, the medical and nursing staff of health boards and those engaged in the provision of personal social services. These are issues which are receiving particular attention from the Working Party on the GMS. They have also been raised in the course of the review of community care structures which are initiated some time ago. A related issue, that of the relationship between voluntary and statutory bodies in the delivery and planning of care, was raised in a discussion document from the National Social Service Board sometime ago also. The main priority in this area is that we get the many skilled and caring professional and other staff operating as an effective team at local level so that all opportunities for prevention and early cure are taken.

The third priority I propose in relation to community care concerns public perception of health and health care. We must inform the public — indeed we must inform ourselves, as political leaders — of the full significance of community services and the over-riding importance of their development. I must confess, in that regard, I am appalled — as one who has learned a great deal very quickly — at the abysmal level of ignorance within the Houses of the Oireachtas in terms of a perception of health care. There is an absolute obsession amongst Deputies and Senators with hospitals, with structures, with buildings, with beds, as though they were the equivalent of health. Health in the community is something quite often very different from that. The intensity of feeling often evoked by a decision to rationalise a local institution is indicative in many respects of our general lack of understanding about health in the community and the causes of illhealth about which most Deputies do not want to know. If I am critical in that regard it is because my ignorance also was profound until relatively recently, and I have been 14 years in the Dáil. Therefore I join the company in terms of retrospective ignorance in that regard.

Lest it should be thought that I am concerned only about the future of community care I should like to give the House some indication of the practical steps that have been taken in the current year. For example, this year we distributed £500,000 which had been made available to me through the Social Welfare Vote to help community-based projects. Altogether I found it possible to aid about seventy different local voluntary initiatives, mostly concerned with the elderly, the disabled, children and young people. I would also remind the House that the various health benefits such as the disabled persons maintenance allowance and the constant care allowance payable to the mothers of disabled children were increased by 12 per cent last July.

I have been giving particular attention to the needs of children requiring care. As Deputies know, there was in the past a regrettable practice of keeping children who had to be taken into residential care in large institutions, sometimes a considerable distance from their native area. We have been moving away from that situation for some time now towards a position in which children's homes generally are more domestic and localised in character. This year I have been able to give that movement a considerable push by offering to pay off the debts which have accumulated in these homes over the years, on the understanding that the homes will operate in closer association with the health boards and are clearly seen as an element in the local community services for children.

I am happy to say that the religious orders and other groups operating these homes are themselves most anxious that their services should continue to evolve in that way. I would emphasise that I envisage fewer children being taken into children's homes generally. The basic philosophy of our child care services is that the best place for a child is in its own home and that where families are at risk and at a disadvantage, we must at all times do our best to keep them together.

Finally, on the health side I might mention that I am preparing a difficult and complex Children's Bill and making considerable progress on that at this stage. I hope to have the Bill before the House early in the New Year. Likewise I intend to bring forward proposals for changes in the adoption laws. At present I am awaiting a report of a special review committee I expect to have early next year. On the question of public perception of health and of health care generally, the Health Education Bureau is at work. I am continuing to encourage their work and have no doubt that, under their chairman, Mr. Donal O'Shea, during the year they will initiate campaigns which will make us look somewhat more critically at our lifestyles, helping us realise that, where good health is concerned, the main answer lies in people themselves rather than in multi-million pound hospitals throughout the country.

That, then, is the situation regarding our health services. It will be very difficult during the coming year. For example, we have had to take a number of difficult decisions. There is, for example, the withdrawal of medical cards from students who are not already dependants of medical cardholders. In that regard I might stress that, of course, students will continue to be entitled to free hospital services, including the services of consultants, lest there be any misinterpretation of that. In the very near future I will be issuing, within a matter of days, revised guidelines in relation to medical card eligibility. These guidelines are currently under discussion and a decision in that regard is imminent.

May I make a few comments regarding the Social Welfare Vote. As Deputies know there were increases in the budget provision in the middle of 1983. I do not propose to comment on those except to say that recently in relation to the Supplementary Estimate I had to provide a further £20 million to meet the additional unemployment benefit and associated pay-related benefit costs. I had to provide money also for the double week payment at Christmas as this was not provided for by my predecessors in 1982 when they were preparing the budget for 1983. In addition, I had to meet the cost of the 5 per cent increase in October for those on long-term unemployment.

The Estimates just published for 1984 show that the Exchequer cost of supporting the social welfare programme will be in excess of £1.185 billion. The balance of more than £900 million is borne almost entirely by employers and employees by means of their PRSI contributions. These figures show the huge scale of social welfare expenditure which amounts to more than 14 per cent of GNP. I strongly repudiate any comment that these facts are indicative of cuts in social welfare spending.

I would point out that the 1984 net Estimate of £1,185,354,000 is based on the current rates of payment. It does not include any provision for budget increases in 1984 nor for a double payment at Christmas next year. These are matters that will be considered in the context of next year's budget.

Payment to the unemployed in 1984 by way of unemployment benefit, pay-related benefit and unemployment assistance are expected to amount to £105 million more than in 1983. This depends on the unemployment situation not going beyond what we have calculated. For every extra 1,000 on the live register the cost in terms of benefit and assistance payments is £2.4 million per year.

There has been a lot of alarmist talk and nonsense about cut-backs in social welfare. In 1984 the total cost of unemployment payments is expected to reach £559 million. This will be made up of £325 million for unemployment benefit including pay-related benefit, and £234 million for unemployment assistance. That is £105 million more than for 1983 without taking into consideration any budget increase.

I wish to pay a particular tribute to the excellent staff in the Department of Social Welfare. They are working under very considerable difficulties. We have a very minor number of extra staff but these extra people are required to process the increased numbers of claims, a factor which is putting tremendous pressure on existing resources. However, the staff have coped with this situation very competently and with dedication.

The estimated income of the Social Insurance Fund by way of PRSI contributions in 1984 is increased. The estimate is on the basis of current rates in contributions and on the current ceiling of £13,000. The figure of £853 million for 1984 is an increase of £91 million over the expected outturn of £762 million for 1983.

Regarding pay-related benefit, the floor taken into account in determining the amount of pay-related benefit to which a person is entitled is £36. The original floor which was set in 1974 was £14 and it remained at that figure until 1981 since when it has been increased regularly. It is of interest to note that if the same basis was used now as that which applied when the figure of £14 was decided, the floor would be £87. But I do not propose introducing such a drastic increase. However, in continuation of our recent policy, in order to bring the floor more into line with current benefit levels, I have decided to increase it from April next by £7 to £43. I emphasise that it will apply to all new pay-related benefit claims which arise from April 5 next. The saving in 1984 will be £2.8 million. This saving cannot by any assessment be described as a major cut. In 1983 the Estimate provision for pay-related benefit was £48.7 million in respect of unemployment benefit, £20.5 million in respect of disability benefit and £6.7 million for maternity allowance, making a total of £75.9 million. In 1984 the total Estimate provision will be £88 million for pay-related benefit as against £75 million in 1983. It is in this overall context that one must consider this relatively minor adjustment for new claimants.

Likewise, in determining the maximum amount a person may receive by way of disability benefit any pay-related benefit, a wage stop is applied. At present, this operates to limit the aggregate amount of disability and pay-related benefit to 80 per cent of a person's reckonable earnings in the relevant tax year. In order to bring about a more equitable relationship between take-home pay and income while in receipt of benefit I am reducing the 80 per cent wage stop to 75 per cent. This also will apply from April next and will result in a saving of £380,000 in 1984. I wish to make it clear that only the amount of pay-related benefit a person on disability benefit receives will be affected by this measure. His flat-rate disability benefit will remain unchanged. I would stress that in 1983 we spent no less than £20.5 million on pay-related benefit for disability benefit.

I intend making a minor change in respect of the maternity allowance scheme. As part of the Second National Understanding for Economic and Social Development, it was agreed that a maternity allowance scheme would be introduced for women in employment. The scheme was brought into operation in April 1981 and the details were worked out with representatives of employers and employees. The purpose of the scheme was to ensure that women would be compensated fully for loss of earnings after all deductions. The formula devised at that time, taking account of tax and other deductions, allowed for payment of an allowance amounting to 80 per cent of reckonable weekly earnings. It is evident now that because of changes which have occurred in the meantime in tax and other deductions, the original formula can provide levels of benefit which are very much higher than those that were intended originally. They are now in the region of 114 to 120 per cent in terms of the original Second National Understanding Agreement. Accordingly, I am taking steps to deal with the anomaly by reducing the maximum to 70 per cent of reckonable earnings from April next. As a consequence of that change the minimum payment of £64.88 will remain at that figure for 1984. These changes will result in a reduction in expenditure of some £1.13 million in 1984. I should like to stress, however, that women benefiting under the scheme will still receive the equivalent of their normal net take-home pay.

