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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 Feb 1984

Vol. 347 No. 13

Private Members' Business. - Protection of Investments: Motion (Resumed).

The following motion was moved by Deputy O'Kennedy on Tuesday, 14 February 1984:
That Dáil Éireann calls on the Government to take immediate action to protect the interest of members of the general public who place money on deposit with finance houses, provident societies and similar institutions.
Debate resumed on amendment No. 1:
To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:
notes that deposit taking institutions are subject to statutory regulations and that it is the intention of the Government to take such further steps as it may consider necessary to strengthen control in this area.
—(Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism).

The motion before the House calls on the Government to take "immediate action" to protect the interests of depositors in finance houses, provident societies and similar institutions. The inspiration for this motion is a number of reports in recent months of failures of businesses involved in financial dealings. I use these words with some deliberation because it is not evident from the reports or from the information available to me or to my colleague, the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism, that all these businesses were engaged in taking deposits from the public nor that their clients were in all cases depositors.

It is proper that the House should wish to express its concern about these events. It is a concern which the Government and I readily share. Deputy O'Kennedy in his remarks on moving the motion last evening expanded on the motion's rather generalised wording. He confirmed that its primary motivations are concern that members of the public should have been put at risk of substantial losses and that investors' confidence should be maintained.

In my view, the motion needs specification for three reasons. Firstly, too much could be read into it. It could be interpreted as calling on the Government to do things they cannot do and ought not to do, or to incur expenditure that, while it might bring relief to a limited number of people, would not be conducive to the proper development and regulation of our financial institutions in the longer term. Secondly, for the House to adopt this motion could give the people at risk in these failures unjustified expectations. Thirdly, approval of the motion in the terms in which it is put down might give the false impression that the regulation of our financial institutions is somehow less than adequate and that depositors are at some degree of risk. It is for those three reasons, which are very specific and have to do with the impressions people would get, that the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism and I have tabled an amendment while making it very clear that we fully agree with the concern expressed in the motion and in the speeches made by Fianna Fáil last evening.

The amendment we put down asks the House to note that deposit-taking institutions are subject to regulation and that it is the Government's intention to take such steps as may be necessary to strengthen that regulation. This is the area that can be properly addressed. The taking of deposits from the public in the sense of banking business — but of course not all the institutions involved are actually licensed banks — has long been subject to official control in varying degrees. That control was exercised lightly when the main outlets for savers were the associated banks and the Post Office Savings Bank. The situation changed in the sixties. Rising living standards and rapid economic growth made it possible for many more people to save. Old institutions became more active, new ones came on the scene and the range of financial services on offer to the general public expanded and became more sophisticated.

Official control in the public interest had to move with the times. In the mid-sixties legislation was passed to confer a legal status on and to provide a regulatory framework for the rapidly growing credit unions. The Central Bank Act, 1971, instituted a new and tighter system of control over deposit-takers. This was supplemented by the Building Societies Act, 1976, which modernised the law regulating building societies, institutions which had become, and remain, major repositories of the community's savings and a key force in the housing programme. Finally, the Industrial and Provident Socities (Amendment) Act was enacted in 1978 to control and, ultimately, to ensure the termination of the banking activities of provident societies. Unfortunately, that control and termination have not been achieved in as orderly a manner as was hoped, but nevertheless the Act will ensure that this group of deposit takers will cease to exist in the not too distant future. The Minister, Deputy J. Bruton, spoke in more detail on the situation with regard to those particular institutions last evening and illustrated very clearly that the concerns which gave rise to the Act and the system provided in that Act, are still real and that the objectives of the Act are very much the objectives of the Government today.

As a result of these measures the main private sector deposit-taking businesses were brought under active supervision in the public interest. By and large these legislative measures have achieved their objectives. The regulatory authorities, that is, the Central Bank and the Registrar of Friendly Societies, have used the powers vested in them to ensure as far as possible that the institutions in their care are safe repositories for the community's savings. In the banking sector, for example, there have been substantial dynamic changes and there are now over 40 licensed banks, yet the difficulties that have arisen in the banking systems of some other countries have largely been avoided. The building society movement has co-operated with the Registrar of Friendly Societies to ensure that investors have been protected.

I have thought it well to recall these events in order to place on record the fact that there are modern arrangements for the supervision of deposit-taking institutions, arrangements promoted over a period by successive Governments and which it would be appropriate to develop further, should that be found to be necessary. When I answered a parliamentary question last week related to the subject of this debate I observed that the controls exercised over banks were cited in the question as an indicator of what is necessary in the area of deposit-taking generally. That in itself seems to me to be an eloquent testimonial to the way the Central Bank have carried out their functions, to the licensed banks for the manner in which they conduct their business, and to the controls themselves.

The basis for the regulation of deposit-taking businesses is in the Central Bank Act, 1971. Under that Act, the soliciting and taking of repayable deposits from the public without a licence from the Central Bank is generally prohibited. There are some exemptions, notably the building societies, the savings banks and public sector institutions such as the ACC and ICC. As a result of regulations made in 1979 for the purpose of giving effect to an EEC Directive, the prohibition of unlicensed deposit-taking now applies also to the taking of other repayable moneys from the public.

