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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 30 May 1985

Vol. 359 No. 1

Report of Committee on Public Expenditure: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann takes note of the Report of the Committee on Public Expenditure: Review of Leasing of Public Sector Accommodation.

I am pleased to move the motion on this the fourth report of the Committee on Public Expenditure. The report, though it is the shortest one we have produced to date, is important in that it identified an area of public expenditure which, in the committee's view, led to considerable sums of taxpayers' money being wasted in the past and unfortunately up to the present time. We want to ensure that basic control systems are put in place in Government Departments and State-sponsored bodies to ensure that such waste can and will be avoided in future.

Paragraph 3 of the report before the House summarises the object of the committee's concern, namely, that "leases have been signed on behalf of client Departments and agencies and rental paid in respect of new premises while the lease for the existing occupied building had not been disposed of or conclusive arrangements made so to dispose". In other words, decisions have been made for one reason or another to move out of existing offices and to acquire new accommodation. The result of this meant that double rent was and is being paid and the only beneficiary of such an arrangement is the landlord. I propose to illustrate with concrete examples what the committee found, and the House will no doubt agree that this practice should be stopped immediately unless the Minister for Finance is satisfied that in a particular case there are compelling reasons for allowing double rents to be paid for limited periods.

It is not my intention to quote too many statistics during the course of this debate. However, it is necessary to give some broad indication of the size of the bill for a major part of public sector accommodation. I would remind the House that this committee are responsible for the review of expenditure of Government Departments and offices and the non-commercial State-sponsored bodies. These figures do not cover the commercial State bodies, the local authorities or other agencies which are funded directly or indirectly from Exchequer sources.

In the case of Government Departments and offices the Office of Public Works paid out £17 million for rental of accommodation plus maintenance and service charges in 1984. I should mention here that £887,000 was paid for unoccupied space, and this aspect was mentioned as a cause for concern in the committee's October 1984, report on rental/leasing and project control by the Office of Public Works. It is estimated that rental of the order of £2 million was paid in the case of the State bodies falling within the terms of reference of the Committee on Public Expenditure.

The sum of these two blocks of State expenditure on leasing offices and other accommodation, which comes to almost £19 million yearly, gives some idea of the scale of spending involved and the reason why the committee are concerned to ensure that value for money is assured at each step in the process of renting offices on behalf of the State. It is quite clear that in almost all cases proper systems are in place to ensure that there is no overlapping of rental payments. Our concern is related to those cases where we found substantial levels of double payments.

I will now turn to examples that came to the notice of the committee of double renting and which in our view could have been avoided or reduced substantially. First, as regards Bord Iascaigh Mhara, the committee heard evidence towards the end of last year that BIM had signed a lease for a new headquarters in Crofton Road, Dún Laoghaire in October 1981. I regret to inform the House that the office block in question remained empty for three years at October 1984, at a cost of £867,000. The reasons given for not taking over the new office were that due to policy changes funds were not available for fitting out the offices and there was also, I understand, some problem about getting staff to move from Hume House, Ballsbridge, due to Dún Laoghaire being inconvenient for most of the staff. I have been informed that all the staff are now in the Dún Laoghaire office block but that BIM have not yet disposed of their Hume House accommodation. Therefore, there is still a double rent system in operation at an annual cost of £¼ million to the Exchequer. This unhappy situation will continue as long as BIM fail to dispose of their "old" office accommodation.

This one example shows clearly the problems that can and do arise when the planning process fails to take account of all the problems that can be encountered, particularly at a time when the property market is depressed and sellers are not in a position to obtain good prices or, indeed, dispose of their property at all in the short term.

The Industrial Development Authority completed the transfer of staff from six separate offices to their new headquarters at Wilton Place in Dublin by mid-April. The annual rental of this new office block is of the order of £1.2 million a year which, the committee were assured, was a good bargain for the location and the square footage of the accommodation involved. We fully accepted that the IDA acted responsibly in moving to a new headquarters with a view to operating more efficiently. We are, however, concerned about the delay in finalising arrangements for the disposal of their former office accommodation.