In regard to old age pension committees, I should like to tell the House that I have been examining their function for some time. I am sure all Members agree that those committees at local level have long outlived their usefulness. They have been operating since 1908 with no statutory functions as such and, as they are no longer necessary in the context of a modern social welfare system, I do not propose to continue them next year.

I have been in office for one year and I have found it an extremely difficult one spending as I do not less than £2,000 million of public funds. Whenever I spoke to the Taoiseach, or the Tánaiste, I was always confident that I had been dealt with in an honest and open manner by them. They have shown me at all times absolute honesty, frankness and honoured assurances on agreements reached. I have been proud to serve Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring as a member of the Cabinet and deputy leader of the Labour Party. Looking at the files of my Department, and Government files, during the past 12 months I know I would not have enjoyed the same honour had I served in a similar post under the Leader of the Opposition. That is more than one good reason why I should support the Government and continue to do so in 1984.

While the Minister for Health is still captive I should like to tell him that we would not welcome him into the Fianna Fáil party. He said he would not like to serve under our leader but I doubt if our leader would have liked to have had Deputy Desmond in our party. I had not intended starting my contribution in this way but the Minister's snide remark was designed to provoke me.

I never provoke a lady.

I listened to the Minister for exactly 32 minutes and I did not interrupt him. The Minister referred to the passion with which Deputies on this side asked for hospital facilities for their local towns. I am glad to say that following my impassioned plea the Minister paid a visit to Athlone and announced an orthopaedic centre for Athlone. I should like to thank the Minister for that and I trust the impassioned plea I made when I dealt with the need for that service on an Adjournment Debate worked. Before I deal with Education I should like to express my joy that Mr. Don Tidey has been successfully rescued and my appreciation to the Garda and the many people who assisted in the search for this executive. I extend good wishes to his young family. I am sure their delight is unbounded and I hope the happenings in that part of the country, which are continuing, will be brought to a successful conclusion.

I should like to congratulate Deputy George Birmingham who has joined the Education team. He has the interest of youth at heart and I have no doubt that he will add a special emphasis to the Department. I wish him well and I hope to have many fruitful discussions with him. The Minister, in the course of her contribution, dealt with the Education Estimate. I intend to be constructive in my contribution and to point to the failures that are obvious in the Estimate. I regret the tone of the remark of the Minister this afternoon. I resent her trivialisation of Education in her speech. As Opposition spokesperson on Education I represent many people. Parents, teachers and students are in touch with me constantly to appeal to me to express their points of view in the House. That is one way of getting their views across to the people who matter. However, the Minister gave the impression that the world would be lovely if it was to be peopled by Garret people who would nod their heads at every remark of his or at every figure trotted out by the Minister for Finance. I do not see my role in that vein.

I have been an effective contributor to the new committee system. All Members have spoken about the effectiveness of the Committee on Women's Rights and the effects it will have on the affairs of the nation. In our recent deliberations on that committee we dealt with education. I mention those facts to indicate how anxious I am to have an input into the education system here. It is my duty also to be effective in Opposition. I will not be put down by any Minister who says that her aim in life is to see that this party never occupy the Government benches. That was an appalling statement and is contrary to the rights of people in a democracy. In the course of my contribution on the motion on Dáil reform I said that an essential component of democracy in Ireland was that we would have a Government and an effective Opposition. That is the essence of democracy. We must have a Government but we must have a Government-in-waiting also. We must have an alternative Government if at any time the electorate decide that the parties in power are not effective.

The theme running through the speeches of Government members yesterday and today was that they are the goodies and we are the baddies. They expressed the view that never again should there be a return to the old bad rule of Fianna Fáil and now that Deputies FitzGerald and Spring and their henchmen and women are in power everything is right, God is in His Heaven and all is right in the world. All is not right in the world, particularly in the world of education despite the ephemeral speech of the Minister today. That speech was not worthy of a person who is responsible for such a serious portfolio.

I could not help but note that the Minister read the contents of a telegram she had received from Brother Declan Duffy of the Catholic Secretariat. That telegram was congratulatory and laudatory. I expect that the Minister meant that we should be impressed by the contents of that communication. However, I received a telegram from another Mr. Duffy — it seems to be Duffy-day in the House — who said:

Dear Deputy O'Rourke,

This is a copy of the telegram we have sent to the Minister for Education earlier today:

"The Union of Students in Ireland is appalled at the further direct assaults on the education, employment and health provision for young people. You and your Government has stripped young people of every dignity, opportunity and right".

Joseph Duffy,

President USI.

I do not know if the sender of the telegraph to the Minister acted in a personal capacity or as head of the Catholic Secretariat but the telegram I read was sent by the president of the Union of Students in Ireland. It was Duffy-day in the House but the Minister was selective. That is an indication of how she dealt with her Estimate today. The people will be amazed at the Minister's speech today, but of course it accords with the leaks from the Department recently. I will deal with the reality of the Education Estimate because it is my duty to do so as spokesperson for Education on this side. It is my great regret that the Minister and the Government have removed education from its pivotal position on the Irish scene.

The Estimate presented today presents a serious setback to many sectors and it will demoralise many young people. In her speech the Minister spoke of her feminist partiality in education. Of course I approve of feminist principles but I should like to see them pursued more actively in our education field. However, the Minister's proposals curb the choice of programmes which girls can study to such an extent that they cannot take up the courses they wish. There have been severe cutbacks in the capital programme in regard to the provision of new schools, the renewal of schools and the appointment of guidance and remedial teachers in national schools. The capital programme, particularly at third level, has not taken into account the huge increase in the number of young people who will be trying to avail of the education services which unfortunately are at a standstill.

Because of our population structure first and second level education should receive every encouragement, and I fail to understand why the Minister has not seen this. She spoke of the lost years between 1977 and 1981 and implied that education had stood still in Ireland in those years.

I wish to inform the Minister — she is not here but perhaps she has engagements elsewhere — that life did not stand still. There was a generous input of finance into education in those years and Deputies Wilson and O'Donoghue can go down proudly among Ministers of Education since the foundation of the State. It is trivial and trite for the Minister for Education to talk of those years as wasted in Irish education. I think of how serious that charge is and how appalled the people will be at it.

At primary education level there are schools to be built, improvements to be made in renewal of buildings and the provision of furniture and equipment. In 1983 the outturn was £28 million and the Estimate for 1984 is £23 million, a drop of 18 per cent, considering inflation. There has been a drop in the provision for primary school caretakers. One usually was referring to Dublin when talking of caretakers but now it is a question that affects the whole country. Caretakers looked after schools and prevented vandalism.

I warmly welcome the increase in capitation grants for national and second level schools but there is great need for capital for VEC and community schools — there is need for building improvements, equipment and furniture. However, there has been a cut here. The outturn in 1983 was £45 million, inflation accounted for £5 million and the increase in student numbers was 5 per cent. In 1984 the figure is £37 million, a staggering cut of 35 per cent. There has been a large cut in VEC grants which the Minister will partially offset by a certain type of financial allocation.

At second level there is no provision for guidance teachers or remedial appointments and there has not been any improvement in pupil/teacher ratios. There has been a severe cut in the choice of subject options such as music, art and continental languages apart from French. Science subjects will be affected.

Where now are the repeated cries of the Minister for equality in subject choice for girls? The Estimate will ensure that they will be precluded. The courses will not include such things as woodwork teaching. I am glad to see that the all-party women's rights association have set themselves a task in regard to second level schools.

There is good and bad in the Estimate and I have pointed to both in regard to primary and secondary education. However, we come up against harsh realities in regard to third level education. No account has been taken of any percentage increase in student numbers and therefore the Estimate shows a decrease of 22 per cent. There will be a 20 per cent increase in fees on top of the huge rise last year and this has caused confusion among students.

