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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 16 Feb 1984

Vol. 348 No. 1

Financial Resolutions, 1984. - Financial Resolution No. 11: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
— (Minister for Finance.)

In the Minister's Budget Statement I note that he intends to make £100,000 available to the GAA to mark their centenary year. While as a GAA person I welcome this recognition for the GAA, I wonder how serious the Government are. The GAA will be given £100,000 this year under the auspices of the Department of Education. My information is that in any one year 100,000 juvenile hurleys are bought by the GAA at an approximate cost of £4 per hurley, and 200,000 hurleys are bought for senior players at a cost of £8 to £10 each. The amount of VAT collected on hurleys in any one year is approximately £750,000. Yet the Government are offering £100,000 to the GAA to mark their centenary. This is gross hypocrisy.

If the Government were serious about helping the GAA in this, their most important year, surely they would consider a reduction in VAT or exempting hurleys from VAT. Everyone in Ireland knows that hurling is probably the fastest field game in the world. It is purely Irish and therefore must be protected. It is a wonderful game to watch and to play. If the Government were serious they would show their interest in the promotion of this great sport and the protection of our culture and our heritage. Unfortunately they seem to ignore this completely. It is not as if they have not been asked time and again for a reduction of VAT on hurleys.

We have 60,000 young people and another 100,000 adults playing hurling. It is the desire of everybody that far more people should play the game. The only way the Government can be seen to support this great ideal is to reduce VAT or exempt hurleys completely from VAT. At least the Government recognise that this is their centenary year. I appeal to the Government to be serious in any effort they are making to mark this centenary year.

Banking people tell me that this budget is colourless and unimaginative. No effort was made to restore the work ethic in society. No effort was made to create an environment to tackle the unemployment problems. Only a fool would invest in an environment created by the Coalition Government where profit is a dirty word. The levy on bank profits over and above the normal tax charges is unsustainable. There are contrasts between this and the Minister's own insurance companies. The chief executive of Irish Life is on record in a recent report as saying that the board were more concerned about accountability to their policy holders than to their shareholder, the State. What private company could afford to take this view and survive?

It would be a more positive approach for the Minister to see to it that his own companies, Irish Life, ACC and ICC made adequate profits rather than knock companies who do. His decision to disallow free depreciation and initial allowances in respect of assets leased unless they form part of a grant-aided package has added to the costs of the already hard-pressed community. It is understood that this proposed change has resulted in lobbying by the people affected, for instance, the business community. This bears out the bank's contention that they had passed on any benefits under the leasing arrangement to the customer. If the Minister now realises his error and backtracks, he cannot penalise the banks again by continuing this infamous levy.

The Minister is also dishonest in his budget on the question of tax avoidance. He outlaws so-called bond washing while, at the same time, he offers tax avoidance inducements to investors to invest in index-linked savings bonds by reducing the age qualification and by increasing the maximum holding by 50 per cent. The Minister is well aware that index-linked savings bonds are tax free and that the interest is not returned to the Revenue Commissioners. Presumably the Minister's view is that tax evasion is OK if the money goes to the Government. If this is his contention, he should not take up a self-righteous tax evasion stance. The Minister is creating further distortions and anomalies between the deposit-taking institutions.

The Minister has made little or no effort to tackle tax evasion in relation to growth bonds with insurance companies. In this respect it is noted that new single premium policies with Irish Life amounted to £90.7 million with similar figures going to all other insurance companies. If he is honest, the Minister must be aware that single premium policies are largely a tax avoidance measure where there is no return to Revenue and where the investment is outside the scope of capital gains. One must ask what benefit is there to the country to see this amount of money going to a non-productive sector and, in some instances, outside the country, where productive sectors are starved of investment. Interest on deposits of about £600 with the banks or ACC are returned to Revenue, yet there is no return made in respect of these single premium investments. Does the Minister see any anomaly in the fact that the banks and ACC are required to return interest on deposits of around £600 whilst any party could have £1 million with a building society and have no return? Yet ACC and the banks are the providers of finance to agriculture, and because they are unable to attract deposits due to tax discriminations they are obliged to borrow on the Dublin money market, with resultant high interest charges for the productive sector, agriculture. This matter has been discussed fairly adequately during recent days owing to the difficulties in which farmers have found themselves due to severe increases in interest rates.

Similarly the banks are chief providers of finance to industry and they are simply unable to attract deposits in the current tax environment. In the sixties the banks' share of the savings market was 80 per cent. By 1974 it was 42 per cent and it is now at 27 per cent. With this sort of discrimination, I would ask how long the banks can retain their stability. On the one side they are being discriminated against in relation to their raw material, which is deposits, while on the other side super-levies are being employed.

It is also worth noting that the Minister has increased the duty on cheques and credit cards at a time when, because of the extent of robberies and the inability of the Government to control the criminal element, we should be endeavouring to reduce cash usage to a minimum. We are the only country in Europe with a duty on cheques since the more enlightened countries are endeavouring to get away from large movements of cash.

This budget, particularly in relation to the aspect just mentioned, has all the limited trappings of the Department of Finance. It is time that the Minister had an input. The budget speech and its philosophy seem to have come entirely from Department of Finance officials.

We have recently heard much about wealth creation and reinvestment. This theory has been expounded by the Minister and his colleagues. Fine Gael and Labour Deputies use every opportunity to tell us of the advantage of this brilliant idea, but their abject failure to recognise that this has not worked for them and has had the opposite effect is an indictment of themselves. They must admit that their direction has been all wrong and that they now find themselves in a cul-de-sac with no option but to reverse, admit they made a mistake and get back on the right track.

The Minister must take stock of the situation, knowing that unemployment is the heaviest burden on an economy which is now bereft of confidence. Are there any viable industries in which he might invest to improve the situation? Surely he must realise that agriculture has real potential for getting the economy off its knees. If agriculture was so recognised and the appropriate investment made, we could retain the existing agricultural workforce, some 220,000 farmers, 50,000 farm workers and approximately 250,000 others indirectly employed in agriculture. Some 5,000 farmers per year are leaving the land and job losses in the agri-service industry are increasing by twice that amount annually. When 800 job losses were announced recently in Cork there was an outcry. It made headlines in the national media for weeks, yet nobody seems to blink an eyelid at job losses in agriculture of 15,000 per year. With increased investment and attention agriculture could retain its present workforce and there would also be a climate for job creation. Diversification of the milk industry has been mentioned recently, and this is an area where jobs can be created.

If we have a strong and vibrant agriculture we will have a strong and vibrant economy. The Minister for Agriculture and the Ministers of State at that Department, Deputies Hegarty and Connaughton, also share this view, or at least they say they do. Deputies Farrelly, Sheehan and Dowling all expressed that same viewpoint. With so much goodwill we might have expected that philosophy to be underlined in the budget speech, but barely half a page was given to agriculture, Ireland's greatest industry which all Government Deputies agree is the basis of a solid economy. Half the workforce of Ireland are involved. There is to be an investment of £100,000 in agriculture in 1984 or £2 per head per year for all those dependent on agriculture. It works out at half a penny per day for the greatest possible creators of wealth and jobs.

We must conclude that the Minister for Agriculture has failed miserably to convince his Cabinet colleagues of the wisdom of investing in agriculture. There is not a farmer or an economist in that city-based fat cat Cabinet. The anti-farmer feeling in the Government is typical of the town versus country attitude which is very harmful to our economy. The level of suspicion in towns against the farming community is frightening and must be a cause for great concern. The gap must be bridged, and we can only rely on the activities of organisations, rural and urban, to help. They have done a tremendous job to date; let us hope that will continue.

The attitude of division between urban and rural is not helped by the media who, with their attitude to agriculture, have been the cause of the greater part of the problem. The media are a powerful force in Irish society. Agriculture may not be the greatest area for stories or controversy, but I would appeal to the media to take an interest in the industry and play their part in convincing the Government of the necessity to recognise the great potential of agriculture.

The budget speech added insult to injury when the Minister said that prospects for the coming year would depend largely on the outcome of current negotiations on changes in the Common Agricultural Policy and on agricultural prices. The Minister is saying that he is not interested in improving the farm income scene at home. He is totally dependent on the EEC to do it for him.

The super-levy issue, which has been raised here over the past week in the debate on the Dairy Produce Bill, is the most important matter ever discussed in the Dáil. The task facing the Minister for Agriculture cannot be underestimated, yet his predecessors were successful in staving off this blatant discriminatory attack on our economy and on our workers. The Minister for Agriculture has not helped matters up to date with his to-ing and fro-ing and lack of resolve. Let him now go to Paris knowing that he has the full backing of everybody in the country. We must win the fight. Our milk production is very low in comparison with our European counterparts. The real enemy and the real causes of the butter mountain are the importation of New Zealand butter from outside the EEC and cheap cereal substitutes being imported from outside the EEC. These have caused the large butter mountain we have today. If they are eliminated the butter mountain disintegrates. The Minister has the whole country and right on his side. For Ireland's sake let us hope he has the ability and determination to win this battle.

The budget has provided £100,000 for the proposed potato co-op which is to be set up to improve potato marketing, a very desirable initiative and one which is to be welcomed. Unfortunately, earlier last year the Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture, Deputy Hegarty, promised £1 million towards the co-op. A paltry sum of £100,000 will not be sufficient to set the co-op in motion. I appeal to the Minister for Finance to give this very welcome idea the finance to progress.

The potato situation here has not been taken seriously in the past. I was very pleased to note that the Government were taking a serious interest in it, because the position is, as a survey commissioned by the Fianna Fáil Government over one-and-a-half years ago showed, that 90,000 growers produced 809,000 tonnes of potatoes. I appeal to the Minister to provide the necessary finance to allow the potato co-operative to get off the ground because of the grave necessity for an improvement in the potato situation, and to try to oust the imports coming into the country each year. The members of the co-op asked for a meeting on this item to discuss the possibility of getting money through the Youth Employment Scheme and other such schemes. I appeal to the Minister to meet these people.

Before Deputy Byrne leaves the House I would like to say that I find it rather ironic to hear him refer to the well known plight of the Irish horticultural industry and to read in this morning's newspapers the remarks of his leader, where he is reported as saying that he has had discussions with the leaders of the Libyan Government in an effort to encourage the importation of Libyan horticulture, in particular tomatoes and potatoes, into the Irish market. It seems to be rather at odds with the remarks and concern ostensibly expressed by Deputy Byrne.

Deputies will remember one of the more welcome and positive aspects of the last general election — the evident desire of the electorate that whatever Government was elected would, however drastically, deal with the chaos that had been allowed to develop in our public finances. Many economic commentators lent their not inconsiderable weight to the argument that unless action was taken quickly and decisively then Ireland would rapidly become economically and financially moribund.

It is one of the ironies of democracy, however, that when such expectations begin to be fulfilled — and, let it be said, fulfilled courageously — the people who spent most of their time in virulent condemnation of a spendthrift policy now turn their attention, and vehemence, on an administration that has begun the long and hard process of rectifying the damage caused by excessive borrowing and by an over-indulgence in the soft-option school of politics.

For some reason that I cannot fathom these people fail to recognise the inherent contradictions in their economic philosophy — if it is not a misuse of language to so describe their particular stance. Likewise they refuse to accept or be convinced of the fact that that well-recognised bonanza of Fianna Fáil Governments — the construction and maintenance, at taxpayers' expense, of gigantic white elephants — is at an end.

This budget represents, in conjunction with last year's budget, a carefully constructed strategy for recovery. I would like to dispel the notion that Government Ministers stuck their heels in the political water and having found the right temperature built their budgetary policy accordingly. That may well have been the norm some years ago, but it certainly is not the practice as far as this Government is concerned.

Despite the Opposition's claim to the contrary the Government did take account, careful account, of the prevailing economic trends. We did examine all the options, and the budget contains those options which we decided were realistic and practical in today's circumstances. The budget was designed to take account of a number of favourable factors and indicators. Last year, for the first time in several years, budgetary targets were met, and the balance of payments deficit reduced to manageable proportions whilst inflation fell sharply, though still at a level higher than is desirable and still markedly above that of many of our trading partners.

It is the Government's hope that a further fall in inflation can again be achieved and that the extremely successful volume increase in manufactured exports in 1983 can be repeated this year also. Indications are of a real rise in the economy of the Western world, stimulated in the main by the United States, and this is, I understand, reflecting itself in the order books of our exporting industries. This will be further helped by the budgetary proposals to give additional moneys to the Córas Tráchtála employment support scheme.

All of the economic forecasters have indicated a growth in our GNP of some 2 per cent this year, a few, indeed, even opting for a somewhat higher figure. It was surely important that, in that setting, the budget should recognise those favourable factors and help to set the climate which would allow the economy to perform as forecast, and, where possible, to stimulate that growth.

It should be remembered, for example, that the budget will have an effect of less than 1 per cent in the CPI — lower than any of the previous four. A broad range of encouragement to business and to industry has been provided, viz.—

tax reliefs for long-term venture capital in new enterprises;

a very substantial improvement in the tax provisions in relation to profit sharing;

a renewal of the corporation tax deduction in respect of additional employees;

an extension of the initial allowance for plant and machinery and initial and annual allowances for industrial buildings which were due to expire;

an extension of the industrial buildings provisions to laboratories used for analysis work in connection with mining and oil exploration;

an extension for a further three years of the allowances to encourage people to invest in the private sector in the construction of toll roads, bridges and multi-storey car-parks, which were due to expire on 31 March next;

abolition of the claw-back on stock relief once granted;

a new system of stock relief on the basis of the opening stock shown on the accounts;

and a reduction of VAT on concrete from 23 per cent to 5 per cent from 1 March next.

