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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 31 Jan 1985

Vol. 355 No. 6

Financial Resolutions, 1985. - Financial Resolution No. 9: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(Minister for Finance).

As I was saying in my replies to Questions, the announcement made by the Minister for Energy this morning in regard to electricity prices for industry is very important and I welcome it. It was an early response by the Minister to the findings of the Committee of Inquiry into Electricity Prices which indicated that prices for electricity here are higher than in most of our competitor countries. I am very glad the Minister for Energy, in conjunction with the ESB, has been able to arrange for an improvement. Since I became Minister for Industry it has been my concern that we should do something about the spiralling costs experienced by industry. It is desirable that we should try to set up new industries but that would be of little value if we cannot preserve the industries we have.

One of the reasons we have been losing so many industries is that for a wide range of items our costs are higher than in competitor nations. One such item is electricity. We have been successful in reducing our general rate of inflation and we are now heading for a time when Ireland will have about the same average rate of inflation as throughout the OECD. Earlier our rate was almost twice that average. This is a major step forward. It is important that conservation of costs in industry should be a contributing factor to all Government decisions that might have the effect of raising costs. Some decisions are taken for financial or policy reasons and these might have the side effect of increasing industrial costs.

Until recently we did not have a way to monitor these costs so that the Government could be advised in good time of the consequences to industry of decisions that might appear quite justifiable in other contexts but not in regard to industry. The cost monitoring group established in my Department, with an independent economist as chairman, have prepared a first report on industrial costs in Ireland. It covers the entire range of costs, including insurance, social insurance, electricity, transport, labour and others. That very comprehensive report will be presented to the Government in the very near future and I hope it will result in the adoption of policy by the Government which will affect Ministerial and Cabinet decision making in an effort to ensure that we will not allow a situation to develop again like that of the late seventies when industrial costs of production ran completely out of control.

We are getting our inflation and consequently our industrial costs, back to a position comparable with those of our competitors. However, they are at too high a level and having got the thing partly under control we must ensure that we will not allow it to get out of control again.

Industry and industrial training are receiving a high priority in the Government's overall expenditure plan for 1985. The overall rate of increase in Government expenditure in 1985 over 1984 is only 9 per cent but the amount of the increase in expenditure under the heading of industry and labour is 27 per cent or three times the rate of increase of expenditure generally. That is a further indication of the priority the Government are giving to industrial development. Of course, we must ensure that we get value for the money being spent on industry and training.

An area which has in my view been one of deficiency in the past has been co-operation and co-ordination between industrial development and industrial training. They are under separate Ministers with the Industrial Development Authority under me and AnCO under the Minister for Labour. One recommendation of the Joint Committee on Small Businesses was particularly telling in its emphasis on the need for improved management training and that improved management training should be seen as part of every serious effort to either rescue, restructure or expand Irish industry. However, up to now that perspective has not always been seen because the agencies concerned with training and industrial development were under separate Ministers.

I am glad to say that the latter has been remedied and that on the management committee on industrial policy we now have representatives sitting around the table, under the chairmanship of my Department, from AnCO, the IDA, CTT, Údarás na Gaeltachta and other agencies who are under a variety of Ministers. In future their programmes will be dovetailed together. It is my intention that, where the Industrial Development Authority are undertaking what is known as a company development programme with a company, where the IDA will be sending staff to visit the company regularly to examine their performance with a view to seeing where potential expansion can be found, AnCO will be closely involved in that process so that everything AnCO can contribute either in the form of formal training or, as important, informal advice, should be given. I hope also that AnCO will keep in close co-operation with one-stop shops which are being established in the regions and where all the services under the agencies of my Department will be centred in one building.

It is obvious that AnCO should also have a representation in such an office so that anybody going to the regional industrial office with an idea for expansion can not only be advised, as he will now in the one building by competent and responsible staff on industrial development, on export markets, product and process development and research, but also on the training needs of himself and of his employees. We are proud of the fact that the total amount of money being provided for industry and labour training this year is three times the average increase in public spending but we must ensure we get proper value for that. The co-ordinated approach I have indicated is one that will give great returns.

The industrial policy has been criticised by the National Economic and Social Council in one or two what I would regard as relatively minor respects. They were unhappy that there was not an adequate detailed formulation of the measure of performance anticipated in respect of industrial activity to be achieved by the expenditure. In formulating measures of achievement as against measures of expenditure we suffer severely from the fact that our statistics are out of date and inadequate. The census of industrial production, for instance, can be up to one year or two years late. Clearly, one has great difficulty in measuring performance with outdated statistics. However, I can tell the House — this has not been publicly known up to now and is a response which was already in train to the criticism of the National Economic and Social Council — that the economic unit in my Department are preparing, and hopefully will have approved by the management committee on industrial policy during the first half of this year, a statistical base upon which to analyse the success of industrial policy. That will provide the National Economic and Social Council, and everybody else concerned, with a means of seeing for the first time how well we are doing by comparison with the amount we are spending.