In the IDA's case rent became payable from November 1984, though again the existing offices were not expected to be sold before June of this year. The rental of the former accommodation, excluding the new headquarters was over £¾ million in 1984, with a further £416,000 paid by way of overlapping rent in 1985. I must say at this point that the committee fully accept that in the property area, as with any other major financial transaction, certain decisions must be taken in an atmosphere of confidentiality and also by reference to the need to avoid weakening a negotiating position. The reason I say this is that the argument has been advanced that current accommodation cannot be advertised or otherwise put on the market too early, as this would tend to depress the price if potential buyers are alerted to the fact that there was pressure to dispose of a particular property. This view is acceptable up to a point, but it is somewhat of a two edged weapon because, equally, it can be said that agencies trying to sell property after they move to new accommodation can find themselves in a position of attempting to sell at all costs and may be in an even weaker negotiating position than they might have been.

One final comment I would make on this particular issue: the committee accept fully the autonomous decisions taken by the various State-sponsored bodies, particularly where they are intended to make their operations more efficient and cost-effective. We do, however, reserve the right to review and examine any areas of expenditure where we feel there may be waste involved. By any standard, the question of overlapping of rents and other costs on office accommodation cannot generally be justified and the committee are determined to ensure that the practice is reduced or eliminated at the earliest possible opportunity.

I now turn to premises under the control of the Office of Public Works where examples of double payments of rents occurred. Unfortunately, I do not have the actual amounts involved to hand, as I understand that OPW regard this information as confidential. For the Office of Public Works, Furniture Division, rent was paid in respect of a property at Mountshannon Road, Kilmainham, which was being fitted out for use by the division while rent was also being paid in respect of a warehouse at Bonham Street being used by the division for the storage of furniture. Double payment occured from 1 January 1984 to 30 December 1984. The area of the warehouse is 60,530 square feet.

For the Council for Status of Women, Merrion Square, rent was paid for space in Lower Mount Street from 1 March 1984. Former premises in Merrion Square were surrendered on 13 June 1984 following the transfer of staff of the council. The area of the new premises is 1,517 square feet.

For the Department of Agriculture and Social Welfare, Killarney, rent was paid in respect of a property at Park Road, Killarney, which was being fitted out for use by the two Departments. Rent was also being paid in respect of their existing accommodation at 58 Lower New Street and Town Hall, Killarney, respectively. Double payment occurred from 1 January 1984 to 31 December 1984. The area of the new premises is 1,292 square feet. For the Department of Agriculture, Clonakilty, rent was paid for space in premises at Emmet Square, Clonakilty, from 1 September 1984. While the premises were being fitted out rent continued to be paid in respect of the existing accommodation at Wolfe Tone Street. The area of the new premises is 1,264 square feet.

One distrubing feature in the case of leasing new or additional accommodation is that it is very likely that different public sector bodies may be competing for the same premises, thereby pushing up the cost to the taxpayer. There may be grounds for considering some form of centralised property agency acting on behalf of the overall public sector —the Civil Service, State-sponsored bodies, local authorities and so on — with a view to reducing unnecessary and wasteful competition for space.

The committee saw the present problem as a possible symptom of what we might call a lack of a hard-nosed businesslike approach to management in the public sector. It is our view that one of the prime causes of the problem of double renting in the public sector is that of the lack of accountability on the part of individual managers. We are convinced that if a property manager is given a budget and specific responsibility, with all the rights and duties that imposes, he will be compelled to drive a hard bargain and ensure that his secretary or chief executive is not left holding two separate blocks of accommodation which are a drain on the agency's budget and, by implication, the taxpayer.