A new Central Bank Bill is being prepared in my Department. The system of licensing and supervision set up in 1971 has worked well but inevitably practices and ideas change. Major technological developments are in train, the range of services is constantly being expanded and new groups of the population are becoming bank customers. Harmonisation and the progressive internationalisation of banking are changing the parameters within which the Central Bank and the banking system must function. The new Central Bank Bill will be a comprehensive measure dealing with many aspects of banking and currency law. I appreciate that this legislation has been a long time in the making — it was originally announced in 1977. Since I became Minister for Finance I have taken steps to expedite the measure and I expect to bring proposals to the Government in the near future. As I have said, this will be a comprehensive measure in a very important field. Subject to the completion of consultations and the exigencies of drafting, I hope to be in a position to introduce a Bill towards the end of this year.

I think it is generally known that the Bill will provide for a limited scheme of deposit protection, that is for some degree of compensation for depositors in banks that fail. I shall return to that matter in a moment. There will also be provision to strengthen the Central Bank's powers to regulate banks and to take timely action to safeguard the interests of depositors. The House will appreciate that I am not in a position to be specific at this stage. I can say, however, that one of the issues my Department and the Central Bank are addressing is the raising of repayable funds from the public in forms other than repayable deposits. It is necessary to "flesh out" the prohibition on the raising of moneys in such forms. This is pertinent to our present discussion because reports on some of the recent failures suggest that funds have been solicited from the public, for example, by the issue of short-term bonds, and the proceeds were then applied for investment purposes. I think there would be general agreement in the House that there is a gap which should be closed. However, I would have to say that the matter is somewhat complicated and I must be careful not to bring forward legislation that might unduly restrict the raising of capital by businesses in the productive and non-financial service sectors. Therefore, there would be a question of defining fairly clearly and tightly the particular target of this measure so that it will have the effect we want it to have in terms of the protection of the general public without adverse effects on the legitimate raising of capital by businesses and by enterprises involved in the non-financial service areas.

At present the penalty on conviction for an offence under the Central Bank Act is low. For a summary offence it is only £100. I intend to recommend to the Government that the penalties should be increased substantially. I propose also to consider whether the penalty for unlawful deposit-taking should include a term of imprisonment.

I said at the beginning of my remarks that it was not evident that all the institutions that had collapsed were deposit-takers or that all their clients were depositors. Certain businesses raise money from the public for a variety of purposes and largely escape official regulation at present. They may be insurance intermediaries or providers of financial or property investment services. The Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism, when he spoke in the debate last night, referred to these bodies and informed the House that he was re-examining the possible need to subject them to some degree of official regulation. What I want to add to that is that if any of these people are taking deposits or raising funds from the public on their account in the manner of banks, rather than as agents providing a service, then they are acting illegally. I want to make that perfectly clear so that there is no doubt in the minds of Members of this House or in those of the general public that this is the case. I am looking at this area in that context but the nature of the activity is not always easy to establish. Some care is required, otherwise we could move into the area of regulating not deposit-taking but investment business. I would not like the House to draw the conclusion that I think investment business may not require some regulation. I simply want to make the point that the philosophy that might underlie any action in that area might be quite different from that which applies to legislation in relation to deposit-taking.

I said that the proposed Central Bank Bill would include provision for a scheme for the protection of depositors on the basis of part compensation for any loss they might sustain in the event of the failure of a licensed bank. What I have in mind is an arrangement financed by the banks which would provide part compensation of depositors with a fairly low "cut-off" point. The scheme would apply to licensed banks only and there would be no retrospective application. It is wise to provide for a scheme of that kind although I am convinced that, given the success we have had so far in control legislation and my expectation that our controls will be able to keep up with further developments in banking as we foresee them, the necessity to invoke the scheme will hardly ever arise. Indeed I hope it would never arise. Nevertheless I think it prudent to make this kind of provision.

I am mentioning these points because I do not think it would be fair to allow any suggestion to develop that this proposal, which has been common knowledge now for some time, might be adapted or modified in some way to cover those people caught up in the recent collapses. I would see the strongest objections to associating the licensed banking sector with other institutions, some of which were set up to evade the obligations of the Central Bank Act.

As my colleague, the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism, pointed out last evening, this Government are not going to repeat the Irish Trust Bank precedent and provide public moneys to repay depositors. I acknowledge that recourse to the public purse has not been advocated in this debate but I feel it necessary at this point to make the Government's position absolutely clear.

A point that might reasonably be advanced is that two Ministers, the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism and myself, have responsibilities in relation to deposit-taking institutions. That might be used to argue that there is room for greater co-ordination to ensure greater uniformity of supervision. I am aware that in other countries with larger economies and a wider range of financial activities the barriers between institutions are tending to break down. It is becoming less easy to classify some businesses as banks and others as something else, say, securities houses or thrift institutions. The pace of technological change will probably accelerate this tendency. In response to these emerging trends there is a view that supervision should be related more to function than to the category of institution.

It may be that in time this is the road we will have to follow. However, the position here is that we still have a diversity of financial institutions with their own specific forms, businesses and traditions. Some are companies. Others have mutual or co-operative types of organisation. Others still are closely linked to the public sector. They all perform important functions. We should be slow to force all deposit-takers to conform to one mould or one particular model. There is co-operation between the relevant Government Departments and the supervisory authorities. This will be continued and expanded as necessary to ensure that a high standard of supervision is constantly applied to all such institutions.

I would like briefly to touch on a number of points made earlier during this debate. The position of depositors as unsecured creditors arose. That is a well-established principle of law. Depositors rank ahead of ordinary shareholders but in general they have no priority claim on any part of the assets. There is a limited exception to this legal principle. Licensed banks and building societies are required to keep a statutory sum related to the size of their business on deposit in the Central Bank. Should the institution fail, that deposit would be reserved for the benefit of depositors. When I remind the House that this deposit may be as small as £20,000 and that the maximum for the largest bank is only £500,000, it will be seen that these arrangements are little more than a token acknowledgment that depositors are exposed to risk. It is for this reason that a compensation fund in relation to licensed banks is envisaged in the context of the new Central Bank Bill. That is, in my view, the proper way to cushion depositors.