I should also tell the House — this has not been announced publicly either — that the Government have decided that my Department and the Industrial Development Authority, should work out a sector by sector analysis of how we are going to achieve the targeted increases in manufacturing employment contained in the White Paper on Industrial Policy for the next ten years. As the House is aware we are aiming at an annual increase between 3,000 and 6,000 jobs per annum net in manufacturing or a 30,000 to 60,000 net increase over the next ten years. We have to achieve that within the budget that has been provided. That will not be done by a random approach which responds to applications for grants as they come and hopes that the sum at the end of the day, when we have accepted as many applications as we think we can accept, will add up to a sufficient number of jobs. We have to be more deliberate and purposeful in all the agencies involved in industry bearing in mind that the first objective of industrial policy is the achievement of these job targets. One must work back from these targets through the sectors and target the sectors which are capable of achieving the increase in manufacturing employment. The IDA in addition to responding to grant applications from viable promoters, must be actively seeking out projects in areas where promoters are slow in coming forward where in their view these promoters have the potential of contributing to the achievement of the employment targets set by the Government in their White Paper.

In December I wrote to the IDA asking them to analyse carefully the overall use of their budget over the next three years. They are now in a position that they have never been in before of knowing, as a result of Building on Reality, what their budget will be for the next three years, I want them to see how they can use that budget to achieve in the first three years what they should be achieving if we are to reach the overall target of between 30,000 and 50,000 additional jobs in manufacturing over ten years.

This is not just a question of the IDA having to make a contribution in this area. It is important that all the agencies see themselves as having a responsibility to contribute overall job creation and maintenance of jobs. Rather than individual agencies taking a narrow view of their own functions and having a single mission, which is valuable and it would continue to be the case, they must ensure that they have at all times the wider perspective, that what CTT are doing contributes to what the IDA are trying to achieve and vice versa and what AnCO are doing contributes to what the Irish Goods Council are trying to achieve and vice versa.

I am glad to say that as a result of the operation of the Management Committee on Industrial Policy we have been successful in working out detailed and formal distributions of responsibility as between the relevant agencies in regard to product development, an area for which grants are already given, and the company development approach, and discussions with companies over a longer period to develop their potential. As areas emerge where there is either a possible conflict or a possible complementarity between agencies we will continue to use the management committee on industrial policy to formulate the problem and to formulate the solution in a cohesive overall fashion rather than have the situation which existed in the past where agencies tended to pursue their own mission and hoped they would do better than the other agencies in the battle for funds each year by having a better profile with the Minister of the day. That competitive approach while in some senses laudable is something we cannot afford in present circumstances. We must get the maximum return for the money we are prepared to invest and that is why we are arranging the management committee in this way.

I am reviewing industrial development legislation generally. I will have to introduce legislation this year to provide for the consequences of the White Paper on Industrial Policy. In particular I will be introducing legislation to enable the IDA to pay technology acquisition grants, about which I will be saying a little more later. I intend to avail of this opportunity to review all existing IDA legislation. I have gone through all this legislation in detail and have a number of ideas where it could be improved and made more effective and accountable. I intend to avail of the opportunity provided by the legislation I will have to introduce for matters that are strictly required by the White Paper on Industrial Policy to make some other changes which may emerge from the more general review to which I have already referred.

I said I would speak about technology acquisition grants. It has been recognised that Ireland has been successful in the last number of years in bringing in new technology. Much of our industrial base is very modern and its technology is ahead of our competitors, but most of that modern industrial base is owned by people or companies not resident in Ireland. I would not say that it is undesirable that we should have such foreign enterprise in Ireland — the more we can get the better — but is undesirable that foreign industry is modernising but Irish industry, relatively speaking, is not modernising. One of the reasons for this is that Irish industry has not had adequate incentives available to go abroad to buy technology, to buy licences or patents, to bring in trained people who can show us how to use the most modern technology and so on. In the industrial development legislation which I will be introducing, with the consent of the Oireachtas, I will be giving the IDA power to give companies grants not only to buy patents overseas but also to go overseas, to spend time there and the send staff overseas to learn how to use this technology.