I believe that a system of incentives should operate to encourage tighter management of property. Conversely, managers who fail to meet their objectives in this field should be subject to some disciplinary procedures — indeed, there should be some mechanism for reducing the overall budgetary allocation of an agency by the excess amount payable in respect of double rent, where this is shown to have been avoidable. I would hope that this situation would not arise in future and I am confident that if the committee's recommendations are implemented the new system will overcome any such possibility in the case of new leases being negotiated.

The committee see the example of double leasing and renting as irritating examples of lack of value for money in the public sector. We want to be constructive in our reviews and examination of public expenditure programmes. Yet we would much prefer if the initiative for identifying and eliminating such waste of taxpayers' money came from the agencies themselves, rather than from the committee, the Comptroller and Auditor General or members of the public who feel obliged to send us submissions because of their concern about visible examples of such waste from time to time.

The four recommendations set out at paragraph 5 of the committee's report are self-explanatory and need no elaboration on my part. Essentially, their implementation would ensure that no lease for additional accommodation would be signed unless there is an actual contract to dispose of existing space. These recommendations will, we believe, assist the agencies involved and the Exchequer to ensure that no double rents will be paid in future and that scarce resources will, therefore, be channelled into more productive uses as a result.

I recommend the committee's report to the House.

This is a very brief report, but it raises very fundamental issues. This is the second report that we have debated in the House on the public accommodation which is generally monitored and controlled to the Minister of State at the Department of Finance under the Minister for Finance. We have had two separate occasions here in the last six months on which to have a major examination by a committee — which is only a committee of the House, with limited enough resources but with a very good secretariat, it has to be said — into an area where the Minister for Finance has the fundamental responsibility. He is the Minister of the day charged, not only with controlling public expenditure but with demonstrating that he is capable of doing that and setting the effective example to all others in the public and private sectors in respect of public expenditure.

Here, to that extent, while I endorse all that has been said by my colleague, Deputy Joe Doyle, in introducing the report, I want it put clearly on the record that I do not want to see this report as being an occasion to criticise managers at any level in the public service. Our role here as members of a committee is to bring matters before this House for action at the level where the action should be taken — namely Government level.

It is an extraordinary contradiction that we have the Department and the Minister who are charged specifically with this control presiding, frankly, over such a scandalous example of waste of public money as emerges from this report and, indeed, from the previous report that we introduced in this matter some months ago. I will give one example, namely, that under the office of the Minister of State at the Department of Finance, which is subject to the Minister for Finance, we have noted that a sum of £887,000 has been paid as annual rental for unoccupied office space, close to £1 million paid as rental for unoccupied office space.

Every Tuesday afternoon members of the committee go to Kildare House and spend approximately three hours dealing with various points. If the committee had not been established and if these facts had not been uncovered, would it be the case that the Minister for Finance, who lectures others regarding public expenditure control would not have had to answer for his failure in respect of this scandalous waste of money? If the committee had not carried out their job, would these scandals have been brought to public attention? Would the Minister have taken any effective action to deal with them?

We talk about standards in the private sector, about the efficient use of money and about accountability. The same standards should apply in the public sector. The people ultimately responsible in the private sector are the board of management and for that one substitutes the Government of the day in the public sector. The person immediately responsible for any problem that might arise in a private company is the chief executive and in the public sector one substitutes the Minister for Finance. It is time we got a clear indication — I hope we get this from the Minister of State here present, but more particularly from his senior Minister — that not only have they noted what is being said here but that they will take effective action. Members of the Committee on Public Expenditure meet once and sometimes twice a week in plenary session or in subcommittee but all of their work will go for nothing if the Minister does not take action. There is a limit to the amount of time that should be devoted to any matter if we do not get results at the end of the day.

One point emerges from the report, namely, that the annual leasing costs for public buildings are £19 million. That is not what we referred to in the last report when we spoke about buildings acquired or developed by the Office of Public Works. They are in addition to the £19 million we referred to in this report. The amount of money spent between leasing buildings acquired and so on is of a huge dimension.