Capital moneys, additional to the capital estimates, and all of which will provide extra real employment, include:

£8 million for road improvements;

£3 million each on top of the amount available for housing through SDA loans and the Housing Finance Agency;

£2 million for the repair of primary schools;

and funds for two projects of significant importance to major provincial centres — the Ringaskiddy deep-water berth and Galway Airport.

The Opposition have chosen to present a picture of the Government as being devoid of a structured, planned view as to the tackling of the great task before us. Nothing could be further from the truth. Certainly, of necessity, much of the past year has been taken up in what I call crisis management; and the tackling of many of the inherited and overlengthy problems in State enterprises and other areas has occupied much of ministerial time. Other things have also been receiving attention and will, it is hoped, during 1984 indicate the Government's approach on a broad range of fronts.

The National Planning Board have been working on the production of their plan which is due within the next few months and this will be followed by the presentation of the Government's medium-term plan for the economy. In addition the Minister for Education has recently published the Government's four-year plan for education whilst the four-year plan for agriculture and the White Paper on Industrial Policy are before Government at present.

Apart from the changes which I refer to elsewhere in this speech I hope to present a White Paper on a Better Public Service in the coming months and the Minister for the Environment has undertaken a major review of the structure of Local Government in Ireland, as was referred to by the Minister of that Department yesterday. These and many other measures demonstrate clearly, I believe, that the Government are setting their minds to the task not just of the economic difficulties but also of reforming and modernising our institutions and structures. Of course, the overriding problem now presenting itself is the spectre of unemployment. We must, all of us, bend our minds and our attention towards alleviating a disease which is not, by any means, peculiarly Irish, although its manifestations have bedevilled this country longer, and now more acutely, than in the case of many of our neighbours.

We must, and again I say all of us, employer, employee and Government, face up to the real possibility that much of today's unemployment is due to reasons different from those historically given; that perhaps society is undergoing massive structural change; that accepted values — and expectations — can no longer be assumed necessarily as valid; that the development of the information society requires us to reassess, in a radical fashion, what we can expect to see delivered in some of the more traditional employment areas. Thus, just as a new entrant to the work force should expect to change careers — perhaps radically — two or three times during his working life, so too should our system, both educational and social, be required to equip that person for those major readjustments. Thus also total length of working life, type of job expectation, hours worked per week, job-sharing, profit sharing, overtime payments, ability to cross the career structure, re-training programmes, are just some of the areas which must be given fundamental examination by all of those interested in finding methods of providing the maximum amount of our people with employment.

There is an obligation upon all of us, employee representative just as employer, to face up to these prospects and to realise that those with a steady income are now the fortunate; that rather than constantly seek to improve their position they must now join in looking to how they can share that fortunate position with the sons and daughters — whether their own or their neighbours' — who have never known employment.

That is not an easy thing to ask of people — all of whom have a traditionally legitimate expectation of improving their position and that of their family. We really must ask, however, for how long more we can expect to see our personal lot improve while the unemployment queues grow, while the State is faced with increasing demands for compensation. Is it too outrageous to suggest that, for the next number of years, those at work should expect to see the real growth in the economy devoted to a real growth in the available number of jobs on offer; that the demands of the social partners — all of them — should not be for more of the national cake for their members, but, instead that more be invited to participate in that cake?

Is it not a self-defeating exercise to complain at the, admittedly, over-high burden of taxation and yet demand wage settlements which drive more and more on to the dole — to be financed from that self same over high rate of personal taxation? What is the point in continually demanding extensions of Government services to our local communities — on the basis that they are "free", which is the most expensive word, in the context of Government, ever invented, when they too form a further burden on our own personal taxation pocket? Marry such arguments to the profligacy of Government between 1977 and 1981 which conceded all such demands in the mistaken belief of short-term political popularity and the repayments for whose borrowings now completes the grip on your personal taxation pocket. In that context one could be almost forgiven for thinking that we Irish have a tremendous propensity for shooting ourselves in the foot.

The Opposition have espoused the notion that the Cabinet Task Force on Employment has not been active in pursuing measures to combat unemployment and to provide initiatives which would lead to job opportunities, particularly for our young people. The task force have, in fact, been considering a wide range of measures aimed directly at reducing unemployment levels and providing much needed jobs for young people. As far as the public service is concerned such measures would be especially directed towards achieving a greater flexibility in working arrangements so that some employment can be re distributed, on a voluntary basis, to provide jobs for other people. I am happy therefore to be able to inform the House that the task force have decided on two new schemes which will provide these job opportunities in the Civil Service.

The first of these schemes provides for career breaks under which civil servants, in general, may be allowed to take special leave without pay for a period of not less than a year and not more than three years. All serving staff who avail of this scheme will be replaced by new appointees. At the end of the period of special leave returning staff will be allocated to vacancies as and when they arise.

While it is initially impossible to make a firm estimate, I confidently expect that a considerable number of civil servants will be interested in this scheme. There have been increasing pressures, for example, from staff interests for the granting of special unpaid leave for those interested in further education, for parents who wish to devote themselves for a period of rearing their children at home and for those who would like to set up a business. Indeed, this new scheme will allow people to opt for a career break for whatever reason they choose, unless their Department and mine feel them to be in a key and non-replaceable role. I have in addition asked my colleagues the Ministers for Education, Environment and Health to consider whether it would be feasible or desirable to introduce similar schemes in their areas and they are examining these possibilities at present. Full details of this new scheme will be made available following consultation with the staff interests concerned.

The second scheme, one of job-sharing, is being introduced in the Civil Service currently. Under this scheme certain staff can, on a voluntary basis, and in agreement with management, divide what is normally a full-time job into two, each person's terms of employment being normally pro rata with those of a full-time worker. Again resulting vacancies will be filled by new recruits.

Initial responses, prior to actual details being made available, indicated that some 400 serving staff in the Civil Service would be interested in participating in a scheme of this nature. Again, however, I am confident that when the scheme is fully operational many more will see the benefits of participation.

Like the scheme of career breaks this job-sharing scheme is deliberately aimed at providing job opportunities for young people and both have a similar target group, for example, persons with domestic or other responsibilities who will now have a choice of either taking a career break without pay or of sharing a job on half-pay. I should make it clear that some posts in the Civil Service will, in the course of the coming year, be advertised on the basis that they in turn will be job-sharing posts.

These two new developments must be seen in conjunction with the series of conclusions reached to date by the Government Task Force on Employment which included the announcement of the new enterprise allowance scheme, the arrangement to improve the co-ordination of agencies involved in the areas of training, work experience and placement and the provision of voluntary work for the unemployed agreed in July of last year, as well as the conclusions reached since then on the implementation of the recommendations of the first two reports of the sectoral development committee on the clothing and textiles and mechanical engineering industries, the wide-ranging remit given to the industrial cost monitoring group, the new developments in relation to profit sharing announced in the budget, the further development in connection with the enterprise allowance scheme and the capitalisation of pay-related benefits and elements of unemployment benefit for those wishing to set up their own businesses. I should also mention that to ensure that good ideas from within the public service at whatever level come to the fore, the Task Force on Employment have arranged that these ideas will be sought from public servants at all levels and processed through the task force.

I believe the response to date of the enterprise allowance scheme shows that there is considerable initiative and self-confidence amongst the unemployed and that they want to set up their own businesses. The initial scheme announced by the Minister in September last provided for a payment for up to one year of £30 per week to single people or £50 to married people who have been unemployed for more than 13 weeks and who wish to establish their own businesses. That scheme was on a pilot basis for 500 people in the first instance but it has been so successful that the task force agreed recently to remove the limit on numbers in the scheme. This will make it possible for a far greater number — possibly as many as 4,000 or 5,000 during this year — to benefit from the income safety net of the enterprise allowance scheme for up to 12 months. There is provision also in the scheme for the capitalisation of all or part of the economy allowances to enable those starting those jobs to purchase capital assets. The task force also recently agreed to provide the additional incentive for unemployed people who wish to start up in a business of their own by enabling them to have the pay-related element of the unemployment benefit due to them capitalised to help fund the new business starting up.

I hope that that range of initiatives already introduced, or being announced now by the task force, will help to dispel the lie that the task force have not been active in pursuing ways and means of providing real job opportunities within the economy. That is our task and that is what we will continue to do. The task force have been meeting on a regular basis and, indeed, are scheduled to meet later today. I hope that progressively over the next number of months a series of other options which we are examining will come to fruition and it will become apparent that real work and real jobs are being identified and provided through the activities of the Cabinet Task Force on Employment.

I should like to turn now to the question of public service and other pay. I am glad to say that the public service pay agreement which I negotiated with the Public Services Committee of ICTU, and which has since been implemented in every area covered by the agreement, has made a notable contribution to industrial peace. By and large it has been found possible to work out solutions, within the provisions of the agreement, to all difficulties that have arisen to date under that agreement. I freely acknowledge that the credit must go in large measure to the public service unions who negotiated the agreement and who have since given abundant evidence of their commitment to stand by it.

The agreement and, in particular, the manner of its implementation and its maintenance, did, therefore, set a good example for all to follow, whether in the public or the private sectors.

A commitment to implement such an agreement must, of course, cut both ways and I believe the unions' recognition that I and the Government were wholly committed to implementing and honouring any agreement that would be arrived at had a large part in the acceptance of the agreement by the public services committee in the first instance and, ultimately, by the unions represented by them.

I do not deny that the standard increases provided for under the agreement were greater than the Government would have wished, even though they fell some way short of the general level which applied in the private sector. There were also some cases in which higher rates of increase were provided for under agreements reached in the State body area, mainly as a result of Labour Court findings.

There is sometimes confusion as to the difference between the public service and the public sector. I should like to emphasise once again that the agreement negotiated last summer applied to the public service rather than to the public sector. For that reason I should like to clarify the Government's policy on these developments. We would have wished that the terms of the public service pay agreement would have applied throughout the wider public sector. Indeed, we would have preferred that these terms should not have been exceeded anywhere, whether in the public or private sector. In so far as it lay in the Government's power to take action in support of the terms of the PSPA they have done so, whether in relation to Government contracts or in guidelines to the National Prices Commission, and I have no apology to make for that fact.

It has been the Government's aim, in both the State sector and the private sector, to ensure as far as possible that neither the consumer nor the taxpayer should have to bear the cost of increases which management might concede in excess of the standard increases of the PSPA. I have said that I make no apology for the fact that the Government have, in so far as it lay in their power, endeavoured to maintain the standards set by the PSPA increases.

I will go further to say that it is the Government's duty, having decided on a pay policy which they consider vital for the country's economic wellbeing, to take the necessary steps to see that it is implemented and to guard against its being undermined. That is particularly the case in areas where the Government are seen to be, in effect, the employer. It is a case, as far as I am concerned, of "he who pays the piper..." and I believe that the community in general understand and respect the Government's stand.

In the general context of pay it is, perhaps, interesting to reflect for a moment on pay trends in some of our neighbouring countries who are not only our trading partners but also our trading competitors. In Holland, for example, the carryover agreement, covering 1983 and 1984, is estimated to provide for an average increase in pay rates in 1984 of 0.5 per cent, one half of one per cent. The opening claim by the engineering unions in West Germany is for a 3.3 per cent to 3.5 per cent increase in pay, plus a reduction in weekly hours. It is reported that the employers are unlikely to concede the demands for the reduced working week.

Pay in Belgium has been frozen by Royal Decree during last year and for all of 1984, other than existing agreed indexation arrangements, upon which certain limits were also placed. It is interesting to note that in those three countries inflation ran last year at 2.9 per cent, 2.6 per cent and 6 per cent respectively. Even with such restrictive attitudes to pay increases generally these countries also adopted a different stance with regard to the public sector. The Dutch Government now propose a 3 per cent reduction in public service pay, with negotiations on pay and reduced working hours during 1984-86 to commence shortly.

The 1984 West German budget provides for a freeze in civil service pay until April 1985. In addition no civil service job, whether at recruitment or promotion level, will be filled for a six-month period. In the Belgian public sector new recruits will be obliged to take a 20 per cent reduction in both pay and working hours during their first year in employment.

The present Irish public service pay agreement expires for the majority of public servants on 31 May 1984. As the Minister for Finance has already indicated, no further provision has been made for increases in public service pay rates in 1984. Under the 1983 PSPA, public servants already received increases which went beyond the limits set down in the Government's guidelines in March 1983 and which provided for amongst other increases an increase of 3.25 per cent from the beginning of February this year. That excess has contributed to a situation in which, as matters now stand, the Exchequer pay and pensions bill will be increased by 8.8 per cent in 1984. Given the state of the Exchequer finances, the already very heavy cost of public service pay and pensions, and the very favourable terms enjoyed by public servants as to security of employment, it is clear that there can be no real grounds for any expectation of a further pay round for public servants this year.

In the matter of public service pensions I should say that in the course of the pay negotiations last year I agreed that the first phase of the public service pay agreement would, in general, apply to public service pensions with effect from 1 September 1983. The practice, since 1974, has been to increase public service pensions on 1 July each year by reference to changes in the pay rates of serving officers within the previous 12 months. Thus increases to serving personnel were often paid months before their retired colleagues received any adjustment. For some time now retired public servants have been making a strong case for adjustments to be made in their pensions as and from the same date as public service pay increases. I am very pleased therefore that the Minister for Finance was able to announce full parity for these pensioners from the beginning of this month.