I ask the Minister to clearly spell out the terms and implications of the proposed student loan scheme. It is very unfair to leave students and their parents in the dark about such an important issue. The statement by the Minister for Health that in future all students over 16 years would lose their medical cards shows a deep ignorance of the parental cost implications of putting a young boy or girl through higher education on a diminishing real income. I regret this proposed step because it is a way in which the burden has been reduced for parents in relation to the cost of third level education.

It does not give me any joy to speak of a recent regrettable event concerning the Department of Education. I refer to the event of Friday 2 December when a fully detailed and costed confidential document appeared in a certain daily newspaper. I issued a statement on the matter but there was total silence from the Government. There was no proper expression of outrage at such a breach of confidentiality. We had silence until the following Wednesday when the matter was raised in the House by the leader of Fianna Fáil. Then, after a tussle, the Taoiseach announced there would be a Garda inquiry. This was only said when we raised the matter in the House and after a lot of to-ing and fro-ing, between the Taoiseach, the various people on the Government front benches and ourselves on the issue.

I put down a question to the Minister for Education and was told that there was to be a full Garda inquiry into the circumstances surrounding the mystery of the leaked document. It would take more than Agatha Christie to solve that one. Many of us have our own answer to it. I will not be so crude as to say in public what I think. There are many people who think as I do about the origin of the leaked document and the sender of it. I have had many contacts with people about this incident. Many people have telephoned me, some have called to see me and I have had letters from people about it. Those people correctly feel that education is far too serious a matter to be dealt with as a personal public relations exercise. Education has become a personal political exercise for the Minister for Education.

I did not intend speaking here in this very direct way but I thought it my duty as Opposition spokesman to be here this morning when the Minister for Education spoke. After listening to what she had to say to the people about education and what she had to say about my duties, I felt I had to speak. The Minister inferred that my duties were to lie down, accept everything that is said and hope Fianna Fáil will never get back into Government. This was such a negative way to approach education that I had to reply. The people who feel aggrieved about the leak of private confidential documents are the people who spent a lot of time compiling their report for this action plan. Those people spent many hours consulting people, getting the report together and putting it to the Minister and her Department. I am sure they felt there would be a proper unveiling of this action plan, that the Minister would put it to the Government and then it would come into the House where Deputies on all sides would be able to speak on it, make submissions and amend it if necessary. Instead we got an exposé in the main pages of a daily newspaper of the fully costed confidential document. The statement I made on the matter was reported in the press. There should have been an instant rebuttal from the Minister and a promise that she would track down the perpetrator of this crime. I regard this as a very serious matter.

I know from my years in education and contact with young people, dealing with examination results and confidentiality, and dealing with parents, that education is a very pastoral profession. It has always been a profession of profound trust between people and involves a large amount of very personal data regarding pupils', parents' and teachers' observations. One goes about one's business correctly. This is the way it should be.

We always felt in education that everything should be conducted correctly. Perhaps this was a hangover from our young days when one submitted to authority. That has gone out of the whole arena of education. When one wakes up in the morning and turns on the radio one does not know what one will hear or what one is likely to read in the newspapers affecting education. I was very glad to read the report of what a veteran of this House said, which was in this morning's Irish Times. The report stated that he was very concerned about leaks as well. I refer to Deputy Oliver Flanagan. He expressed concern about how the business of the nation was more and more being conducted through leaks. It is the practice of some Deputies to say Deputy Flanagan sometimes blows his top but I have never found him to do that. Deputy Oliver Flanagan could have a lesson to teach many of us in relation to his beliefs and ideas. He has a long record in this House and usually experience is the great teacher of all.

There is general unease throughout the country at the lack of decorum and proper expression of ministerial and departmental announcements on education and there is general unease at the seeming abandonment by the Minister for Education and the Coalition Government of their policies for young people and, more particularly, their policies for young people going into third level education. We read about how much it costs to put a child through primary school, secondary school and third level school.

The cost per head of each student going through third level education is enormous vis-à-vis the cost of putting a child through first and second level education. It is much more professional and much more profound. The follow-on of that would be to ask if we are all to sit at our primary school desks and our secondary school desks until we become far too big for them and then go back and start again at primary school level. There has to be a logical follow-on to primary, secondary, and third level education, but there is a feeling that it is wrong for young people to partake of it because it costs too much.

I want to refer to a pet subject of mine. There was a report in today's Irish Times on the decline in the study of history as a leaving certificate subject in third level schools. This report was brought out by a study group in Trinity College and they show that participation in history at the higher level of secondary schools — I am not blaming the Minister for this — has gone down from 78 per cent to around 33 per cent. As a long-term senior level teacher of history, I find that a very regrettable trend because history is one of the subjects on which one can base one's entire life afterwards.

History is not just figures, dates and data. History is very much a feeling, a belief, a knowledge of what has happened in the past and how it affects us now and will in the future.

I hope the Minister will address herself to this statistical report which has issued from the study group in Trinity College. History is an option subject. It is history or commerce, history or music, history or art and so on at senior cycle in a secondary or vocational school. The study of history is valuable to an individual for what it can contribute to one's feelings, hopes and idea of life. I hope the Minister will set about having that report studied and the findings conveyed to her and that she will implement those findings in one way or another.

Finally, I have the honour and am very proud to be the Fianna Fáil spokesperson on Education in this House and in that capacity I will continue to contribute on education and, I hope, other matters. I will not be cowed by platitudes from anybody into not making my rightful contribution as Opposition spokesperson on Education.

I am aware that we are not in possession of full information, but I congratulate all who were involved in the release of Mr. Tidey. I see this as a culmination of a long and tedious task that the Garda had to undertake and it is to their eternal credit that they remained so tenaciously in pursuit of their quarry. We hope the matter will very shortly be resolved entirely satisfactorily.

Well said.

Over the past couple of days the contributions from the various speakers on the Opposition benches from both Fianna Fáil and The Workers' Party were a succession of castigations of Government policy and Government Ministers and allegations of the failure of Government policies, calls for a general election, reductions in taxation and the removal of charges for water and sewerage facilities. At the same time from the same benches came a steady demand for increased and improved services, more input from the Government, greater investment, job creation and the expansion of every service that both local and national Government provide.

Though I listened carefully for the last couple of days I have not yet heard one speaker being realistic and saying that whenever one increases the extent of services inevitably they will cost more, and that there are two ways of finding the money. It can be borrowed or paid out of resources at home. What the Opposition have been saying is a contradiction in terms. You cannot have reduced levels of taxation and increased levels of expenditure in the various services at the same time. It just does not add up.

In fairness I can say that this Government have been one year in office and we can look back over that year with a certain degree of pride. They have faced up to a very difficult job and a great deal of criticism and have taken some tough decisions bravely, knowing that they would receive criticism. They did not run away from their task and they will not do so. Criticism rings very hollow when it comes from people who themselves did not face up to their task, who went before the public and promised the end of the rainbow, the crock of gold, paradise for everybody. Somewhere along the way the lines must have been mixed up because all we got was increased taxation and a diminution of services at the same time while the party opposite were in office.

House improvement grants were removed round about Christmastime a couple of years ago when many people were looking forward to receiving those grants. Many poor people carrying out much-needed extensions to their private houses learned that the Christmas box from that Government was that those grants were being terminated. There was no warning and it was tough luck on the unfortunate people concerned. Crocodile tears have been shed in the benches opposite over the last couple of days about how the present Government were not doing what they should do for the construction industry. There were suggestions that this Government were negative and not living up to their responsibilities in that area. Perhaps they will look back over the last couple of years and ask themselves how they looked after the construction industry when they were in office. Perhaps cognisance will be taken of the facts as opposed to the propaganda. The Housing Finance Agency have lent a considerable amount of money in the current year, and in some counties probably more than any other lending agency, towards house construction for people who because of their income bracket are not normally catered for by any other lending agency. This agency have shown that they have fulfilled the duty for which they were first set up in the face of strong opposition from some quarters. They were successful and will continue to be successful.

I am not going to criticise politicians because we in political life seem of late to have got on to the act, like the general public, of criticising ourselves. We do not do anything for the House or for our own reputation by doing that. Perhaps the public themselves have a certain responsibility. Through the various lobbies they have created they put extremely tough pressure on public representatives at all times with various demands and undertones suggesting what might happen if the demands are not met. The one thing I have to say in criticism of ourselves is that perhaps we do not always stand up forcefully enough against that type of lobby. If politicians are to be fair to themselves as well as the people they represent they will have to do that.