I stress that our two reports should be read together. In the first report we referred to unoccupied office space on the part of public Departments. This was space that had been booked by them well in advance but which was left unoccupied for considerable periods. This was not always the fault of the Office of Public Works. There is a second dimension, namely, that of a Minister or a Department who booked accommodation according to certain specifications but who then required further developments, extensions, equipment and renovations before going into occupation. That gave rise to scandalous overruns, delays in taking up occupation and a huge extra cost on the taxpayer.

It should be clear that the responsibility rests with the Minister of the day. He is the person answerable: there is no point in talking about some civil servant or some line manager in one of the Departments. They do as they are instructed, provided the manager is capable of managing. I acknowledge that there has never been the proper degree of control by the Minister for Finance — I was also Minister for Finance — and the Minister of State. However, in the past two or three years this has developed to monumental and scandalous proportions. It is time that the Minister, the person who is responsible, should bring in his proposals, not ours. The Minister has resources available to him. He must take effective action to deal with this problem and he must penalise Departments and other Ministers who are responsible for cost overruns.

When we find rent being paid for office accommodation while existing buildings were not disposed of, it is time to take action. Some of these practices would be totally and utterly unacceptable in the private sector. They would have the company concerned up before their bank manager or even before the Revenue Commissioners to answer for the money not paid to them because of wastefulness. When we find all of this going on as a practice in the Department of Finance it is obvious that we face a serious situation.

I will make some suggestions as to how one could limit the risks. Appended to our report is a list of the rentals paid by the Office of Public Works for the year ended 31 December 1984. It is a fairly lengthy list, including the Department of Agriculture, the Revenue Commissioners, the Office of Public Works and so on. It involves buildings all over the city for every Department.

We are talking here about rental accommodation only. That list leads one to the conclusion that it is time the Government reviewed their serious mistake to cancel the decentralisation programme of public offices and buildings the previous Government had already launched and had begun to implement. The Government cancelled it when almost £3 million had been spent in acquiring sites, engaging consultants, making specific arrangements to decentralise the whole physical structure of the Civil Service and, more importantly, to make the Government, in the broadest sense, more accessible to the public. That programme was cancelled without any serious consideration because it was done immediately the Government came into office, apparently as a demonstration of the determination of this Government and Minister, almost from their first day in office, to prove that they were not going to do anything to engage in what they would say was wasteful public expenditure on the part of their predecessors.

We now know the consequences of it. It must be remembered that there were the social costs in this city, the congestion in this city, the normal desire of people to go back to their rural base. There is the need to have a balanced, regional development programme, the need to build up communities throughout the country which is essential — and I can clearly recall that among the places involved in the planning of that programme which would have benefited and in respect of which money was spent was your own home town of Cavan, a Cheann Comhairle and about 15 other important centres throughout the country, all of which was scrapped without consideration. What happens as a consequence? Over a five years period that total programme would have cost something of the order of £25 million or £30 million and, if developed further, would have cost more, as planned. What do we find now? We can now afford to spend £19 million in one year on leasing. We can afford to spend up to £1 million on rent for accommodation we are not occupying. That is some efficiency in terms of control of public expenditure.

It is time we had a clear indication from this Government as to precisely what they propose doing, or are we to spend more time introducing more reports and, at the end of the day, all we do is give rise to public apprehension? Here I want to pay a special tribute to our chairman, Deputy Keating and my colleagues, including Deputy J. Doyle, in the House at present, who have devoted at least as much time to the committee as I have, because I have been engaged many times in the House here on the Finance Bill and other debates which are very time consuming. If this and other committees are to spend time of that order, coming up with important conclusions like these, then it is important that the Government of the day take action. Otherwise our examinations come to nothing. But it will be noted that public reaction to these reports and to the hearings we have had has been very considerable, one of serious concern, indeed, to such an extent that it is welling up into, I think, a mood of anger towards all of us. If we are to continue to expose matters of this kind we should be conscious that, unless effective action is taken, the whole exercise could be counter-productive. When people read in the papers about double occupation, unoccupied space for which huge rents are paid, etc, and they read it time after time from our hearings and ask what is done, finding that nothing has been done, I begin to wonder — even in an attempt to serve the public interest — if members of the committee might not be undermining the public interest. They want action on foot of this and that is what has not been forthcoming as yet.