That arrangement would not have been feasible in the case of provident societies. It requires that the businesses should be reasonably cohesive and well-run. It is fairly clear at this stage with hindsight that many of the provident societies did not fulfil those criteria. They lacked a solid foundation and their collapse could not be prevented despite the strict measures enacted in the 1978 Provident Societies Act.

The question of publicity was also referred to. I agree that not everybody is in a position to appreciate the distinctions between different types of businesses. Less sophisticated savers may find it difficult to resist attractively presented offers and to identify inherent weaknesses in a business. There are limits to what can be done to help such people. Members on both sides have spoken on this problem at different times. Only last week in replying to a parliamentary question I advised people to be careful. That was a sentiment echoed at the other side of the House. Last night my colleague, the Minister for Trade, Commerce and Tourism demonstrated to the degree to which people were warned about investing in provident societies. We would also have to acknowledge that the media in general have taken a very responsible line in this matter. In numerous articles and advice columns they have consistently advised their readers to be on their guard in approaching institutions of this kind. The National Savings Committee, for example, also perform a useful function in this regard, with publicity and savings campaigns which consist partly of advising people on how to invest their savings in safety.

The fact is that there are many safe ways to invest. The State itself provides a number of attractive savings media, such as the Post Office Savings Bank, Trustee Savings Bank accounts, savings certificates, national instalment savings and index-linked bonds. The small saver who wants a safe home for his savings with a good return need look no further than those institutions and he has the satisfaction of knowing that his money will be put to good use in the public capital programme.

In so far as gilt edged securities are concerned, while it is true that prices fluctuate from time to time in line with interest rates and other considerations, these movements are generally of a short-term nature and are part and parcel of the normal operation of the gilt market which in no way take from the basic solidity of Government paper. I would conclude from that that there are a number of avenues open to small savers who want a high degree of security on their savings without having recourse to institutions such as those which have created a problem recently and which have given rise to the motion which we are discussing this evening. Deputy O'Kennedy indicated that one of his reasons for putting down the motion was to create a reassuring climate for investors generally and to restore confidence in the investment climate. He referred also to the need to present a reassuring front to the outside world. I would like to acknowledge the careful way in which the Deputy presented the motion. We are all in agreement in our wish to promote investment. It is particularly necessary to encourage productive investments that will enhance output and enable more employment to be created. I feel therefore that it might have been a little unfortunate to associate the failure of bodies such as those which have given rise to this motion with confidence in investment generally or with our appearance in this respect to the outside world. I would think it essential that the idea should not go out from this debate that the demise of some minor financial concerns whose operations can only be regarded as speculative has affected in any way the overall investment situation in this country.

I know that to the people affected the failure of the enterprises which we are discussing is not a small matter, but in the totality of our financial sector they were minor operations. As I have said, it would be wrong to let the impression gain currency that they have in any way brought about any kind of qualitative change in the investment scene in this country.

We must maintain a sense of proportion. There is over £10,000 million invested on deposit in Irish financial institutions. Very large sums are invested in our insurance companies and there are a great many responsible intermediaries operating in the stock exchange and other sectors. The message is that all these moneys are being managed responsibly. Investors at home and abroad can rest assured that this country is a safe location for their funds. The Government intend to maintain our excellent reputation in that respect.

I would like to repeat my appreciation of the responsible way in which the debate has been approached. I feel that Deputy O'Kennedy and his colleagues would agree that they have elicited a positive response through the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism and myself. The Government are firmly committed to doing whatever may be necessary to maintain and enhance public confidence in our financial institutions.

Reference was made during the course of the debate last evening to the situation of particular individuals who have suffered losses as a result of the events which we are discussing. Those were given as illustrations and to put on the record the effect of these events which, while they are very small in the total financial scene, are nevertheless ones which concern those individuals very closely. The best protection that the State can offer to individuals, whatever their level of savings, is to ensure that our financial institutions of whatever kind and under whatever statute they are founded or organised are regulated on lines designed to protect the public interest. The public interest clearly must have regard to the interest of depositors and of those who use the funds which are put on deposit.

I pointed out this evening a number of measures which we are now developing and, indeed, which have been developed over a period of years since the mid-sixties to provide for the proper control and regulation of these institutions. I have indicated some of the measures which will figure in the Central Bank Bill, which is one of the instruments that we have at our disposal to ensure that this regulation is properly carried out. That Bill, which is the area of my particular responsibility as far as the substance of this debate is concerned, is one which, by the time it is presented to this House, will have been very carefully considered and the measures in it carefully worked out with both the regulators and the regulated. When we come to discussing that Bill in this House, we will be in a position to clearly assume that most of the angles of the Bill have been covered from a technical point of view and we in this House can concern ourselves principally with the overall regulations of these activities in the public interest. That is an important point because of the essential character of financial institutions towards the further growth and development of our economy. My colleague, the Minister for Trade, Commerce and Tourism, last week indicated the action which he is taking in the area which is his responsibility, particularly with regard to provident societies. There again, it is clear that it is, has been and always will be a major concern of Government policy here to ensure the solidity of these institutions so that those who place money in their management or on deposit with them can feel that they have found a secure home for their funds and that those who end up borrowing money from these institutions will know that they are borrowing from a well regulated source.