I am confident that this scheme will lead to a very significant strengthening of the technology of Irish industry. I said in response to questions here today and on other occasions that, unless Irish industry can reduce their cost of production by an average of 3 per cent every year, one year after the other, they will lose the market share and lose jobs. The objective must be to reduce in real terms production costs by 3 per cent every year, even when they are making a profit. If a company is not succeeding they should ask themselves some very hard questions. They should reduce their costs by 3 per cent every year, because that on average over the product cycle is what is necessary if industry is to stay with their competition and maintain employment levels. I believe that must be the target of management in every industry in Ireland. One key way to bring down costs is to apply new technology. In my view this new system of grants will be very important.

There are other ways which costs can be reduced within the industry. I will mention two of them — absenteeism control and quality control. I have asked the Industrial Development Authority to obtain information from all firms with a staff of more than 50, and from all firms with a staff of less or more than 50 who are applying for an IDA grant, about their levels of absenteeism because if a company has a high absenteeism rate it is not well managed and the main responsibility for such a situation rests in the company itself. I acknowledge that improvements can be made in the tax and social welfare systems to assist management in reducing absenteeism, but not-withstanding these difficulties there are companies with absenteeism rates as low as 0.5 per cent while other companies have rates as high as 20 per cent and both operate in the same tax and social welfare environment. If some companies can get their absenteeism rate as low as the best, then all companies can do the same. This is primarily a matter for management. I believe that IDA and the other grant giving agencies should push Irish management hard to bring absenteeism levels down because absence from work adds to costs, and costs cost jobs. High levels of absenteeism are a direct contributor to loss of jobs.

I am asking the IDA and other agencies to ensure that companies to whom they are giving assistance have proper quality control procedures in operation. It is fine to have an ethos of quality, and we all should have that in any aspect of our life, but it is necessary in manufacturing not just to have an ethos but to have specific procedures written down and applied day in and day out by all staff and management to ensure that there is a minimum level of goods produced that cannot be sold. Lack of quality control in industry means that too much raw material is being turned into goods which at the final examination before they are sent to the supplier are rejected and cannot be sold. If 10 per cent of the goods produced cannot be sold, that means that the costs of production are 10 per cent higher than those of your competitor if he has no rejection rate. Of course, it is far worse if the goods are sold and found to be of deficient quality because industry then faces the prospect of either being sued for defective quality or losing the market share because of a bad reputation. Good management can do a great deal in industry to improve quality control. I will ensure that all State agencies will push management hard to perform better every year in these vital areas as far as costs are concerned in the years ahead.

I should like to refer again to the important job creation potential of the tourist industry. I opened my speech by referring to this and I hope I will be forgiven for returning to it without repeating anything I have said already. Access transport is a key feature in determining that people come to Ireland. We did extremely well last year and we expect to do very well this year in respect of American tourists coming to Ireland, although we are getting far less than we should be. Of those who go to the UK no more than one-tenth visit Ireland. We are doing well because of the strength of the dollar and because air fares across the Atlantic to Ireland are very competitive. In contrast, however, air fares to Ireland from Britain or from Continental Europe are not very competitive. One of the reasons for this is that there are insufficient package deals available for people coming to Ireland either from Britain or the Continent. I fully understand that Aer Lingus do not want to have their business fare, on which they make their bread and butter so to speak, diluted or reduced below what they believe they can obtain on the market from business users simply to facilitate tourists, because if that happened we would be taking money out of one pocket and putting it in another. We would be increasing the losses of Aer Lingus by putting money into tourism but the net position of the economy would be no better.

On the other hand, if we can develop specific packages which involve not only a low air fare but competitive accommodation and perhaps meals and entertainment vouchers for tourists in a variety of hotels, not necessarily one hotel as is the case in Mediterranean destinations, suitable to the type of holiday which people want to have here, that would help the tourist industry. If the providers of entertainment, food and hotels could get together with air carriers and offer composite packages which would only be of interest to tourists because of the other items provided in the package, we could convince the airlines that they should offer much lower priced air fares for those packages because that would be additional business over and above what they would be getting anyway and it would not dilute the price structure for basic business.

I will be meeting the confederation of the tourism industry in the near future. It is very important that people in the tourist industry realise that the Government can only do so much and it is up to the industry to show that they can respond to that. This is the best budget for tourism in many years. One way in which they can respond is by seeking to develop, in co-operation with one another, package tours of the kind I mentioned which would enable us to reduce access transport for tourists coming to Ireland without diluting the fare base of the national or other carriers for normal business traffic.

