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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 21 Nov 1984

Vol. 354 No. 2

Protection of Employees (Employers' Insolvency) Bill, 1984: Committee Stage (Resumed).

Debate resumed on amendment No. 2:
In page 5, subsection (1) (e), between lines 30 and 31, to insert the following:
"(ii) the date on which the receiver finally winds-up the company, or".
—(Deputy B. Ahern.)

I do not have much more to add to what I was saying before we adjourned for lunch in regard to the amendment in the name of Deputy Ahern which essentially is an attempt to make this legislation retrospective to beyond 22 October 1983. We have had to take a point in time which involved a degree of objectivity because we had to make some attempt at measuring the cost implications and to work back from that to establish what the level of contribution would be in order to fund that portion of what is known now as the redundancy and employers' insolvency fund. On that basis we have made a decision.

I have thought long and hard about what was requested on Second Stage by Deputy Daly and by Deputy Taylor-Quinn and her colleague, Deputy Carey, in relation to a particular industry in their constituency. I understand their direct concern in that regard. Deputy Daly will be aware that I met the representatives concerned in Ennis in the run up to the European elections in June and discussed the position with them. It is not that we are being specific about some industry or group of industries but we cannot extend beyond the point of 22 October 1983 because of the volume of liquidations and redundancies that have occured in the recent past — and they are the official ones. The definition of insolvency would extend to a wider category of companies than those who have simply gone into formal liquidation from the point of view of possible claims that might be lodged against the assets of the fund. Last year 280 companies went into liquidation. That gives an idea of the scale of what we could be unleashing by accepting the amendment.

We have tried to confine the cost of the fund to the minimum so as not to increase the cost of employment while at the same time we have tried to go back as far as possible. There is the other element of the question of administration and of complexity in verifying documents and so on. For all of those reasons I am not in a position to accept the amendment nor could I accept any consequential or related amendment that would extend the date beyond 22 October 1983.

I should have announced that amendments Nos. 2 and 6 are very close to each other and are in fact being debated together. Seperate decisions will be taken.

We disagree with that. However, the point we are making is that many firms were would up in the courts or by voluntary liquidation. The actions have been going on for a year or two and at the outset the workers may have thought they would get something from the liquidators, at least their entitlements at the time of the winding up when the liquidator would know what finance was there. The case is made more important by the number of redundancies in 1983 and 1984 and possibly in 1982. It is important that the Minister would allow the date to be that on which the liquidation is completed.

Would the Minister tell us what the difference in cost would be if he allowed what the Deputies on this side have been asking for? What would the workers be entitled to under the Companies Act and under this Bill? The difference cannot be very substantial. The explanatory memorandum on section 4 states:

The section (subsection (2) also enables the Minister to specify by regulations (a) the circumstances in which employers who are of a class or description specified in the regulations are to be taken to have become insolvent and (b) what officer (if any) is, for the purposes of section 5 or 6, required to be appointed in connection with such an employer's insolvency. This provision is necessary to cover possible situations which might arise in cases where no formal winding up or bankruptcy proceedings are initiated.

Would the Minister give an example of how this would work? What will the position be when there has not been any formal winding up?

I can understand the Minister's reasons for not making it retrospective. He bases his argument on his inability to assess the cost. I am asking him to consider not only the pride of the workers but the lack of compensation to them for work done. For example, in the Kilrush plant many of them had given 20 years of their lives. He says he has gone back as far as he can. He has not gone back any further than the EC directive directed. I find this very difficult to accept and I ask him to think of the workers, particularly the many in west Clare who have no alternative to unemployment. He should seriously consider putting the date back at least to January 1983 and possibly to 20 October 1980, the date of the directive.

I appreciate the Minister's difficulty in trying to fix a date but our amendment tries to facilitate him. The Minister would have power to tie it down to a number of companies in which problems have arisen. I do not accept that the Minister does not know precisely how many workers or companies are involved, and the cost. The Minister said that 280 companies went into liquidation but in the vast majority of those the problem we are dealing with here may not arise because many of the outstanding liabilities would have been cleared up.

Kilrush Potteries was not an ordinary company because it was supported by and funded by Fóir Teoranta. The claim of the employees was heard by the appeals tribunal. The Minister knows they were not spurious claims made by all sorts of people. The amounts due to the 87 workers were certified by the tribunal. Some of them were for only £40 or £50 and the total for the entire company is £29,000. The amounts may be small but are important and significant to the people who have lost their jobs without prospect of re-employment. The plant and machinery have been sold and the skilled employees are signing on for social welfare benefits.

The Minister surely must have consideration for the fact that the company was mainly funded by a State agency and that the case came before the appeals tribunal. He has heard Government Deputies urging him to make this retrospective. If he does not want to take our word for it he should listen to the Government Deputies who are urging him to make this minor alteration. I do not believe he can produce figures which would demonstrate clearly that it cannot be done or that it is not within the capacity of the fund to carry that kind of payment.

The Minister should accept the amendment. If he thinks it is openended we could tighten it up.

If it was in my power to resolve the problem in relation to Kilrush and to settle, as Deputy Daly said in support of Deputy Taylor-Quinn, the outstanding amounts, I would have no problem whatever in doing so. However, this House in making laws must have regard to the equity with which those laws will be applied to every citizen. Perhaps it is a reflection on the administration of our affairs and the inaccuracy or lack of statistics, but if I did what the two Deputies would like me to do I do not know what the downstream consequences would be. I have no doubts as to the validity of the case.

Deputy Daly is a former Minister of State at this Department and he has an intimate knowledge of the working of the Department. He has indicated that by his understanding of the constraints that operate at present. If I acceded to their request I do not know what we would be letting ourselves in for in money terms. If we under-fund the fund, that will have a negative effect; and if we over-fund it, we could put an extra charge on employment in net economic terms, irrespective of the point of view from which one argues that position. I am trying to balance that against the merits of the case. Any Deputy representing an area like Kilrush has a particular difficulty. Deputy Daly referred to Kilrush Pottery as a State company but it is not.

The State provided the funds by and large for it.

Yes, but it was a private company.

I did not want to go into that apsect but Fóir Teoranta treated the workers with very little respect from day one and the Minister knows that.

This raises the question of the reform of company law and the use of taxpayers' money. These difficulties would not have arisen if there had been worker control and participation in the enterprise since, as the Deputy asserts, there was State money in it. However, that is no consolation to the workers. I should like to be more helpful in my response to both Deputies but I cannot be. I have looked on this as sympathetically as I can.

Deputy Ahern referred to the question of workers not claiming their rights vis-à-vis this legislation in companies which did not go into formal liqudiation. They knew they had no claim to make as there was no one against whom they could make a claim. There was no receiver, liquidator or legal entity against whom to lodge a claim for arrears of pay. All we are talking about is arrears of pay, holiday money, sick benefit and related entitlements. We do not know, because we do not have statistics of a sufficiently accurate nature, what the volume is but we know that many people are affected.

Deputy Ahern asked what was the administrative procedure for investigation in the event of an employee finding that his employer had literally left the country. The procedure would be along the following lines: an employee who finds that his employer has disappeared without paying back money and so on would go to the Department of Labour or his trade union or to a solicitor or public representative. In other words, he would seek help preferably through the trade union because that is the proper body through which to make this kind of representation. The trade union representative would assess the case and then make a claim to the Department. The Department, through its inspectorate, would make an investigation and on foot of that would make a recommendation to the Minister. If the Minister was convinced by the evidence that it was a case of insolvency he or she would pay the money to which the employee was entitled out of the fund. If possible the Minister would try to recoup the money from the missing employer or else write off the loss.

The timing in relation to it is that any insolvency which occurs after 22 October, either formally as in the two cases the Deputy identified or informally, will be covered. If representations are made to the effect that an employer disappeared on 29 October and the workers had no redress the Department would proceed from that basis provided the necessary documentation was brought forward. I pay tribute to the Department of Labour and the officials of the redundancy section who, though small in number, manage to process a large number of claims each year. In addition to that — Deputy Daly has had experience of this — they handle telephone queries from recipients or potential recipients, public representatives and so on. The public know that on balance they get the benefit of the doubt where such discretion exists. That is my orientation and will continue to be.

The question of what the cost would be if this was made retrospective was also raised. As I understand it, Deputy Daly suggested that if I was not too happy with the implications of the wording of the amendment they would allow me on Report Stage to amend the wording provided that the sense and intent of it could be accommodated. I am afraid I cannot accommodate the Deputy. As the Deputy points out, there has been great pressure from the transport union, from Patricia McCarthy in Clare, from Deputies on the Government side plus the Deputy himself on this point. It is not that we have turned our face against resolving the problem in Kilrush. The workers in Kilrush have been extremely well represented in this regard by all their public representatives. We simply cannot live with the consequences of what the Kilrush decision would open up in other spheres. One reason that we cannot live with the consequences is that we do not know the full extent of it. If I could say that we know for a fact that if we go back to that date — 1 January 1983 which will cover Kilrush — it would cost so much money and that has a reflection of so much, then we could make a rational decision as to whether we could live with that amount of money. Both sides of this House have shared in the administration of this country now and I am not making party points on this. We do not know, and because we do not know and because of the overall position of public finances we are not in a position to do what otherwise I would like to do.

I have gone as far as I can to meet the sense and the sentiment of this amendment and I cannot add anything further to what I have said.

It is most unsatisfactory. Because we do not know the implications of something we do here for five or six months we are going to deprive people who have genuine and well documented cases of their right to get amounts of money, very small in some cases, due to them. My argument with the Minister is that because he does not know probably he is foreseeing consequences in this legislation which may not arise at all. If he knew then probably he would agree to make this change because he would see that it is not likely to be the major significant cost that he appears to be afraid of. I can understand the Minister being worried about downstream consequences of this or any legislation. We need to avoid downstream consequences that we do not want to have, and this is why we are suggesting that between now and Report Stage the Minister could look at even a tightened up version of what we are putting forward in this amendment, or some amendment which will avoid undesirable downstream consequences.

Downstream consequences exist in all legislation and they cannot be foreseen when the legislation is being debated here in the House. Various legislation that has gone through here every year had downstream consequences that were not anticipated when the legislation was brought in. All you can do in that situation is come back afterwards and try to rectify it. We can avoid that if the Minister has the type of information we are looking for. Even if he were to put it back for a further year I do not think that the amount of money involved would be very significant. He gave figures earlier today in relation to minimum notice payments. If I recollect rightly, the figure is £155,000 per year for the amount claimed on minimum notice. That is a very small amount of money. I appreciate the fact that people had not a fund from which to claim. Claims would have come in had a fund been there. In most companies, even those that were in liquidation in 1983, items like minimum notice and holiday pay would have been catered for and only in a very small percentage of cases would this arise. The Minister cannot argue this with me because he does not know.