Parity for grade or special increases will be dealt with in the context of the next pay round and the new arrangements for such increases will then be implemented in 1985. Needless to say these commitments will have to be taken into account in costing any future pay claims in the public service.

Deputies will be aware that in the course of the past year I announced that the payment of disturbance allowances to public servants who are relocated in modern offices, often not very far away and sometimes nearer to their homes, could no longer be justified. I felt that it was unreasonable for those in secure, relatively well-paid jobs to seek compensation for moving to better premises. I decided therefore that such disturbance claims would not be met in the future, beginning on 1 January, 1984. In arriving at this decision I acknowledged publicly that Civil Service staff were by no means the front-runners in making claims for disturbance compensation and did so only when the practice had developed in the State-sponsored area and in the private sector.

A key objective of Goverment policy throughout 1984 will be the achievement of a more cost-effective public service. By the end of the seventies it was clear that the size of the public service had reached proportions which were extremely difficult to justify and which could not continue to be sustained from the scarce resources available. The large outlay involved was being seriously questioned by many sections of the tax-paying public and it was imperative that corrective action be taken.

Accordingly, this was one of the first areas to be given urgent attention by the Coalition Government when they took office in the middle of 1981. As an initial step towards achieving greater cost-effectiveness the Government decided that the numbers employed would not be allowed to exceed those actually serving on 21 July 1981. As a follow through of this policy, and in order to set about reducing numbers as quickly as possible to a level more in keeping with the capacity of the country to pay, restrictions on the filling of vacancies as they arose were announced with effect from December 1981.

This embargo has been in operation since that date and it has spanned the lifetime of three successive Governments. As stated in the budget, the embargo will continue during 1984 and will mean the non-filling of two out of every three vacancies arising in the civil service, and the application of measures of at least equivalent effect in terms of the number of posts which must remain unfilled, and their cost, in the non-commercial State-sponsored bodies, health agencies, the local authority area and the non-teaching staff in the education area. The numbers in the defence forces and in the Garda Síochána will be held at the levels obtaining in 1983.

The Government's objective of containing and reducing the overall size of the public service has been achieved so far. In the Civil Service, for example, the number serving on 21 July 1981 stood at 60,700. The effect of the embargo has been that 3,400 savings were achieved in the period up to the end of 1983. This was offset, to some extent, by the unfortunate fact that agreement was given for the recruitment of an appreciable number of extra staff in 1982 to man new and expanded services. The agreement has spanned the lifetime of three successive Government's but the vigour of the implementation of the embargo has varied depending which Government were in power. During 1982 an appreciable number of extra staff were sanctioned. Despite this, there has been a net saving of some 1,700 Civil Service posts over the period of the embargo.

Because of the necessarily haphazard way in which posts fall vacant, it can be argued that the current restrictions represent a crude method of reducing public service numbers. If however no other steps were being taken to ensure that the efficiency and the quality of essential services did not suffer, there would be validity in this criticism. We are constantly improving the organisation and work practices of the Civil Service so that the highest standards in delivering services will be maintained despite falling numbers. It gives me no great joy to have to implement the embargo provisions. I would be the first to admit that they are a crude and unscientific method of containing public service numbers. They do have one great merit however. They work — and have been seen to have worked over the past two years.

I accept that it would be far preferable if other methods which could ensure that key or sensitive posts were at all times filled, whilst having equivalent saving effects to the embargo, were in operation. It is my earnest hope that we can devise and implement a thorough and on-going review of schemes and programmes which could identify staff, as well as other, savings and which could then be used, in turn, through redeployment, to provide numbers in other more important areas.

We have, during the year, been able to accommodate the pressing staffing needs of certain areas by means of interdepartmental redeployment. The requirements, for example, of the Revenue Commissioners, of the Department of Social Welfare and, more recently, of the Department of Foreign Affairs in respect of the forthcoming EEC Presidency, and of the Oireachtas Committees were accommodated in this way without any departure from the strict guidelines of the embargo.

I should say at this point that a smaller public service certainly does not mean a weaker public service. I can assure the House that neither I nor any member of the Government want to see a weakened public service. On the contrary, all of the measures we have taken are part of a positive policy aimed at strengthening the public service, increasing its efficiency and effectiveness and making it a more interesting and rewarding place to work in terms of job satisfaction.

There can therefore be no doubt about the Government's commitment and resolve in this area. Nor can there be any doubt about my own personal conviction that a programme of radical change is essential if the public service is to respond vigorously and effectively to the many problems which face us at present and to the new problems which will emerge over the next decade.

As the first Minister with sole responsibility for the public service, I am deeply conscious of the responsibility I have to meet this challenge and to ensure that the organisation, management and operation of the public service, and of the Civil Service in particular, are such as to ensure the highest degree of cost-effectiveness and the provision of the best possible service to the public.

The Government's recent action in establishing an Appointments Committee for all top level Civil Service appointments and the associated guidelines relating to tenure of office by secretaries of Departments is, I believe, of the greatest importance in our programme of improving the public service. The new system sees a departure from promotions restricted by reference to various factors such as the Departments in which top civil servants happen to work, whether they are administrative or professional and their seniority, to promotions based solely on the criterion of finding the best person for each job as it arises.

The assessment of staff at the appropriate levels is in progress and will be used by the committee to assist them in their recommendations on the filling of any future vacancies. In speaking about this new Appointments Committee I am reminded of the statement of Thomas Jefferson to the effect that no duty the executive had to perform was so trying as to put the right man in the right place.

One of the most important aspects of the new appointments system at senior level is that it provides interdepartmental mobility. All of those eligible will now be entitled to indicate their interest in any or every senior position which falls vacant. Thus the total pool of talent within the service will, in turn, be available to be dipped into by the Appointments Committee. This is tremendously important.

I am convinced that there is a vast amount of talent and expertise available within the serving Civil Service. These changes will now mean that the full range of that talent is available for all posts to be filled and that those appointed will be based upon their expertise and actual performance. This should be an exciting development for the career prospects of many civil servants. They now know that they are to be considered for very many more positions than heretofore and that the consideration will be based on their monitored performance.

Surely this must provide incentive and encouragement for all of those who feel that they have an even greater contribution to offer and that they are good enough to serve at a higher level? From the viewpoints of career planning, job satisfaction, service-wide mobility, and the opening up of top posts for those heretofore excluded, such as professionals, this is the most important development in the senior echelons of the Irish Civil Service in over 60 years.

As I have already announced it is my intention during the coming months to place a draft White Paper before the Cabinet setting out specific proposals for further changes which are needed in the public service, and the action I intend to take to achieve those changes. An advertisement has recently been placed in the national newspapers inviting individuals or organisations who wish to have their views considered in the preparation of this White Paper to send their suggestions to my Department. Needless to say that invitation also extends to Members of the Oireachtas, to whom I have written previously asking for their observations. I take this opportunity of repeating in this House my desire that public representatives, both Members of this House and at other levels, would make their views known as to how we can set about the achievement of a better, more modern public service. I would welcome the views of Members on all sides in that regard. Some considerable progress has already been made in our programme of necessary improvements in the public service, some of which I have already referred to.

The House will be aware that the country's first Ombudsman took up office on 3 January last. I understand that in the short few weeks since that time he has been inundated with representations of one kind or another — a state of affairs which underlines as nothing else could the need for the office in the first place. The establishment of the Ombudsman's office provides the citizen with the opportunity of redress in cases where there is genuine grounds for grievance against bureaucracy.

I consider the appointment of the Ombudsman to be a significant step in providing the community with a better perspective and appreciation of the work of the public service. His office is not there to ferret out in some negative or vindictive way the ordinary and understandable human foibles which apply to civil servants as much as to any other section of the community. Rather is he there to ensure that the citizen gets a fair shake from the administration.

Some comment has been made as to the extent of the Ombudsman's remit. I have already given an undertaking that, once the office has operated for some months, together with the Ombudsman I would review the suitability of his present powers. I should like to assure the House once again that it will be my intention, in that review, to ensure that the Ombudsman has the widest possible powers which he considers desirable. No one should have any fear that I will, in any way, seek to frustrate the attainment of that goal.

One of the most important changes needed in the Civil Service is a realistic system of accountable management. I have said before that under our system of Government the Civil Service tends more towards advising Ministers and preparing legislation than at delivering and managing services on a large scale. This arises, in the main, from the concept of the Minister as the corporation sole. By its very definition, however, accountable management involves delegation of responsibility. The age-old tradition in the Civil Service of not embarrassing the Minister has led to an over-cautious approach to independent decision-making. Since it is, in theory, the Minister who takes all the decisions, it is easy to understand why many Civil Service managers see their priority as being to protect the Minister from public embarrassment and to satisfy him or her that they have acted correctly. Such a system however does nothing to make public servants feel personally responsible for the quality of the service they provide to the public or for the costs of providing it.

I believe, therefore, that it is desirable that there be greater accountability in the public service. I have already introduced a system of accountable management in my own Department as a prelude to its more widespread introduction throughout the Civil Service. Individual civil servants will now have to carry responsibility for their official actions. I believe that the vast majority of public servants will welcome a greater, and clearer, definition of their responsibilities.

Central to this system will be an annual Departmental plan which will pinpoint the results which each manager will be expected to achieve. There will be maximum delegation whereby individual civil servants will be responsible, personally, for the implementation of whatever area of Government policy they handle. One of the benefits of such a system will be that Ministers will no longer be snowed under with administrative details and can spend more time on policy formulation.

I am a firm believer in the concept of mobility not only within the public service, and the wider public sector but also between the public service and the private sector. Since I became Minister for the Public Service I have placed special emphasis on a scheme of job swops between these sectors, particularly job swops between the Civil Service and the private sector. This scheme affords both the private and public sectors an opportunity of exchanging staff who can only benefit from the experience of working in a different environment, under different work practices and with different people.

Last July the Government decided that, by the end of 1983, fifty-two civil servants would be exchanged temporarily with staff in other Departments, or the rest of the public sector or the private sector. Quotas were levied on Departments for this purpose and, of the fifty-two, it was specifically decided that nine exchanges would be made with private industry. It followed, of course, that in return for the fifty-two officers who would leave, Departments would take in the same number. Here too, the number to come from the private sector was nine.

While the response has not been at all as good as I would have hoped, indeed not at all as good — it has been virtually half the target set by the Government — I have to say nevertheless that much more has been achieved in this area in the last six months or so than had been achieved in the area of job swops in the previous four years.

I want to emphasise once again that there must be much more interchanges between the public and private sectors. I recently announced the establishment of a small working party comprised of both public and private sectors to look at the matter and make suggestions for its further development. I hope that the small number of examples which we have of people participating in this scheme will encourage others, and their employers, to become involved.

In my experience the small number of public servants who have had experience of the private sector have benefited from that experience enormously. It seems to me, in the context of my earlier remarks, that young people now entering the labour force must expect, in the course of their careers, to change their jobs and perhaps their careers and workstyles radically at least two to three times during their working life. In that context it seems not only reasonable but correct that people whose career is set to be in the public service should readily avail of the opportunity to receive experience of other types of careers within the private sector for a short period of time. Those young men and women who believe they are destined for the top of the Civil Service should be the first to volunteer for experience on the basis of a year or two years of the needs, demands, pressures and stimulation of working within the private sector. Equally, those who see themselves as the captains of industry or business should — because of the enormous amount of interface there is between the public and private sectors — realise that experience gained from a year or two years working within the Civil Service, in turn, can only stand them in good stead in their quest to become leaders within the private sector.

All of us, both public and private sector managers, should encourage young executives of talent to participate in the scheme of job swops which has now been in operation for some time with limited success only. I take this opportunity of encouraging managers in both sectors to become more actively interested in this scheme, in particular private sector managers who have large groups of employees within their enterprises. There is much to be gained, and learned, by each side from such a concept. It can only serve to strengthen Irish management generally.

The Government are committed to making this temporary job exchange scheme work as widely as possible and we expect the co-operation of public service managers in this regard.

I want again to issue a special appeal to private sector management, especially those employing large numbers, to co-operate, for the greater good of the economy at large.

In the course of the past year I announced various measures which, I hope, will improve the image of the public service and likewise guarantee a better overall service to the citizen. As and from 1 March next letters written by civil servants must be signed personally by them and, in addition their names and grades must be typed in underneath their signature. They must give their names when dealing with the public on the telephone and those directly in contact with the public must wear name badges. Indeed, a number of Departments have already instituted these changes and, already, it is a pleasure to hear the extremely favourable comment from the general public who have encountered the changing regime.

My Department are also currently working on a scheme which will result in many of our official forms and circulars being either re-designed, using simple, ordinary, everyday language, or it is hoped in certain cases, abolished altogether. There is now a section in my Department with special responsibility for improvements in public office facilities and increased training for staff in dealing with the public.

All of these measures might appear trite at first sight, but I believe that they will go a long way towards providing the citizens with the efficient and courteous service to which they are entitled.

One of the greatest bugbears and sources of criticism amongst the general public of the civil service is its anonymity. Those working within the civil service should realise that it is to their benefit, as well as being the minimum possible level of courtesy which the general public should accept, that people within the public service give their names and ranks and identify themselves when dealing verbally at public counters, by telephone or in writing so that the client, the member of the public with whom they are dealing, knows in turn who can be contacted in response to the letter or phone call, or if they need to contact the public service offices again to follow up the query which they have initiated. That is the very least that a member of the general public should be entitled to expect. Certainly, no private sector enterprise could continue in business on the basis of operating a service through anonymity.