I should also like to acknowledge a point made by the chairman of the Committee on Small Business, Deputy Yates, that we must recognise that the tourist industry, comparatively speaking, is far more labour intensive than almost any other industry. One pound invested in tourism is likely to create more jobs if it is well spent than a pound invested in any other sector. That is why the Government have been extremely wise in putting such great emphasis on tourism in the budget.

What about the construction industry?

I am very proud of the fact that the Government have been able to provide enough money this year to bring the total number of fully serviced enterprise centres up to five, including one in Deputy Lyons's constituency. These IDA centres will provide people with business ideas an opportunity to get started by giving them accommodation for the first few years at a nominal cost so that they can get going and, in time, get out of the enterprise centre to start on their own. We can be very proud of the amount of money provided for enterprise centres and of their success.

I should also like to mention the social employment scheme. It is very important and will for the first time provide an opportunity for those who are unemployed to do something useful for the community. People who have lost their jobs feel a sense of rejection, uselessness and isolation from the rest of the community. In a sense, they feel that their neighbours very often do not want to mix with them because of the misfortune they have suffered in losing their jobs. The self-respect and the interest within the community of those who have been unemployed can be restored by giving them an opportunity to do something useful and visible for the community. Quite apart from the money, the work will give them an opportunity to get back into the habit of working. The money will obviously be better than they would receive on unemployment assistance, and the fact that they can do something useful rather than being paid to do nothing is a major step forward. Furthermore, the social employment scheme will provide people who are involved in it — 10,000 this year — who have done two-and-a-half days' work under the scheme to take on any part time employment they can get, for an hour, six or ten hours with different employers or with the same employer at any hour of the day. At present someone on unemployment assistance who can get one day's work per week is actively discouraged from taking it up unless he wants to be dishonest because of the great delays there are in getting the Department of Social Welfare to agree to pay benefits for the days that the person is not working. Under the social employment scheme the person concerned can do all the part time work he likes and will still be paid £70. As a result, people can accumulate money and that might enable them to set up their own business or acquire so much part time work that they become fully employed. This is a very progressive scheme and will give great hope to many people.

The alternance scheme which is being launched by AnCO in the next few weeks will be of great value. This scheme is directed at the long term unemployed who did not get sufficient attention in the past from those charged with training. Many unemployed people find that their skills are no longer employable. We must give those people an opportunity to acquire new skills. The alternance scheme will be a combination of work and training designed to give the long term unemployed an opportunity to require new skills and start working again. It is an excellent scheme. Taken together with the other schemes I have mentioned, it represents a valuable contribution by the Government.

I hope the Opposition will not confine themselves to criticism. I know they have every right to be critical——

What about constructive criticism?

I do not dispute that. I hope they will take the trouble to suggest constructive alternatives to what the Government are doing. Anything on those lines would be very welcome. We are all working together for the good of the same country. We have more in common than we have dividing us. If the country is better for the Government it would be better for the Opposition as well. I hope the debate will be conducted with that in view so that the best ideas can be used to help solve our biggest problem which is unemployment.

It is quite obvious that there is co-operation between the Opposition and the Government in some respects because the Government have taken up some of the ideas we have pressed on them for the past year, particularly in the area of selective reductions in VAT.

The simplification and partial rationalisation of the tax code is a welcome feature of the budget as are also the selective reductions in VAT. The Minister should realise that it is our function to tease out this budget, see what is in it, see what the Minister is not saying and make sure these things are brought before the House. The Minister can be sure we will do that. We have always been constructive in our comments.

The Minister for Finance spoke at great length yesterday but he never mentioned the fact that he was not giving any increase in children's allowances. This is a major element of our social code and affects many people. It fell to the Opposition to point out this omission.

The overall impact of the budget will be to cause further unemployment, particularly in the building industry. It will also have an impact on middle income families and there will be a widespread increase in poverty and deprivation. The Minister spoke about social welfare improvements. He took the year 1981 and compared it with 1984 in order to find a real overall increase in that period. The Minister knows that Fianna Fáil gave increases in 1980, 1981 and 1982. These were at a substantial level. Old age pensions, windows' pensions and unemployment benefit were extremely low and were recognised by commentators as being so low that the people involved would be living in poverty. A major effort was made to bring these people up off their knees and a 25 per cent increase was given in three years. Since the Coalition came into power these have been systematically reduced yet the Minister tried to tell us that there was a real increase in unemployment benefit for a single person of 4.5 per cent going back over this period. Why did the Minister not take last year and look at the position of the unemployed then? He must be totally removed in his living and circumstances to have no idea of the deprivation that exists.