Even at this stage we will hold off the amendment in the event of the Minister giving some undertaking that he will look at a tightened up version of it which could be brought in on Report Stage, even though I do not like putting it off. We have been putting it off here from day to day.

I got the impression on Second Stage that the Minister had accepted in principle that what we were arguing was right if he could be reasonably satisfied that it was not going to cost a great deal of money and that it was within the limit of the fund to carry that amount.

Finally, I appeal to the Minister, who I know recognises the case we are making, to try between now and Report Stage to identify precisely what it will cost. I do not think that the amount of money will be at all significant or that it will put any strain on the fund. The fund will more than carry the numbers we are talking about. We are not asking them to go back over two or three years. We are asking to go back to about 1 January or even 1 April. The Minister cannot argue with us when he does not know the true position.

I am disappointed with the Minister's approach on this. The basic reason behind his approach is ignorance of the cost. Like Deputy Daly, I ask him now to examine seriously the cost question. If he does so maybe he will find that it is not half as expensive as he seems to feel it is at the moment. On a national basis maybe he will find that it is less than £500,000. In the Kilrush case we are talking about something in the region of £30,000 and up to 100 workers. Therefore, the situation may not be as serious or the amount of money as large as the Minister anticipates. Between now and Report Stage the Department could do very good work in making a serious assessment of the cost, on a national basis, of changing the date.

One could not but have sympathy with the amendment proposed by Deputy Ahern, but it is really misconceived and meaningless as it stands. The amendment talks about the date on which the receiver finally winds up the company. As I understand it, receivers do not wind up companies; liquidators wind up companies. I presume that the amendment is intended to say "the date on which the liquidator winds up the company".

Could the Minister clarify one point for me? As I read section 4 it seems contrary to the terms of the directive. I understand that we are bound by the directive which says that the employer shall be deemed to be in a state of insolvency and a request has been made for the opening up of proceedings involving the employer's assets. If that means anything it means the commencement of the proceedings involving the employer's assets, whereas the section appears to deal with the matter of giving the date as the date of the conclusion of the proceedings. In other words, in the case of a bankruptcy situation it is the date of the adjudication of the bankruptcy. That is the concluding item in the proceedings, where as the Directive requires it to be the date of the opening of the proceedings. Could that point be clarified?

I have nothing further to add to the point made by Deputy Daly. There is no discourtesy in not replying to it when I say that I have made the point I have had to make in relation to it.

The Minister does not know the exact amount.

The answer is that we do not. Suppose we were to give in to a claim of £15,000, for example, in relation to Kilrush, which would not be covered by this amendment because the receiver has not concluded. That is a debating point, although I understand the spirit of what the Deputy is offering. We have gone into it and there was a request to see if we could calculate it between now and Report Stage. We have been trying to do it for some time. The officials have done sterling work in this whole area. I am not in a position to get any net information between now and Report Stage in addition to what we have had over the last few months. I have gone as far as I can in relation to that. Let me try to answer——

That was a general observation on the section.

I am addressing myself to general observations on the section. I have said all I can say in relation to the amendment. I am proposing to address myself to the section unless the Deputies want to offer any point on the section generally.

I would prefer if the Minister would dispose of the amendment.

Amendment put and declared lost.

Can I talk first of all about the general section?

I move amendment No. 3:

In page 5, subsection (1) (f), line 35, to delete "section 4 (3) of this Act" and substitute "subsection (3) of this section".

That amendment stands on its own. I should like to respond briefly to the point made by Deputy Taylor, whether we are in line with article 2 of the Directive. For the purposes of domestic legislation we have had to describe different kinds of insolvency — of which, obviously, bankruptcy is one — but the effective commencement date as far as a worker is concerned is the date on which proceedings were commenced, using the phrase in the directive. In this instance in article 4.1 (b), where the employer petitions for an arrangement, it would indicate effectively the commencement. The legal retranslation is that where a request for a liquidator is sought by the shareholders of the company, where a debenture holder puts in either a liquidator or a receiver or where there is a voluntary liquidator in one shape or form, or alternatively in the case of a debt——

I am sorry to have to interrupt the Minister but he must confine himself to the amendment before the House. The matter he is dealing with arises on the section.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 4:

In page 5, lines 39 to 47, to delete subsection (2) and substitute the following subsection:

"(2) The Minister may by regulations specify the circumstances in which employers who are of a class or description specified in the regulations are, for the purposes of this Act, to be taken to be, or to have become insolvent.".

Amendment agreed to.
Question proposed: "That section 4, as amended, stand part of the Bill".

I do not have anything further to say on this section.

Will the Minister clarify the point I raised on the section?

Is it in relation to the commencement date?

The legal advice we have is that the point at which a worker becomes eligible to obtain protection under this insolvency legislation commences from the time when insolvency proceedings commenced, petitioned or started within a company, the day when an employer or an employer's bankers, or anybody else, announced that the company was insolvent, potentially insolvent or whatever. That is the date when the taxi meter, so to speak, of the legislation starts to run and not the point when the person is bankrupt or the company is wound up.

I do not think that is so. The section states that it is from the date of the adjudication of the bankruptcy.

There are various ways insolvency could be determined as having taken place. If there is an instant bankruptcy, although that is most unrealistic, or if between a Friday and a Monday a company is declared bankrupt. From his legal knowledge I am sure the Deputy is aware that that cannot be the case, although it is technically possible.

It could be in the case of a company. It could be in the case of a company liquidation.

Section 4 attempts to describe in legal terms the various ways an individual as an employer or a company as an employer can be declared insolvent. That is the reason there are six definitions of different forms of insolvency. The Deputy has asked me when it becomes effective from the point of view of triggering off the protection for workers. The six provisions are effective when the proceedings commence rather than when they are completed. A worker will not have to wait two or three years for the process to be completed before receiving his or her entitlement.

I cannot say I am entirely satisfied with that but I do not wish to labour the point. Is the Minister satisfied, based on the legal opinion available to him, that section 4 is in compliance with article 2 as far as the dates are concerned? I will be happy enough if that is the case.

I can give the Deputy a clear and categoric assurance on that. We are fully in compliance with the directive.

Question put and agreed to.
NEW SECTION.

Amendment No. 5 arises on this section and I should like to point out to the House that amendments Nos. 16, 17, 18, 21 and 22 are consequential and may, with the agreement of the House, be taken together. They may be debated jointly but dealt with separately.

Am I in order in suggesting a verbal amendment to this section?

May I ask the Minister to take account of a point?

The Deputy may raise a matter during the debate on the section. Is the Deputy concerned about section 5?

The Deputy should permit the Minister to move amendment No. 5 first.

I move amendment No. 5:

In page 6, before section 5, to insert the following new section:

5.—(1) Where—

(a) by virtue of section 1 (3) (d) of this Act, an employer becomes insolvent for the purposes of this Act, or

(b) an employer otherwise becomes insolvent for such purposes and there is not for the time being in relation to the insolvency a relevant officer,

the Minister may appoint as regards such insolvency a person under this subsection.

(2) Where the Minister makes an appointment under this section the following provisions shall apply:

(a) the functions assigned by this Act to a relevant officer shall, as regards the employer concerned, be performed by, and only by, the person to whom the appointment relates, or if through illness or because his appointment is revoked or for any other reason the person so appointed is unable to perform such functions, another person so appointed, and

(b) for so long as the appointment remains in force, each of the references to a relevant officer in sections 5, 6 and 7 of this Act shall be construed as including a reference to the person to whom the appointment relates.

We reckon that the new section technically is drafted better than the original one. It enables the Minister to appoint a person in circumstances where an employer becomes insolvent by virtue of regulations made by the Minister under the powers conferred on him by section 4 (2); or where an employer otherwise becomes insolvent and there is not for the time being in relation to the insolvency any relevant officer. The new section 5 also provides that any references in the Bill to a relevant officer will include a reference to a person appointed under this section. They are the consequential amendments referred to by the Chair.

Does the amendment replace portion of the original section 5 or the entire section.

It will mean a new section but the amendment does not involve the deletion of any section.

Is it additional?

It is an insertion.

I do not understand the benefits of the new section. Is the Minister picking that amendment up from the new legislation on companies to clarify the position with regard to those who do not go into liquidation?

No. The amendment covers the point raised by the Deputy earlier about companies that are insolvent.

And vanish?

Yes. It is a way to have a relevant officer who can make recommendations that a worker is entitled to benefit.

What criteria will be used by the relevant officer in that context?

The criteria will be for the relevant officer to satisfy himself that the worker had been employed by the employer, that the employer had been making PRSI contributions or was legally obliged to do so, and that the person concerned had worked for the employer and was due arrears of money for wages, holiday money or sick pay benefit. From his experience the Deputy can imagine what the administrative procedures will be. It will be necessary to produce evidence of having worked for the employer and that the money was due.

If the Minister appoints the liquidator of a company where a company has become insolvent for the purposes of the legislation, does he proceed to liquidate the company? Is he a limited liquidator whose duties are confined to determining the position of a worker? What are the implications?

Not really. Where a company has an orthodox liquidation and a liquidator or receiver is appointed, there is a relevant officer to whom a claim can be made. Where a company effectively disappears and there is no relevant officer to administer the residual affairs of that company, the worker in question has nobody to refer to. In that instance the Minister for Labour would have the power to appoint a relevant officer solely for the purpose of this legislation, not for any other aspect of company law.

That is what I wanted to know.

It is purely to have someone to whom the workers can say: I have a claim for arrears of money; this is my documentation here are the facts; now please make a recommendation. The relevant officer, who would be an official of the Department of Labour, would adjudicate, make a recommendation which would be decided upon by the Minister for Labour and payment would issue. That would arise simply where there was no receiver or liquidator.

Following the Second Stage debate when we read this section we saw there was this potential gap. To whom would a worker go? We decided somebody would have to make the decision and have the authority. That is the thinking behind this.

That is an excellent provision.

I agree that that seems to be the type of amendment which will get over the problems we were talking about this morning. Obviously the Minister has a great deal of knowledge about the new company law legislation. Will this fit in with that new legislation? Will there be a section in the new company law legislation which would bring that power back under company law and do away with the relevant officer? This legislation will be in operation six months before we discuss the new powers of the company law — three Bills which will deal with fly-by-night companies. Is this section in line with the legislation drafted 12 months ago but which we have not yet seen? Will the powers under the new company legislation stay with the relevant officer in the Department of Labour? What will happen?

Without prejudice to the final form that company legislation might take either as a result of amendments in this House or by finalisation within the Government Departments, I will make the following observations. This legislation has been drawn up in very close consultation with the Department of Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism. There is a harmonisation of approach here. We are concerned exclusively with the protection of workers' rights. So far as that impinges on the application of reformed company law, this format will prevail for the exercise of workers rights under the directive for insolvency and, by extension, for redundancy payments and so on. As to whether the concept of putting in a relevant officer to administer the affairs of the company whose directors absconded in the night, I cannot say at this point. The Deputy can take it that this is in harmony with company law as it will emerge for the purposes of the administration of the insolvency legislation.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 6:

In page 6, subsection (1), lines 12 and 13, to delete paragraph (b) and substitute the following:

"(b) the date on which the employer became insolvent was not earlier than the 1st day of January, 1983, and".