I really do believe that it is in the best possible interests of the civil service, as well as providing a much higher level of job satisfaction, for officers within that service to identify themselves in their action, so that there a personal rapport is established between their clients — the general public — and themselves on behalf of their Department and their Minister. It is, after all, in the long run the general public who are providing the finances to operate a public service and that is what they should expect.

Those changes which I have announced, whilst I have said that they may sound trite on the surface, represent a very fundamental way in which the image of the civil service will improve, and improve very quickly, in the minds of those who feel disaffected by its present anonymity.

To return to the specific provisions of the budget, as Deputies will be aware there has been an enormous upsurge in sporting activities in this country over the last number of years. This interest has further increased this year because of the Olympic Games. One cannot but recommend and welcome this interest, particularly because it acts as a counter-agent, in the case of young people, against drugs and vandalism. When one considers the example of 11,000 people participating in the Dublin city marathon, one begins to come to terms with the huge popularity that sporting and athletic activities enjoy in Ireland today.

A significant amount of the organisation involved in these sporting activities is done on a voluntary basis and the dedication and commitment of those concerned, particularly in the case of youth clubs, are overwhelming.

The Government have, on a number of occasions, firmly and positively indicated their support for Ireland's participation in the Olympic Games. A special budgetary allocation of £140,000, which I should emphasise is over and above what will be allocated by the Minister of State at the Department of Education, Deputy Donal Creed, has been given for the Olympic Council of Ireland through the budget and a further £10,000 is being made available to assist in preparing and sending a team to the Olympics for the Disabled. This, in conjunction with the £100,000 which has been given to the GAA for specific projects connected with the centenary of that organisation and the £50,000 given to other sporting organisations in the budget, over and above the normal Department of Education allocation of some £700,000 for sporting bodies, is an indication of the level of commitment that this Government has to sport in Ireland.

To further enhance that commitment, I wish to announce to the House that I have decided that all those public servants participating as competitors in the Olympic Games should be allowed special leave of absence, with pay, for the period whilst they attend the Olympic Games on behalf of this country. Any such competitor can organise the details of this leave with his or her own Department, in consultation with my Department as required.

I believe that this further gesture by the Government will in no small way contribute to Ireland's standing and, it is hoped, success at the Games.

Finally, I hope that the various provisions of the budget — which were much more detailed and should have been given far greater consideration by commentators and the Opposition than they appear to have been given — will help in whatever way possible to stimulate the economy to attain, at least, the level of growth forecast for it by independent commentators at the outset of the year. It was incumbent upon the Government to ensure that every possibility for real growth should be encouraged and not inhibited in the slightest. One of the examples that positively shows how the budget will achieve that effect is, as I have mentioned, the fact that it will have an effect of less that 1 per cent on the CPI.

There is quite a range of encouragement and incentive for industry. For business entrepreneurs and for risk-takers, if they exist within the community and within society, the opportunity is there for them to provide further expansion, or new business, or industry based upon the provision of employment. If they are good enough, they can and will expect every support and encouragement from this Government.

We must set ourselves to the task of tackling, on a structured basis, the unemployment to which I devoted such a large part of my speech. We must ascertain how much of that unemployment is now structured and, that being so, examine fundamentally work patterns, the expectations of those within the workforce and ways of sharing the available amount of work with the maximum number of people. We must be prepared to approach all those tasks, not on a historically prejudiced basis but on the basis of what society and the future offer by way of challenge.

I do not believe, and have said in various contexts, that we should ever be afraid of the challenge of tomorrow. We have entered into what has become known as the information society. To many of us who perhaps have not been familiar in the world of education or in our previous careers with technology, it may sound daunting. To some, obviously it appears frightening. That should not be the case. In many respects, this country has achieved a fairly notable record in the area, for instance, of software technology. We should be identifying the challenge of technology, adapting our society to meet that challenge and to gain the maximum from it by participating in the provision of that technology for the remainder of the world.

There are, as I have said, a number of good indicators in that respect, as to how the country has reacted over the last number of years. I should like to compliment, particularly, the Industrial Development Association for their activities in endeavouring to promote Ireland as the Silicon Valley of Europe. We should all of us in society be prepared, realising that we have had, generally, a conservative and cautious approach to solutions to our problems, to accept that the world has changed more in the last hundred years than it has changed since time began.

The Minister has five minutes left.

I shall not take that time, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. The world is set to change more between now and the end of this century than it has changed in the last hundred years. That is the extent of the exciting challenge which faces us all, all the social partners, all the public representatives and society at large. We should be prepared to examine in a fundamental way what that change, that challenge, now represents for us — the changes in the workplace, the mobility of our workforce, their capacity to move from one job to another, their willingness to share the available amount of employment with their sons and daughters, or the sons and daughters of their neighbours. All those things need to be approached in a fundamental way and, in conjunction with that, we must examine how, in the social and other areas of Government, change and reform are needed to adapt our society to the challenge of tomorrow.

I outlined in my earlier contribution how we have already announced or are initiating structured plans for education, agriculture, industry, the public service and local government. The Government have set themselves two tasks: to correct the imbalance in the economy and to provide reform. We can be proud of the Government's record in both those areas in the 14 months in which they have been in power. We intend to devote the remainder of our period in Government to ensure that this country at the end of that period will be one of the best suited, best developed and best equipped to face the change and the existing challenge for the year 2000.

In speaking about the 1984 budget one must look at it in the context of how well the 1983 budget succeeded. I listened to the Minister saying how proud he was of the Government's achievements since they came to office 14 months ago. However, the Minister for Finance, in relation to 1983, said in his budget speech that consumption had declined, investment had fallen, unemployment had risen and growth had been stifled. The Central Bank issued a report on 18 January 1984 and they say that over the last year high rates of taxation created disincentives with adverse implications for growth and employment. There can be little doubt that this was the case in 1983. Moreover, efforts to compensate for the impact of tax increases on disposable income had the result that the competitiveness of the economy and the profitability of industry were less than they could otherwise have been. The report also stated that consumer spending declined as real personal disposable income fell. The volume of total investment fell sharply as public capital spending was cut back and private investment was reduced further in the face of a depressed economic climate.

I do not understand how a Government Minister can say he is proud of the achievements of his Government in 1983. The Minister for the Public Service said there were opportunities for employment in this year's budget. We must be talking about different budgets. We would all expect opportunities for employment as a result of the Government's programme and particularly as a result of their financial management of the economy. The Estimates for this year show an increase of 8 per cent, which will achieve little or no growth in 1984, with inflation projected at 9 per cent. Capital spending is set to fall by 6 per cent in 1984 on the figures announced by the Government and in 1983 capital spending fell by 18 per cent.

There was initially a cut-back of £250 million in capital spending on the previous year when Fianna Fáil were in office but, further to that, the Government did not spend £140 million of what they allocated for last year. While a capital spending fall of 6 per cent is expected this year, on the Government's own figures if they do not spend the money allocated that 6 per cent will be much higher. That massive reduction in capital spending will lead to further unemployment. Unemployment has been a feature here over the years but it is rising at a much more rapid rate as a result of the Government's policies. Indeed, the Taoiseach said last March that the policies of the Government were based on financial rectitude and were diametrically opposed to those necessary to create employment.

Our most pressing social and economic problem is to find jobs, especially for young people. Even if the Government are on a course of financial rectitude, one would have expected that they would have been able to show some results. Unfortunately, that is not the case and although we were promised that the deficit would be eliminated by 1987 I cannot see how that is possible. Unemployment among young people is particularly serious. We had the second highest percentage increase in unemployment of those under 25 in 1983, only Luxembourg had a higher percentage. There was an increase of 19.4 per cent in the number unemployed under 25, an increase from 54,000 in 1982 to 64,500 in December 1983. I am afraid that does not tell the whole picture because it does not take account of those who have short term employment on AnCO training courses and six months employment through the Youth Employment Agency. There is nothing in the budget which will help to create employment for young people. There are now almost a quarter of a million people unemployed and the philosophy of the Government last year and this year is to allocate more money for unemployment assistance, which in itself is an admission that they are not going to create the jobs about which the Minister for the Public Service spoke.

In the Estimates money was allocated to cater for another 30,000 unemployed this year, which is an admission by the Government that they expect unemployment to rise by that figure. There is no job in that for anyone. No matter what Government are in office, no Minister could take pride in their achievements when unemployment increased by 28,000. We would like to see something to stimulate economic recovery, to generate investment, to increase competitiveness or specific projects for the young.

We have to compare the record of this Government with the record of Fianna Fáil in Government from 1977 to 1981 when 80,000 new jobs were created. The Minister for the Public Service alluded to the fact that the vast majority of those jobs were in electronics. They are of great benefit to the nation because it is in the electronics business that we are generating our increased exports. The Minister commented on what the task force were doing. I welcome his relaxation of the rules in the public service whereby people who leave are replaced by others but, nevertheless, there is no evidence from the task force that they have done anything to create jobs or a climate for the creation of more jobs.

Like their economic policy the Government's social policy is a dismal failure. It is hard to understand the philosophy behind statements made by Members of the Government. For example, on 25 January in his Budget Statement the Minister for Finance said:

The Government came to office with a commitment to keep short-term social welfare benefits in line with increases in the take-home pay of workers and to maintain the living standards of other weekly welfare recipients. We have more than met this commitment.

The following day referring to the 12 per cent and 10 per cent increases given over a nine month period last year to social welfare recipients, the Minister for Health and Social Welfare said:

These increases were paid from the end of June 1983 and fulfilled the Government's commitment to social welfare recipients.

It speaks very badly for the Government's commitment to social welfare recipients when the Minister for Finance can tell the House they more than met their commitment and the following day the Minister for Health says the increases given in 1983 fulfilled the Government's commitment to social welfare recipients. That was not the social policy on which the Government came into office. They promised social welfare recipients that they would be better off under a Coalition Government.

The Leas-Cheann Comhairle and I know in our own constituencies and elsewhere that the poorer sections of the community are worse off now than they were since the war as a result of the fall in their standard of living due to increases in social welfare benefits and assistance which did not come anywhere near the increases necessary to keep them in line with the rising cost of living. The cost of their day to day needs increased dramatically over the past year. The new taxes and the new VAT on clothes in the current year will be a further burden on them.

We hear talk about increases of 12 per cent and 10 per cent last year over a period of nine months. What have the Government done for them this year? They have offered social welfare recipients a 7 per cent increase from July. In effect that is a 5¼ per cent increase in a full year. It was the practice that social welfare benefits and assistance were increased from 1 April, but last year the Government deviated from that practice and left social welfare recipients without an increase until the last days of June and the first days of July. The Government have admitted that the figure for inflation may be 9 per cent, and yet the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Health and Social Welfare are proud of their achievements and believe they have honoured their commitment to the poorer sections of the community.

The attitude of the people is at variance with the attitude of the Government. The people are not pleased. They believe it is essential that we should look after the weaker sections of the community. In all the areas of social policy in which this Government have legislated, the poorer sections of the community have been left worse off. If those who find themselves unemployed through no fault of their own are on unemployment assistance for longer than 18 months they will receive an extra 1 per cent from the beginning of July.

Lip service is paid to recipients but they are discriminated against by the Government. We need only look at the national free fuel scheme. In previous years the community welfare officer had discretion in regard to those who should receive free fuel. This year a special paragraph was inserted in the letter from the Department to the health boards excluding those on short-term social welfare benefits and assistance, and those on unemployment assistance, irrespective of how long they are on it, are considered short-term beneficiaries. They were left with no free fuel vouchers while others who might not have been as long on social welfare benefit received their fuel vouchers. That is one indication of the Government's approach to the needs of the poorer sections of the community.

In 1982 when Fianna Fáil were in office social welfare recipients received an increase of 25 per cent. This Government gave a 19 per cent increase to those on long-term benefit for nine months of the year and an increase of 18 per cent to those on short-term assistance, again for nine months only. That was over two years compared with a 25 per cent increase given by the Fianna Fáil Government in 1982.

In Private Members' Time we had a debate on the Government's attitude to smallholders. They are totally out of touch with realities at a time when farmers are finding it difficult to make ends meet, particularly those on very small holdings on the west coast. This year the Government intend to save £1 million on smallholders' unemployment assistance. The allocation has been reduced from £36 million last year to £35 million this year. There will be no 7 per cent increase in July for those on the notional system of assessment. This is an indication of the Government's attitude to the weaker sections, in this case the small farmers along the west coast. They are actually saving £1 million on the unemployment assistance which smallholders receive. It should be part of the social philosophy of any Irish Government to ensure that as many people as possible stay on the land. During the last 20 years 200,000 people have left the land. Instead of encouraging people to stay on their smallholdings they are penalising them and reducing the social welfare assistance that was available.

Children's allowances will be increased by 7 per cent, not from April or July, when other social welfare recipients will receive their increase, but from August. That 7 per cent represents less than 20p per week per child for each of the first five children. Anybody who understands the difficulties of rearing a family on a small income will realise that 20p per week will not go far, especially in a year when there will be an 8 per cent increase in the price of clothing due to the VAT imposition. When one applies the same principle to the children's allowance as one applies to other social welfare benefits, one sees that the increase will take effect for only eight months of the year, which means that it will amount to less than 14 pence per child per week over the full year. Last year there was no increase in the children's allowance and parents were not given a double payment in September to cover costs arising at the beginning of the school year. A double payment for their children was not given at Christmas to those on short-term assistance as had been done in the previous year.