I agree with the Deputy there.

I am not going to talk about each Department. As a backbencher I feel that the biggest item facing us as legislators now is the problem of employment and particularly the number of young people who are unemployed. Young people will ask sceptically why, if they are such a great investment, they are not getting jobs and why the politicians are not doing something for them. Some politicians are inclined to respond by referring to the 200,000 people now unemployed, that in six months' time the figure may be greater and in two years' time it could be 300,000. It might be a good thing to be truthful and tell those young people that those are the facts as we see them now, but that could be dangerous. From my own teenage years I can recall that a teenager's horizon is narrower than that of an adult. The young person will look backward to a year or two previously or forward to a year or two in the future. Many of them have brothers and sisters who in the last couple of years have completed their education, have been on the job market and have not been successful in obtaining jobs. They see that as past performance and look forward wondering what the future will hold for them. If we tell them now that there is likely to be a greater degree of unemployment we will have a serious problem on our hands because there is a grave danger we will break their spirits and they will lose confidence in our ability to do anything to resolve the problem. That is the greatest single danger to constitutional politics.

In making these points I am not criticising any Government, past or present. Perhaps the Youth Employment Agency, the Department of Labour and some parts of the Department of Social Welfare might come together to provide some short-term jobs for young people. I am thinking along the lines of the jobs in which the Youth Employment Agency were involved for some time, namely, setting up a local project with a project leader. It was reasonably successful but it could have been even more successful if more money were spent on the selection of the project leaders. The person selected for each project might have been given greater responsibility, thus allowing him to take on more young people to carry out public works. I am referring to landscaping, the restoration of public buildings and the restoration of our inland waterways. Many people have the right qualifications for such work and their services could be used constructively. They would have gainful employment, would fulfil their ambitions to some extent and, at the same time, they would realise the legislators had recognised the problem and were prepared to do something about it.

The argument against that is that it involves an increase in public expenditure and that is true to a point. It may be said it is non-productive and non-wealth generating. That is also true, but if those people remain on unemployment benefit or unemployment assistance that also is non-wealth generating and is non-productive.

The Deputy should be over here.

I was putting that proposal forward as a possible basis for a resolution of some of our problems. I said I was not criticising anyone, although I could do so if I wanted. If the scheme for youth employment were revamped it might be of considerable benefit. In addition, I should like to see it extended to other people. There are hundreds of people unemployed who have the necessary skills to carry out the kinds of works I have outlined. These people would be very glad to become involved in such work rather than applying for unemployment benefit or unemployment assistance.

The arguments regarding private enterprise and public ownership and the development of one or the other are quite interesting. I was interested to hear Deputy Mac Giolla yesterday when he made some constructive references to the Government's need to ensure the creation of wealth. What he said was significant and it should be welcomed. One hears many other throw-away remarks in relation to resolving our problems. We hear about "skinning the fat cats" and about the introduction of more capital taxation and inheritance tax. There have been numerous calls for such taxation but the question is, would such a policy work? We must remember that wealth is not self-generating. The only reason wealth increases is because people are committed to increasing it and the only motivating factor in the creation of wealth is profit. Whether it is a small businessman or a multinational firm, at the end of the day the motivating factor is whether the individual or the organisation will make a profit and all their competitors at home and abroad are in business for the same reason. Unfortunately they are not there just to create jobs or to fulfil any social need other than to make a profit for themselves. That is a fact and we might as well accept it now. If people go to a lending agency for financial facilities for any other reason I am afraid they will not be well received but that is a matter for another day.

What we should do is to encourage the people who have the money, or who are alleged to have the money, and who are prepared to create wealth. We should give them the incentives to take the risks involved. They should be encouraged to take the necessary risks because the country needs them more than ever before. Their response will be that they should be given incentives, and I agree with them. It is far better to give incentives to the private sector to take the risks in order to pull the country out of the recession than to have the nation involve itself in a nationalisation programme. The risks involved there are much greater from the point of view of the taxpayers and given the current level of taxation, we cannot expect the unfortunate taxpayers to pick up the tab should a nationalisation programme go wrong. Our history is reasonable but not extraordinary in the area of public companies. Other countries have found it necessary to denationalise and with good reason. We should take account of that now.

I mentioned earlier that many of the decisions this Government had to take were unsavoury and were not the kind to endear them to the electorate. However, they took such actions for the right reasons. Despite all that has been said by members on the opposite benches in the past few days, in the end the people will realise the Government took action for the right reasons and to ensure that in the long-term the people will have a future to which they can look forward with some degree of satisfaction.

It also goes without saying that many people are finding it hard to live. Members of the Government are aware of that. We all appreciate how difficult it can be for the breadwinner to ensure that he, his wife and family have sufficient to meet their requirements from week to week. People are suffering as a result of the recession, but perhaps the recession would not have been as bad if people had taken the necessary courageous decisions a few years ago.

Before the 1977 General Election the various policies of the two protagonists were put before the people and for a while it appeared as if there was stalemate. Gradually however, the full extent of the offer being made to the people by the then Opposition began to filter through. People discussed in pubs, clubs and the market place the benefits they would get if they voted for the party who were making that offer. They concluded that they could not afford not to vote for them. With hindsight all the experts have now come to recognise that anybody should have realised that it could not be done without increased taxation. It was amazing that public commentators at that time did not say that we should look carefully at these policies because there must be a sting in the tail. There was a remarkable dearth of commentators in that regard. One or two said so, but generally the deal being put forward then by the Opposition was regarded as good for the country, that it was a combination of more borrowing to create a buoyancy that would result in the creation of a large number of jobs each year for a period of several years and that it would eliminate what they considered then to be hardship. If people had recognised then the hardship that was lying ahead as a result of latching on to those lunatic policies they might have had second thoughts.

There were a number of calls yesterday in this House for a general election. In public life one gets used to those calls. One or two speakers said that the people wanted to vote this Government out of office. It is dangerous to pre-empt what the public might be thinking at any given time. One has to accept, human nature being what it is, that the public if given two options, one of which is soft, will naturally be inclined towards that which is easiest on themselves. It behoves all of us in this House to say to the public that if they want increased services or increased expenditure in any area they will have to make up their minds whether they are going to have increased taxation or increased borrowing, which will eventually result in increased taxation anyway. I mention that because I believe that, one year on, the Government are entitled to a fair trial and that we should hear arguments for the defence as well as for the prosecution. The prosecution have had their day and the failure in their case has been their inability to come forward with responsible policies which would solve our problems.

Unemployment is the biggest crisis which faces the country. From the point of view of foreign investors one of the things they look for here is whether it would be suitable for siting an industry. As we are in dire need of investors we must ensure that we can boast of the right conditions for siting industries. I am referring to good labour relations and so on. When a possibility of employment arises, whether of a long or short-term nature, we should be very loath to scuttle it before it gets off the ground by public statements or actions which would jeopardise an investment by other people who might be watching. We must set an example in this regard.

As the Minister for Finance is present I should like to refer to our constituency of County Kildare. If we accept the rationalisation plan put forward some time ago by the ESB it will result in the loss of a number of jobs in that area. The Minister should ensure that everything possible is done to try to work out an arrangement so that it would be possible in the case of the power station at Allenwood that the raw materials — in this case sod peat — would be exhausted before any further consideration is given to shutting down that station. The cost in terms of job losses would be very great and we can ill afford that. I know the Minister is concerned about it and will give it the consideration it deserves.

Over the past ten years there has been a gradual change from local to central taxation to the detriment of the local authority system. Nobody wants an increase in taxation and one does not welcome these charges. However, consideration might be given to a reduction in taxation at central level with regard to PAYE and other sectors this year. Perhaps that cannot be done, but if it was possible it would give some relief to those people who will be paying a little bit more by way of local taxation. That seems to be equitable and reasonable, because without some system of local taxation the local authorities cannot possibly survive. This has been pointed out time and time again over the last couple of years and everybody recognises that if local authorities are to survive we must be prepared to pay for them.

I understand Deputy Lenihan is concluding for the Opposition. Perhaps the Deputy would allow me to call him.

The Deputy should bring his speech to a reasonable conclusion.

I will be calling on Deputy Lenihan at 5 p.m. Deputy Durkan has one or two minutes left.