I will not go over all the arguments I have already made — I think we were talking more about Kilrush Potteries the last day than all the other firms in the country. Because of the number of liquidations which have taken place in recent years Fianna Fáil feel that 1983 was probably the worst year in the history of the State. The number of liquidations seem to have levelled off somewhat now, but this legislation will not take into account the companies that closed between January and October 1983. The point was made by the Minister, and I do not want to labour it, that our first amendment did not have a date or a ceiling. We believe that including the ten month period will benefit thousands of workers who were deprived of what should have been statutory payments under various Acts — the Anti-Discrimination Act, the Minimum Notice Act, the Unfair Dismissals Act, the Employment Equality Act and all the other labour legislation. The biggest feature will probably be salaries and they will not amount to very much. As the Minister said, we will not get employees working for longer than a week if they are not being paid.

It became clear this morning that the redundancy fund is in a healthy state, it is fairly flush, and could carry the payments due to thousands of workers. It would follow the very excellent provisions of this Bill if those workers were covered whose firms went into liquidation between January and October 1983. Maybe the Minister would go even part of the way to meet us. Finance would be the only thing which might rule this out, but in section 2 it is proved conclusively that there is sufficient in the redundancy and insolvency fund to meet this charge.

The Minister picked the date of the EC Directive but we are asking him to go back ten months to cover the people who were made redundant between January and October 1983. These people lost their holiday pay, sick pay, pension contributions and so on. They are still on the dole and are among the long term unemployed. They are still suffering and if this money was provided it would alleviate the hardship they are suffering. Again I ask the Minister to accept this amendment.

I have nothing further to add to the arguments I made on the previous amendment. I would only be taking up the time of the House if I went over them yet again. We estimate that the total cost in one year will be £1 million. To include the ten month period mentioned by the Deputy would mean a further £800,000 or £850,000. The points I have made already stand and regrettably I am not in a position to accept the amendment.

The latest figures say there is £12 million in the fund.

Let us be clear about this. There is £12.65 million in the redundancy and employers' insolvency fund. This money is not exclusively for insolvency claims; it is for redundancy claims as well. Because of the way the Irish economy is performing, we are still running a very heavy level of redundancy claims and the bulk of that fund is being used for pay-related redundancy claims. It is not fair to give the impression that there is a fund of £12.5 million out of which moneys due to any particular category of worker could easily be paid without doing damage to the fund. It is a redundancy and insolvency fund and, regrettably, it has to carry a very heavy load. There is not a large amount of money available considering the volume of demand and we anticipate that to service this legislation we need approximately £1 million a year. If we put it back by ten months there would be a net addition of £850,000.

Would it be correct to say that the increase of 0.49 per cent in the employer's contribution which came into effect in April for this financial year would give the fund an extra £1 million? This Bill should have passed through the House prior to the summer recess and the money collected is still in the fund. Presumably part of it will not be claimed in the future. This morning we had no idea how many claims there would be on this fund. There does not seem to be a public awareness of it but I am sure this will change when the Department of Labour advertise it. There must be some benefit from the money collected over the past ten months. Surely there must be interest on it?

In theory there would be an interest payment on £500,000 approximately. These are round figures and I should like the House to treat them as such if they should be subsequently quoted. Claims are being lodged and processed but we have not paid out any entitlements. There has been a delay in getting the legislation through the House, although I would not attribute any responsibility to the Opposition. On the contrary, they have been extremely cooperative in this regard. The delay has been caused by pressure of business. There are claims outstanding which are being processed. There are no spare resources. If there were, there would be nobody more willing than I to go back over the period in question.

What is the sum required to put back the provision by ten months? Is is £1 million or £750,000?

It would certainly be of that order. This has been funded only since April 1984 and it would be retrospective to 22 October 1983. A half year of claims has not been funded by net additional contributions. We are now being asked to double that and we are not in a position to do so. It is in no way a reflection on the civil servants that this is the best guesstimate we have of statistics. If we knew more about what was happening we could perhaps be more risk-taking in terms of trying to meet some of these claims. There were 280 liquidations this year and regrettably there are still large numbers of redundancies and it is against that background that we cannot contemplate this proposal. We know what has been so articulately presented but when one opens the door and sets back the date in one case one opens the door to all the others. I regret that I cannot go any further.

I support this amendment. To some extent the Minister has opened the door already in setting the date in October 1983, even though the fund did not begin to accumulate until April 1984. He has taken a backward step in that the legislation applies to a period when receipts were not coming in. Our point is that because of the exceptional circumstances during the whole of 1983 there is a need to go further.

We have taken the case of the Kilrush plant which is well documented since it went before the appeals tribunal for examination. The figure works out at an average of £250 per worker. Some would get more but in other cases the amounts would be very small, probably £40 or £50. We will not go back over the argument. Some of the support we had earlier for our case seems to have evaporated. Deputy Taylor-Quinn and Deputy Carey seemed to have abandoned us at this crucial stage just before the vote on the issue.

It has been clearly shown that the amounts which would become payable are not significant. The figure of £750,000 for the ten month period would be the very maximum. In some cases where companies have gone into liquidation these payments would not be due because they would have been paid before the companies folded up.

There were exceptional circumstances in Kilrush. The workers were led to believe that they were getting early holidays and they did not discover until the plant failed to reopen that they had been fooled by this company, one of whose directors represented Fóir Teoranta on behalf of the State. It was a disgraceful way for a State agency to behave. We expect something better from State agencies than the shabby treatment that was meted out to workers in Kilrush Potteries. We are pressing this issue because it involves genuine hardship for many people who have not gained re-employment. The amount of money involved is not significant — well below £1 million. We would be happy if the Minister would agree to put back the date to 1 April 1983. The Minister seems to be adamant that he will not change the date from 22 October because he is not too clear of the implications of putting back the date. He is basing his decision on a very shaky foundation.

Would the Minister accept at least that the majority of people who became unemployed through the liquidation of firms between January and October 1983 would be on the long term unemployment list and therefore among those who are suffering the most hardship? That fact must be taken into account. The amount which would be payable to any individual would not be substantial. We have calculated from our information that in some cases it would be only £100 individually. I know that figure is of no interest to the Minister because his Department must look at the cumulative amount. Would he accept that these are people who have suffered most in the recession, those to whom even £100 or £200 would be of great significance?

I would agree that on an individual basis these people are in some cases the most vulnerable and the most battered. However, we must operate within the terms of reference. One could speculate as to why this legislation was not introduced earlier. There were changes of Government and times when the House was not in session. Priorities may have been elsewhere. This legislation is coming in later in this State than in the other EC countries. In the business section of the Irish Independent of 5 October figures were given for receiverships in Irish companies. These were the above board ones, so to speak, leaving aside the ones we do not hear about but on whom this legislation will have an effect. That is part of the unkown factor governing my refusal to accept this amendment.

What were the figures for 1983?

In 1982 the figure for receiverships was 98 and for liquidations it was 626. The overall pattern is relatively positive, although that is not much consolation to those who lose their jobs. I gave the figure for 1982 to show the scale of the increase. If there was an increase in official liquidations and receiverships, one must presume there was some parallel increase in the economic performance of companies which simply walked away. The datum line is 1982 and I am giving it because I am trying to be helpful. In 1983 receiverships went from 98 to 207 and liquidations went from 626 to 475. The figures for 1984 are 94 receiverships and 324 liquidations. We are not just talking about the Kilrush Potteries. I know the Deputy has to have regard to his own constituency. If I were to meet the Deputy's requirements it would have implications of that order. That is the official order. It could extend away beyond that. For that reason I cannot go any further.

If we go back to 1 January 1983 we are talking about approximately £500,000. Is that not the reality? If the Minister were to put it back from October to 1 January we would be talking roughly in terms of £575,000.

At least £1 million.

No, nothing like £1 million.

To go from October to January would involve 11 months. We made our calculations. We may be wrong. We cannot guarantee that we got the figures right. I accept responsibility, but the best advice from my officials, given the limited data we have, is that figure. We could have been over-cautious and provided for more. I do not want to put a heavier load on what can be seen in other contexts as a tax on employment. It is an additional employers' PRSI requirement.

The fund is now there.

Yes, but there would be one year for which there would be claims against the fund in which no contributions were made. At any time when legislation was being brought in, whether it was in connection with the abolition of slavery or the recognition of trade unions, it could be said that it should have been made retrospective, that slavery should have been abolished 20 years previously, and so on. I am not trying to undermine the validity of what the Deputy is saying. I can only account for what we are doing now. There are constraints on us. I looked long and hard at the Deputy's request and I cannot go any further than 22 October 1983. I am sorry.

What was the effective date in the other EC countries?

I think the question was what was the effictive date from which their domestic legislation commenced. I have not got that information. I can get it for the Deputy. We all have to start from 22 October.

That is the latest date possible.

The directive has been there since 1980 and Fianna Fáil could have brought it in.

Things were buoyant at that time. On Second Stage and again today we welcomed the introduction of this legislation. I compliment the Minister on his drive in getting the legislation put through as early as possible. We have cooperated fully with him. We are trying to get the Minister to see the reason for extending the period of cover.

I can see the reason but I cannot meet the cost.

We are talking about a very small cost. We do not know exactly what is involved.

That is part of the problem.

Many people are suffering hardship and are anxious to get their payments. It is unfortunate that the Minister is not in a position to estimate what it is likely to cost and, for that reason, is reluctant to provide the cover needed. We feel the cost would be far less than the Minister thinks. Many companies who went into receivership or liquidation in the period we are talking about would not be liable for this payment to their employees. We are prepared to agree to 1 April if that helps the Minister. We are probably talking about less than £500,000. Because of the hardship and the difficulties many people have experienced, we feel the Minister should go even part of the way to meet us. We would expect some support from his colleagues in the Labour Party.

I hope we are not about to start this kind of nonsense about the Labour Party. You would think nobody was in Government except the Labour Party. The point has been made very well by my colleague that this Government have been in office for two years only. The relevant EC directive has been there since 1980. My colleagues on the other side of the House are very generous. It is very easy to be decent at the town pump. I do not object to the principle, but they had two years in which to introduce it and they did not.

The Deputy should support the amendment.

I am in favour of the principle. I deal with workers. That is my life. I asked the Minister to go back the whole way. If we are going back at all we should go back to the two years when the Fianna Fáil Government did not introduce it. If you introduce a cut-off point the people who are involved the day before want to know why you did not go back another month and cover them. Do not let us start to go down that boreen.