In view of all that, we have put down an amendment to the motion, the concern of which is to make the motion more precise and to express more clearly the nature of our concern with the events which we are discussing and what our intentions are in relation to the institutions which we are now examining. I hope my belief will be shared generally in the House that the present debate has enabled us to make clear our priorities in relation to the regulatory approach to these agencies. As a result of this debate, we will have made it very clear, both to the general public and to those involved in running the institutions, that our primary concern is with solidity and the continuance of promoting and ensuring the strength of the foundation of our financial system. That has been the reason for putting forward this amendment. It reflects a further clarification of the level of agreement which exists in this House on the matter.

Many aspects were considered by the Fianna Fáil Party on the question of putting down this motion. Careful consideration was given to the wording, and that has been appreciated by the Minister. The response from the Government in that regard was heartening. I do not think it would be in the interests of any party to have a division on this motion especially in view of the response of the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism here last evening and supported now by the Minister for Finance.

One of the main reasons we considered it necessary to have this motion — I think the Minister will concur with this view — was that there was a considerable amount of public disquiet in the recent past as a result of the collapse of some investment bodies. I am sure the Minister will agree that there were some stark headlines in the national press over the last few months with some of them referring to "banking concerns in crash" and mentioning a figure of £6 million. There has been widespread reporting concerning the collapse of certain institutions which were referred to in recent articles, especially in The Irish Times of 9 February when it was suggested that the High Court were freezing half a million deposits and listing six other institutions that had come to grief in the recent past. The cumulative effect was that the general public were suffering some unease as to the viability not just of those concerns but perhaps the relationship that they might have with general banking and financial institutions. For that reason we felt it was necessary to put on the record of the House the agreed view as to how we felt about financial institutions; and that if there was a difficulty which had to be attended to we were conscious of it and that the relevant authorities would deal with it.

We also felt that it is more important now than ever to maintain the confidence of the public in institutions taking deposits. While the institutions that gave rise to this motion might be small in an Irish sense, at the same time quite substantial sums of money are involved. Sums of £6 million and £15 million may be small by international standards, but they are not small to many of the people who deposited money. We also felt it was not satisfactory that any depositor in a licensed or regulated financial institution should have their investments at risk. It is not right that investments made by the public could be in jeopardy and if loopholes exist they should be closed immediately so that there will be no recurrence of the collapses which we witnessed recently.

We are pleased that the Minister was so informative this evening concerning provisions which may be brought in in the not too distant future, especially the new Central Bank Bill which he will be introducing before the end of the year. We take it that it will deal comprehensively with all banking arrangements and, more particularly, with deposit protection to a much greater degree than obtains at present.

While I may not have deadly accurate figures as far as the Irish Trust Bank are concerned, it is now generally understood that the vast majority of whatever sum had to be put up by the Exchequer to protect depositors would have been recovered anyway and that a very tiny sum of money is now outstanding. As the money has been repaid, I do not think it should be given as an example of where the State had to come to the rescue with regard to substantial sums of depositors' losses. It is unfortunate that collapses of financial institutions should take place before the necessary tightening up is implemented. Any demise of a financial institution weakens the confidence of ordinary, small, perhaps not too well up investors. We should take this opportunity to reiterate that what was involved on this occasion did not have a serious effect in so far as moneys are concerned. Our financial institutions are sound, investments and assets are sound and people can invest their money with confidence.

Unfortunately, the human face attached to these institutions is not always readily available to the general public and when reference was made to warnings which had been given throughout the years concerning the inadvisability of dealing with some investment bodies it was not always visible just how extensive those warning signs were. Warnings given in the House and contained in the Official Report might not be regarded as the best way to inform the public that there is a risk involved. Warnings issued in this House may not get the coverage to which they are entitled in bringing to the notice of the public the risks they might be taking in investing money. Perhaps if your deposits are being handled by an intermediary he might be in a position to advise and would be competent to know what was a good investment. Of course that is not always so and in the case of the institutions that have collapsed now and left so many small depositors in jeopardy, the investments were by direct debit and did not go through an intermediary who could have given professional advice.

While a Supreme Court ruling in May 1983 made it abundantly clear that certain depositors were at risk, reporting of Supreme Court rulings in the national media, while extensive, would not particularise difficulties for prospective investors in so far as this type of institution was concerned. When there is talk of provisional liquidators, as is the case with several of these companies and provident societies, the general public suffer from a lack of confidence which is applied right across the board. We must make it clear that this is not the case but, at the same time, what we have said here has been of very little consolation to many people especially, as in the case of institutions that failed the depositors stand to lose about £4½ million.

They are being told in glaring headlines that their money will be recovered to the extent perhaps of less than 50p in the £. While the liquidator in one case currently before the courts cannot disclose the names of the depositors and the amounts deposited, it is generally accepted that about 9,000 small investors invested their money with the PMPS. Many of those deposits were very small indeed. I have had a considerable amount of post over the past few months from people involved. The vast majority of depositors in that financial institution were very far removed from big-time investors. That makes it all the sadder. It is no harm for me to refer to some of the correspondence I received.

I had a letter from an old lady who told me she invested her life savings with the PMPS. She needs the money badly now to pay the hospital expenses incurred due to a fracture. She was 40 years of age before she earned her first £1. She is now over 60 years of age and has no way of recovering her money despite the fact that she needs it so badly. This shows the kind of hardship endured by those small investors. A gentleman told me that his life savings were invested with that institution. He invested in good faith. He believed it was a wholly Irish-owned institution. Nobody told him it was possible for this crisis to arise.