A lot of lipservice has been paid over the years to autonomy in the local authority system. Everyone has requested more power for local authorities. For local authorities power means money, and the ability to raise and spend that money in their own administrative areas is most important. In the next year or so I would like to see a transition from the central taxation system in relation to the running of local authorities to a local taxation system. I am not saying there should be a duplication of systems or that there should be an increase in both central and local taxation, but consideration might be given to a slight reduction in income tax which would allow for the charges that have already been introduced.

I am glad to see the Minister for Finance here this evening because I will be discussing the basic economic problems facing us. In this regard I submit that the Government have adopted a very negative approach. As a member of the previous Government I understand the difficulties and problems involved in regard to our public finances and the general world recession, but I cannot understand why there has been an obsession with cutting capital expenditure rather than dealing with the nub of the problem, that is cutting public expenditure. The cuts in capital expenditure announced earlier this year were in the areas of construction and telecommunications.

According to the Book of Estimates there appears to be a cleavage with which we take issue with the Government. There is a basic philosophical difference between the Fianna Fáil approach and the approach of this Government. My view is that the Government are taking the advice of the Department of Finance and taking the politically expedient way out by cutting capital expenditure rather than taking real political decisions and cutting current expenditure. The result is that the construction industry, which is the obvious area where employment can be stimulated is experiencing the worst recession for over 30 years. This recession is causing key personnel to leave the country. This will have serious social and economic consequences for our economy. This industry uses a high proportion of home-produced goods. Recently we each received a copy of a memorandum from the Building Materials Federation in which they gave some very interesting data. They estimate that 73 per cent of inputs into the construction industry are home-produced. This means that the spin-off services are immense. I do not have to outline in detail all the commodities I am talking about but they include cement, tiles, timber, carpets, furniture and so on, and nearly all of those are home-produced.

I would like to know why the construction industry is not getting more help from the Government. The only answer I can come up with is that the Government are not willing to face up to the unpopular consequences that may be involved in cutting current budgetary expenditure but are taking the soft option by cutting capital expenditure in an area where jobs could be created. It is easy to do this because there is no immediate shriek from the public service when a cut in capital expenditure is made. All we get are lengthening dole queues, higher unemployment figures and the disappearance of people with technical, managerial and specialist skills. These people leave the country quietly, with the result that a fundamental industry is allowed to die because of the Government's failure to face up to the political decision to put more money into this area. If cuts must be made they should be on the current expenditure side. I would like to hear from the Minister for Finance about this matter.

This was a basic issue which brought the two Coalition parties together. One of the key areas in the declaration made by both parties was that the Government would provide an extra £100 million for the construction industry. Far from injecting £100 million into that industry, there has been a very rapid reduction in investment. There are many files on the shelves in every local authority because there is not enough money to carry out water, sewerage and road development schemes and other work. Why are we not stimulating this industry? Why do we not hear of an imaginative programme such as removing existing administrative restrictions in the planning area — planning applications to local authorities, appeals to the appeals board, the CRV system, the vesting system and so on? At present, it takes at least 12 months to get any construction proposal off the ground, even if everything is clean and clear from the administrative and legal points of view.

Here is a complete area for investigation and examination. The Government could take rapid action in regard to direct public investment, the stimulation of private investment and the elimination of bureaucratic control. The whole construction industry is there to be dealt with by the Government, if they are concerned about the need to stimulate employment not just in the actual industry but in the wide range of ancillary industries I have just mentioned.

Why is that not being done? Because of the absence of political will on the part of the Government who are not taking their responsibilities seriously. They are taking the easy, soft option of cutting capital expenditure where employment could be generated instead of taking the hard political decision on current expenditure. The Government are creating unemployment by not taking the necessary decisions on public investment, particularly in the construction areas I mentioned.

That is the main indictment of the Government. I am very sorry there is nobody present from the Labour Party. One of the elements in the joint programme of Labour and Fine Gael was the notion of a national development corporation. There is no need for a national development corporation when there is an industry at hand in which there is a pool of human, material and financial resources available at every level from top management down to worker specialist technicians at trade level. That pool is available. It is there to be tapped and stimulated. It is now disappearing. I warn the Government of the very serious implications of this. It has not happened for a generation. It did not happen since the early fifties, when the skills associated with that industry disappeared, causing enormous damage to our economy at that time. If the Government do not face up to their primary responsibility to generate employment in that key area which can stimulate employment in associated areas, they are falling down completely and engaging in cosmetic Government rather than real Government.

The Government are over-involved in cosmetic Government rather than real Government. I have given one practical example in a key area of economic development. There is no point in talking airily about national development corporations and that sort of nonsense. We must get down to brass tacks, to the task of creating employment where it can be created as quickly and as efficiently as possible with the utilisation of the skills available to the maximum benefit of the economy. Talking in circles about this matter will not achieve anything when there is at hand an area which can be stimulated, where the pump can be primed. It is not being primed. In fact it is being put into reverse.

The cosmetic aspect appears to obsess the Government to an unhealthy extent. Practically £3 million is being spent this year on consultancy services, including the hiring of various people, particularly in the Taoiseach's Department and in other areas, to build up the public image of Ministers and Departments and to give the impression to the public that work is being done when it is not being done. If we are to have Government by appearance instead of Government by reality, that will be part of the breakdown of democracy which was initiated in the packaging system which started with the election of President Nixon in the United States of America. His election was entitled "The Packaging of a President". If we are to have the packaging of Garret the Irish people should realise what is going on, that £3 million is involved in packaging Garret and that is a very false package.

The Taoiseach.

There is nothing in the package. This is important and should be revealed to the public. I hope the media people present will take up this one. We have the unemployment figures. We have the neglect of the building and construction industry. A figure of close on £3 million is being spent currently on consultancy services which have not been broken down for us, despite repeated questions by my colleagues in the House. That introduces a totally wrong principle into the administration of Irish affairs. It means that for the first time we have paid handlers being brought into Government Departments to help Ministers to portray matters in cosmetic terms — I will not use the word which would put me out of order — for the benefit of the public. They are not real and they have no foundation in reality.

Five minutes ago the Deputy was moaning about cuts in capital expenditure. Now he is saying they are cosmetic.

I am talking about current expenditure. The Minister does not understand. I am talking about consultancy services and packages which are part of current expenditure and which should be eliminated. If the Government were serious they would realise that that expenditure is totally unjustified side by side with the cuts in capital expenditure.

The Deputy is talking through his hat.

This is a limited debate and there should be no interruptions.

One thing which is basic to our economic survival, apart from expansion, is the development of investment and, in particular investment related to our young people, to our educational and training processes and to industry. We must also consider the importance of the high technology industries which, under Fianna Fáil direction, the IDA introduced into Ireland in recent years. These industries are ideally geared to taking on our young people and using their natural genius and intelligence. If we have some things going for us at the moment they are our educational and training systems and our young people with their brains and intelligence.

The high technology which we encouraged over a number of years is ideally geared to absorb that type of labour into skilled employment and management. We want that to continue. We do not want any deterioration in that respect. We want confidence sustained in the economy and in our society to ensure that that investment continues. This year we got very alarming figures and not only for Government cutbacks. We have those. We have plenty of them.

We have also had a real fall in investment. It gives me no great joy to talk about this matter but I am quoting EEC figures already referred to by the leader of my party in his speech yesterday. These figures show quite clearly that there has been a fall in investment of over 12 per cent and also that investment in Ireland in 1983 was at its lowest level for 15 years. What is the reason? The basic reason is that there will not be any development of investment until there is confidence in the political system operating here.

Only last week we had an example of the sort of irresponsibility which can do nothing but damage to our political system and the regard in which we are held by people abroad who are potential investors here. If we are to have two ideologically separate parties engaged in a pretence of Government with a cosmetic umbrella to pretend to the public that everything is going well, and if within that umbrella of pretence these two ideologically separate parties are sniping at each other and blackmailing each other, there will be no confidence on the part of investors at home and abroad. I emphasise this because confidence is the central key to the whole matter of the development of the economy. It is the elixir that makes the system work.

One cannot ignore the need to deal with the Northern problem in a sensible manner as well. Unless that matter is satisfactorily stabilised and we move towards a unitary state, evolving a political settlement, we will not get the climate of confidence in which there will be investment North or South.