I might give another passing example which is the responsibility of the public service. Looking through the report of the Comptroller and Auditor General — and there is a report on this before the House as well — it will be seen that the Civil Service Commissioners, and the involvement of the Minister for Finance by way of financing as well were gaily carrying on examinations to interview thousands of young people for the sake of filling perhaps five, six or ten jobs at the end of the year. It would have been done again only for, in this instance, Deputy John Kelly, who drew our attention to this scandal and it was stopped — a waste of public and private money that would have continued without anybody asking: What is the purpose?

There are three arms of the Constitution. There is this arm which legislates. We here pass laws — that is our job — invariably proposed, though it is meant to be open to any side of the House, by the Executive of the day. The Executive or Government have the role of managing. I insist that what we are talking about here is a management failure. Committees of the House can review, examine, criticise, but we have no power to change. Our reports are meant to ensure that change will be brought about by those who have the responsibility to do so, namely, the Minister. Of course the other arm of the Constitution is the Judiciary, who can review the actions either of ourselves or of the Executive in terms of the constitutionality of what we do. There is no point in our being confused in our minds that we are now going to establish a new responsibility for individual civil servants; we are not.

In the course of our examination and discussions with representatives of semi-State bodies or Departments it might appear sometimes that we have been somewhat sharp or critical of individual civil servants or semi-State body officials. If we have, I should say that that is not the way we would want to proceed. Though it is important that each of them should have the same degree of alertness and awareness — undoubtedly they have authority and commitment — they are not the people who can effect change. The only people who can change procedures and decisions are real managers at the top. I wonder how they discharge their functions. For instance, I should like to know from the Minister present in the House how often he has met, in a management capacity, with the officials within the Office of Public Works to discuss each of the issues we have talked about. Is there a system whereby they report to him each day, each week, each month? How does he discharge his role as assistant chief executive to the chief executive, the Minister for Finance? Does he carry out a regular check on new accommodation being leased? Does he have a function, which does not just mean that there is a State car available to him and a private office——

The Deputy should get his facts right. There is no State car available to me. The Deputy should not be trying to be dirty. I do not think that has any relevance to accommodation.

All right. But if one checked on the expenses one would find that the Minister of State was as well off as if he had a State car available to him on the information coming through from figures available. It would appear that that saving was not even notional. I think Ministers of State who do not actually have State cars are better off financially now. That has been demonstrated.

This is not relevant to the debate.

It has been demonstrated that the best saving we could effect in that area when we return to Government is to give back the State cars, because it is costing more——

The question of State cars does not arise here.

We all know now that people who have not State cars, working under the alternative arrangements, are actually getting more out of it.

That is a lie and you know it.

When replying would the Minister indicate the normal procedures, the accounting controls, the accounting checks he as a Minister conducts? That is a question anyone would ask of a chief executive or an assistant chief executive at a shareholders' meeting. How much time does the Minister spend on this? That is something we need to know; and if he does not spend time on it he might as well forget it and let a civil servant or a consultant do the job.

Deputy Doyle says that he was concerned about the lack of accountability on the part of individual managers. How can one have accountability from them if one does not have accountability from the chief executive? If the chief executive or the assistant chief executive have accountability then individual managers will respond. If we do not have accountability at the top we will not get it down the line. Deputy Doyle suggested that he would prefer the initiative to come from the agencies, the semi-State bodies or the Office of Public Works. The initiative must come from the Ministers in authority. They have the responsibility. If the Ministers do not take responsibility we will get a new principle introduced into the Constitution. Committees operate effectively in the United States because it is the Legislature testing the Executive, and the Secretary of State comes before the committee. After all the reviews we have had, it is now time that, in addition to civil servants coming before us, Ministers will come before us. If this procedure is to have any worthwhile meaning we should get clear in our minds who holds the real responsibility.