I suppose I could argue that if we had been in office after 1982 we would have done all sorts of things. We are pressing this amendment. We do not really know what it will cost, but it appears to us that the redundancy fund could carry the ten months we are talking about for people who are more than likely still unemployed and form part of the long term unemployment list. It would be of great advantage to them. It would involve a small amount for the individual and would not be that much of a burden on the fund. Contributions have been made to the fund. The 49 per cent contribution from the PRSI must have been based on something. There must have been an estimate of what it would cost. It seems to be a fairly flush fund so perhaps we could go back over the ten months to 1 January 1983 for the benefit of these people.

The point about the cost is crucial. From the Minister's reply it appears that he would like to go back to the date mentioned or even further, but he could not carry the cost. The Minister also said he has no idea of what the cost would be. I am surprised that he has not been able to quantify it in some way. He gave us a list of liquidations and receiverships in 1982, 1983 and 1984. He must know how many employees were involved. It appears to me from the subsequent sections of the Bill that the maximum any one person could get would be £1,688. I am sure that the average would be much less than that. That would be using the maxima of eight weeks and of £211 per week. Surely the Minister can make a quantification of the cost of bringing this back another six or eight months, or even a year. From the figures already at his disposal that should not be difficult.

Could Report Stage be taken today?

Yes. If I may respond to the last point raised by Deputy Mac Giolla, I would be doing a great injustice to the civil servants in the Department of Labour, who have worked long and hard on this matter, if I gave the impression that I have no idea of the cost. Let me correct that impression, if I gave it. We have no idea of the full cost. We estimate that it would be at least £1 million and we have made provision for that sum. It could be more, having regard to what an estimate manifestly represents.

£1 million with the October date?

What would be the further cost of bringing it back to the January date?

Working retrospectively back from that, it could be anything between £800,000 and £500,000. The problem is that I quoted statistics from Colm Rapple's article in the Irish Independent of 5 October which are in relation to filed liquidations. The House has already today spent some time talking about what action can be taken with those companies which do not go into any kind of official liquidation or receivership and whose employees, under this legislation, will now have protection. They have never presented themselves for statistics to any office. We have not the slightest idea of how many there might be. They are all covered from 20 October 1983 and would become entitled to payment if they have a claim, once this legislation is enacted. We have used all the available figures and statistics. We are putting a qualification on the conclusions which we are drawing from them, which is that we are unhappy with the spread and range of the statistics and whether they cover sufficient ground.

There is another way in which we could deal with this matter. We could treble the amount of the contribution and take an extremely cautious amount. The cost implications in terms of PRSI payment for an employer would be enormous, relative to the tax on the pay roll, which is what it amounts to. That has a downstream displacement cost, or effect, on employment within our economy. We are trying to balance that against the other. To redress an impression that I may have given, we do have an idea of the cost but are unhappy as to whether it is sufficiently accurate. For that reason, reluctantly, I am not prepared to go further than the point of 22 October 1983. My last reason is this, the 22 October 1983 is not an arbitrary date. It is the date on which this country became liable in European law to meet obligations.

The latest possible date.

No. It is not the latest possible date.

It is the date of the passing of the directive.

Let us not ruin the tone of this constructive debate. It is the date upon which this State, under the Treaty of Rome — and the amendment thereto decided upon by referendum in this country — became legally liable to pay this money. Any other date is arbitrary in selection, whether it be 1 January 1983 or 1 January 1973. That is fact. It so happens that it is also the latest date, because it was only on that date that the event took place. The directive was agreed on 22 October 1980. That goes back into history. That date has all the appearance of arbitrariness, but it is the date upon which this State became liable in law and that is why we are using it. Any other date is subject to the same kind of criticism or advocacy that Deputy Daly was making.

Far be it from me to challenge the figures of the Minister, as having been supplied by his officials, of £1 million since 22 October. I find it a little strange that it should be as high as that. As I understand it, the money that will come to be paid under this Act is restricted in the situations in which it would become payable. It will only apply in a case where there are not sufficient funds in the bankruptcy, liquidation, or receivership to cover these wages and other items arising. If there is sufficient money in the company, then these items under the various pieces of legislation in any case are priority charges. Is that not so? The only thing which comes in priority to them is the State's take for its own tax charges and PRSI. That is unfair. It may not be directly on this point, but it is wrong that for some reason the State should have their paw into a small kitty first and take their tax share and postpone payment to those who have worked in that company. I know that that is a traditional thing, but basically and objectively it is wrong.

Take the case of a company where there is only sufficient to meet the State's take, so that there will be nothing left for anybody else. The State, of all creditors, is the slowest and the most neglectful in pursuing its task of calling in that money. There is an overbalance on the point of view of the State's priorities. The workers' priorities should be given at least an equal if not higher rating.

Having regard to the limited extent of application of the Act, I wonder could the figure be really as high as £1 million, bearing in mind that in many cases, probably the bulk of them, there will be sufficient money at least to provide for the State's take. Would it not be fair to make some concession on this point? I realise that we are taking Report Stage today and if the Minister and his officials were to re-examine the matter further between now and when the matter comes before the Seanad, perhaps with new figures which may come forward he may on reexamination of those figures in greater detail and taking into account the State's take, find it possible to make some concession on the point being pressed here by Deputy Ahern in his amendment. Would he be prepared to consider at least some compromise? The date this Bill was introduced to the House was 21 May 1984, which is somewhat between 1 January and the October date. Could the Minister also possibly consider the date of the introduction and presentation of the Bill to the House as a possible compromise date?

I may not have made myself quite clear. The effective date of the legislation is October 1983. My amendment is asking for it to be backdated to January 1983.

I was going to make that point. I support the principle outlined by Deputy Taylor. The major weakness in this Bill is that workers' rights under various aspects of legislation — whether the Minimum Notice and Terms of Employment Act, the Holidays (Employees) Act, the Unfair Dismissals Act, the many Acts under which the worker is entitled — can all be set aside by the ploy of an unscrupulous or vindictive employer, and this is a very common practice. They can force an employee to go into the High Court to look for his or her rights. In the case of liquidation, as I understand the legislation, an employee or group of employees can go there only with the permission of the liquidator, somebody who knows in advance what the situation is likely to be. Of all the Departments that I have ever dealt with, I find the Department of Labour way out in front in their ability to react fairly quickly and come up with useful conclusions. I deal with all the Departments and hope no one will take umbrage at that, but I have to say it.

I support what Deputy Taylor is saying. I would support in principle the idea of the January 1983 date if the officials could produce a list of the insolvencies that have been declared but which might not be a burden on the State as a result of the action of the liquidators. I suggest that as a gesture of goodwill the Minister should reconsider his decision in that regard and by way of compromise accept the January, 1983 date.

I, too, support the amendment and I concur with what Deputy Taylor says about the State having first call in respect of deductions that should be made from wages. We must remember that employees make a major contribution to our economy and to Exchequer revenue. Without workers we would not have progress. Unfortunately it is found in many instances of companies going into liquidation that the various deductions in respect of PAYE, PRSI or pension funds have not been passed to the appropriate Departments or pension trusts. During 1983 this was found to be the case quite often so that the workers concerned found themselves totally dependent on the State for assistance.

Many small companies went out of business during that time but at most the amount involved would have been £1 million or at least half of that. Without the directive that is tying us to the 22 October 1983 date we would probably use some other date, that is, if we were to specify any date. Therefore, I appeal to the Minister to accept the amendment. I take this opportunity of commending him and his officials for the work they have put into this Bill. Perhaps in his generosity he will concede on this amendment and in that way give some ray of hope to those workers who were affected in the period immediately before this date in 1983.

The suggested approximate figure is £1 million. Is that a gross figure or does it take into account the amounts the Minister would be likely to recover from the liquidator in assuming responsibility for the workers' rights as provided for in section 9?

It is a gross figure.

Does that mean that the net figure would be considerably less, taking into consideration the amounts that would be likely to be recouped?

In theory, yes, but that is if there is recoupment. In respect of most of the companies concerned there has not been recoupment. We are talking about a workers' entitlement that is recognised already in law. The effect of this legislation would be to speed up payment of the moneys involved. If there was money to pay the entitlement of those workers whose companies went into liquidation two or three years ago it is reasonable to assume that the amounts have been paid substantially but if not there would be involved a net cost on the funding.

In response to Deputy Prendergast, we can get a list of the insolvent companies but that would not be a total list of all the companies that disappeared. However, that in itself would not be sufficient. We would need to know the numbers of workers involved and the details in respect of sick pay benefit and so on. Such figures are not available and consequently we must maintain the position as outlined. I appreciate the point Deputy Treacy makes and on behalf of the Department I accept the compliment he has paid us but regrettably I cannot add any more to what I have said.

Will the Minister consider what we have asked?

Question put: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand."
The Committee divided: Tá, 71; Níl, 65.

  • Allen, Bernard.
  • Barnes, Monica.
  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Barry, Myra.
  • Barry, Peter.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Bell, Michael.
  • Bermingham, Joe.
  • Boland, John.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Carey, Donal.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlon, John F.
  • Connaughton, Paul.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick Mark.
  • Cosgrave, Liam T.
  • Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
  • Coveney, Hugh.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crowley, Frank.
  • D'Arcy, Michael.
  • Deasy, Martin Austin.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dowling, Dick.
  • Doyle, Avril.
  • Doyle, Joe.
  • Durkan, Bernard J.
  • Enright, Thomas W.
  • Farrelly, John V.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Glenn, Alice.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Paddy.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Michael.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • L'Estrange, Gerry.
  • McGahon, Brendan.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McLoughlin, Frank.
  • Manning, Maurice.
  • Mitchell, Gay.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Molony, David.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • Naughten, Liam.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Brien, Willie.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, Toddy.
  • O'Toole, Paddy.
  • Owen, Nora.
  • Prendergast, Frank.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Ryan, John.
  • Shatter, Alan.
  • Sheehan, Patrick Joseph.
  • Skelly, Liam.
  • Spring, Dick.
  • Taylor, Mervyn.
  • Taylor-Quinn, Madeline.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Treacy, Seán.
  • Yates, Ivan.

Níl

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Michael.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brady, Vincent.
  • Brennan, Mattie.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Doherty, Seán.
  • Fahey, Francis.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Foley, Denis.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Gallagher, Pat Cope.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Hilliard, Colm.
  • Hyland, Liam.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Leonard, Tom.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • Lyons, Denis.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Byrne, Seán.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Conaghan, Hugh.
  • Connolly, Ger.
  • Cowen, Brian.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • De Rossa, Proinsias.
  • Mac Giolla, Tomás.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Moyníhan, Donal.
  • Nolan, M.J.
  • Noonan, Michael J. (Limerick West)
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Dea, William.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Keeffe, Edmond.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • Ormonde, Donal.
  • O'Rourke, Mary.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Wallace, Dan.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Woods, Michael.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Barrett(Dún Laoghaire) and Taylor; Níl, Deputies V. Brady and Barrett (Dublin North West).
Question declared carried.
Amendment declared lost.