Another man cannot draw the money he requires to pay for a family bereavement. This file is full of that kind of letter. Less than £1,000 was invested by a man and wife of 78 and 82 years of age. That represents their total life savings. The returns on that capital investment were absolutely necessary to enable them to pay for their fuel supply this winter. I do not want to be sensational about this, but we must face the fact that we are not dealing with big institutions and big investors. We are talking about old age pensioners and people who invested their redundancy money. Many Irish exiles send home money for Irish purposes. Many of them hope to retire on the small investments they made in these companies.

I should like to take issue with the Minister. Last evening one of his arguments in support of the Government's position that they would not indemnify any of these depositors was that these people should have been well aware of the risk, and that the lure of high returns from these investments was the attraction. I do not accept that. I do not accept that the statistics prove it either. Had they put their little investments into institutions other than the ones that collapsed they might very well have got better percentage points in the interest rates.

Many of them invested because they were not advised by professionals. They thought these were Irish institutions. I am referring now to the six institutions and not just one which collapsed recently. There were thousands and thousands of small investors. To me the widow's mite has the same significance to the widow as £1 million has to the millionaire. The hardship endured by the widow is not in direct proportion to the amount of money involved. Neither is it in direct proportion to the hardship endured by a millionaire who loses £1 million because that is probably only a small part of his wealth.

I recognise the Government's dilemma. I recognise that a precedent cannot be established. I can readily understand that. At the same time, I wonder would there have been a difference in dealing with these collapses and in helping out in some way if the 9,000 investors had been 9,000 millionaires instead of 9,000 old age pensioners. This raises many questions. Some of these matters and some of these institutions will be dealt with in court proceedings. There is considered opinion among the groups which have been set up to try to protect the investors in these institutions that they will have a very good case in court, and may very well get considerable relief one way or the other for their investors. I thought what one of their organisers said to me was very poignant. He said: "We believe that in the final analysis we may succeed, but how many of our depositors will have gone to their final reward without getting satisfaction?"

Many institutions have been referred to and I suppose the biggest talking point is the question of the PMPS because of their relationship with the PMPA which was the subject of an Act of Parliament last autumn. The point is made very strongly that if the Government could virtually take over and rescue an insurance company to provide cover for hundreds of thousands of motorists and the Government can virtually own that company—I know that can be denied in strict financial terms but it is the perception of the general public that the PMPA were taken over by the Government— why cannot the Government honour the liabilities of the company? Many people ask was there such a big distinction between the two? Were they so closely related that the Government should have gone the full way and dealt with the related problems as well?

These are matters which will be thrashed out in court. Hopefully they will come to a happy ending. Even then quite a sizeable percentage of the funds from the liquidation will have to go towards court proceedings and to pay off other expenses. It will be difficult. We have to understand that many of the societies and institutions are registered under the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893. One of the provisions of that Act is that accounts audited each year by a public auditor must be furnished and balance sheets must be shown to the Registrar of Friendly Societies. They should be available for public inspection on a year to year basis. It will be asked whether there has been a breakdown in that regard. Has there been a dimension of negligence in that area where difficulties were not foreseen? Was corrective action suggested or taken to deal with any of those problems? Did the registrar continue to implement the 1978 Act during the High Court and Supreme Court proceedings? There was considerable delay.

We are talking now about thousands of people losing their small investments. In 1978 this House put the general public on notice that there might be difficulties and that the difficulties would be dealt with by legislation. Certain types of institutions were given notice to quit taking deposits and to wind down their business. People will ask why they were allowed to continue during the five-year period. Was sufficient action taken against them all to prevent these six from coming to grief? It was implied yesterday that the regulations exist, although they may need tightening in certain areas. Were these regulations implemented to the last letter during the period?

A recent British example concerns the Newcross company where £150 million was at risk. The chief registrar in Great Britain put a stall on the operations of Newcross because he was concerned that if the society continued with their policy there was a distinct risk of a crisis and Newcross would not then be in a position to repay their investors. This is the kind of activity we want. Any licensing authority or regulatory body must take upon itself the responsibility to protect investors by recognising difficulties that may become apparent. The registrar must protect the interests of investors.

The Minister referred yesterday to the question of intermediaries and this is an important aspect. It is interesting to note that in so far as intermediaries are concerned Governments have failed to act on the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry into the insurance industry which took place in 1976. They stated that the existing situation was not ideal and made it quite clear that the legal relationships between brokers, insurance companies and clients were far from clear cut and that there was no control at all of intermediaries. We know that there have been failures in that area of activity as well. Brokers have absconded with clients' money and it was suggested on a number of occasions that some absconded with the intention to defraud. It is one thing to have a collapse due to lack of business skill and competence but the other is indefensible. These recommendations have not been acted upon.

It will be said that clients are too trusting. It was heartening to hear the Minister yesterday advising people to make cheques payable to companies rather than to brokers. Can anybody blame the general public for being too trusting? These are well-known firms supported by widespread newspaper advertising. Quite often their standing is endorsed by the insurance companies with whom they are doing business. The general public would do well to know that the relationship is with the broker, not with the institution. When a broker invests money, the client's relationship is with him and not with the investment company. This often leads to difficulties when trouble arises. Anyone can set up as an insurance broker and a consumer can be misled by incompetence, carelessness or dishonest advice. These are the words used in the commission's report. The Commission of Inquiry recommended that legislative controls be introduced to deal with intermediaries but this has not been done. The general public are at least entitled to be a little sceptical of our good intentions as expressed here. We have not dealt with this matter over the years and thousands of investors have lost their money. It is a classical example of talking about locking the stable door when the horse has already been round the paddock not just once but a couple of times.