The Minister for Energy spoke earlier about the agency to combat poverty and said that legislation was being prepared, as if we should all become excited because legislation would be brought in. In 1972 we set up a national community development agency and gave it a budget of £2.25 million. When this Government came to power they abolished that because they said they wanted to establish their own poverty agency. The national community development agency was passed by the Oireachtas and the Minister had power to appoint whoever he liked to the board. Where did the money go? The £500,000 which has been mentioned as our contribution to voluntary organisations will come out of that money. Why did we have to listen to such deception and witness such sleight of hand? The Government have become so skilled in practicising sleight of hand that they do not realise they are doing it. Imagine going back to the year 1980-81 to try to get a figure that would show there was a real increase in allowances.

This budget will lead to a widespread increase in poverty and deprivation. I want the Minister for Energy to get away from nightclubs and fancy places and see what is happening outside. Then he will not make the kind of speeches he made this morning. The budget will have a devastating impact on the family as a result of the increase on essentials such as footwear, clothing, food and fuel. It is very easy to mask these things in an overall cost of living increase but when we are dealing with people who live on the basics it is totally different.

There is no increase in investment in the economy and consequently no provision of jobs. One of the biggest impacts of the budget will be its effect on the building industry and house purchasers. I do not have to remind the House of the importance of the building industry in the economy. It ranks second only to agriculture nationally. More importantly, it is the lifeblood and the main hope for employment in the major urban areas. It is particularly so in Dublin because in Dublin there is no agriculture to fall back on or the allied or associated businesses and trades. Yet, the last two years have seen a sharply accelerating decrease in the building of private houses. This has given rise to the current unacceptable figure of £45,000 people unemployed in the industry. This figure is all the more unacceptable when one bears in mind that 40 per cent of the cost of new private housing is recouped by the Exchequer. This alone should be sufficient incentive to the Government to encourage expansion of this sector in the economy.

The proposals in the budget do nothing to suggest that the Government have realised this incentive should be pursued both to alleviate the predicted house shortage and also to stimulate job creation in the high unemployment urban areas. It seems inconsistent that a Government who speak so often of the importance of our natural resources can appear so blind to the opportunities presented by an industry that relies on a minimal input of imported materials. When one bears in mind that labour, our greatest natural resource, alone constitutes nearly 50 per cent of the total input of cost, it seems that an appalling error of judgment has been made.

If we examine the effects of the budget proposals on the first time house purchaser — in the majority of cases a young married couple starting to set up a home — we find that, taking an average house with a pre-VAT cost of £30,000, the additional impositions are the following. First, an increase in VAT costs of £1,500 which is only partly offset by the extra grant of £750. This leaves a real increase in the cost to the purchaser of £750. The Minister takes away twice as much as he gives. On radio this morning the Minister for Finance admitted that there will be a real increase in house prices as a result of his actions but he did not realise the full extend of the damage he has done. He calculated that the net increase after grant aid on a £30,000 house would be £630. That was based on his assumption that VAT would not be charged on the grant element and he spelled that out very clearly. He may have it in his mind that VAT should not be charged on the grant element but here he was seriously mistaken. VAT is charged on the gross sale price — that is the way the system works — and for the Minister for Finance to claim otherwise shows he is not in touch with the reality of the practice in his own office. Obviously he had taken the trouble to calculate the figures in detail but he was mistaken. It must also be remembered that while the grant applies only to first time purchasers who qualify, the increased VAT applies to all new houses.

I have examples here in a schedule of three houses costing respectively £25,000, £30,000 and £35,000. In that schedule I have set out the rates of VAT at 5 per cent which are as follows: on the house costing £25,000 VAT will be £1,250; it will be £1,500 on the house costing £30,000 and £1,750 on the house costing £35,000. The gross price on the three houses rises to £26,250, £31,500 and £36,750. The new gross price at 10 per cent VAT will be £27,500, £33,000 and £38,500. The gross increase in each case will be £1,250, £1,500 and £1,750. By deducting the grant increase, we find that the increase not absorbed by the grant will be £500 on the house costing £25,000, £750 on the house costing £30,000 and £1,000 on the house costing £35,000. These are just three examples of how it will operate in practice and I am sure the Minister for Finance will be interested to study them.

We have also to take into account an estimated increase of 1½ per cent per annum in building society mortgage rates due to increased taxes on building societies. In addition, the prospective purchaser will be faced with an extra income requirement of £330 per year to satisfy the normal borrowing restriction of two to two and a half times his income. There is also a further burden on the house buyer because of the failure of the Government to provide the expected indexation of the mortgage interest relief of £4,000 per annum for a married couple. That is unchanged and, therefore, in real terms it is devalued.