I do not want to mislead the House about decentralisation proposals but, as far as I can recall, these proposals were passed in 1980. A short while ago I mentioned a figure of £19 million or £20 million. The total figure over the five year period may have been closer to £45 million. It has been clearly demonstrated that the implementation of those proposals as distinct from the cancellation of them would have a very major impact.

The building sector has taken quite a hammering in recent times as have its associated professions — architects, surveyors and others. Almost all of the architectural bodies in this town have shed labour at a rate of almost two-thirds the level of three years ago. In any work that is to be done on behalf of the State by any consultants I hope it will be scrupulously and clearly allocated without any degree of political favour. With the present difficulties the appearance of special privileges being given to any firm——

The Chair fails to see the relevance of this.

It is very relevant in respect of a recommendation for the best standards in every respect. We are talking about saving public money and equity in the manner in which it is used. I hope the Minister or the Minister for Finance will indicate what actions he proposes to ensure that the recommendations of this and other reports will be implemented. Will we just see the frustration that follows inevitably when recommendations are ignored?

I congratulate the Committee on Public Expenditure on their work. This committee are proving themselves worthy in the work they have done to date. They have publicised a number of areas in which the taxpayers money is being wasted by inefficient administration and inefficient and outmoded practices adopted in Government Departments. This brief but important report is a classic illustration of the difficulties that we have in operating efficiently in the public sector within Government Departments. I am sorry that Deputy O'Kennedy has left and that there are not other Members of the House available to contribute to this debate.

It is unfortunate that Deputy O'Kennedy has adopted the caricature party political approach that makes people outside of this House so cynical about what we do here. Deputy O'Kennedy's contribution gave the impression that this problem was created by the current Government and had only existed since they came to office. Not only is that not true, but it is clearly illustrated to be untrue by the report we are debating. All Governments have some share of the blame for inadequate financial controls on Government Departments to ensure that taxpayers' money is used to the maximum benefit of the taxpayer and the general public and to ensure that money is not squandered unnecessarily either due to inefficiency or incompetence. The proof of the pudding is in the eating. A political black mark can be awarded to all Governments and this is attested to on page 2 of this report when it mentions, in referring to an example of double renting, to the fact that one case into which the committee inquired in relation to BIM, illustrated that between October 1981 and October 1984, £866,545 was paid out in respect of an empty office block. That significant waste of funds took place during the course of three different Governments being in office and included the period February to November 1982 when the Fianna Fáil Party were in office. They are no more to blame than are the present Government. The financial controls exercised were inadequate in these areas. Proper attention has not been paid by Ministers in the past to the laying down of basic principles of approach and policy in the acquisition of premises for Government Departments and in the sale or offloading of premises that are no longer adequate to meet the needs of the Department, section of the Department or State-sponsored body.

I welcome the report because it highlights the problem, which needs to be tackled on two levels. Deputy O'Kennedy's approach apparently is simply to blame the Government and the current Minister for everything and that it will take the intervention of a Minister in any Government to resolve the problem. The function of Government is to lay down basic principles of approach to be adopted in dealing with the acquisition of premises. One of the basic principles outlined here is in effect that generally in no circumstances should a rental liability be incurred until a purchaser is available or can be found for existing premises that are to be vacated, unless there is a very exceptional reason for incurring a new liability earlier.

It is not unusual in the private sector, when premises are being sought, to arrange one's business affairs in a way whereby the lease for a new premises commences only upon the completion of the transfer of previous premises or of premises in which the business operated prior to acquiring the new premises. I find no logic in the explanations given by Government Departments for the way they have dealt with this issue, and I find it inexplicable that ten or 15 years ago basic principles of approach were not laid down at a political level. It is not just a question of Ministers or the Minister or Government of the day. If a Government Department want to rent an office somewhere, if they need to rent the office and if the managerial structures within the Civil Service are operating correctly, the Minister should not have to examine every individual possible rental arrangement. Strict guidelines should be laid down and strict financial criteria applied, and after that it should be the job of the person or persons in the Department or the OPW who are concerned with the rental of the premises to ensure a degree of co-ordination between the acquisition of new premises and the offloading of old premises.