It is difficult to understand the Government's attitude to social policy concerning children. During a debate in the latter part of last year the Tánaiste and the Taoiseach expressed views on the means testing or taxing of children's allowances. This shows a lack of sensitivity to what these allowances mean to families. This is the only income many women get directly into their own hands and over which they have control. For the Government, the Taoiseach or the Tánaiste even to think about means testing or taxing the children's allowance shows a lack of feelng as to what supplementary income is about.

We look forward to legislation giving equal treatment to women in regard to social welfare. They do not at present enjoy equal treatment. The Minister is obliged under EEC regulations to bring legislation before the House before the end of the year.

There have been many complaints from both employees and employers about high rates of taxation and PRSI. The CII made a submission to the Government asking for a reduction in the level of PRSI but the Government's response was to increase it by 0.5 per cent. They did so in spite of being aware that the level of PRSI contributions is causing serious problems for many industries, particularly labour-intensive industries such as the food and clothing industries. The ceiling for health contributions has been increased from £11,000 to £12,000. This is another form of taxation. The worker does not care whether this is a levy or an increase in PRSI. If money is deducted from his paypacket he recognises it as taxation imposed by the Government.

The maintenance of employment must have a high priority with the Government. Apart from the change in PRSI and the ceiling for health contributions; there are changes in pay-related benefit. The floor under which a worker cannot receive pay-related benefit has risen from £35 to £43 and there is a reduction in the maximum amount a worker can receive by way of pay-related benefit. This will create hardship for those who, through no fault of their own, find themselves unemployed. Similarly persons who become ill will find that the amount of disability and pay-related benefit will be considerably reduced.

Nowhere in the Government's social policy have we seen so much bungling as with the family income supplement. During his budget speech on 9 February 1983 the Minister for Finance stated:

The Government recognise that in some instances the narrowing income gap between those at work and those on benefit may reflect low rates of take-home pay, which rarely take account of a worker's family circumstances. As a result some workers with family dependants may be only marginally better-off working than on benefit; and those on benefit can have little incentive to take up relatively low-paid employment. The Government wish to alter this situation and to restore the incentive to work.

The Programme for Government fore-shadowed specific measures to supplement low take-home incomes. A number of possibilities were considered and the Government have decided that on balance the most appropriate way forward is to introduce a supplement for low-income families in the active labour force. Details of the scheme and how it will operate will be worked out as quickly as possible. In the meantime, I am allocating £5 million for this purpose in 1983. It is envisaged that about 20,000 families could benefit from this scheme.

That was the Government's commitment on 9 February 1983 and details of the family income scheme were to be worked out as quickly as possible. We know what happened. The Government met at Barrettstown last July and decided they would not implement the family income scheme until December. We did not hear anything about it in December. We were told at Question Time that it was before the Government for consideration. Nothing happened in 1983. On 25 January, 1984 the Minister for Finance in his budget speech stated:

I am glad, however, to be able to tell the House that the Family Income Supplement Scheme, with an annual cost of £13 million, will come into operation in November. The Minister for Social Welfare will announce full details of the scheme in due course.

I fail to understand how a Minister could stand up in the House and say that he was glad to tell the House that the family income supplement scheme would be introduced in November after it was promised in February, 1983 that the details would be worked out as soon as possible. In his contribution this year he stated that the Minister for Social Welfare would announce details in due course, not that the details would be worked out as soon as possible. The scheme is to cost £13 million annually. There was no indication in the budget speech how much would be spent on this scheme in 1984. It would have been very relevant to state this and we would have liked to hear it. Any Member of the House, no matter what side he is on, must have doubts, in view of what happened in 1983, that we will see the family income supplement scheme this year either.

The Commission on Social Welfare are sitting. While the Government, particulary the Labour Party, have given lip service over the years to the need for a major combat poverty programme — the Minister for Health's predecessor, Deputy Eileen Desmond, had a Bill ready to bring before the House when she was Minister — the Minister tells us that he is waiting for the Commission on Social Welfare to report. When he had good legislation before him which was passed only two years ago and money allocated for the National Community Development Agency last year the Government decided not to let that agency operate. Perhaps, as I said on previous occasions, if the agency was allowed to operate for one year, two years or three years the Minister might come in and say that he did not like the way it was operating and he could then say he was going to change the legislation, but he decided that he would not allow the agency to operate. Not alone that, but he will not bring legislation before the House to combat poverty until the Commission on Social Welfare give some indication of the type of legislation that should come before the House. This is again a delaying tactic.

I would like to refer to the whole question of service to the public. There are unacceptable delays in processing claims for unemployment assistance. The delays are not so great for unemployment benefit. When any person is applying for unemployment assistance for the first time there is a very long delay. I ask the Minister for Finance, the Minister for Social Welfare, or the Minister for the Public Service to state if the embargo on the creation of jobs in the public service is not having very serious consequences on the administration of social welfare, particularly assistance schemes, throughout the country? Does the filling of one in three vacancies apply to the Department of Social Welfare? We saw unemployment rise by 28,000 last year and the Government have told us that they expect the figure to increase by 30,000 this year, so it is essential that the Department of Social Welfare, particularly the officials on the ground, are able to deal with the problems. You cannot run any social welfare system if you have not sufficient staff to make sure that those in need get what they are entitiled to as quickly as possible. The effect of the Government's monetary policies will be seen to more effect in the Department of Social Welfare than any where else in the public service. The Minister for Health recognises the problems which will be created in 1984.

I would like to quote from the letter which the Department of Health sent to the health boards on 14 December, 1983. It stated:

I am directed by the Minister for Health to state that in order to contain public expenditure within levels compatible with the Government's economic strategy it has been necessary to restrict the resources provided for health and other public services in 1984.

With regard to the embargo to be applied in health services the letter states:

The Government have decided that, throughout 1984, the arrangements whereby two-thirds of all vacancies occurring in the civil service are held open will continue in force and that measures at least equivalent in effect in terms of the number of posts which must remain unfilled and their cost will be applied in health agencies.

The health services are to suffer as a result of this embargo. How can that embargo be applied in certain areas of the health services? If one takes the west coast and if three doctors leave the general medical service for any reason does it mean that only one will be replaced? If three surgeons employed in the hospital service leave does it mean that only one vacancy will be filled? A blanket embargo across the board is not the answer to the nation's problems. It is very difficult to see how you can implement such a policy in relation to health. If there are three nurses on night duty looking after elderly people in a residential care unit will only one be replaced if the three of them leave? If one leaves will nobody come to replace that person? The Minister and the Government should address themselves to these questions. While over the last few years the health boards have been encouraged by the Department and by successive Ministers to look at where they can practise economies in the administration of the health services I believe the time has come when all health boards have pruned their spending to the absolute minimum. They have looked at supplies, energy, transport, housekeeping and at this time there is no room for further cut-backs without causing a serious drop in the level of service.

It is to be hoped that there will be no drop in the quality of the care that those in need receive but a 4 per cent cut-back in the allocation to health boards this year will cause serious problems for people who need health services. There is no doubt about that and the Minister admits that in his letter, although he does not always admit it at Question Time in the House. Having pruned back in all the areas where you can cut back over the last few years it is obvious that from now any cut-backs will have serious consequences for people who find themselves ill both in hospital care and in community care. The CEOs have stated that it may be necessary to close hospital wards. It may be necessary to close wards for acute cases. It may be necessary not to take patients in on Friday and not to take them in until Monday morning. I recognise that in all probability emergencies will never be refused at any time. You cannot organise a health service on the basis of a 40-hour week. People do not become ill on a 40-hour week basis. That is something over which they have no control. Ambulance services are already pruned to a minimum, and hardship is being created for many people on low income in trying to get to hospital outpatient services and trying to get home because of the severe cutbacks in the available transport services.

Community care, the home help service, care of the elderly will be affected and if the hospital services, particularly residential care units in hospitals for the elderly, close then there would be a need for a greater investment in community care to ensure that these people are properly looked after. No allowance whatsoever is being made by the Minister or the Government for this situation. Yesterday at Question Time here the Minister told us that it is only February and that he has not heard of any serious cut-backs yet. Will he be able to come in here in November and tell us that he is satisfied that the minimum level of health service necessary for the people is being administered through the health boards?

Five students have been imprisoned as a result of the decision of the Minister and the Government to withdraw medical cards from students. Many decisions by this Government in the areas of health and social welfare were made in haste and if the Government had sat down and looked at the situation calmly and carefully very many of the decisions they made would not have been made. I must say in fairness to the Minister that in some areas where he recognised he had made a mistake he reversed his decision, and he has reversed many decisions since he came to office. In June last year he decided to close the county hospital in Monaghan and sell it. He changed to a decision to keep the medical and surgical units open and we are hoping that he will go the whole way now, change his mind and keep the maternity unit open also. He changed his mind about the appointment of an obstetrician to Dundalk Hospital. He told the health board that there would be only three maternity units in the North-Eastern Health Board area, in Cavan, Navan and Drogheda. When he saw the wisdom of having a obstetrician in Dundalk he changed his mind, and I recognised that he had the courage to make the right decision having made the wrong one originally. He changed his mind about the need for better guidelines for old age pensioners in determining their eligibility for medical cards. This time last year he withdrew medical card facilities altogether from old age pensioners. He saw that that was a wrong decision and this year he rectified it by increasing the amount of money that old age pensioners can receive and still be eligible for general medical services. He changed his mind about the double allowance for social welfare recipients at Christmas. He told us here in the autumn that he had not got the money, but again he recognised that that was a wrong decision by the Government, and so the social welfare recipients got the double allowance at Christmas. I ask the Minister at this stage, before this confrontation with the students gets totally out of hand, to recognise that he made a wrong decision in withdrawing medical cards from those between the ages of 16 and 25 and by considering people of 24 years of age as dependants of their parents, and to restore that facility to them or at least suspend the implementation of that decision until he can sit around and discuss it with those representing the interests of young people between 16 and 25 years of age and find some satisfactory solution.

The Minister wishes to save £2.5 million by withdrawing these medical cards. I do not think that anybody except himself would accept that it would be possible to save £2.5 million. Even if he allows that the healthiest section of the community, the students between 16 and 25, do not use the service very much — 90 per cent of them never use the service — it is important that they have medical cards, particularly those students living away from home, so that if they become ill away from home with no money in their pockets they will be able to avail of a medical service. In answer to a question here this week the Minister said that it would cost £50,000 to administer the removal of medical cards from those between 16 and 25 years of age. How much will it cost to investigate new claims in travelling, postage and telephone calls, all this added to the fact that these are the healthiest section of the community and use the general medical services less than anybody else does? This must be an indication that at the end of the year there will not be any great saving to the Minister but his decision may well put at risk the health of some of those young people. Certainly it will have the effect of their using the expensive location of a hospital for their medical treatment rather than the family doctor.

In the Private Members' Motion here recently the Minister blamed the students for agitating and this week in the Dáil he said it was the doctors who were agitating to have medical cards returned to the students. I do not know whether he believes that or not. If he believes it he is out of touch with the real situation because students recognise the problems this creates for them. Certainly, the doctors are not agitating because, as the Minister should recognise, the fee for a doctor under the GMS is much less than a doctor receives from a private patient.

If the Minister is concerned about the students and if he views children up to 25 years of age with no income of their own as dependants of their parents, why did he not extend the children's allowance to the age of 25? That would show that the Government had some feeling for students and those between the ages of 16 and 25.

I welcome the decision of the Minister to amend the Act dealing with the misuse of drugs, but I will have to wait until the Bill is circulated before making a detailed comment on its provisions. I should like to ask the Minister why the allocation to the Health Education Bureau has not been increased. The Fianna Fáil Government in 1982, and the Minister for Health, Deputy Michael Woods, allocated £250,000 extra under the heading of misuse of drugs. A very successful programme was organised and implemented by the bureau. I am surprised the Minister did not make a similar special allocation.

The threshold for drugs refund has been increased to £28. Indeed, in the last 18 months it was increased from £12 to £28. That will create a lot of hardship for many people who are just above the guidelines for medical cards. There are many people who will find £7 per week for drugs excessive. It will create hardship for them. There is the risk that many of them will not buy the drugs prescribed and will run themselves into further ill health thereby becoming a burden on the State.

The whole philosophy in the Minister's approach is contrary to all modern thinking on the administration of health care. In fact, rather than approaching the problem in a constructive way the Minister is tinkering with the existing health care system, increasing the threshold for drugs refund, withdrawing medical cards from students and old age pensioners and giving them back to them some time later. That is not how the Minister should approach the problem of health care, particularly the problem of paying for that service. We all recognise that there must be some control on the rapidly escalating costs of health care in the years ahead. Surely the answer lies in the promotion of good health and prevention of illness initially and in the transfer from hospital to community care. There should be a strengthening of the community care services and a transfer of the resources from hospital care to that sector. The budget does not give any positive evidence that the Minister is thinking along those lines. We were promised a Green Paper a long time ago on the health services and, perhaps, that may contain some suggestions on the prevention of disease and the promotion of good health. The need for that has been recognised by the EEC since 1982. In the course of the EEC document, 82/716 the following was stated:

Finally, more attention needs to be given to the possible ways and means of reducing the social costs of economic activity (pollution, accidents, etc.) which in the end are paid for by the social protection system in one way or another (sickness, premature disability, accidents at work). This would require a wide range of action over a number of policy fields and demand a major effort of co-ordination within national administrations.