To consider the effect on the house builder, we turn our attention to the very real possibility that he will not be in a position to pass on the proposed VAT increase to the prospective house purchaser. Let us examine the consequences there. In nearly all cases the builder will not be able to pass on this increase because of the very depressed state of the market and the high interest rates. I have set out a schedule of figures which shows that the builder will suffer a reduction in profits of approximately £700 on the portion of VAT not absorbed by the additional grant. Announcing a conservative estimate of 10 per cent net profit, that is £3,000, his percentage drop in real terms would be 20 per cent to 25 per cent approximately and this would have a devastating effect on the builder. It will have to fall either on the house purchaser or on the builder and obviously it will fall partly in both directions. The effect of the additional VAT on the profitability of house building in respect of three houses costing £25,000, £30,000 and £35,000 can be seen in the schedule I have complied.

All of this must result in a knock-on effect on the ability of the industry to contribute in any way towards solving the grave unemployment crisis in the industry and also in providing the essential reinvestment potential for the future of the industry which is universally acknowledged to have a sevenfold multiplier effect on the economy. Builders who have entered into a contract to sell a house will be caught by the additional 5 per cent VAT on the gross figure which applies at the closing of the sale. Here there will be great argument and difficulty about what should be done.

The effect on house building will be quite devastating. I do not believe the Minister really realised what he was doing. I do not think he had worked out the details to see what would be the real effects. If the increase from 5 per cent to 10 per cent is carried to the building industry in general, what will be the position generally in relation to housing? Will the Minister recoup the local authorities for the money they will lose on VAT? What about hospitals, homes for the elderly and buildings for the mentally and physically handicapped? I remember when I was Minister for Health at the time of a budget. It was very tough because we had our own budget worked out and our sums done. Everything had been pared down as much as possible. It is very difficult in such a situation when there is an imposition of 5 per cent on all items.

What is the position with churches that are being built at present? I know of one case, and the man who is building a church is faced with an immediate increase of more than £100,000. That man is in real trouble straight away and the question must be asked, what does he do? Will the Minister make any arrangements in respect of buildings under construction at the moment? Are we trying to stop people building churches? What will be the situation with regard to industrial buildings? There are also the prisons and the detention centres that are urgently needed under the programme of the Minister for Justice which has been revived this year. The proposals of the Minister for Finance represent a clawback on the published Estimates in these areas and perhaps the Minister in his reply will outline the effects in the cases I have mentioned.

With regard to the income tax, while the Minister's simplification of the tax bands is welcome in terms of rationalisation it has also had the effect of increasing the tax taken from most PAYE taxpayers. I call this "the income tax con" because certainly it has been sold very well to the people.

In the national plan the Coalition promised not to increase the overall burden of income tax. Yet in this budget they have done the opposite. The burden has been shifted in real terms on to the backs of the middle income group. How can income tax yield £165 million more than the 1984 out-turn, while the average taxpayer is promised a reduction in the amount of PAYE he pays? This is not possible and the Minister knows that it cannot be done. He has tried to do it by ignoring the effect of inflation. For example, the average family earning £8,000 last year must earn nearly £8,700 this year to keep up with inflation. The added tax on that £700 is nearly £250. This more than wipes out any savings that the Minister claims. Any taxpayers earning less than £20,000 will have a higher PAYE burden in real terms than they had last year. The only beneficiaries of these new PAYE rates are those earning significantly more than £20,000 per annum. These taxpayers benefit from the abolition of the 65 per cent rate. I have set these out in a table which indicates that the extra PAYE contribution at £8,000 is net £168, at £10,000 it is £338, at £15,000 it is £605 and at £20,000 it is £738. This is how the Minister by crafty presentation tries to dupe the man in the street into believing that he can pay less income tax while the Minister is budgeting to collect £165 million more. This will come from middle income families.

This budget, following those of the last two years, is a social disaster. When the dust settles this budget will be seen for what it really is. It continues the present Government's policy of systematically reducing the traditional Irish family, and the Minister Deputy Bruton, expects me to clap him on the back, as does the Tánaiste, Deputy Spring, while Irish families are being systematically deprived by this Government and the facts and figures are there to show it. We are supposed to come in here and praise the Minister for putting up a camouflage and to approve the cosmetics of what his Government are doing. It is our duty to keep our feet on the ground and see what is happening. I tell the Ministers, and also the backbenchers on the opposite side of the House who applauded happily yesterday and looked around seeking a standing ovation, to wait till they go out and see the situation on the ground.

