We on this side of the House believe that the sworn evidence given by Constable Robinson, which was not contested by the State, at his trial in Belfast raises very serious questions both about Border security and about the whole administration of justice in Northern Ireland. These questions must be taken up by the Government.
This case has caused outrage in the Nationalist community in the North, not only in relation to the verdict, but on account of some of the evidence that was given and not contradicted. Nationalist politicians whose complete dedication to constitutional politics is unassailable, such as Séamus Mallon, Paschal O'Hare, and Senator Bríd Rogers, have publicly expressed their indignation and their complete loss of faith in the administration of justice in the courts in Northern Ireland. The SDLP's Deputy Leader has said that the court decision was a deadly blow to the hope that justice would ever be fairly administered in Northern Ireland. I quote, "The process of law and justice has again been devalued in a manner which will have a devastating effect within the community".
The killings of Séamus Grew and Roderick Carroll took place on the night of 12 December 1982 and caused an outcry at the time. Many people contended that a "shoot to kill" policy had been adopted by the Northern security forces. That has effectively been confirmed by defence counsel for Constable Robinson when he stated "that Robinson had been trained by his employers to react in only one way to a situation in which he expected to encounter armed or dangerous criminals namely, by opening fire".
Some quotations from what was said at that time will be of some relevance. The Irish Times reported on 14 December — and I quote:
The existence of special RUC undercover squads, trained to carry out surveillance and the kind of anti-terrorist operation that led to the shooting dead of two unarmed INLA men in Armagh on Sunday night, has been confirmed to The Irish Times by British Government sources....
From what we now know from Constable Robinson's evidence, the special undercover squad was operating that night south of the Border without, of course, the knowledge or approval of the Irish Government at that time. Such an incursion represents a gross violation and infringement of our territorial sovereignty and integrity. It will be recalled that this event took place shortly after an election campaign in which the present Taoiseach had put forward a proposal to allow the RUC to come south of the Border. Deputies will, I am sure, ponder on the irony that our High Court and Supreme Court have deliberated at length over the legalities of extradition in a number of cases when it now appears that RUC snatch squads operate their own extradition arrangements.
There are unconfirmed allegations that this is by no means the first time this has occurred. I received correspondence recently regarding the alleged capture of a person, currently serving a long sentence in The Maze, by SAS men in County Louth in 1976. Is there any reason to believe the practice has stopped?
The Government have a duty to seek an immediate public explanation and clarification from the British authorities. If the sworn statement of Constable Robinson is true, a public repudiation of the misdeeds he described should be sought, together with a categorical assurance that such incidents will not occur again in the future. If satisfactory explanations are not forthcoming from the British Government, then a radical review of the current arrangements will have to be undertaken.
All of us in this House are opposed to violence and terrorism from any quarter. However, the Government will have to impress on the British Government more forcibly than they have done up to now, that many of the actions of the authorities and the whole judicial system in Northern Ireland are totally counterproductive from every point of view. Indeed, they need only read this morning's Guardian editorial entitled “Lies that were made to order”, which comments on “the depressing and demoralising nature of the British role in Northern Ireland”.
The recent court verdict can only imply that there is official approval of the operations of undercover assassination squads, which are apparently authorised to cross the Border. Cover-up stories were concocted to justify their actions, yet even when these stories are exposed as fabricated, these actions are still justified regardless. In an extraordinary break with precedent the North's Police Authority paid for the high-powered defence of the accused. It was officially stated that "the costs of defence are paid for with the approval of the Secretary of State and the Treasury in London where it appears the officer acted in good faith in the execution of his duty". This is clear evidence of political pressure on the court. Today an officer of the UDR is charged with murder after months of inexplicable delay, presumably after a political decision to try to appease public opinion.
The Northern courts are prepared to try to convict dozens of prisoners in a single trial on the dubious evidence of a single paid informer. Accused persons have often been subjected to torture and ill-treatment. Plastic bullets are fired and frequently kill children.
It is clear that large areas of the security system and the administration of justice in Northern Ireland are corrupt. In that they mirror the state of Northern Ireland itself. This is further proof if any were needed that Northern Ireland as a political entity has failed, since it is unable to carry out properly the most elementary function of any civilised state, the fair and imparitial administration of justice. The drift to political extremism is the direct consequence of the security methods and the failure to seek political progress by this British Government and predecessors.
Many people are gravely concerned that no action of our Government should be seen to condone the abuses of the Northern judicial or security system. We cannot tolerate the operation of any undercover British military or police agents in this part of the country. The whole question must now be raised of the morality of handing persons over to a system of justice administration in which we have no confidence when we have the means to try them here for whatever crimes of which they may have been accused. I would ask the Taoiseach to see that these points are made forcibly to the British Government and to report back to this House as soon as he receives their response.