There is no evidence that the Government recognise that health depends on political action. The medical profession cure illnesses and have a role to play in prevention, but political action determines to a large extent the health of the nation. I cannot see any support for the promotion of health or the prevention of disease in anything the Government have done to date. They are tinkering with the existing system. If one takes the entire range of Government activity such as improvement in housing one will see that there have been many cutbacks. With regard to sanitary services local authorities have been obliged to raise massive sums of money this year although in previous years they were given an allocation from central Government to take account of the rates they would have collected. This year they are being given 0.8 per cent at a time when inflation is expected to reach 9 per cent. The Health Education Bureau are involved in dealing with pollution, the wearing of seat belts, cigarette smoking, eating and drinking habits and the prevention of coronary artery disease but they did not get any increase to deal with those matters in two years from the Government. The answer must lie in the fact that they are anticipating illness rather than dealing with the crisis when it arises. The Government could encourage the public to make better use of the existing services but their actions to date, particularly in regard to the medical cards for students, are destined to create greater pressure on the hospital services, the most expensive location for the delivery of health care, to quote the Minister's own words. The Government should be looking to that area instead of taking the decisions they reached in the last 12 months.

I should like to refer to the effect on Border areas of the Government's financial policy as outlined in the budget. As the Ceann Comhairle will be aware, last year when the price of petrol here was increased by 35p per gallon as a direct result of Government action many people crossed the Border to buy their supplies and when on the other side they purchased groceries. That became so popular that people living further away from Border counties believed they were missing out on something with the result that bus loads of people left Dublin and other centres for towns such as Newry to do their shopping. I am not convinced that one will get a great bargain by travelling on a bus from Dublin to Newry to do shopping other than a day out. If one compares prices and the relative value of the púnt and the pound sterling, I do not believe there is any great saving. The policy of the Government is such that many people living in Border counties are forced to cross the Border for petrol supplies. This year the Minister has increased the price of petrol by a further 6p per gallon making it even more attractive for people to cross the Border. Traders from Louth to Donegal estimate that the State lost £150 million as a result of Government decisions. There should be a Minister from a Border county in the Cabinet and this is the first time in the history of the State that this has not happened. I believe that had the Ceann Comhairle been a member of the Cabinet he would have alerted the Government to the serious position in our constituency and other Border areas.

This week the Social and Economic Committee of the EEC published a report which if implemented would mean an investment of £125 million on both sides of the Border. The Government should give serious consideration to that report because Border counties on both sides are depressed economically as a result of Partition. It is essential, when the goodwill of the European Community exists and when they are prepared to invest money, that the Government avail of every opportunity to get all the labour-intensive schemes possible.

I would like to deal exclusively with the small business sector of the economy. I do this because we have two main problems: the first is unemployment and the second is our total level of indebtedness both in the public and private sector. The only solution to those problems is investment, because we will not create jobs unless there is investment. The most ready and viable vehicle to create jobs through investment is the small business sector of the economy. We can pay our debts and solve our problem of indebtedness only by increasing output. The best return on investment and the best way to achieve greater output is in the small business sector.

I am Chairman of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Small Businesses, and we hope to produce four reports this year dealing with all the different sectors and types of small businesses — manufacturing, retail and distribution, construction and catering. We want to increase the public's awareness of the importance of the role of small businesses in our economy. There are many kinds of businesses — retail outlets, butchers, publicans, garage proprietors and so on. There are 6,000 retailers and 5,000 small manufacturing firms in Ireland. This represents 90 per cent of the total number of manufacturing firms, 40 per cent of the total in manufacturing employment and 25 per cent of industrial exports. In times of recession small businesses are not only the most resilient and endurable, but they are better retainers of sustainable employment than larger type industries. I hope in this contribution to reflect the needs and the problems of the small business sector, and to highlight what has been done in this budget and what should be done in future budgets to ameliorate their problems.

The small business sector cannot thrive without the right economic environment and conditions for growth. By that I mean inflation and interest rates at reasonable levels and the cost of the central services, such as electricity, telecommunications, transport and so on at reasonable levels. There has been some improvement in this area in 1983 because inflation has dropped from 17 per cent to 11 per cent this year, with a projected 8 per cent for 1984, and a 4½ per cent drop in interest rates. This shows we are moving in the right direction.

However, the real achievement of this budget is that while maintaining Government progress on the narrow path of fiscal rectitude in relation to the limits we have, given that 37p in every pound of taxation we take in goes to repay debts, we have maintained a delicate balance, so that for the first time in six years this budget adds less to the consumer price index — less than 1 per cent — than any of the last six budgets and, as a proportion of tax increases on a percentage basis, the tax increase was lower. While adhering to the restrictions of a fiscal nature the Government have done nothing that will alter the economic environment within which businesses must grow and operate. They have done nothing to increase costs or taxation to a level where it would be a new burden on these businesses. In relation to the overall question of competitiveness, the Government will in my opinion achieve their objective.

With inflation at 8 per cent it is still very much a relative business, because the projected average inflation rate for the EEC for 1984 is 5 per cent. We are still 3 per cent out of line and, as a proportion of the 5 per cent, we are seriously out of line. While the budget is only one instrument of the Government's economic influence, we hope to see later this year the White Paper on Public Service Reform and the White Paper on Industrial Policy. All these are important, but there is no doubt that vast areas of competitiveness are outside the Government's direct control.

I am thinking principally of pay policy. This is crucial to our competitiveness. The Minister for the Public Service today gave comparisons with Germany, the United Kingdom and Holland and said what they were doing about pay increases. Now that we no longer have national pay agreements or national understandings it is very important that the Government clearly articulate firm guidelines on pay and take specific action in certain areas. It must be acknowledged that national pay agreements and national understandings more than anything else destroy small businesses, because the larger businesses, the public sector and the Government as employers can afford to pay certain increases. When these increases were passed down the line they were unsustainable, and this forced many small businesses to close. The Government must be sensitive to the fact that small businesses cannot afford to pay these increases. Trade union representatives go to the stronger and wealthier firms in an area, extract an 8 per cent or 5 per cent increase from them and then demand parity from the small businesses.

The Government must ensure that everyone realises that society has a straightforward choice between trading incomes or jobs. The more we want in terms of higher incomes and higher standards of living the more we will pay for it in terms of employment. Conversely, the more sacrifices we make in terms of incomes, pay increases and standard of living, the greater the potential for employment creation. The Government must instill this into the minds of our people. There must be a realisation that given the present levels of unemployment, income increases will have to be minimal.

I acknowledge that there has been moderation on the part of the trade unions but only in an Irish context, because in the international context there has not been any moderation. I accept that for every £2.40 increase in gross pay, only £1 trickles through to the employee. This is the real reason why employees and their trade union representatives are seeking vast increases. At the end of the day the employee sees only a small proportion of his net increase. The Government must ensure that negotiations for future pay increases will take place on the basis of inbuilt tax reliefs. That is on the carrot side, but on the stick side the Government must clearly lay down, through the National Prices Commission, that price increases will not be granted if any pay increases are excessive or above a certain level. As of now the Government should make it quite clear that any company that grants pay increases over and above the Government guidelines at a specific level — to which I shall come later — will simply not be allowed pro rata resultant increases in the price of their products. The company and employees will then realise that, if they want to remain in business, they must conform to those pay guidelines.

In recent years in relation to pay — and this happened especially last year — the base level for pay increases was that of the social welfare increases. In the lower paid category people tended to say: Well, my next door neighbour, a married man with three children, received X per cent increase in social welfare; I must get the same. This is an extremely erroneous argument. Any arguments about social policy being fair and well distributed are negatived totally if they are to have a "knock-on" effect on the lower-paid worker and then onto the middle and higher income brackets because everybody moves one step ahead. Therefore, with the 7 per cent or 8 per cent increase in social welfare this year the Government must insist — and they have in terms of what they have done for lower paid workers — that there is no "knock-on" effect throughout pay negotiations. I would hope that the £13 million for the low income supplement scheme — in which I do not have much confidence — is a recognition of low paid workers' problems; the abolition of the levy for workers earning under £96 a week, the abolition of the 25 per cent tax band which exempts 15,000 taxpayers — that all of those measures will ensure that the low paid worker is not at a loss if social welfare is increased by 7 per cent. Therefore there is not the need immediately to start talking about pay increases, on the basis of the 7 per cent social welfare increase.

By virtue of the fact that they are the largest employers the Government have a role to play. It should be remembered that, in comparison with the private sector, last year public sector pay increases grew at a lesser rate, and that the public purse employs 310,000 people. Therefore, every 1 per cent increase in pay costs in the region of £30 million. That expenditure must be found somewhere, and generally it must be paid for through extra taxation. The Government, as the largest employer, must stand firmly on their lack of provision of any pay increase once the current PSPA agreement expires, it must be made abundantly clear that there will be no pay increase for the rest of 1984. Quite simply that is because, firstly, it would mean that tax levels would have to be increased to pay for any such increase and, secondly, because it would mean that the private sector, the exposed productive sector which has to compete, would have to bear the same increase. In connection with my work on the Joint Committee on Small Businesses, businessmen whose agents are selling their products in, say, Holland, Denmark or wherever — if the Irish businessman says he must up his prices 13½ per cent — do not understand it, particularly with inflation rates in their countries running at 3 per cent. Therefore, if that is what the market requires, that is what it gets. The reality is that we must firmly pin down pay policy to market realities.

In relation to what happened last year in the food sector, when co-operatives were blackmailed into granting pay increases, when then every other sector went to the Labour Court seeking parity — on the basis that milk would be poured down the drain — the Government should ensure that discussions with the social partners take place in such a way as to ensure that the Government lay down a clear guideline. I might suggest that the figure should be 5 per cent for 16 months. I might suggest also that the National Prices Commission would be involved in its enforcement, so that if anybody went above that figure, they would not get any price increase on their products. I would request the Government to work out a package deal with the FUE and unions so that as much as possible of that 5 per cent increase be linked to workers' net pay packets. The Government, as the largest employer, should take a lead, arriving at an early settlement ensuring that there is a pay pause for the remainder of 1984 and 5 per cent for the remaining 12 months. That should be made abundantly clear, because the survival of many people in small businesses is dependent on such pay settlements.

I should like to turn now to the subject of taxation. There is no doubt that we have the highest rates of taxation in Europe with it representing 36 per cent of our GDP. There are intolerable levels of taxation obtaining which we see manifesting themselves in many ways. For example, there is a total disincentive to effort, investment and employment creation. With regard to disincentive to investment, the risk-taker here, the man who is prepared to sink his money where his mouth is, has a 67 per cent rate of tax imposed on that risk-taking, 65 per cent tax on dividends and 40 per cent on capital returns. Therefore, there is no encouragement to anybody in this country to take such risks. In relation to employment there is a total disincentive also when £20 out of £100 paid by an employer is devoted to PRSI contributions. There is also a disincentive when it comes to working capital through VAT and advance Corporation Tax. All of these have the cumulative effect of ensuring that taxation levels which are intolerable act as a blunt instrument in ensuring disincentive to progress. I would brush aside the lame request of Fianna Fáil to have plans, medium or long-term plans, plans like The Way Forward; plans are plans only and will not solve problems. The Government's single, greatest priority between the years 1983 and 1987 is to reduce tax levels from 36 per cent of GDP to 30 per cent. That is the plan — roll back the burdens of taxation, roll back the bureaucracy and the State's involvement in business and the private sector. That is the way we must progress. That plan, in itself, will generate confidence and employment.

In relation to small businesses I have a ten point package of proposals to put forward today that are very cost-effective. As a result of my work on the Joint Committee on Small Businesses I have put a lot of work into these and hope they will be given serious consideration. The first point is that in America they have a jobs tax credit scheme, that is if an employer takes on an extra employee, he can receive a tax credit of 1,800 dollars in the first year, that is against whatever bill one likes to choose, whether it be one's PRSI, PAYE, Corporation Tax or VAT and, in year two, one will receive a 900 dollar credit. At this Joint Committee on Small Businesses we have everybody screaming at us about every type of tax. In return we must ask employers that there be an employment-related content tax relief. That would be the most progressive way of doing it, bring in an extra budget some time this year to cover a jobs tax credit scheme under which people would get a write-off for every extra employee they took on, retaining them for, say, a minimum of two or three years. Rather than tinkering with the taxation system piece-meal that would be the most effective way of ensuring the creation of extra employment.

The second point of my ten-point package to help small businesses and alleviate unemployment deals with PRSI. With PRSI rates in excess of 20 per cent, we must have once-off PRSI rebates for extra employees taken on. This should not be given on an employer's increased PRSI contributions, but be a subsidy to overcome the problem of those who, as soon as they take on an extra employee must pay £11.50 as their PRSI contribution. People with no problems with orders or sales have told me that they would take on 30 or 40 more employees in the morning but for PRSI. With the penal rate of PRSI and all the red tape involved in the unfair dismissals legislation, they would rather keep their overheads lower, use their capital more effectively and get a greater rate of return.