There was a submission from the National Insurance Brokers' Association asking the Minister to set up an insurance brokers' registration council and a scheme of registration for all non-broker intermediaries. This suggestion did not receive a good response and the former Minister for Trade, Commerce and Tourism gave a clear indication that he did not think it necessary. I am pleased to hear that there is a change of attitude by the present Minister and the Minister for Finance and that something will be done. That kind of council would have to be given generous powers to bring proceedings where appropriate and enabled to impose penalties on those breaking the regulations. It could be self-financing, so there would be no burden on the Exchequer.

We can all shed tears—not crocodile tears, I hope—about the 9,000 investors in one society and others who have lost small life savings. We should at least give a commitment to them and to other small investors in similar institutions that this will not happen again and that whatever protection is needed under the law will be given. We must have a compensation fund which will guarantee equal treatment before the law for depositors who place money in good faith, whether they be millionaires or institutional investors or those with very small savings.

The loss by investors of any portion of their savings is always to be regretted. Whenever these investors are old age pensioners, widows or the less well off the hardships are all the greater. Deputy Flynn has spoken about his correspondence with a number of people who have been affected. All of us have personal knowledge of the problem and the worries of those involved. Naturally I have the greatest sympathy. We must look at the overall situation in the deposit taking area before reaching conclusions. Balanced against these losses we must look at the enormous sums of money held by institutions whose record of soundness and stability is second to none by any international comparison which anyone might wish to make.

When addressing the House during the debate last night the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism referred to the amount of deposits held by the licensed banks and the specialised credit institutions, namely, the Post Office Savings Bank, the Trustee Saving Banks, the ACC and the Industrial Credit Company. These figures stood at more than £10 billion, a vast sum of money by any standards. The Minister referred to the outstanding work and achievements of the credit union movement. I would like to be associated with these statements. The credit unions have undoubtedly an important role to play in encouraging a spirit of saving among their members and in educating them in the proper use of their own resources, be they large or small. The credit union movement for many years has been providing this very worth-while service. The great growth in membership of the movement reflects people's confidence in this institution and displays a tremendous interest in community spirit.

There are now approximately 500,000 members countrywide and combined savings are in the order of £160 million. These figures are clear evidence not only of the vitality of the credit union movement but also of the philosophy of thrift which the movement has fostered among members all over the country. The credit union example of pooling their resources locally and not having to borrow from external institutions is a valuable use for the nation as a whole. The money held by credit unions is very significant and this creates a pressure for proper supervision and regulation. This fact was recognised and provided for in the inclusion of specific supervisory powers by the Registrar of Friendly Societies which are briefly as follows:

(1) Power to inspect the books and other documents of such bodies,

(2) To investigate their affairs,

(3) To call special meetings of the members,

(4) To appoint a person as director, and

(5) To direct the suspension of acceptance of deposits, loans, shares or payments.

In line with these powers a number of credit unions have been inspected and the necessary advice given to unions where this was considered necessary. Further inspections are being carried out to ensure the utmost vigilance in this area.

I would like to refer to a very important point in relation to industrial and provident societies which was made by the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism last night and which I feel must be made again. Opposition Deputies have called for the introduction of new legislation for the strengthening of the existing legislation in the area of industrial and provident societies. No such action is contemplated so far as deposit taking societies are concerned for the very simple reason that the Industrial and Provident Societies (Amendment) Act, 1978, removed the scope for the establishment of any new deposit taking societies and at the same time provided for the winding down of the deposit taking activities of the then existing societies.

The basic underlying philosophy was that banking activity should not be permitted except under and in accordance with the provisions of the Central Bank Act, 1971. The net result was that promoters of a would-be banking operation could only proceed to set up such an operation in company form, which form would make it liable to full compliance with the stringent controls provided for in the Central Bank legislation. These societies were of course societies which were in operation prior to the enactment of the 1978 legislation. It was the very existence of these societies and the recognition of the dangers which depositors faced when placing money with them that led to the introduction of the 1978 Act.

I would, therefore, reiterate that the possibility of any new societies being formed to carry on banking business has been eliminated through the enactment of the Industrial and Provident Societies (Amendment) Act, 1978. Furthermore, this Act also provided for the winding down of deposit taking societies which existed prior to this legislation. In all the circumstances there is no need for the enactment of new legislation or the strengthening of existing legislation so far as the deposit-taking associations are concerned.

I agree with Deputy Flynn that the collapse of the society referred to created wide media coverage and some concern among a wide variety of people but I believe that the responsive approach in which the discussion has taken place in the House last night and tonight will be nationally accepted, that we have in the country a well secured, well balanced, well controlled and supervised banking system which has all the credit, security and confidence required by people here or elsewhere. The result of the collapse in the area concerned was tragic for many small investors, some of whom were once-off investors, people who invested redundancy or retirement lump sums, and for that reason the collapse is all the more regrettable. I believe that the discussion here will be an education for those who up to this did not realise the risk they were taking in embarking on investments in institutions which neither carried industrial nor national security.

I want to thank the Minister of State for the opportunity he has given me to intervene in this debate. Before I make a couple of observations I want to join with other Members in expressing my sorrow for the people who lost money with provident societies, investment, insurance or intermediary brokers of one type or other who have operated in this field. I accept the point just made by the Minister and made last night by the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism in relation to the winding down of these societies that operated in fringe banking activities.