Are we going to create a situation where, if some Government Department want to open an information office in Athlone, the Minister must engage directly in the negotiations for the amount of rent to be paid and must examine the minutiae of the contents of the lease? That would be nonsense. Basic guidelines to lay down the principles applicable for acquisition of new premises and offloading of old premises are necessary. Rigid financial control must be exercised and a basic principle should be that you do not acquire new premises unless sensible steps have been taken to offload old premises.

Another complaint which arises in this regard I put soundly at the door of the OPW. There are two problems in this area. One is the offloading of premises. The other is the fitting out of premises acquired for use by Government Departments. All too frequently premises are rented, leases are signed, public expenditure is being incurred monthly or quarterly, rental payments are being made, and it takes the OPW months to get round to deciding how premises should be fitted out. When they find that out it takes them months and sometimes years to fit them out properly and, that being done, on a number of occasions they are not fitted out properly.

One classic example of that with which I am familiar as a practising lawyer is the premises on Ormond Quay, Ormond House, where presumably moneys were spent in providing court facilities and fitting them out. The facilities are better than existed previously, but for the money spent all that should have been done in a far better way. An instance which came to mind, which was not the fault of the OPW solely but there were delays in occupying the premises, was the premises in Harcourt Street which had been acquired for the Garda and which as far as I am aware — I do not wish to misrepresent the position and the Minister might confirm or deny this — were leased for something like 18 months to two years before they were occupied while they were being fitted out appropriately for occupation by the Garda Síochána.

I do not understand why when the State acquired premises in the past it has taken so long to offload or before any steps were taken to offload existing premises and, secondly, when we simply acquire premises it takes the OPW so long to fit them out. It seems that as soon as we sign the lease as the State in acquiring premises we start to pay rent immediately. In the private sector things do not always operate in that way. In the private sector if a major business takes up a lease in a property and if that major business is regarded by the landlords of that property as a business providing a secure rent for years forward, a business that in a sense is the foundation stone of the lettings of a property, very often in those circumstances in the commercial sector that business concern might sign a lease and not have a rental commitment — they may not have to pay rent for six months or a year after the lease has been signed.

It is not unusual in major shopping centres in Dublin, when the developers of such want to lease out shops or premises for them, to try to attract one of the major supermarket chains into providing a base store within that shopping centre both to attract customers to it and to provide a secure rental basis for its operation. In return for one of the major supermarket chains like Quinnsworth, Dunnes Stores, Williams, Tesco or whatever taking up that type of rental they will be given often a year's grace in the payment of rent following their taking up of that type of lease. Even the simple businessman occupying a 300 sq. ft. shop in the centre of Dublin and signing a lease will often get two or three months' grace in the payment of rent so that he is afforded an opportunity to fit out his shop and open for business. On some occasions State-sponsored bodies or Government Departments may have been given that type of facility, but information that has been made available to me, not just through this committee but from elsewhere, indicates that all too often when the lease is signed the obligation to pay rent becomes immediate and premises are left vacant not merely for months but for years while they are being made suitable for the purpose for which they have been acquired.

The general public regard State inefficiency in this area as outrageous and in a depressed economy in an era of financial stringency, where there is not sufficient money to go round and where many of us would like to see additional funds available for other services and needs, it is indefensible for any public sector organisation, any State-sponsored body, any Government Department to waste £1,000 or £100 of taxpayers' money, never mind something in the region of £800,000, as is referred to in this report.

Last year £887,000 was paid out by the State for unoccupied space. That is as near to £1 million as makes no matter. What commercial body could survive or operate if they were basically sitting on premises and throwing away £1 million a year? The outrage members of the public feel about that type of approach is well justified. These moneys seem to disappear into a departmental black hole. Endless payments of rent are made for premises which are unoccupied. There does not appear to be any sense of urgency to get rid of them. We cannot afford that type of black hole.