Amendments Nos. 8 and 9 are related. They may be taken together with amendment No. 7.

I move amendment No. 7.

In page 6, subsection (2)(a), to delete lines 22 to 25 and substitute the following:

"(i) any arrears of normal weekly remuneration to which the applicant became entitled in the relevant period".

These amendments relate to the maximum period for which an employee would be entitled to remuneration. Subsection (2)(a)(i) refers to any arrears of normal weekly remuneration in respect of a period or periods, in the aggregate not exceeding eight weeks, and to which the applicant became entitled during the relevant period. The relevant period is the period of 18 months. This section states that, no matter what the arrears of weekly remuneration due to an application, he can only be paid a maximum of eight weeks. My amendment is to delete the words "in respect of a period of eight weeks". The section would read: "any arrears of normal weekly remuneration to which the applicant became entitled in the relevant period". This is what everyone believes the Bill should do. It should provide for the payment of any arrears due to an employee.

If a firm goes bust an employee may say that in order to keep it solvent he would not take any money for so many weeks. In such a case this section states that that employee cannot be paid any more than a maximum of eight weeks out of 18 months. I do not believe this refers to any other payments in the case of insolvency. For example, payments due to banks, shareholders or preferential creditors have no restrictions. If interest is due to a bank for a period of 12 months it cannot be reduced to a period of eight weeks. It does not refer to anyone else except to workers. They are being penalised.

Amendment No. 8 refers to subsection (2). That states:

any arrears due, in respect of a period or periods not exceeding eight weeks in all under a scheme or arrangement which, forming part of an employee's contract of employment, provides or is capable of providing in relation to employees in any description of employment, payments payable to any such employees in respect of periods during which they are unable to fulfill their contract of employment due to ill health and to which the applicant became entitled during the relevant period.

If an employee was out sick for a period under the normal company sick pay scheme and was entitled to payment during illness this section states that he will not be paid for all of that period but merely for a maximum of eight weeks in all in 18 months. This is even more inhuman because if a person suffers from illness it is not his fault. If he had a period of illness of two or three months or a few weeks here and there making more than a total of eight weeks of illness, he is denied payment. This will do nothing to improve his health. It is not a humane attitude. It is not correct to do this because such restrictions do not apply to other creditors at the time of insolvency.

Amendment No. 9 deals with holiday pay. Subsection (2) (i) (b) states:

any holiday pay in respect of a period or periods of holiday not exceeding eight weeks in all, and to which the applicant became entitled during the relevant period.

This section imposes a restriction on normal remuneration due, sick pay and holiday pay. It is too restrictive. It limits the liability of the fund to meet the claims of employees to a certain time period. There is also a limit on the amount of money per week no matter what a person's earnings were.

My amendments are to delete that restriction. I am well aware that most cases will be covered by the eight weeks. However, there will be some which will not be covered. It is wrong that the restriction should be imposed even on a small number of people. I ask the Minister to have a look at the section again. He might have a fair idea of how many people will be excluded through the limitation of eight weeks. Why should they be excluded? It would be unfair and unjust to exclude a number of people from the terms of the fund.

Where does the figure of eight weeks come from? Is it an arbitrary figure, or is it out of line with what has happened in other EC countries? The arguments in relation to outstanding entitlements, and particularly holiday pay, come up frequently and they should be taken account of in any liquidation of that nature. What provision is made in the Bill for some of the consequential amendments to the Redundancy Payments Act, the Minimum Notice and Terms of Employment Act and the Unfair Dismissal Act which are necessary to give full effect to the EC insolvency directive and to apply that directive in Ireland on equal terms as in Britain and in continental EC countries? In the present situation here, no matter what the entitlements of an employee are under that corpus of legislation, they can be set aside by the decision of the liquidator; but an employee must go to the liquidator to get permission before he can go to the Employment Appeals Tribunal. As I understand it, that is not the situation in Britain and other EC countries. We cannot afford to take an arbitrary step out of the EC directive. I support in general the principle of the amendment, but I would like an explanation as to where the eight weeks came from.

In relation to the amendment, the eight weeks comes from the directive itself and it is proposed in relation to arrears of salaries or wages. We have extended the directive in relation to sick and holiday pay to cover eight weeks also. Therefore, they are harmonised together.

I do not think that Deputy Mac Giolla argued consistently in that he compared the claims of debenture holders and creditors of one kind or another and those of workers and suggested that they should be equal and said that in this sense they manifestly were not being made equal. This legislation is providing, in advance of any arbitration or any decision by the receiver or liquidator as to the allocation of moneys to meet liabilities that the company or employer would have, that employees on foot of providing proper evidence will automatically be paid in advance of any determination as to what the liquidator or receiver would say. They would get arrears of wages or salaries up to a maximum of eight weeks plus sick pay, holiday pay, etc. The eight weeks was taken from the directive. I queried the point that Deputy Prendergast is querying now. In turn, the eight weeks was calculated on the basis that very few people, if any, were likely to go for eight weeks without some form of income from the employer and that it was deemed to be a reasonable figure on which to calculate it. Going back any further has an administrative implication in that additional documentary evidence is required and so forth. For that reason we feel that the eight weeks is sufficient. We have related it back to the two entitlements to which I made reference. This amendment is simply not necessary and could complicate things in a way that we think is unhelpful. The eight weeks more than meets the requirements of this legislation.

The EC directive gives eight weeks as the absolute minimum that any member state is allowed to have, and we are opting for the absolute minimum. I agree that if the EC directive said six weeks we would have six weeks and if it said four weeks we would have four weeks. It is sad that we are opting for the minimum permitted in terms of the EC directive. It is a sad reflection on all sides of this House and successive Governments that much of the social legislation we have brought in over the last few years on equality and various other matters is due to promptings and insistence from EC sources and not through our own volition. That thinking is exhibited once again here where, mindlessly, we plump for the absolute minimum provided for in the directive. We can do better than that. I do not know what the record is in other EC states. I have no prior knowledge at all, but I would be surprised if they all plumped for the absolute minimum. Some more advanced standard of social thinking on this subject from our own point of view independent of the EC would not be inappropriate.

I agree with Deputy Taylor. I would say that it is always the least cost factor that is taken into account when we apply any of these directives, but that is natural particularly in these times of stringency.

It is nothing to be proud of.

I agree. Another factor is that people are concerned with precedents every time we look at legislation here. You are worried that if you do not take the minimum in any legislation you will be stuck with not taking the minimum in other legislation.

I would like to ask the Minister a question, not on the amendment but on section 3 and the Employment Appeals Tribunal. For my own benefit, will the Minister clarify whether on a decision of the Employment Appeals Tribunal the award is paid by the Department, or who pays it? I am not clear on that.

Are we on the section itself?

We are on the amendment.

Will it be all right then if I come back to it at the end of the section?

I support the points that have been made. The Minister said, and everyone will agree, that only a small number of people will be affected by this cut-off period. The Minister has not explained sufficiently to the House where the complication would arise. We are saying that to implement this and to leave out the restriction of the eight weeks is not going to cost very much but it would eliminate injustice in some cases. Everybody would agree that it must be a few cases, either of people being ill or making a special arrangement with the employer for a number of weeks trying to help out and keep the thing in business or whatever. It will be only a small number of people, and if they are out of pocket after that the Minister has not explained why it cannot be done. Obviously the reason is not financial. What complications are preventing him from implementing this and leaving out the eight weeks restriction?

Let me respond to the reference to the EC. The EC do not make decisions in isolation from representation from this Government. When this directive was being debated the delegation of the Irish Government of the day were at the Council table participating in the decisions, which were majority consensus decisions, not even vote decisions. This State were party to that eight weeks at that time, and they would have been in 1980 when Fianna Fáil were in Government. Therefore, it was not imposed externally from Brussels upon this domestic Legislature. We had a part——

It seems that States may——

I am referring to the point that was made that somehow or other we were sitting over here in Dublin, that in Brussels a figure was taken and imposed upon us as if we had nothing to do with that figure in the first instance. That is not the case. We participated fully with full rights and rights of veto in relation to the date in question. In a number of areas we are exceeding what has been described as the common denominator of the EC directive. The question could be asked: why are we not exceeding it in respect of this? Experience from our nearest neighbour, the UK, in relation to the operation of this legislation is that the average amount of arrears of wages, the point at issue in this amendment, is for two weeks. I know that you will always get exceptions, but the average amount is for two weeks. The period of eight weeks is a considerable excess of time over what we would be allowing for the average kind of statistical range.

Deputy Mac Giolla asked what type of complications there could be. I regret to say, because this reflects badly on all of us, that there is a degree of possible collusion between workers and employers. There has been evidence of that in some sectors already. There is nothing to prevent a worker saying he was owed four weeks this year, two weeks last year and five weeks from ten years ago if something happened. If the employer is insolvent at that stage and the liquidator or receiver is in the company there is nothing to prevent the employer certifying that he was entitled to that money. The money would not be coming out of his pocket. There would be nothing to prevent the employer certifying that he has stopped wages amounting to a certain amount going back over a period of time.

It is stated in the section that 18 months is the maximum amount of time.

As I understand it the effect of the amendment would be not to have any time limit.

Does the change not take place from 22 October?

If one went into any company at present one would find arrears of entitlements due to employees. If a company went into liquidation and an employee was due arrears of wages, sick pay or holiday money, there is nothing to prevent an employer saying, "I am gone out of the company and the bank is going to get it but, in order to help you, I will say that you were owed money for many weeks going back over three or four years". That may not be the Deputy's intention but it would be the effect of his amendment. It would have the effect of not having any limit on the amount of moneys that may be paid. That is why we inserted the maximum amount of money we can reasonably anticipate an average employee will be due. We should not forget that this would be for wages and not profit shares.

The Minister has power under subsection (7) to disallow that if he is of the opinion that there has been collusion.

The second argument against the amendment is that it may invite collusion. Deputy Mac Giolla's amendment is couched in terms that a minority of cases might be affected by the exclusion of eight weeks. I am sure the House agrees that the majority of cases will be covered in regard to wages because in the main the arrears will not be more than eight weeks. The average in the UK is two weeks. We have to design the legislation to cater for the worst possible position. However, if we introduce the legislation in such a way that somehow or other we will be inviting collusion we are complicating the administrative procedure in a Department that is overworked in the area of the administration of redundancy. We will be inviting people to possibly benefit from potential collusion and having it refused after officials have gone through all the documentation.

The legislation covers all the legitimate requirements one can reasonably anticipate. It is very unlikely that the person is going to allow wages accumulate or be withheld for more than eight weeks. That will not happen unless a person is in unique circumstances. I do not think any Member could afford to allow a stop on his or her normal income for more than two or three weeks.