The main reason I looked for the opportunity to intervene in the debate was because of some remarks made last night by the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism when he said that the collapse of provident societies was not something which had been thrust upon us but that it was something about which warnings had been given to the public since 1978. I was in the Seanad in 1978 when the Industrial and Provident Societies (Amendment) Act was passed and I recall warnings being given by the Minister, who was then Deputy O'Malley, and by other speakers in both Houses of the Oireachtas. I recall that those warnings appeared in the national newspapers.

I accept the point made by the Minister last night when he said that there was a very clear warning from a High Court judge in an action when some of these societies challenged the constitutionality of the 1968 Industrial and Provident Societies Act. The reason I want to intervene is because it is very wrong of us to compare the type of warnings that appeared in relation to these societies with the type of advertising that these societies, brokers and agents involve themselves in regularly in selling their wares. I know that many Members of the House probably read very carefully the record of the Dáil proceedings as published in the national newspapers and I am sure we read word for word contributions which we make which are reported. I wonder if it is fair to presume that the average Seán Citizen creeps through the columns of contributions to Dáil debates here. I also have to question if members of the public can be presumed to read with great interest and enthusiasm the judgments of the High Court, Supreme Court, Circuit Court or whatever court and the reports of legal proceedings in those courts. There is basically a whole range of types of investors, commercial investors, professional brokers who advise professional investors, and also small investors. The small prudent investor will take advice before he invests money, but nowadays many people are inclined to be impressed by the type of prospectus and the advertising that appear in national newspapers, handouts and so on which appear to come from brokers, agents, societies or companies that appear in some way to be Government-controlled and regulated. People genuinely believe that the advertisements and their recommendations are to be taken seriously. I will quote what I see as a most glaring example of this type of problem. Some months ago in the business pages of the Sunday Tribune a small comment attracted my attention. It concerned an unsolicited advertisement and I quote from it:

Yet another giveaway newspaper has popped through the letter boxes of Northside residents. It's called Venture and inside is an article about....

a certain commercial society. It quotes then from this free newspaper or magazine:

"The ... society is surely one of Ireland's success stories. In the present economic climate it is indeed a pleasure to see such an outstanding home-based achievement." The fulsome article, which takes up a full page and is amply illustrated by pictures of executives, also draws attention to the fact that the group is "offering a very attractive 11-month bond which pays the most competitive market rates."

The end of this short article informs us that this magazine called Venture is published by the society of which it was so fulsome in its praise. Of course, there was no reference in the free magazine to that fact. With all due respect due to my colleagues in this House, I do not think that you can compare remarks made by Members of this House to the type of advertising we have seen there. At any rate, this magazine attracted the attention of a person in my constituency and he wrote to inquire and received a letter in reply, part of which I quote:

With interest rates falling, the Eleven Month Bond is an excellent opportunity to avail of a high guaranteed interest rate for a fixed period. At the end of the eleven month term, the Bond will automatically mature and your funds will become available. The interest earned will be paid without deduction of tax.

The security of our investors is guaranteed by investing in a Group with Assets in excess of £7 million. Within our Group there are two Deposit taking institutions which are registered under Government enacted legislation. The State appointed Registrar is responsible for ensuring that every Society operates in a manner which is consistent with the provision of maximum security for depositors.

If you examine our Balance Sheet you will notice that our prudent investment policy has achieved a blend of quality assets comprising of cash, mortgages, leased equipment and Property, resulting in the highest yield consistent with security and maximum growth.

Deputy, you have one minute.

There are other points I would like to make. We have seen the advertising that these people engage in with investment brokers who have collapsed in the past few months and who straight away, before the courts have determined their personal liability and before the Garda have determined the question of their liability for possible fraud, engage in other business activities. Our system is inadequate.

I suggest firstly that the Registrar of Provident Societies control all advertising for such societies. Secondly, I recommend strongly that consideration be given to obliging insurance brokers and investment brokers' intermediaries to form themselves into some body to ensure that in order to practise their business they must be licensed and also to ensure that if any of their members collapse they have some compensation fund to pay for the losses of the depositors. I sympathise with those people who have lost money in the various ventures that have been mentioned here, but I do not think it desirable that the State should automatically pick up the tab. The industry itself must grapple with the problem and deal with it in some way.

I intend to speak for just three or four minutes. I attended the first meeting of the PMPS depositors at Liberty Hall last October when the crash came and I was face to face with many people who lost in many instances, their life savings. As has already been stated in this House, some of them were very small investors indeed. In some cases they had come from abroad with their life savings to settle down and retire here, to discover suddenly that their money was gone. I stated at that meeting that I could not understand how people could be gullible as to put all their eggs in one basket, but some people, particularly small investors, will do that. When one suggests that maybe they should talk this over with an accountant or some such person there is a tendency almost towards laughter and a query as to how they can afford to pay an accountant when some of their deposits are so small. They feel that it is the person with a large amount of money who gets the bank manager or the accountant to advise him. They are not in big-time investment.

This House can do a service for the small investor of the future by the introduction of this legislation which is being welcomed on this side of the House and to which we are making a very quick response. I feel somewhat sceptical and sorry about the fact that although warnings were being given some considerable time ago about the PMPS in particular, money still continued to flow in to them. It is important that the small investor watch very carefully for the society or whatever financial institution it is that is offering that 0.5 per cent higher than anyone else. That is the time to proceed with great care. The Minister for Finance in his speech tonight has listed many of the safe institutions for the small investor and it is far better for a small investor to invest at perhaps 0.5 per cent less than the going rate in the knowledge that his money is there safe for him.