VAT poses particular problems for small businesses, as opposed to large businesses which can take on an accountant and get a tax write-off on his salary. The amount of unpaid tax work falling to small businessmen is incredible. We have moved on from the ratio of every job created in the productive sector creating one job in the spin-off sector to the ludicrous position where every extra job created in the Revenue Commissioners' office creates ten jobs in the private sector to keep pace with the red tape. We must introduce an administrative VAT allowance to give credit for the unpaid paper work on tax done by employers. They all have one or two girls working in the office full-time filling out VAT and PRSI returns and all other types of company returns to one Department or another. An allowance of £500 used to apply in the days of the turnover tax, giving recognition for this unpaid work and this allowance should be reintroduced for all registered companies or businessmen. This unpaid work is very costly and must be paid out of the employer's own pocket. Leaving aside the level of tax which they pay, the volume of work which must be sorted out must be compensated for. It must also be said that the reception which they get from the local tax inspector is not always the most courteous and helpful. He puts them through every possible hoop.

Point four of my ten-point package relates to VAT at point of entry. It is unrealistic to ask for its abolition because that would cost £140 million, but there are a number of aspects which could be changed with little or no cost and which would be of major benefit to the small business sector of the economy. First of all, the guarantee aspect of VAT payments should be removed. Prior to paying VAT at the point of entry, on a certain date every two months one made VAT payments on returns. Now, to guarantee VAT payments at point of entry one has to have bank overdraft accommodation for the full two-month period. Under these circumstances, one company in Bray give the State Revenue Commissioners an £8,000 on-going interest-free loan. That places an enormous strain on the overdraft accommodation of businesses. A first warning system could be introduced under which people not paying their cheques when due would from then on have to provide a guarantee. Companies with large VAT payments on point of entry find it difficult to operate the working capital requirements laid down by the VAT regulations.

There should be a central office for the lodgment of bank drafts for VAT payments at point of entry. Commodities could be coming in through Rosslare, Waterford, Dun Laoghaire or any other port and there should be a central office instead of having to go to the different custom points. That facility would cost nothing.

Point five of my ten-point package would ask the Government to introduce in all sectors a £10 per week relief against corporation tax for every new employee taken on. This system applies at present to the manufacturing industry. That relief would come to £520 per year and should be applicable to all sectors. While we recognise that agriculture, the manufacturing industry and tourism are the most important as regards wealth creation, there is no doubt that EEC and OECD States and the United States look to the service sector for employment creation. The United States over the last decade have had 2 per cent per annum growth in employment in the service sector and we must examine the giving of concessions to that sector because they are the people who give employment, whatever about wealth creation.

On point six of my ten-point package my thunder has been stolen by the Government announcement last Friday. It is in relation to the Enterprise Allowance Scheme, which is a most welcome scheme, indeed. The original projection of a pilot scheme for 500 applicants was totally inadequate, because far more could usefully avail of it. People are in a catch 22 situation. If they are on unemployment assistance and wish to work they can only do so by breaking the law. When they inform the Department of Social Welfare that they are working, say, three days a week at a particular job, their unemployment assistance is cut off. They cannot work solely on that business because it would not generate enough money for them to live on. There is now a half way house situation in that the Enterprise Allowance Scheme fills the gap. This scheme should be extended in such a way as not to put an existing worker out of work, by placing someone in competition with him. That would be self-defeating. New businesses must be created, especially along the lines of the American practice through the small business administration. They had competitions there, taking, for example, a simple instrument like a blood pressure tester. The competition aims at bringing forward a product and on phase two they grant-aid the successful product. The Enterprise Allowance Scheme should aim, through competition, at getting the right people working in this area. I am glad that the scheme has been widened to cover 4,500 to 5,000 applicants. I hope that any teething problems as regards restrictions will be removed and that the scheme will benefit people who are unemployed at present but have an enormous capacity for gainful self-employment.

Point seven of my package would ask the Government to greatly establish and extend State guaranteed loans for small businesses. Many banks need too much of a guarantee before they will advance a loan to a businessman starting up, especially without a track record. Instead of venture capital, we have vulture capital. The Government must be aware of this need. The IDA capital grants should be revamped in relation to manufacturing industry and instead of just providing 45 per cent grant aid, we would go one step further and give 30 per cent grant aid with a 50 per cent State guarantee on the loan required. Grant approval is no use unless one has the working capital to operate a business. Therefore, what applies now in relation to the enterprise development scheme could be extended not only to all grant-aiding policies of the IDA but in areas where people are building hotels or garages or who are in the wholesale industry and receive nothing but abuse from the State. In those areas I suggest that we give 25 per cent State loans and guarantees. In doing this we would help to avoid what is happening in other countries. We must avoid the banks using State guarantees for loans they would give anyway. This has happened under the enterprise development scheme because in respect of loans that would be given anyway, the banks are using IDA guarantees to ensure that the payments are made. What I am suggesting is that the State guarantee loans scheme be extended so that in cases in which people cannot obtain the loans they require by way of some such structure as Fóir Teoranta or the ICC, they will be given State loans.

Point 8 of my ten-point package for small business relates to the business expansion scheme. This scheme was announced by the Minister in the budget and while it is welcome, there are aspects of it that I should like the Minister to take cognisance of in drafting the Finance Bill. This scheme works on the basis that if one is an ordinary income earner, earning £10,000 per year and is taxed at 65p in the £, one would have only £3,500 out of the £10,000 to invest, whereas under the scheme I have in mind one could invest the money in manufacturing industry either by way of direct investment or of approved investment funds and one would have the full £10,000 with full personal tax relief on that. In other words, capital return on the dividend would be taxed in the normal way.

In relation to the small print of this, I urge that certain points be taken note of when the Finance Bill is being drafted: first, that the amount concerned would be available per annum and would be between £25,000 and £40,000. Therefore, if one availed of the scheme this year one could avail of it again next year and in subsequent years. The second point is that the scheme should be available only to non-quoted companies. Public companies or companies quoted on the Stock Exchange have rights already in terms of access to money. They do not have risk capital problems. There are available to them other avenues for raising finance.

The first point, then, is that the scheme should be restricted to non-quoted companies and the second point is that it be on the basis of the issue of new ordinary shares which would not hold any preferential status. This would strengthen the share capital or the equity base of the company and would do so in a way as not to be on the basis of ordinary issues of any of the shares but on the basis of the new shares having no preferential rights. It would ensure that the investment made with this tax incentive-led type of investment would be restricted to purely risk capital because if the company were to go to the wall they would have no preferential rights. I consider this to be the way to proceed. I should hope that this scheme would have the widest possible application of companies and that companies could avail of the investment scheme by way of being approved by the Revenue Commissioners. This would have the dual benefit of ensuring that risk capital would be available to companies, especially small indigenous manufacturing companies, risk capital that often is not provided by the associated banks simply because it is a risk that these banks are unprepared to take. As I said earlier, according to a number of businessmen who have been speaking at the committee, venture capital in effect is not venture capital but vulture capital. We must realise that existing schemes are inadequate. Therefore, risk capital will meet one aspect of the dual benefit of the scheme and the other is the provision of an attractive business opportunity for many people who at present are investing in gilts and secure investments which are not in the best interest of the economy generally and certainly not in the best interest of the productive aspect of the economy.

The ninth point of my package relates to management. In our studies in the Oireachtas Committee there is no doubt but that there is enormous disparity between successful companies and struggling companies and that the difference invariably relates to good management. Good management is the means of dealing with bad debts.

We must develop the question of the whole concept of the hands-on, hands-off approach, the total company approach, to business. Instead of macro involvement, instead of schemes being available, that someone's head would be on the block in a State agency if the company concerned were to sink. We must develop a total company approach so that we are not seen to be simply throwing money at the problem but getting at the root of it and that might be, as happens often, a small business having a very tight management structure in the sense that the one person acts as the financial controller, as the production manager, as the general manager, as the managing director, as the chairman and also the owner of the company. This leads often to a situation where that person is the problem. He may not realise it or if he realises it, he may not be prepared to admit it. Therefore, I would hope that the IPC and the IDA approach in relation to hands-on, hands-off companies could be amalgamated across the totality of State agencies so that all State agencies could target their work through a field officer who would be specifically related to the company concerned. This is an area that needs special attention but the IPC, AnCO and the IMI are all shooting in the dark on this. A much more integrated approach is needed.

My final point in relation to small businesses relates to a State procurement policy. Undoubtedly there are many companies that could expand and could wholly derive a livelihood if there was a State procurement policy in terms of purchase by health boards, local authorities, State Departments and semi-State bodies being attuned to the needs of these companies and that the opposite also would be the case.

I am hoping that the Government will set up informally and discreetly a new committee in conjunction with the Irish Goods Council, small business representatives and the Government's contracts committee to provide data and advice to companies as to how they might put themselves into a position of being able to avail of future State contracts, to advise on tendering, to simplify it and to ensure that everything being equal, that so far as State procurement is concerned, the indigenous company will be given preference. I have a particular example in my home town of Enniscorthy where Daltons Supply Ltd. who are the sole Irish manufacturers of animal eartags have yet to be given any business by the Department of Agriculture. The company have done everything they can do. They adhere to the highest standards and all the materials are being brought in from Germany. The company have sales with every other Department of Agriculture in the EEC. I am not saying that there is anything corrupt or malicious in the situation vis-à-vis our Department of Agriculture but it is puzzling to find that in many areas in which there can be business to the extent of up to £7,000 million by way of import substitution, let it be by way of State procurement or otherwise, it is being missed. It is big business.

We will have to get our act together. By the establishment of such a committee encompassing the Irish Goods Council, the representatives of small businesses and the contracts committee of the Government, we could advise on State procurement policies and how to get small businesses in a position where they could avail of future tenders. In addition, we could lobby larger multinational industries in the matter of a greater link between small businesses. All of that could be geared toward future contracts so that if new products are required we would be in a position to carry out research on them.

Tax incentives for creation of jobs are most important. It is the best way for the Government to get value for money in relation to employment creation. The changes in VAT, the guarantee scheme, the £10 relief for new employees, the State guarantee with regard to loans and the business expansion scheme are better than any plan, any way forward or any employment task force. They are specific decisions to which people can relate. People can see that there is a level of concern and thought about the matter. What is proposed is realistic and down-to-earth. I hope the points I have made will be considered seriously by the Government.

Agriculture will not solve our unemployment problem. Some 18.3 per cent of our population is directly involved in agriculture, and that is three times higher than the European average. In relation to exports, the exploitation of our national resources and in terms of our GDP and GNP agriculture is a wealth creator and is vital if we are to repay our debts. It deserves more serious consideration. I am frightened and depressed about the state of agriculture. Do people realise the number of farms in County Wexford alone that are nearly in receivership and are about to be closed? Do they know the number of farms that have to be sold? On the national scale farmers owe £1,500 million in respect of their agricultural borrowings. With regard to the EEC, all the Government can do is limit the damage. We have only to look at the price proposals and the changes with regard to skimmed milk powder. There is also the subsidy of 17p in respect of butter which will be abolished. All of this has frightening implications for agriculture, and since such a large proportion of our economy and our employment rate depends on agriculture something must be done.

I welcome the retention of the subsidy on lime and AI, the extension of the stamp duty concession and the £100,000 for the potato co-operative which I hope will be the forerunner of similar organisations dealing with strawberries and horticulture generally where import levels are so high. In relation to the 90,000 farmers who have not had a taxable income up to now, the Minister for Finance has said that the situation will be changed in respect of gross and net income. At the moment farmers cannot obtain relief on capital allowances. The Minister promised that net income would be considered for 1984, and I should like to hear something about this matter as there was no mention of it in the budget.

Regarding the differences existing between the ICMSA and the IFA in relation to the best form of taxation, one thing should be done in the Finance Bill which would solve the problem. It relates to section 26 of the 1980 Finance Act. In that section there was a 30 per cent restriction on capital allowances to farmers in terms of tax relief for investment on machinery and farm buildings. This is totally iniquitous, unrealistic and unsustainable. In manufacturing industry there is full depreciation on an equivalent purchase. If a wholesaler or distributor buys a forklift truck he can get full depreciation. Why does this not apply to agriculture? I understand that to delete the clause would cost £2 million. With 23 per cent VAT on agricultural machinery, I suggest the £2 million loss would be more than offset by the VAT returns that would be generated in the short-term. In 1977 and 1978 tractor sales were in excess of 7,500 and the number dropped to 2,000 in 1983. If that were to apply to all agricultural machinery, how long could agricultural machinery run on spare parts? We must ensure that this capital allowance restriction is changed. Given the wealth-creation aspect of agriculture and the political difficulties between the various agricultural groups, it would be a worthwhile way of proceeding. I ask the Minister and the Government to act on this immediately.

I understand that a national plan for agriculture is before the Cabinet and I hope it is given favourable consideration. I hope that the whole matter of AIB loans will also be considered and VAT refunds to agriculture increased from 2 per cent to 3½ per cent in the long-term. That would generate confidence and it would release £35 million to £40 million to the agricultural sector. There should be a recognition in this House that agriculture is tottering on the brink of total and utter disaster. The industry is going through a greater state of depression than is realised. The matter must be taken seriously.

I take the point that the construction industry is a barometer of economic activity generally. Private investment in the industry dropped by 12 per cent in 1982 and 15 per cent in 1983, causing job losses in the region of 70,000 to 80,000 and I realise the industry is in the depths of a severe crisis. In 1983, 13 per cent of all closures were related in some way to the construction industry. It is valid for the Government to say that out of every £4, and one can say out of every four jobs in the industry, the Government are paying £3 or three of the jobs. It is not bad that 75 per cent of construction industry activity is paid for by the Government. However, there are ways in which the Government can make small cost-effective changes that would not be exorbitant and which would help the industry in creating employment. I welcome the change with regard to the 5 per cent VAT on concrete and the abolition of the claw-back on stock relief for builders' providers and builders generally. They have reduced stock and have been affected by this clawback. I am glad to see it will be abolished. I am also glad that there are extra allocations to the Housing Finance Agency, to the SDA loans scheme and the other measures proposed. There is an area here where privatisation could have a role. If I had time I could spend four hours talking on privatisation, because I believe it is the only way forward for health services, school transport and so on.