They may be out sick.

In that event they would apply to the social welfare system seeking disability pay and so on if they were not being paid by their employer. We are not looking at this legislation in isolation to everything else. It should be seen as part of a comprehensive social package. The fear that Members may have that a person may be denied in excess of eight weeks' money from a company is unjustified. If we try to remove any constraints which would be the effect of the The Workers' Party amendment we run the risk of inviting collusion. As far as we can see there is no need for it. It will be complicating the administrative procedure with people producing documents of one type or another.

The Minister has opened up a whole new area. The Minister is saying that once there is an insolvency a worker can go back as far as he or she likes. I did not realise that. In other words a worker can go back ten years to find out if he or she was not paid for any period of time.

It states 18 months.

I am referring to the Minister's interpretation. If Deputy Taylor is correct I misunderstood the position. As I understand the Minister, in the case of insolvency a worker can go back over a long number of years. It appears that there is no restriction on the number of years over which a worker can go back.

That is not right.

The Minister is saying that if we did not have the eight week cut-off period there would be collusion and people might say that they were 16 or 20 weeks without pay over the previous 15 years.

One interpretation of the Deputy's amendment is that it would have that effect and that is one of the reasons why I am not prepared to accept it. The Bill puts a limit of 18 months prior to the notification of insolvency but the removal of any limitation could be construed as reducing that constraint entirely. It could push back the 18 months.

I do not think that is possible. I thought the Minister said that 18 months referred to insolvencies in that period and that if an insolvency occurred on 22 October 1983 a worker could go back a period of years before that. There is nothing in the amendments that alters in any way the other sections dealing with the date when an employer is made insolvent. When tabling the amendment I understood we were dealing with a period of eight weeks when a worker was not paid over 18 months. My amendment seeks to eliminate the restriction on arrears of normal weekly remuneration to which an applicant became entitled during the relevant period which is dealt with in other sections. I am anxious to eliminate the eight weeks and cover any arrears due to an applicant during the relevant period. If 18 months is held to be the relevant period it still stands and will not be altered by my amendment. My amendment seeks to remunerate those who lose most. It would be unfair and unjust to exclude them. Only a small number of people will be involved and I do not see why the elimination of the eight weeks will introduce any further complications. If collusion comes into it, it will be collusion to give everybody eight weeks. There must be a section which gives the Minister power to rule out a case where he believes there is collusion. I do not think that is an argument in the case of these amendments, which merely ask that the small number of persons who would exceed eight weeks would be included in the Bill.

Amendment put and declared lost.

Does Deputy Mac Giolla wish to press amendment No. 8?

I do not see any point in putting the amendment since we do not seem to have any real opposition.

Do you want me to put the amendments?

Yes. I move amendment No. 8:

In page 6, subsection (2) (a), lines 26 and 27, to delete the words "not exceeding eight weeks in all".

Question, "That the words proposed to be deleted stand" put and agreed to.
Amendment declared lost.

I move amendment No. 9:

In page 6, subsection 2 (a), to delete lines 43 to 46 and substitute the following:

"(iv) any holiday pay to which the applicant became entitled during the relevant period,".

Question, "That the words proposed to be deleted stand", put and agreed to.
Amendment declared lost.

I move amendment No. 10:

In page 7, subsection (2) (a) (vi), lines 6 and 7, to delete "and has been accepted by both the employer and the employee concerned".

This is a technical amendment.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 11:

In page 7, subsection (2)(a), between lines 27 and 38, to insert the following:

"(xii) entitlements arising in the event of a person losing his ongoing pension payments owing to his employer becoming insolvent".

On Second Stage the Minister said we should wait until we came to discuss the national income pension-related scheme. One of the saddest things in liquidation and redundancies is that pensioners and employees who paid their contributions for years lose all their entitlements when the company goes into liquidation. We have heard numerous cases where this happened. I heard last week of a pensioner in Bolands Mills who spent his entire working life, 44 years, there and had received a pension of £200 a month. When Bolands Mills were taken over his pension was reduced to £60 a month. I suppose he was lucky because in many cases people have lost all benefits under their pension schemes although they paid into them all their working lives. In many cases these people do not even get their contributions back or if they are pensioners they do not get any further pension. This is very unfair and unjust.

In this Bill the Minister has made provision for a 12 month period to help a person pay up their contributions to qualify for benefits. I ask the Minister to go further because there are so many companies going into liquidation. It is bad enough to lose your job, but it is a great deal worse if you lose your pension entitlements too. We discussed this problem at the parliamentary party meeting and almost every Deputy could recall people who had paid into a pension fund for 30 or 35 years and when the firm went into liquidation they lost all. This is very unjust because it is hitting defenceless people who cannot join a new pension scheme. Nobody can join a pension scheme if he is 63 years of age.

I am not too sure how the Minister can help, but I do not think we should have to wait until we have the national income pension-related scheme. When I first came into this House a White Paper or a Green Paper was issued on this subject and successive Governments have played around with this idea since. I am anxious to hear the Minister's view and the views of other Deputies on what can be done to help these elderly people who are made redundant before they reach pensionable age or if they are pensioners who lose their pensions.

I support the case made by Deputy Ahern to extend this legislation to the pension rights of employees. As he indicated, we discussed this at a parliamentary party meeting. Unfortunately there are too many examples around the country of pension funds which are insolvent. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle will be particularly aware of the case I am about to mention, Castle Brand, Nenagh. This will help to underline the injustices that arise in certain liquidations. Castle Brand is a classic example of the need to protect pension funds and I hope the Minister will be able to respond to this suggestion. Some employees had been contributing for over 40 years and a considerable number of them for 30 years, to the pension fund set up in the long-established factory in Nenagh. As a consequence of the liquidation, it emerged that in recent weeks the full pension fund contributions from management had not been made. It transpires that workers' pension fund contributions over the years will not be rewarded by pension entitlements. This has caused a great deal of distress to many families and some employees who have a right to be protected and who might find it difficult to get employment on the open market, will be affected by this. Let me explain further why I am concerned.

The liquidator does not feel that he can indemnify any potential purchaser against pension fund liability. That legal position was introduced to protect pension funds. In other words, he cannot waive pension fund rights in respect of any new promoter, if such could be found for Castle Brand, and because he cannot, the liability to make good the default — and that is what it is; I chose my words very carefully — cannot be discharged by the liquidator as other liabilities can. The consequence is that not only are workers losing their pension rights but the liability which stays and which attaches to a new promoter is becoming a barrier against the possibility of renewed employment. If any interested party is informed that there is a pension fund liability of the order of a substantial six figure sum and that he cannot be indemnified against payment of that sum, then such a promoter will immediately say that he will not start off with such a liability around his neck. That is what is happening in Nenagh with regard to Castle Brand.

I support our spokesman in welcoming the intentions of the Bill. I know the Minister will be concerned to deal with the problem. The number of liquidations this year is higher than last year and those who move the application for liquidation often surface again a few months later having got a clean bill of discharge from the liquidator. I hope it will not be long before the Government bring in the long delayed Bill on company liability because some of the things which are happening at are a scandal. Bona fide trads are being brought down by debts due to them by companies in liquidation. Some of these liquidations are unavoidable but others are deliberate. Then these people surface elsewhere with no liability. A pension fund loss in addition to the loss of jobs is intolerable.

I understand that the application of the EC directive in other countries is such that the Governments themselves accept responsibility for the indemnity of the pension fund in circumstances like those which have arisen at Castle Brand in Nenagh and perhaps elsewhere. The Governments of the member states use national funds for this purpose. That is not the case here. We may have been reluctant to introduce these protections heretofore but the pattern of liquidations is something we have never witnessed before. I would ask the Minister to consider accepting our amendment and to see what other effective action could be taken to build up those funds in Castle Brand and cases like it so that we will not see scandals of the kind I have addressed. I hope we can find a new purpose in this House in that respect. Anything we can do to alleviate the consequences for the innocent of the failures of those who certainly could not be described as innocent must be a matter of urgency. The Minister would earn the undying gratitude of many families in our home town if he did something of that nature. He would not only repay them their due but open an avenue for the renewal of employment at that factory by a new promoter who would not be faced with a chain around his neck in respect of which he had no part.

Deputy O'Kennedy's able contribution highlights the need for a look at the consequential legislation. We always thought that a funded scheme could not be touched if a company went broke. In other countries the State picks up the tab. There is a danger here. Some shyster fly by night companies are operating who might deliberately under-contribute their share to the pension scheme knowing that things were looking bad and that the State would pick up the tab.

The Minister might consider the following point. Where pension schemes are agreed between workers and employers it should be provided in legislation that the insurers should certify on a regular basis every month or three months that the employer has paid up the due amount. This is provided for under the Social Welfare Acts, although it does not seem to be commonly recognised by many shop stewards. They have a right to go once a month to the employer to see what returns have been made under the PRSI system.

I know I am speaking in your name, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, and on behalf of Deputy Michael Bell in supporting what has been said about the situation in your home town where the workers found themselves in the worst possible situation. I have negotiated hundreds of agreements on pension schemes. These schemes have become a feature of industrial relations only in the past 15 years or so under the national wage agreements. Before that the level of wages did not permit pension schemes. The workers in your town made a total contribution of £190,000 but only £76,000 of that money is left. They will get only 40p in the pound on the money they paid, apart from what the employer should have paid. We are told that the employers were given actuarial advice that their contributions to the scheme were too low and should be increased. The company secretary gave a written assurance to the union in 1983 that this had been done. It subsequently transpired that it had not.

The essence of a pension plan is that the employer agrees to make contributions to insurers on a level that will ensure payment of agreed benefits. Generally there is agreement that the employees will pay their own percentage and the ratio is usually 4:1. In this situation there was a con job. I have been asked by representatives of my union to point out that one of the main things sought — I am speaking with specific reference to this section to the Castle Brand employees — would be a mechanism to ensure that the agreed contributions were paid to the insurers so that in an insolvency the benefits contained in the pension plan would be payable. The relevance of the appropriate exception to Castle Brand is that the company did not remit the relevant contributions defined in section 6 (2) to the insurers. The company said they gave a written undertaken which was false. Section 6 (3) was mentioned as being relevant in that it appears to limit the scope of the Bill to unpaid moneys for 12 months preceding the date of the insolvency. This would not cover a group of misfortunate workers, many of whom are moving up to pension entitlement and who now find that, having paid their due amount, they can get nothing out of it.

I ask the Minister to look very seriously at this case. We can talk about other aspects of industrial relations, employees, sick pay schemes and holiday pay, but nothing is as sacroscant as a pension scheme. Every support necessary should be given to copperfasten the entitlement of workers in this regard. The Bill is restrictive in that it says it shall go back 12 months only prior to the actual date. The word "lesser" should be changed to "greater". Anything that can be done in that regard should be done to protect pension schemes especially. I ask the Minister to have a close look at that.