Many lessons can be learned here. The tragedy is that by the time the receiver has gone through the affairs of the PMPS many of these depositors will have passed on because they are very old. I may be incorrect but I believe that I read that the receiver could at his discretion settle any claims under £5,000 or any case of hardship involving a small amount. I hope that some such thing can be done. I would like to see closer supervision of all these societies. Deputy Molony made a very good point when he referred to the advertisement in the newspaper and the magazine Venture purporting to represent one of these companies. He referred to prospectuses. Very few people know how to read a prospectus; indeed it is amazing how many sophisticated people do not know how to read a prospectus properly. Much investment is a gamble on the larger scene. The PMPS seem to have been used simply as a back-door bank. The Central Bank Bill introduced in 1971 cut off any more licences being issued other than by the Central Bank. The terrible dilemma which many of the depositors of the PMPS found themselves in was that in proceeding against many of the companies owned by the PMPA they were putting themselves out of work because many of them had invested their life savings in their own company. I hope that as a result of this debate other people will benefit.

In introducing the motion yesterday I indicated that one of my primary targets was to evoke a response from the Government. Secondly, I was anxious to create an awareness among the public, particularly those who are not as well informed as we would wish them to be, of the hazards involved in placing deposits with certain institutions. I should like to put on record that I am pleased that we have got this response from the Government. Seldom can one have received such a comprehensive statement from the Minister for Finance this evening and from the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism yesterday on the regulations governing the range of institutions, those licensed under the Central Bank Act, building societies, the Post Office, trustee savings banks and provident societies. I am not suggesting that in grouping them together now that they are all of a kind or that they are subject to the same type of regulations.

I am pleased that the two Ministers put the position in a comprehensive way. It suggests, as the Minister for Finance has implicitly acknowledged if not expressly so — he made the point that some of them might argue this as a consequence of the regime that operates in different cases under various Ministers — that there is a case for continuing and greater co-ordination of the statutory controls. Of course, in a sense that means having another look at or an even broader review of the whole range of societies such as the Minister mentioned last night as well as those subject to the Central Bank Act to try to bring about a certain norm of security for depositors. As Deputy Molony said, they are at a certain disadvantage in some cases. I did not make that statement as a political point because, as the Minister for Finance said, the review of the Central Bank Act has been going on for some time.

The second purpose I had in moving this motion was to create an awareness among depositors. I was concerned about those who invest their life savings. One does not like to engage in the argument ad hominem to underline the case but the reality is that those who have been most hurt are those who are most gullible. I do not think that they were lured, as the Minister seemed to suggest last night, by the attraction of higher interest rates in every case. In fact, they might have got higher interest rates in life assurance funds than from provident societies. Some people were lulled into a false sense of security and a certain attraction. Deputy Molony gave an example a few moments ago. As a practising solicitor he is aware that a lot of people are influenced by presentations of the type he mentioned. Not all people are prudent enough to take the advice of a solicitor or an accountant and not all of them can afford to do so. For that reason we should not overstate the effect of the debate. As Deputy Molony stated, few people will read Supreme Court judgments. It must be stated that the Press presented the issue in this debate fairly. I have no doubt that the report of the debate in the Official Report will not be read by many people. For those reasons there is still a need for a greater degree of co-ordination to ensure maximum protection for depositors who are influenced by the presentation of the advantages by depositing with certain societies.

It was evident from what the Minister said last night that if one looks over the whole range — he mentioned banks, building societies, the Post Office, the ACC and State bodies, the trustee savings banks, credit unions, industrial and credit societies, financial brokers, insurance and insurance brokers—many of them have sprung up not because the Government of the day promoted their creation but because of opportunities people would have seen either in gaps or lack of control in legislation. If there was from time to time a certain amount of investment potential people were encouraged into what they saw as a safe haven investment pool. I suggest to both Ministers—and the Minister for Finance in particular—that there is scope, having concluded the updating of the Central Bank Act, for a tightening of the controls generally.

I wish to make it clear that I endorse totally what the Ministers said in regard to the general climate for investment here. The collapse of the type we saw in some of the provident societies must be put in its proper context. Unfortunately, as the Minister pointed out last night, the experience there has been a pretty bad one. Of the 16 all but about four got into some type of trouble, liquidation or whatever else. We should not overstate the significance of that in the context of our total financial structure. That said, I do not think we should minimise the obligation we have to protect people who bona fide, under the impression that these things are controlled by statute and, perhaps, that they may be compensated through some fund or another, invest their life savings. Since the debate opened — I did not seek contact with anybody prior to the debate although Deputy Briscoe representing our party attended a meeting of depositors in one society — I heard of the experiences of three people. I do not know how many more will contact me about this but I propose to make the information I have available to the Minister. There are some tragic cases and it is our obligation to protect such people in the future. If we do not do anything more than that we will have discharged a certain degree of responsibility in the House. We undertake to engage in active consultations with the Government, if necessary, for the purpose of reaching any degree of consensus towards introducing legislation and passing it through the Houses as quickly as possible. If the occasion arises that there is need for consultation we will be glad to co-operate.

Another area for concern is the delay in legal procedures which the Minister referred to last night. It is quite ridiculous that we can have a five-year delay in respect of cases that go before the courts in respect of some of the provident societies, two or three years in one court and two years in the Supreme Court. During that time it is possible that there is not control over the assets or protection for the depositors. The law must not be seen to be an ass. No one respects what the Judiciary have achieved in their independent functions as much as I and my colleagues do, but the reality is that there is a risk that the investors, and sometimes the business community, might feel they are not as effective or as relevant as they might be. That is something we might also look at.

I welcome the Government's response and in view of that we are prepared to accept their amendment.

Amendment agreed to.
Motion, as amended, agreed to.
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