A further point is the way in which we conduct our affairs in this House and within the Government, as well as the public perception of us. This Government started off with the great idea of creating parliamentary committees. This is all right in its own way but it is marginal to the central issue of running a Government properly, making decisions expenditiously and protecting the principle of confidentiality. There is a further destabilising element where a Government is run on an ad hoc basis, where Ministers can resign at the drop of a hat and create trouble from outside and where figures are revealed as to particular voting patterns. On top of the Northern problem and the ideological destabilisation, the Government apparently cannot rely on their own individual members to hold their peace and follow the basic principle of collective responsibility. That is fundamental to the organisation of any Government in a civilised society. In a difficult period it is essential to get back to these basics.

All these matters are related to each other. Economic progress is related to political decision-making and both are related to the stability which creates investment. All these matters are related to the perception of people who are considering investing here. Hope for the future must be rekindled and it can only be done by a Government who command respect and know where they are going. That hope and faith in the future are essential to stimulate our young people but they cannot be kindled by a Government such as this who are operating on a day-to-day ad hoc basis.

One sees immediately the failure of this Government to provide the necessary inspiration to create a climate of confidence. That is the basic difficulty and it is not improved by the sort of remarks made yesterday by the Taoiseach, not off the top of his head but reading from a script, when he talked about Fianna Fáil advancing towards a police state, remarks which were rightly criticised in this morning's editorial in The Irish Times. That sort of remark coming from the alleged Leader of this country does not help from the point of view of investment or from the point of view of our self-respect. We will bring these matters to the attention of the public, especially if this kind of cosmetic Government is to continue.

I would say to the media people who are here reporting our proceedings that they are being used and abused as well as the Irish public by these people who are using cosmetics and the paint brush to replace real politics and real policies by figments and mirages. We must get away from that and get back to real politics and real policies. I do not wish the Government any great harm, apart from hoping that they depart as soon as possible, but at least they might mend their ways and do so in the national interest. They might take some of the advice I have offered, which I hope will be taken in the proper spirit, and get down to the practical business of governing in Ireland's interests.

In spite of that rather provocative invitation by Deputy Lenihan, who seems to have forgotten much of the history of the last two years, I intend to concentrate my remarks on public expenditure.

The detailed current and capital expenditure allocations for 1984 are set out in the Estimates Volume and in the summary of the Public Capital Programme published recently.

Before going into these figures, I should like to make the point that the vesting of responsibility for the postal and telecommunications services in An Post and Bord Telecom, with effect from 1 January next, will have a considerable effect on the budget figures. To enable a proper comparison to be made between the 1984 figures and those for 1983, the 1983 outturn must be adjusted to show what would have been the position if the new agencies had been vested from the beginning of this year on the basis of the permanent arrangements now envisaged. These adjustments would have the net effect of increasing the 1983 current budget deficit by some £130 million and the Exchequer borrowing requirement by over £100 million. The comparable 1984 budget figures will be effected by broadly similar amounts. The changes, of course, will be of an accounting nature only. The public finances, overall, will be no better or no worse, although the size of the Exchequer borrowing requirement within the overall public sector borrowing requirement will be affected.

The total Estimates Volume provision for 1984, including voted capital, is £5,581 million, an increase of 7 per cent over the provisional 1983 outturn. This is below the equivalent increase of 8 per cent in 1983, which itself was a massive reduction on the 1982 figure of 21 per cent, and an even bigger reduction on the 1981 figure of 27 per cent and the 1980 figure, equally 27 per cent.

The provision being made for the non-capital supply services is £5,061 million, an increase of about 8 per cent on the estimated outturn for 1983. For voted capital services the provision is £540 million, a reduction of 4 per cent on the provisional 1983 outturn. The provision for the full 1984 Public Capital Programme is £1,780 million, an increase of about 2 per cent on the estimated outturn for 1983. The 1983 outturn figures shown in the documents are, of course, provisional and subject to change when the definitive position emerges at the end of the year. The individual Estimates will, of course, be introduced for debate and voted upon in the usual way in 1984.

The Estimates Volume and Public Capital Programme expenditure allocations are only two elements in the budgetary picture. Deputies must wait for a few more weeks until Budget Day, 25 January, to see the full picture, even on the expenditure side of the account.

The Government's decisions on the Estimates have been taken in the context of the overall budgetary framework and having regard to the need to reduce our dependence on borrowing. At this point, while I cannot go into precise figures, I would like to sketch the overall picture so that the Estimates can be seen in their proper perspective.

Firstly, as regards the 1983 outturn for the current budget deficit and Exchequer borrowing requirement, it now appears likely that while current expenditure will be broadly in line with the original budget targets disappointing revenue receipts in recent weeks could bring the outturn for the current budget deficit somewhat above the revised targets set in July, although not significantly so. Nevertheless, the overall Exchequer borrowing requirement will show a reduction of no less than 3 percentage points of GNP, compared with 1982. This will bring Exchequer borrowing as a percentage of GNP below that of 1979. Unlike the previous administration which talked about borrowing, but, in fact, let both go out of control, this Government have not contented themselves with defining the problem and talking about it. We have taken concrete measures and achieved concrete results.

However, the budget position would deteriorate in 1984 if there were no expenditure or tax changes, because demographic and labour force pressures are driving up the demand for State services and transfers, while the continuing recession is weakening the growth of revenue buoyancy. Debt servicing costs are also increasing significantly. In other words, merely to stand still on the overall real level of borrowing requires reductions in services and/or increases in taxation.

As I have already indicated, the reduction in Exchequer borrowing achieved in 1983 is equivalent to some three percentage points of GNP. Having regard to employment and the outlook for the economy, including the improvement in the balance of payments, it would be undesirable to attempt a further reduction of that size in 1984. The fact is, however, that, notwithstanding the progress made in 1983, our borrowing requirement remains high and must be further reduced. On the basis of the Estimates as published, and taking account of preliminary revenue projections for next year, it is likely that we will require further action in the budget on both expenditure and revenue. Some of this further action has been considered by the Government, but they must conclude their examination of taxation options before a complete package of measures can be defined.

The broad thrust of the Government's approach to public expenditure in 1984 must be seen in the context of how public expenditure has developed over the years in this country.

The consequence of a high level of public expenditure largely financed by borrowing is a burden of interest repayments which has greatly reduced the room for flexibility in budgetary policy. This year, repayments on Exchequer debt alone will amount to over £1,500 million, which is equivalent to almost one-third of the net provision for the non-capital supply services, or to put it another way, these repayments equal the combined cost of the entire health service and the security forces of the State. The long run trend in public expenditure in Ireland has been inexorably upwards. Whatever our views about the intrinsic merits of any given level of public expenditure, it is an inescapable fact that over the last ten years we have shown ourselves consistently unable and unwilling to finance the massive expansion in public expenditure from our own resources, whether this be taxes or savings.

This Government came to office a year ago determined to change this deeply-rooted trend of public expenditure. The previous Coalition Government in 1981 already had a major influence on changing the atmosphere in which decisions on public expenditure were taken, implemented and monitored. Our predecessors, to be fair about it, also acted in July 1982 to contain excesses. Regrettably, they had first watered down the provisions of the 1982 budget and lost four valuable months during which they deviated from the path which we had charted. The action taken meant, however, that expenditure overruns did not appear in 1982. This year, I introduced further new controls including a full monthly review by the Government of all budget trends, but particularly of expenditure. This enabled the Government to take decisive corrective action midway through the year to maintain overall expenditure on the non-capital supply services very close to the budget provision. The action was necessary to ensure that the cost of a public service pay agreement, a significant shortfall in PRSI receipts, a 5 per cent increase last October for the long-term unemployed, a double week payment at Christmas for pensioners and similar social welfare recipients and other unprovided-for commitments, would be offset by sufficient savings elsewhere to avoid an overshoot at year-end.

An aspect of the 1983 budget to which insufficient attention has been given is that it aimed to arrest the long run trend in the growth of total expenditure as a percentage of GDP. On the basis of the most recent available information, which is, of course, subject to revision when definitive data become available, the total expenditure of public authorities in 1983, current and capital, as a proportion of GDP will be lower than in 1982. This in itself is a striking reversal of the long run trend.

During 1983 we have halted the expenditure slide, despite the continuing pressures of a rapidly growing population, rising unemployment and increasing debt service costs. The Government have to absorb these pressures again in 1984 within a settled overall level of expenditure, by curtailing less essential outlays.