I should like to support the amendment in name of our spokesman, Deputy Ahern. Yesterday I had occasion to meet members of a group of unions: the Seamen's Union, the Federated Workers' Union of Ireland, the ASTMS and members of the National Seamen's Union. One of the serious worries they raised with me was the matter which Deputy Ahern is trying to remedy by his amendment. By direct Government action Irish Shipping have been put in the hands of a liquidator. Some people from the FWUI indicated to me that they had been subscribing to a pension fund for 38 years. Apparently the full pension is 40-60 ths. In the public service it is 40-80ths and a lump sum. I understand that the pension fund is strong enough, but now that the liquidation has taken place and the employees have been declared redundant, the managers or owners or company contributions will cease. They do not know what their position is. Whatever this Bill can do to cover those pensions to which people made contributions and had expectations of reasonable pensions on retirement should be done. The Government should pay the Bill.

In this case we are talking about a State company. It is all very fine for the Minister for Communications and the Minister for Finance to say they will be responsible only for what has been guaranteed specifically by them. I can see the reason for that. Nevertheless a climate of opinion was created around those State companies and the belief was held by financial institutions that the State would be responsible for any defects or defaults. Perhaps nobody thought there would ever be a liquidation but the fact is that people who contributed for 37 or 38 years, for ten years, or for five years, are now in Never Never land so far as their pensions are concerned. I should like the Minister to indicate if he thinks Deputy Ahern's amendment would cover those amendments. I hope he is accepting it. If it would not, would he let us know whether he has any plan to cover that eventuality?

I want to lay stress particularly on what I said about the belief on the part of financial institutions that support would be available from the State for these companies. The Catholic theologians talked about creeping infallibility. The theologians proper knew that infallibility applied only to a very narrow range of decisions and pronouncements. The Civil Service extended infallibility to every little tittle tattle. In the same way in State companies guarantees may have applied only to specific areas, but there was a general belief that the State would not let down any of the commitments of State companies, especially a State company like Irish Shipping, totally owned by the State.

Deputy Ahern is trying to cover unfortunate instances. I am not talking about the redundancy end of things. Nobody need answer me on that. I understand the position there. I am talking about people employed by a wholly State owned company who contributed to a pension fund a certain percentage of their earnings. The State company made their annual contribution on the basis of what the employee was being paid. The fund is there. It is in the black and that is the position of the workers.

In the case of Castle Brand — and this kind of thing happens in other companies — in the confident knowledge that the fund was not in any way insolvent, a very short number of weeks before the liquidation some workers retired on full pension which was their entitlement. In a sense they now feel — and there is no reason why they should — that because they are getting full pension rights and their fellow workers who did not retire are not, they are being treated in a manner which they do not deserve in contrast with their fellow workers. That is the kind of thing that happens when suddenly a fund which seemed as secure as the bank becomes insolvent and some people retire and draw their pensions, to which they are fully entitled, and two weeks later others find they have nothing.

The effect of the amendment, if carried, would be to put no limit on the liability of the fund to provide the cash in the event of an insolvency. One must assume that there will be insolvencies in the long term. In terms of the potential scale of the demand on the fund, we are talking about something which is substantially larger than the kind of money we were talking about previously. If we were to accept the amendment we would have to increase the fund very dramatically. We can come back later to the relative size. There is provision in the legislation for the refunding of unpaid contributions in respect of the 12 months. That money would be redeemed to the employee. There is reference to pensions and to pensions contributions and the rights of workers.

I want to respond to some of the points raised by Deputy Wilson. He raised a specific question about Irish Shipping. I went to the trouble yesterday to get the details of this matter because it concerns me to see former employees and current employees of an Irish State company in liquidation. There is a substantial pension fund in operation in Irish Shipping. The information to date is that, with one or two exceptions, the vast majority of those who had paid contributions to pension will get the full benefit of their payments. There is a separate fund. The danger for workers in pension schemes of private companies is where the fund would be paid out of current account with no separate fund. The contributions would be stopped from the worker's wages and pension obligations would be met out of the day to day operation costs of the company.

In the instance of Irish Shipping, my information is that the substantial numbers of the staff are well covered in relation to pension requirements. I do not know if this came across in the meeting that the Deputy had with the union representatives of the staff of Irish Shipping.

Those funds are in credit and they are not part of assets, so to speak. They are something separate.

Made up of contributions by the employer, Irish Shipping, and the employees.

I know this is not strictly germane to the amendment, but it is of immediate concern to those involved.

I think it is germane.

It is in one sense, but we can come back to that in substantial detail. I am trying to facilitate the House. I can get the Deputy the up to date information. On the broader thrust and on the whole question of pensions and pension rights and their maintenance, we tried to see if we could extend the provisions of this Bill to cover the aspects which this amendment would suggest. The conclusion was that there would be considerable extra cost which would reflect itself in a much higher PRSI contribution from the employer which is, to continue the logic of the argument which I applied earlier, an extra tax, if you like, on employment. There is that dimension to it. Either way, it was preferable to resolve this problem by reference to a national pension plan.

Deputy Ahern talked about his arrival here in 1977 when there was talk about a national pension plan. The Green Paper on the National Pension Plan was published——

——by Deputy Cluskey in 1976. A follow-up was published by Deputy Haughey, then Minister for Health and Social Welfare. The matter has not advanced very much since then and has been around for some time. We have had long, detailed discussions with the Department of Social Welfare and our and particularly their view is that the way to tackle this problem is through the integrated national plan that would pick up the liabilities in relation to this and have a proper fund. The impact which this could have on the fund would be enormous in terms of cost and for that reason I cannot accept the amendment as proposed.

That part of the EC directive which imposes an obligation on member states to protect workers' interests in pension schemes is the basis for this whole Bill. While contributions of 12 months are of some benefit, because of the number of liquidations — one of the absurd results of the present economic recession — surely there should be something under this Bill, because legislation for the protection of employees will not come before this House too often. The national pension scheme has been floating around for eight years and the last I heard of it would suggest that it would be a long time before we would see any proposals. The Minister of State said on Second Stage that the Minister is giving consideration to it, which means that we will never see a White Paper in the life of this Dáil and goodness knows for how long we will have to wait after that.

Pensioners who have contributed for periods in excess of 25 and 30 years and would be entitled to full pensions are now receiving nothing. Others in take-overs have received reduced pensions. A large number of the workforce had benefits and would have received these at retirement age, but when the pension funds went with the liquidation of their firms, they received absolutely nothing. The Minister said in June that he was giving consideration to this matter. It is sufficiently important, being one of the main items of the directive, that we do not let the opportunity of this welcome legislation go without doing something for these pensioners.

We have been talking about unfair dismissal sums and holiday and sick pay but these are all things about which we may do something and in money terms they can be done without. However, to lose one's pension rights is a different matter. If you have paid into a fund in a working life of 40 years, from the age of 16 to 60, to lose your job through no fault of your own through the actions of some fly-by-night company and to be told that your pension fund is in liquidation along with your job is deplorable. On Monday morning you have no job and no pension. You have to draw your social asistance. Surely, when we are talking about employees' protection, there is no more deserving cause than this?

Hear, hear.

In this debate, if we were to do nothing more, we should try to achieve something under this section.

On one point I can agree with the Minister. The impact of this is much more significant than some of the proposals already in the Bill. It also has to be acknowledged that the reason for this is that pension fund rights in the event of liquidation are of much greater significance than repayments of, say, four or six weeks' sick pay, as we have been discussing up to this. Obviously, this amendment would go away beyond anything which has been achieved by other amendments proposed in this Bill. We know that and are fully conscious of it. Obviously, it would extend to protecting those pensions for as long as those people would live, as would be their normal entitlement. We are thus talking about very considerable sums. It is a choice between a loss of very considerable sums and very considerable hard earned rights of the contributors over a period of 40 years. I could name, and there may be need to do it, people who have been contributing for that length and more in respect of Castle Brand. It is a question of measuring the loss to them, which is not covered by the term "very considerable" but only by the term "drastic", and the contribution which we should acknowledge to be paid here.

The Minister makes the point that it would involve considerable extra PRSI contributions from the employers to maintain this kind of insurance. If that be the case, then that should be done. This would only arise in the event of insolvency, we must remember. If there is a notion outside among employers, that in the event of liquidation they can avoid their obligations — and they are not just legal; although this is not a forum for moral obligations but they are that above all else — then it is time that those involved as employers or promoters in limited liability circumstances recognised that collectively this obligation attaches to them. I am not one who would be talking normally in terms of imposing extra PRSI charges on anyone but if that had to be the price it should be paid. It could arise only in insolvencies of the kind we have experienced, where the contributions of management are not matched by the contributions of workers. Surely there should be a management insurance underwriting fund whereby these awful injustices could not arise. However, I am quoting an extreme situation. The Minister has not responded to the point from this side that in other EC countries there is such an indemnity on the part of the State. That is important and I am not ignoring the problems in respect of public expenditure either now or for the future. When the integrated national pension plan is drawn up, it will, as the Minister implied, cover such cases but the plan will not be likely to extend back to the type of case I am talking of. There is the additional factor that we might have to wait a considerable time for that pension plan.

The point is that if what we are seeking is in existence elsewhere as a fundamental principle of social justice, we should be legislating on those lines also. Statutory Instrument 306 of 1980 indicates clearly the rights and obligations of the transferor arising from a contract of employment. In this case that would be the former management. It is provided also that a transfer arising from an employment relationship existing on the date of transfer, by reason of such transfer, shall be transferred to the transferee. This is exactly applicable to the case I am quoting. The obligations of the transfer are now attached to a transferee to give a new potential management. Those obligations are such as to carry the dual consequence and burden for those who have been deprived of their pension funds that they now have not much prospect of continuing employment.

It is both the insolvency of the fund and perhaps the accidental effect of Statutory Instrument 306 of 1980 that people suffer both ways. This is the most important issue in this Bill. It is one matter to protect workers at work but it is another to protect their pension rights after they have lost their jobs. I should like the Minister to address himself particularly to the point about the effect of the statutory instrument I have mentioned and I should like him also to acknowledge that we acknowledge that a major increase in the fund is involved. I say that for obvious reasons. Pending the introduction of an integrated pension plan on a national scale, perhaps he would deal with injustices of the kind we have been referring to.

I have never witnessed such frustration, anger and disillusionment among workers as I have witnessed among that fine bunch of people who have worked all their lives up to now but who have been deprived of their jobs and in addition their pension rights. Perhaps they are not the only ones in that situation. It is dangerous when people like them who are the salt of the earth find that there are legal or some other barriers which prevent us from protecting their interests. In those circumstances I plead with the Minister to accept the amendment.

I support Deputy O'Kennedy in his appeal to the Minister and I thank Deputy Prendergast for indicating, during the time I was in the Chair, my support for the workers of Castle Brand.