This budget is going nowhere. It is bringing nobody anywhere. I have no objection to people on a high level of tax paying a little less and hoping that they will stay here and put their capabilities and ingenuity back into the country. In terms of overall rationalisation that is a good thing. However, when the Minister shifts the burden back on to the middle income families I object strenuously and repeatedly to that. When the Minister, Deputy Bruton, in 1980 and 1981 sought a real increase over a period he had to look back at what Fianna Fáil did in the past before he could have any possibility of a real net increase. The middle income families have become the paymasters for the Government's policy. They pay heavily for the right to survive. Their already greatly stressed position has worsened. Extra VAT on footwear and clothing and no increases on children's allowances will ensure that they are worse off in 1985.

The Irish family is under an economic attack, and the Coalition's policy excludes them from fair participation and the traditional support guaranteed by the Constitution. Irish families are not being allowed to have jobs here. We used to talk about the North where the Nationalist and Catholic population were forced to emigrate because jobs would not be given to them in the North. We argued against that and asked that houses and jobs be given to them and that matters be allowed to take their own course thereafter, given fair opportunity. In this country, where we have total control of our destiny, we are not allowing our young people to have jobs and we are not going to allow them even to survive. We are cutting them back in every direction. Go out and ask some families about this and stop the nonsense about praising this budget. This budget is bad for families here today and will be bad for 1985. Let members of the Government not go around the country thinking that they have done something wonderful in the social welfare increases, which are put off until July. They have done something disastrous and very savage to the people who need their support.

Parents are being impoverished by their new high cost of living and the greatly increased cost of education and transport. Our growing unemployment rate is a national crisis and we cannot afford to become complacent about it. The record of this Coalition in job creation is disastrous. From November 1982, when the Coalition came into power, until the end of 1984 they succeeded in increasing the ranks of the unemployed by on average almost 500 extra out of work for every week they have been in office. For goodness sake, why do they not stop this haemorrhage? There is no sign in this budget that this cruel social policy has changed. The lack of any imaginative stimulus or incentive for agriculture and the building industry shows the way we can expect the economy to go, with more unemployment and emigration and an accelerated departure of brains and skilled workers.

Once again the Coalition have set aside the task of tackling the greatest social problem, unemployment. Worse still, they have not even set the parameters right for future employment. The current budget deficit will grow. Capital for investment in productive infrastructure will fall by over 15 per cent if we allow for inflation. Capital investment will fail to keep pace with inflation in such crucial areas as agriculture, industry, forestry, energy and housing. The only encouragement given is some selective reduction in VAT and this policy was pressed on the Government by Fianna Fáil. It is a reversal of the cruel and massive VAT increases applied by the Government only two years ago.

Where is the new thinking to encourage firms to employ people? The present system of grants and aids is related mainly to capital equipment. Surely it is time to provide an incentive to hire new or extra workers or at least to remove some of the disincentives. Should we consider giving more loans to entrepreneurs, especially the smaller ones, and waiving part of the repayments depending on the continuing level of employment provided?

The increases in social welfare will ensure the continued spread of poverty. The 6 to 6.5 per cent increase is less than the 8.5 per cent overall inflation experienced last year. Notice the sleight of hand. They worked the increase on the previous year from November to November. Here the Minister made great efforts to get the lowest possible figure at the end of the year. He knows that from the beginning of the year the increase was 8.5 per cent overall inflation last year. This is another decrease in real terms in social welfare benefits for the least well off. Of course, it also is put back until July, which decreases it further. The fact that it is delayed until July makes this reduction worse in 1985. Widows, old age pensioners, the sick and unemployed will suffer further as a result of this budget. They are facing items such as food subsidies recently removed. Costs of fuel, footwear, clothing and other essentials have all been increased beyond the overall increase in inflation. The derisory increase in the fuel scheme grant of £1 per week deferred to October is typical of the heartlessness of the Government. That is the first increase since 1982. In 1982 you could buy the bag of coal or the gas with the £4. Those items now cost almost £8. The Tánaiste tells us that the increase in the fuel allowance will offset increased prices. That is a lot of rubbish. Does he think we are fools? When I was Minister in 1982 a cylinder of gas cost £4 There was no increase in the fuel allowance in that year nor was there an increase in 1983 or 1984 but now there is to be an increase of £1 which is to apply from the end of 1985. The £1 per week increase in the fuel scheme is derisory. The new level will be £5.