Numbers at work are under severe pressure. It would be unrealistic to think that those at work can pay enough tax not only to bring the current finances of the State nearer to balance, but also to maintain and improve public services in all their aspects, in the face of continuing growth in the number of dependants and in unemployment.

The opening bill with which the Government were faced for the 1984 non-capital supply services in order simply to maintain services was almost £5,300 million, about £600 million or 13 per cent above the latest estimate of the 1983 outturn. Important reasons for this increased requirement were the need to provide for a significantly higher level of unemployment — on average over 30,000 a week higher than in 1983 — the full year cost of social welfare increases awarded during 1983, other increased costs in the health, education and social welfare areas arising from demographic factors, the full year cost of pay increases under the public service pay agreement and some significant increases in debt service elements in the non-capital supply services.

The Government examined each Estimate in the closest detail and decided on adjustments which have the effect of reducing this bill of opening demands by a net £220 million. Some of the measures involved, such as a continuation of the present restrictions on recruitment to the public service, have an across-the-board effect, or require Departments to make further general economies in the administration and delivery of services. Others involve action to be taken to maintain strict cash limits, for instance, on grants to various State agencies. Rates support grants to local authorities are being pegged to about the same cash level as in 1983. Some adjustments in the social welfare area will be necessary, though these will not be of major significance. In the health area institutional budgets have been cut and economies will be made in the GMS scheme. There will be new or increased fees and charges in a number of areas.

The overall picture emerging from the Estimates Volume provision for the non-capital supply services is that the Government were able to accommodate all of the unavoidably increased provisions I mentioned earlier within a total provision which shows a small reduction in real terms.

The Government concentrated on ensuring that the burden of the adjustment would fall as far as possible on expenditures which are classified as Government consumption, that is to say, resources consumed by the Government in providing public services, as distinct from resources transferred from one section of the population to the other through the welfare systems. The Estimates Volume provisions show Government consumption expenditure falling by about 2 per cent in real terms compared with the provisional outturn for 1983.

Turning to capital expenditure, Deputies will note from the summary which has been circulated that expenditure on public capital programme investment in 1983 is a good deal below the budget estimate. The shortfall has arisen mainly on the non-Exchequer elements of the programme and is due to a number of factors, including lack of demand for capital from the ICC and ACC, the deferral of some projects pending reappraisal of their financial viability and a reduction in expenditure on the telecommunications development programme. The overall level of expenditure on the Public Capital Programme in 1983 is now expected to be about 14 per cent below 1982 in real terms.

Deputies should not jump to the conclusion that output or activity have also fallen by 14 per cent. One of the features of the past year has been very keen tendering for building and construction contracts which in effect enables the State to get a given level of output in many key areas at a lower unit cost.

The overall Public Capital Programme provision for 1984 is about 2 per cent higher than the likely 1983 outturn in cash terms.

(Interruptions.)

Deputies on the other side of the House should say very clearly if it is the case that they do not believe in getting value for money. A sustained effort will be made right across the board to produce the maximum output and benefit to the economy from this continuing massive level of investment — almost £1.8 billion — which will again account for more than half of total fixed capital formation in the economy in 1984.

The 1984 Public Capital Programme will be little different in real terms from the 1980 programme. On the other hand, there have been startling changes in its composition. No more than 25 per cent of the 1983 Public Capital Programme has been spent on sectoral economic investment, that is on supporting and complementing with State loans, grants and subsidies to the private sector, investment in expanding the productive capacity of the economy. Five years ago over 40 per cent of the Public Capital Programme was devoted to this purpose. The fall is most unwelcome but it is not due to any reduction in the level of State incentives.

Of course it is.

We should devote as much of our capital as possible to the productive sector, since it is there that lasting, self-sustaining employment is created. The lesson of those five years is that viable investment opportunities which will expand the productive capacity of the economy cannot be conjured up out of thin air. The international recession has hit industry, and farming investment has been hard hit by the squeeze between EEC prices and inflation. The overall effect has been reduced willingness and indeed reduced ability to invest in these sectors. Public investment in infrastructure has been increased to offset this fall. But infrastructure investment can never give the same direct return in the form of extra viable and lasting jobs, or an increase in output of saleable goods and services.

Waffle, waffle, waffle.

I want to stress that the provisions which have been made for 1984 in the sectoral economic investment category are sufficient to meet all anticipated demands. If, however, any unprovided-for demands for viable projects should emerge during the year, the necessary funds will be provided from within the overall resources available.

Some of the arguments that have been advanced for a bigger Public Capital Programme seem to imply that it is the quantity of public investment that counts, not its quality. Deputy Haughey has always been the prime exponent of this approach and he advocated it again yesterday.

Never, that is just not right.

A misstatement of our position.

The Minister should just give his own case without attributing false arguments to me.

We should, by now, have progressed beyond that way of thinking. There have been, as I am sure many in this House will agree, all too many projects which did not represent value for the taxpayers' money. More taxpayers' money is still being spent on some because of legal commitments, and others are creating continuing bills for their subsidisation.

In the financial circumstances in which we find ourselves no responsible Government could simply pump up the level of public investment by allocating money to projects which will show no net benefit to the economy. To the extent that for contractual or other reasons, the Public Capital Programme still contains such elements the Government are determined to eliminate them at the earliest possible date.

Including the building industry.

Reviews of several major investment programmes are under way at present. Actual expenditure in 1984, as opposed to the Public Capital Programme provision, will be influenced by the outcome. The Public Capital Programme provisions are enabling only. They do not commit the Government. It will have to be shown, in all cases, and on reasonable assumptions, that the capital investments for which provision has been made are financially and economically justifiable or, in the case of social investments, that they meet priority needs on a least-cost basis.

Does that mean that the whole Public Capital Programme means nothing?

That means that the whole Public Capital Programme is being reviewed to ensure that the taxpayer gets value for money in terms of jobs created and social services provided, as I have said, most efficiently and on a least-cost basis.

The document means nothing then.

(Interruptions.)

If Members opposite object to that approach, then they are saying that they do not care how taxpayers' money is being spent as long as more of it is spent.

On a point of information, the Minister has said that they are only enabling provisions.

They are all enabling provisions.

Only enabling provisions, so it is not a certain capital programme.

That has always been the case.

The Minister should pack his bags and leave the country.

They are not running the country at all.

They do not know where they are going; that is what is wrong.

Public sector investment policy will, under this Government, be based firmly on the principle that it is the quality of investment that counts. We can no longer determine the size of the Public Capital Programme simply on the argument that there is a need to sustain demand, or in response to pressures from particular industries. We cannot finance that approach. Nor am I prepared to ask taxpayers to pay for it.

I would make the point that a few moments ago Deputy Lenihan was quite correct in asserting that in 1983 investment in relation to gross domestic product was at its lowest level in some 15 years — it was at 22½ per cent of gross domestic product. That was our investment ratio in Ireland in 1983. Even at that level, it is one of the highest in the EEC; the average for most other countries in the EEC is around eighteen and three quarters per cent.

It has to be at that level.

It is a reflection of the fact that we have those particular needs as a country. It is another reason — if Deputies on the other side of the House only cared to look at it — that we must make sure that we have proper investment appraisal and that we get from that investment the results we want.

At our level of development, the investment has to be at a higher percentage; that is so obvious.

Would Deputies cease interrupting? There is only 10 minutes left.

All I am saying to the Deputy is that the very concerns he has mentioned constitute reasons why we in this country should be more vigilant than anybody else to ensure that we get the result from the investment we need to get because our expanding and young population need more care in terms of our investment plans than is the case in any other country.

We need a higher percentage investment.

Deputy Lenihan was not interrupted during his contribution. Perhaps he would allow the Minister to continue.

The Government have made a global provision of £117 million for 1984 of which £100 million will be provided by the Exchequer. The bulk of this provision is to meet whatever requirements arise for capital injections or re-financing of commercial semi-State bodies. The equivalent expenditure in 1983 is expected to be about £124 million, of which about £67 million will be Exchequer financed. The Government are studying a number of reports on individual bodies. Other reports are expected within the next few months. We will decide on the allocation of the £100 million in the light of these reports. I would emphasise that the total amount available is not enough to accommodate any soft options, given the scale of the problems of many of this bodies. In the course of this debate the Opposition have argued that no action should be taken to cut out loss-making activities in the commercial semi-State bodies.