In regard to the construction industry, a joint venture between builders and the State should be arranged, particularly in relation to local authority housing. If a person is building 42 houses and gets a builder to do it he would do it much cheaper than the £44,000 per house the NBA can do under the present tendering scheme. Some form of joint venture system will have to be worked out for local authority housing. Such a system would help particularly in the provision of sewage treatment plants. In this area planning permissions are being refused on the ground that adequate sewerage facilities have not been provided. If private builders could be allowed to provide sewage treatment plants it would mean that more private development could take place, we would be saving money under the differential rents system and the net gain would be a cash one to the Exchequer and more houses built.

Like housing, you will get nobody to pay for and everybody to use the roads. The Roads Finance Agency must be given serious consideration. There has been a complex argument about the Government being able to pay money through certain cheap loans they can raise abroad rather than through the agency. In regard to Government investment generally, we have gilts, bonds and so on, including stocks. The rate of return is far greater when inflation is dropping, and therefore the Government must have investment opportunities in the private sector when inflation is rife. The Housing Finance Agency and the Roads Finance Agency should be considered in this respect, because as the rates of return are index linked it will be seen clearly that when inflation goes up and the rates of return on gilts go down, or are less effective in real terms, the Government would be able to retain a proportion of the available private sector investment resources. They then could have one type of investment opportunity through gilts when inflation comes down, and through the other agencies when inflation goes up. In relation to Government cash flow and the enormous amount of money being spent on roads, it would be sensible to do as I have suggested.

You could not have indexing and do it.

We could, but we do not. On building, there is an anomaly in the differential between stamp duty rates on the purchase of second hand houses and the VAT rates on building generally. It is for the Government to determine the effects of a correction on the economy, but I suggest that the two things be equated.

I will speak on tourism and catering for a moment. In 1983 receipts from tourism and catering amounted to £750 million, of which £540 million was foreign earned. There must be a national policy to differentiate between self-catering type holidays, B & B, hotels and what the market generally wants. Particular tax levels must be applied because there is an element of the black economy here: B & B can totally undercut hotels, and half the problem of hoteliers is not so much the Government but competitors. The whole area will have to be rationalised in terms of national policy. Tourism is a wealth creator, and I suggest that EIB loans will have to be given to the tourist industry. I hope a national policy can be formulated. I referred earlier to seasonal employment and PRSI rebates, and I repeat that this should be taken up on a cost effective basis.

Promotion is the best way to invest money in tourism, not to subsidise one hotelier to put another out of business. We must put as much money as possible into selling Ireland, to get as many people as possible into our airports and seaports, and thus generate more earnings.

I have no doubt that something is radically wrong in our retail and distribution area. As much as 56 per cent of the total of £6 billion worth of business is controlled by six multiple stores. Two of them have 36 per cent control of the market and are foreign owned. This has obvious implications in regard to the creation of a monopoly. Local shopkeepers have an important role to play in provincial towns, and if the purchasing power of multiple stores is no longer indigenously controlled, God help the Irish manufacturing industry.

I sincerely hope that the Government will introduce the controlling legislation which has been on the table for many years. Specific commitments were given two years ago, and I hope that legislation will impose controls, through licensing and planning permissions, on new big stores that may try to come in and devastate independent grocers, of whom only 6,000 are left from the 12,000 that were there in 1977. Statistics speak for themselves in this respect.

I hope the legislation will not only update licensing and control of planning permissions but will ban low-cost selling, price offsetting whereby some will charge more for their drapery and less for their food products so that they can screw competition, or price manipulation whereby multiple stores charge more in Sligo and less in Dublin, or wherever competition is hot. All of this, without controls, means the small businessman will become an extinct species. It has been appreciated in other states that it is not in the interests of indigenous manufacturing industry or housewives or the domestic economy generally that independent wholesalers and retailers, ordinary shopkeepers, should be screwed out of existence.

Still on the wholesale and distribution subject, I would hope that 100 per cent depreciation will be given on new buildings and that stock relief will be allowed. In times of increasing inflation, retailers and distributors are prohibited from increasing their stock, which means that prices cannot be kept at a lower level. I hope this will be given serious consideration.

Because of time restriction I have had to ignore totally many subjects that concern me, such as current budget deficit, total State borrowing, domestic and foreign. I am not happy about the soft options that are being taken. I had meant to refer to PAYE reform, County Wexford's needs, the regional technical college there, Rosslare port and so on.

My reason for having spent so much time on small business is because our biggest problem is unemployment. There has been much lip service to unemployment but we need to transfer our concern to practical action that will help small businesses. They will grow and prosper only if they can get a rate of return. If they get that rate of return they will be able to give employment. Everything I have been saying in relation to the creation of employment hinges on tax reliefs that should be given to small businesses, and I hope the Government will realise that employment and unemployment should be considered particularly in the context of small businesses. I hope that when the reports of the Oireachtas Committee on Small Business are published later this year they will be given sympathetic consideration by the Government.

This budget did not solve any of our problems. It did not do anything to solve the problems facing the agricultural industry or the tourist industry. It did not do anything for employment or job creation. It imposed further hardships on the less well off section of the community. It has not done anything to improve the health services or to sort out problems facing the ESB, county councils or the health boards. It did not do anything to solve the problems of the fishing industry or to help the plight of the PAYE worker.

As regards unemployment, I have several concrete suggestions to make. If the Government made a concerted effort in the agricultural and fishing sectors, in Munster alone we could create about 10,000 jobs over a few years. We must get back to basics. The real source of wealth and job opportunities lies in the land. I am delighted that the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism is here. I am firmly convinced that those jobs could be created. We must embark on a programme of intensive agriculture and horticulture. We should set up food processing plants. I would not allow semi-State organisations to operate them nor would I allow them to be involved in intensive horticulture, agriculture or fishing. These areas should be run and controlled by co-ops or a public company. All the farmers involved could have shares in such a company.

I do not see any reason why agriculture should not be the main source of employment. If we set up food processing and fish processing plants we could provide jobs and young people would be able to work here. In Kerry and in Munster generally it should be possible to set up such food processing plants. I know that a marketing organisation would have to have overall control and that the whole thing would be a failure if we did not have a proper market structure. If there was the will to get this moving it would make a tremendous difference to those who are unemployed and to those who see no hope of employment. We must get away from relying on multinationals and get back to the land.

I was very disappointed, as were the people of South Kerry, at the Government's decision to phase out the Farm Modernisation Scheme. Many farmers in that area went ahead in early 1983 and embarked on a programme of farm buildings and other enterprises only to find that they are no longer entitled to grants for these schemes. Many of them secured bank loans in anticipation of receiving these grants. These are no longer available to them. Despite numerous questions I put to the Minister for Agriculture last June and July; nothing was done about it. I put the case of these farmers to the Minister and was told that each would be considered on its merits and something would be done. Nothing was done and these people are in real financial difficulty. I cannot see how the Government are in a strong position to negotiate in Europe as a result of what happened in relation to the Farm Modernisation Scheme.

I am surprised that the Government are not doing something about the district electoral divisions which are omitted from the severely handicapped areas within the disadvantaged areas for grant purposes. One of the main advantages of being classified as severely handicapped is that headage grants are paid for cattle and sheep. Nobody can understand why areas in south Kerry were omitted from the disadvantaged areas when this scheme was originally drafted in the mid-seventies. No reason was ever given as to why they were excluded.

There is a serious problem throughout the south and south-west in relation to the operation of the western package under EEC regulations, with particular reference to drainage. I know many farmers who are anxious to proceed with drainage programmes but, apparently in accordance with a ministerial directive, the inspectors are not allowed to investigate or mark out schemes in relation to applications which were received after September 1981. This is discriminating against progressive farmers who want to get on with the job of land reclamation and drainage. Inspectors are marking out schemes for farmers who have no intention of carrying them out. I ask the Minister to take into account the serious intention of people who are exerting pressure to have their applications examined and schemes marked out by the local farm development service advisory officers.

If a super-levy is imposed it will put many farmers out of business and be instrumental in causing others to go bankrupt. At present thay are finding it very hard to exist and pay back loans which they got from the ACC, banks and other lending institutions, and the imposition of a super-levy would be the end of the road for many farmers and their families.

With regard to unemployment and job creation generally, I should like to expand on what I have already said in relation to my proposals for job creation in so far as the operation of the special scheme of unemployment assistance for small farmers is being operated. I know of many cases in my constituency in South Kerry where families are hungry as a result of the decision of the Minister for Health and Social Welfare to have smallholders' means tested on a factual assessment basis rather than on a notional system. In many instances I found it necessary to approach the superintendent community welfare officer to ask him to provide a welfare allowance for smallholders who were deprived of their allowances under the special scheme brought in in the sixties by Fianna Fáil. There are people in south Kerry who are below the bread line as a result of decisions taken by social welfare officers and the Department of Social Welfare.

I invite the media to come to south Kerry. I will take them to houses and areas where people are hungry as a result of the crackdown on what was known as the small farmers' dole. However, it is a crackdown on a very special scheme of unemployment assistance which, as I said, was brought in during the sixties to help smallholders to stay on the land, marry, rear families and to cultivate their farms to the maximum potential. If the media visited this area they would see quite a diferent picture from that which is now projected by the Government. The Government are suggesting that, due to the High Court decision which was subsequently approved by the Supreme Court, the PLV rates system is no longer applicable or appropriate. I wish to stress that this was a scheme based on a notional system and that is why it was so successful. It was brought in as a result of a report of a commission in 1962 which stated clearly that there must be some scheme of assistance for smallholders in the west and south-west based on a notional system to enable them to survive on the land. The proof of the success of that scheme is that not alone did the population increase in the west and south-west during the period from 1971 to 1981 it increased at the same rate as the midlands and the east, outside the Pale, during that period.

The Minister and the Government must accept a notional system if they are to do justice to the smallholders in the west and south-west of Ireland. Just because there was a High Court decision or a Supreme Court decision against the PLV system the Government should not use that as a means of escape from the notional system. Notional systems are being bandied about which should be considered. For example, what is wrong with the ICMSA's unit accounting system? What is wrong with the Land Commission's adjusted acreage system? If these systems do not suit the Government they should consult with the Minister for Health and Social Welfare and the Minister for Agriculture and the two farming organisations and work out a fair and equitable system based on the notional idea and restore this special scheme to the smallholders in the west and south-west. The people will not forget the way in which the Government are cracking down on the special scheme of assistance for smallholders.

I have met people who are living below the breadline who were never in that situation before. I invite the media to come down to South Kerry and meet some of our smallholders who are now in a very serious position. They are finding it difficult to provide bread for the table and education for their families. For the first time in my 17 or 18 years in public life I have come across cases where parents are withdrawing their children from post-primary education because they cannot afford to meet the school transport costs and they cannot aford to pay the examination fees. This may appear nonsensical to the Minister who comes from County Meath.

He comes from an affluent constituency.

I did not say that.

If the Minister represented the people of South Kerry, where every penny counts and where every £1 counts, he would not be a party to approval for expensive examination fees at intermediate and leaving certificate level and increasing the cost of school transport. We all know that a free public transport system to post-primary schools is fundamental to the education of young people in rural Ireland. Charging exorbitantly for these services makes it impossible for many parents to send their children to post-primary schools. Recently I met parents who had to borrow money to pay the examination fees. I ask the Government to be sympathetic and to consider the less well off section of our community who are suffering severely as a result of these charges. This is a very serious matter and it is particularly serious in a mainly rural constituency like South Kerry. It may not be so serious in an affluent constituency like Meath.

The tourism industry means a great deal to the State and to the economy of practically every town and village. The Government should do something positive to promote the tourism industry. Nothing concrete has been done for this great indusry for some time past. The Minister should provide some special scheme of low interest loans for the owners of hotels and guesthouses and particularly those who are experiencing financial difficulties at the moment. This is a very serious problem. It is well known that very few hotels in the west and south-west could not be bought at the right price. I am convinced that the only salvation for these business people who are providing a good service is the provision of a low interest rate loans scheme. It would be a very popular move and I suggest that the Minister should push such a scheme through the Cabinet.

To extend hotels or to buy them? Is the Deputy suggesting a loan scheme for the purchase of hotels or for extensions or improvements?

I am suggesting a loan scheme for hoteliers to enable them to get out of the serious financial difficulties they are in at the moment. Many hoteliers are seriously in debt to banks and other lending agencies. Some special scheme of assistance by way of a low interest rate loan should be provided for them.

Does the Deputy mean to convert their existing loans into another loan at a lower interest rate?

A package scheme. I am very serious about this. As the Minister knows, I represent a very big tourist area.

I am aware of that.

A very special scheme should be introduced to enable hoteliers to get out of their financial difficulties. This could be done by providing a low interest rate loan if that is possible. It should be possible to get such a loan through the European Investment Bank.

I do not think money would be available from the EIB simply to rescue hoteliers with existing loans. Perhaps it would be available for a new development but not for a rescue operation.

If that is the case the Government should come to the rescue.

Debate adjourned.
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