Is the Minister aware of the reality of poverty and low incomes? I can give an example of a typical married couple without children and of a similar couple with three children. In the first case the basic cost to survive is approximately £78 per week while in the second case the corresponding figure is £125. These real life figures allow 40p for breakfast for two adults, £1.60 for dinner and £1.20 for tea. This is the reality in these days of Coalition. We are talking about people who would have been well able to manage for themselves but who are not able to do so anymore. One need only ask the Society of St. Vincent de Paul about the plight of such people. We are talking about two worlds that are growing further apart. This budget will allow the haves to become richer at the expense of the aspirations and incomes of the have-nots. If the transfers to the haves were to encourage investment in job creation they would have some useful social purpose but there is little evidence of this in the budget.

How can a couple on unemployment benefit be expected to survive on an increase of £3.70 per week, an increase that will bring their weekly income to the princely sum of £65.10p from July next, that is if they can survive until then. I have given a very basic set of figures which include such essential items as gas, electricity and, in this case, Dublin Corporation rent and £6 per week for fuel. One would not buy very much fuel on that amount. If we take meals at the rates I have given, the cost is £23.20p for two people even allowing for such small amounts. I have taken a figure of £4 for clothing, footwear, toiletries, medical needs, travel and so on. A couple in those circumstances cannot survive without massive supplementary social welfare but this, too, has been cut back by the Government. On the instructions of the Minister for Health and Minister for Social Welfare, there was a cutback of £3.2 million in social welfare last year. That reduction has severely affected families in the circumstances I am talking about. How is the gap to be bridged? Thousands of people are queuing for supplementary social welfare while the Society of St. Vicent de Paul are helping out also. What, for instance will an extra 55p per child per week buy for a family? How can a couple on unemployment assistance be expected to survive on the proposed £56.40 per week from July next? We can only look forward to the days when a Fianna Fáil Government will return to office and care for the less well off as we have done in the past. Such people as widows, old age pensioners and the unemployed are experiencing the reality of this uncaring Coalition.

Again, there is to be no increase in children's allowances. This means a reduction in the real value of those allowances for this year. Systematically, the Government have been cutting back in this regard, again hitting most the middle income families almost as if they were selecting those families for this treatment. No doubt the Government are acting on some fancy theory from some economist whose feet are not on the ground and who talks about some sort of redistribution. Such economists should find out for themselves what the reality is. What is the strategy behind the consistent cutting of children's allowances? Is it that the Government are not in favour of families of three, four or five children? Is there a change in their approach to Irish society? When we look elsewhere at some of the other social proposals of the Government, it seems as if they are accepting different norms but are they trying economically to bring about these new situations?

Surely the Government are getting a feedback on these matters? Are they not aware that children's allowances are used to pay for electricity, footwear, rent arrears, school costs and other essentials? Frequently — on average about every second day — I meet people who have problems about paying for their electricity. I can only ask the ESB in these cases to wait until children's allowance day when these people will have a little lump sum that will enable them to reach an agreement to pay off some of the arrears. The people we are talking of cannot meet the cost of their electricity bills in winter. They are either not receiving now moneys they were getting last year by way of supplementary benefit or receiving only half those amounts.

A lot of the money expended by the Society of St. Vincent de Paul is expended in the area of paying electricity bills for people in difficulties. The Tánaiste referred to a transfer of £10 million to industry in terms of a reduction in electricity charges to that sector. That is very welcome but it is regrettable that there is not some transfer to help people who are dependent on social welfare and who are not able to meet their electricity charges. Why penalise the family in this way? Children's allowances are the staple support of women working in the home but where is the chorus of outrage for those who support the mother and the family? What the Government are doing represents a mean and nasty undermining of the family

The Minister expects me to come in here and to be nice, saying that this could be good for both of us but I cannot remain silent because there are far too many people for whom this is a bad budget. When we talk about people who depend on children's allowances we are talking about 440,000 families or about 1.2 million children but the reality is that the children's allowances are being reduced in real terms.

The Government have some grand plan for the future but their programme has some inherent problems. However that is a debate for another day. In the meantime they are trying to save all they can in the ways I have outlined. Presumably they will bring forward some grand plan next year.

There are two other items that will have a major effect, one is the £28.6 million by way of additional cuts and the other is the £30 million to be effected by way of cuts in pay and numbers in the public service. To bring about the £28.6 million, pruning will be necessary in the various Departments but we know that all the various areas have been subjected to cutbacks already. The Minister has not indicated where the reductions are to be effected. One wonders if it is the intention to reduce further supplementary welfare payments, payments that people increasingly are depending on. I appeal to him not to allow cuts to be made in that area and not to penalise further those who are genuinely in need. Neither must the cuts be effected in the Department of Justice because we need more gardaí on the streets, an area which has suffered because of the cutbacks in overtime.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 5 February 1985.
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