We have not so argued.

It is this do-nothing attitude which has created the enormous problems in this sector. In the long run it will undermine totally the capacity of those bodies to act as a dynamic force in the economy. That is a road that this Government will not follow.

We recognise that the commercial semi-State bodies play an important role in the Irish economy and we want to ensure that they continue to play that role. However, their collective financial position gives cause for serious concern. While some of them have coped quite well with the recession, others have not. The Government are determined to bring about an improvement in the performance of the State bodies and to ensure that funds invested in them are justified on economic and commercial grounds. Accordingly, we decided some months ago that the bodies were to prepare five-year corporate plans on a "rolling" basis, that specific targets would be set for their performance and that an appropriate financial rate of return for the State's investment in them would be determined. These plans will not be rigid: that would be commercially unrealistic, and even dangerous. But they will be the basis for a continuing assessment of the performance of these bodies. Performance will be measured against targets and public money will not go where experience shows it to be misused.

The Government are alive to the need for planning, as the creation of the National Planning Board shows, and have decided to prepare in 1984 a medium-term programme of public investment on the criteria I have outlined.

Big deal.

Which of them will get the chop in 1984?

I am tempted to remark that if the Deputies opposite had discovered a few years ago what that was about, many of the State-sponsored bodies would be in a far healthier position than they are in today and would be playing a bigger role in our economy and in the creation of employment.

What are the Government doing about generating employment?

Deputy Cluskey will decide whether the Government should remain.

For so long as the House has Deputy Fitzgerald, we will not need a gas pipeline.

(Interruptions.)

Order, please. This is very disorderly.

The record of this Government on management of the public finances and of the economy in the past 12 months can stand up to any examination. We have delivered on our promise of securing a substantial reduction in the Exchequer borrowing requirement.

On the economic front, our policies are bringing about substantial progress, with a very substantial reduction in the balance of payments deficit and with considerable advances in the fight against inflation. Last year consumer prices rose by 17 per cent, the same as the average for the previous three years. This year the rate was 10½ per cent, an improvement of almost 7 percentage points on 1982. On the basis of the encouraging consumer price data for mid-November which have just been published, the underlying rate of inflation is now about 7 per cent.

Of course, the Government are gravely concerned with the level of unemployment. We have done everything possible in settling public expenditure for 1984 and in our economic and social policies generally to contain the rise in unemployment and to mitigate its evils.

How does one contain the rise?

I would make the point that for the period March to December 1982, during which our predecessors were in office, the average monthly deseasonalised increase in the live register was about 3,500. This slowed down to 2,300 in the period January to November 1983. That is the beginning of an improvement in that situation, an improvement brought about by the effects of this Government's economic policies in improving the cost environment in Irish industry.

Is this the light at the end of the tunnel?

The Minister should ask the people of Allenwood what they think of the Government's performance.

(Interruptions.)

Order, please. This is a disgraceful performance.

We are hearing nothing but waffle from the Minister.

Deputies on the other side never even thought of analysing the cost environment in Irish industry. Obviously, judging from their behaviour at the moment, it is a question of the closer to the bone, the louder the noise they make. A number of speakers on the other side have suggested that a modest reflation of the economy should be undertaken.

(Interruptions.)

I shall have to ask Deputy Connolly to leave the House if he persists in interrupting.

I am using that nice little phrase that has been used already. Of course we would like to see that kind of action being taken by all countries in Europe in view of the continuing sluggishness in economic activity, though Deputy O'Kennedy claims to have discovered that there is a boom situation. However, he is the only one who would appear to have made such a discovery.

What about asking the Minister for Trade, Commerce and Tourism?

Regardless of which way it is packaged, reflation even in the terms talked about by Deputies opposite, involves an increase in Government borrowing. Already the resources being lost to our economy by virtue of the interest being paid on existing debt are enormous. To add to this loss by way of reflationary measures would be reckless in the extreme. A former Member of this House, now Senator O'Donoghue, talked once about the process of spending our way out of the recession and so far as I can see that is what the Opposition are recommending now. But we know what happened as a result of trying to spend our way out of the recession. We are still paying the price today.

(Interruptions.)

Order, please.

It means that we do not have the leeway to spend in the areas in which we should like to spend. Those policies have been totally discredited.

Before concluding, I wish to convey to the House the information that Mr. Don Tidey has been freed. We must all be relieved at the ending of his ordeal. I convey good wishes to him and to his family. Unfortunately, there is bad news also. Available information indicates that two members of the security forces, a garda and a member of the Defence Forces, are dead, apparently having been shot by members of the kidnap gang. There are reports that another garda and another soldier have been wounded. Two men are in custody and the search is continuing. I regret that I am not in a position to give the House any further information but it will be understood that the Garda and Army operations are in progress in what is difficult terrain and now that darkness has fallen, firm information is difficult to obtain especially as the priority on the ground must be to deal with the situation as it develops. The relatives of the two dead men are being contacted with all possible speed and may have been contacted by now. On behalf of the Government I extend to them our sincere sympathy. I am sure the House will wish to join with me in that expression of sympathy.

On behalf of the Opposition I express our appreciation to the Minister for having conveyed this information to us. While we are all greatly relieved to hear of the release of Mr. Tidey, our relief is tempered by the bad news which the Minister has had the unfortunate obligation to convey to us. We join with him in expressing our deepest sympathy with the relatives of the members of the security forces who have been sadly bereaved.

Members rose in their places.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 80; Níl, 74.

  • Allen, Bernard.
  • Barnes, Monica.
  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Barry, Myra.
  • Barry, Peter.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Bermingham, Joe.
  • Birmingham, George Martin.
  • Boland, John.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Carey, Donal.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlon, John F.
  • Connaughton, Paul.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick Mark.
  • Cosgrave, Liam T.
  • Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
  • Coveney, Hugh.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Crowley, Frank.
  • D'Arcy, Michael.
  • Deasy, Martin Austin.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • Naughten, Liam.
  • Nealon, Ted.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • (Limerick East).
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Brien, Willie.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, Toddy.
  • O'Toole, Paddy.
  • Owen, Nora.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dowling, Dick.
  • Doyle, Avril.
  • Doyle, Joe.
  • Dukes, Alan.
  • Durkan, Bernard J.
  • Enright, Thomas W.
  • Farrelly, John V.
  • Fennell, Nuala.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Flaherty, Mary.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Glenn, Alice.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Paddy.
  • Hussey, Gemma.
  • Keating, Michael.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • L'Estrange, Gerry.
  • McCartin, Joe.
  • McGahon, Brendan.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McLoughlin, Frank.
  • Manning, Maurice.
  • Mitchell, Gay.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Prendergast, Frank.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Ryan, John.
  • Shatter, Alan.
  • Sheehan, Patrick Joseph.
  • Skelly, Liam.
  • Spring, Dick.
  • Taylor, Mervyn.
  • Taylor-Quinn, Madeline.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Yates, Ivan.

Níl

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Michael.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brady, Vincent.
  • Brennan, Mattie.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, John.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Byrne, Seán.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Conaghan, Hugh.
  • Connolly, Ger.
  • Coughlan, Cathal Seán.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • De Rossa, Proinsias.
  • Doherty, Seán.
  • Fahey, Francis.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
  • Fitzsimons, Jim.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Foley, Denis.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Gallagher, Pat Cope.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Gregory-Independent, Tony.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Haughey, Charles J.
  • Hilliard, Colm.
  • Hyland, Liam.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael.
  • Lemass, Eileen.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Leonard, Tom.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • Lyons, Denis.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • Mac Giolla, Tomás.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Moynihan, Donal.
  • Nolan, M.J.
  • Noonan, Michael J.
  • (Limerick West).
  • O'Dea, William.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Keeffe, Edmond.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • Ormonde, Donal.
  • O'Rourke, Mary.
  • Power, Paddy.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Wallace, Dan.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Woods, Michael.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Barrett (Dún Laoghaire) and Taylor; Níl, Deputies B. Ahern and Briscoe.
Question declared carried.

Guím séan agus sonas oraibh don Nollaig agus bliain úr faoi mhaise daoibh go léir. Go dté sibh slán i 1984.

I should like to take this opportunity of wishing you all a very holy and happy Christmas and the very best for all of us, and the country, in 1984.

The Dáil adjourned at 6.15 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 18 January 1984.

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