I am only too well aware of the trauma suffered by the workers in this industry, the 50th anniversary of the founding of which is marked this year. Even the word "trauma" is hardly adequate when applied to the case of a man who, having worked 40 years in a job, loses that job through no fault of his own and in addition is told that there was a serious under-financing of the pension fund. I would go so far as to describe as criminal any employer who would put an employee in that position. I do not know what can be done about such employers either within the terms of this Bill or of any other but it is a sad state of affairs when a person who has given 40 years service to a native industry loses both his job and his pension rights with the collapse of that industry.

The Minister in reply to Deputy O'Kennedy said that a section of the Bill covers a period of 12 months of under-financing. That is totally insufficient. It is merely a drop in the ocean in so far as the crisis in Castle Brand is concerned. In addition to the effect on the workers who have lost their jobs, the pension crisis places a millstone around the necks of those who are making efforts to have the industry re-established. Both Deputy O'Kennedy and I have grown up with the industry.

Deputy Prendergast has referred to the brief I received from the workers and the local union. Some years ago the percentage of payroll involved in the pension fund was in the region of 9 per cent. Two years ago the report of an actuary indicated to the company that to bring the funding into line with what would be an adequate pension for the workers, there would need to be an increase to bring the figure up to 15½ per cent and that that figure would have to increase in line with inflation and so on. Unfortunately, when the factory closed the crisis was discovered all too late. I add my voice to the appeal to the Minister to devise a way of offsetting the effect that the under-financing of the pension fund will have on the workers of Castle Brand. This is necessary, too, in terms of the efforts of semi-State companies to have the factory reopened.

I do not consider that the Minister has adequately covered the questions I asked. He said on Second Stage that in addition to providing for the protection of workers' claims relating to pay, the EC directive imposed an obligation also on member states to protect workers' interests in the matter of company pension schemes.

As I have indicated, this was a State company. There was a pension scheme and I have no reason to believe that the fears expressed to me yesterday by the workers are unfounded. I would be glad if the Minister can tell me they are and that their expectation of pensions — in one case for 38 years of contributory service — will not be disappointed. What is the position of people who have been contributing for 20 years? Will they get 20-60ths? What will happen if the fund runs out?

That is the nub of the problem. I do not have actuarial information about when this will arise — it will depend on the decisions made on who will be paid pensions. Some employees had 37 or 38 or 39 years of service. Will they be entitled to 40-60ths? What is the Minister's view of the State's responsibility, taking into account what he said on Second Stage, to those workers if the fund runs out?

Deputy Wilson has been talking about a State company. When I was speaking earlier I was not aware the Minister had made that statement. The Minister also said:

The EC directive also imposes an obligation on member states to protect workers' interests in the matter of company pension schemes.

That means, according to the Minister, that every member state has that obligation. As we are a member state, surely the Minister will respond to what we are saying. There are very good reasons why the EC should have such a directive because if we allow social injustice to arise without having State protection for people who have contributed we would be wrong.

While I am on my feet I wish to express support for my colleague Deputy Ryan, but I must say this of the brief Deputy Ryan had which previously had been made available to Deputy Prendergast. It is too bad that the trade union representative in Nenagh, who happens to be a member of the Minister's party, did not make available to me as a Deputy in that town, as someone who knows all the lads on that shop floor, who worked with them and hurled with them, what he made available to a Deputy from another constituency. It is a poor tactic. I was a member of that board with only one interest, because of my family associations, and I take offence——

It does not arise here.

——at the fact that the brief was given to Deputy Prendergast by him. Surely if he wanted to protect the workers he should have come to the Deputy for the town——

The House has no control over it.

I know it has not. I was capable of making a case like Deputy Ryan——

No doubt the Deputy will find another platform from which to make his case.

Fairly soon.

The case I have been making was discussed by our Front Bench and by the parliamentary party. It would have helped to make that case stronger if the trade union representative of the transport workers had given me the figures he gave to a Deputy in Limerick. He did so for political reasons.

Deputies Wilson and O'Kennedy have spoken of Castle Brand and Irish Shipping Limited. This clause in the directive covers all industries and all firms that have gone into liquidation in which pensions funds collapsed and all the years service and contributions of the workers went down the drain. I know there are financial constraints and we would support an amendment by the Minister on Report Stage. I am sure the Minister accepts subsection (4) which is as follows:

The provisions of subsections (5) and (6) of this section shall apply in a case where there is appointed or is required to be appointed —

(a) a relevant officer, or

(b) where the employer concerned is an employer of a class or description specified in regulations under section 4(2) of this Act which are for the time being in force, the officer who under the regulations is, for the purposes of this section, required to be appointed in connection with the employer's insolvency.

If the Minister is prepared to bring an amendment on Report Stage we would withdraw our amendments to cover the category of employees who have found themselves penniless during a recess because their pension funds disintegrated on the day their jobs vanished. This has been discussed at length by our parliamentary party in one of the longest debates we have had in recent months and many Deputies and Senators made points. Today we could have brought in 22 cases. The Minister knows about them and we seriously ask him to do something on Report Stage and to give us an indication now that he will do it.

In case there would be some doubt about something I said when I indicated that I am a former member of the board, it is more than seven years since I had any association with them. In those days the pension fund was all right. I declined to rejoin the board in recent years and I have been vindicated in my decision.

I had hoped to get all Stages of the Bill today, but I do not think that is realistic.

We will agree to give the Minister the remaining Stages on Tuesday. After this part of the Bill there will not be any further hold-ups.

I had hoped to get it to the Seanad tonight. Of course, the House must do its job. Let me start with Deputy Wilson's point. I was not sure whether he was speaking with complete infallability following today's episcopal announcement. In relation to Irish Shipping, it is my clear understanding from information we have received that in respect of two out of three categories of workers the status of the pension fund, based on contributions, is basically sound and they will get their full entitlement in line with what they had contributed to the fund. I can make other details available later if the Deputy wishes. In view of the fact that these people were employed in a State company and had certain expectations we should do the maximum possible, within the constraints of the law, to meet their present position. Members opposite will appreciate that I am somewhat constrained in what I say because of the fact that there is a liquidator there. However, that is my view and I will argue it in the relevant places.

Deputies have quoted me fairly in relation to the intent of the EC directive about pension funds and entitlements and workers pay. The directive imposes an obligation on member states to move in this direction. However, it is not an immediate obligation; it is an intermediate one. We are meeting our requirements under the directive by covering the types of payments which are covered in this legislation.

We are seeking to meet in an intermediate manner the objective of covering pension claims and entitlements of workers in the workforce. It is our considered view, as it is the view of many other EC members, that the most effective way to do this is through a pay-related national pension scheme. The House will have regard to the fact that in this instance we are talking about the establishment of a fund which would be contributed to exclusively by employers to cover workers' entitlements to arrears of money. They will be comparatively small amounts but their non-payment could cause considerable aggravation or loss in some cases. That is what the fund is aimed at doing and that is why the contribution is at the level it is.

The Opposition spokesman on Finance was forthcoming in his willingness to contemplate a financial commitment to cover pensions. My information is that we will be coming back during the lifetime of this Dáil to put a national pay-related pension scheme before the House. Obviously any such scheme will have an element of contribution to it from the employer and employee. If those who are in paid employment, self-employer or otherwise, are to make a contribution and express solidarity with those who through no fault of their own lose their pension entitlement, it is reasonable to think that the fund that would go towards providing such a front of solidarity would be funded by both employers and employees. That is not the case in this fund. As a consequence, if we were to extend the scope of this fund to cover the provisions Deputies O'Kennedy and Ryan referred to, the impact on this fund and the consequent imposition of what would be in effect a pay roll tax would be substantial. For that reason I cannot meet the amendment. However, it is intended to bring forward a proposal and that was outlined in the national plan and in the Joint Programme for Government. It is something to which the Minister for Health is committed. Work is going on at present on that. It is quite complex to interact the various types of pension contributions.

In far too many cases where workers make a pension fund contribution, or alternatively where employers deduct a contribution from their salary, there is not adequate overseeing of the administration of the pension fund. In some cases there is no fund as such but a contribution is taken from the employee and put into the current account, so to speak, of the company and pension liabilities are paid as they become due. That is the way it operates under the Civil Service pension scheme. It is arguably not the best way to do it, but that is another day's work. There is an obligation on trade union representatives and public representatives, but specifically on workers who are paying into a fund, to ensure that there are proper trustees appointed to oversee the fund and that the fund is adequately funded. If it is not adequately funded they should be made aware of that and given the option of either increasing their contributions or making alternative arrangements. In many cases the undoubted injustices that arise are because workers, trade union representatives or employers failed to meet their obligations.

I covered the case of Irish Shipping and our obligations under the EC. It is an interim requirement under the directive which we propose to meet. We will meet it under the framework of a national pay-related pension scheme and not out of this fund because of the nature of the funding of this fund and the impact it would have on costs if we were to meet it through the amendment put forward by Deputy Ahern.

The safeguarding of pension contributions and funds is an obligation in the first instance on those who are members of the pension fund or trust. They should make sure, as far as they can, that there is a fund and that there are proper trustees. Under this Bill where an employee has had contributions deducted from his or her salary at source which were deemed to have been paid or credited to the pension fund but which in reality had not been paid by the employer, this fund will make good contributions up to a maximum of the previous 12 months in order to bring the pension fund contribution up to date. The pattern in some companies, particularly in private companies, is when they get into cash flow difficulties revenue of this kind is used as working capital. In this instance what we are saying is that, in so far as they are pension contributions deducted from employees up to a maximum of 12 months previously, they will be fully credited out of this fund to whatever pension scheme the person was making a contribution to in the first place. That is as far as we can go. The logic of that is within the spirit of saying that this was money which was deemed to have been paid and deducted from workers in the first place.

What is the amount of money required to produce the indemnity we request? The Minister said it would be considerable. It is obvious we will not finish the Bill now. If we knew the amount of money we could decide if we could accept the Minister's response.

As the Minister was speaking, behind him was the Deputy General Secretary of the Commission of the European Community whom I went to greet for a moment during the course of what the Minister was saying. I do not think he or the European institutions would be too happy to know that we are moving to what the Minister called intermediate stages, not immediate stages, to implement what we recognise as an obligation under the EC directive. If it is an obligation — it is one that was introduced a few years ago — it is time that we acted to meet that obligation. We have made fairly cogent arguments on this side, and the Minister has accepted them, that the need to meet that obligation is urgent.

I want to conclude by saying that the Minister will know that the refund in respect of 12 months' pension rights is not what we are talking about here. We are talking about people who have been contributing over 35 or 40 years. The only basis on which we can refund them is to indemnify the pension fund to ensure that the contribution they have made will be matched either from management sources or, in the event that neither of those is available, from Government indemnity.

We will complete this Bill on next Tuesday afternoon with the agreement of the Whips.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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