I wish I had £1 million available to me to spend on basic social needs or to make available to social organisations. I should like to see that £1 million being made available to the Youth Employment Agency to assist in the creation of jobs. We cannot afford to throw away that type of money. It is not a question of saying this Minister or that Minister is responsible. There should be a sense of awareness and responsibility within Government Departments and in the Office of Public Works that that is not tolerable, that that type of laxity which possibly we could luxuriate in in the sixties is not to be tolerated. Within Government Departments and State-sponsored bodies there must be a real sense of accountability for financial wastage of that nature.

It is not good enough for people to throw their hands up in the air and say: "We did not think of it. We did not worry about it. We were trying to get rid of the premises. We did not tell anybody that our premises were available for rent because we did not want the new people we would be negotiating with to hike up the rent." When a Government Department approach developers to acquire property, the developers are aware that the Government Departments would not be approaching them unless they needed the property. I do not see the logic or any defence in saying: "We cannot do anything about putting our own premises on the market until we acquire the other property because, if we do that, it may result in the person from whom we are trying to lease new property upping the rent." If you have your property on the market, you obviously do not sign contracts to vacate it, or transfer your leasehold interest in it, to someone else until you have got your alternative property.

There is no difficulty in the commercial sector in operating a practice whereby you try to find a purchaser for your existing premises and make it known that they are on the market before you sign a lease, or a legal commitment, or a contract to acquire new premises. The Committee on Public Expenditure were mild in their language in dealing with the rationale given to them for the current approach in dealing with this area. The current approach, as justified to them, has absolutely no credibility and no justification and would not be tolerated in any circumstances in a commercial organisation of any nature. Any commercial organisation who tolerated it would be put into liquidation very rapidly.

Another point is worth making which was not made by the Committee on Public Expenditure — they might look at it at a later stage — or by Deputy O'Kennedy. The appendix to the report lists the annual cost of the rental for various premises. The point was made in an earlier report that the actual rental terms negotiated were not all that bad. I would take the view that, when the State rents a premises, it should not necessarily expect to have to rent them at the full commercial rate. It should expect from the landlord, or the developer of the premises, the lessor of the premises, some discount in view of the fact that, if you are renting to the State or a semi-State body — let us confine it to the State considering the performance recently of one or two semi-State bodies — you have a guarantee, secure rent with a reputable tenant in your premises for 20, 25, 30 or 35 years. You have a degree of security in rental payments that you cannot be guaranteed from anyone in the commercial sector.

The State is entitled to seek some degree of discount on rents in return for providing the landlord or owner of the building with that level of rental security. The same should apply to bodies in the semi-State sector. I suppose, considering the fate of one or two bodies recently, one cannot necessarily always say that landlords would have that guaranteed security from them. When a Government Department are taking over a premises, there is that security and, in return for providing that security of rental, the State is entitled to a discount. The general public and the taxpayers are entitled to say that should be one of the principles involved when the State is trying to negotiate the acquisition of premises, and more particularly at present when rental payments are depressed and properties are available on the market.

I was about to make a point in the context of the appendix and the overall amount of rental payments being made. It appears from that appendix and the report from the committee that currently we are spending £19 million a year on rental payments for Government Departments and premises rented by State-sponsored bodies. That is not chicken feed. It is a substantial sum. As it arises in respect of rented premises, it is an ongoing public liability of a nature that will never decrease. It can only get bigger. It will get bigger because leases being what they are, rents being what they are, and with inflation increasing albeit by a good deal less at the moment than in past years, rents will increase. I presume that many of the leases Government Departments have signed provide rent review clauses on a five yearly basis. I will be interested to know that. What is the basic leasehold arrangement? How often are rents reviewed under the leases that Departments and State-sponsored bodies have entered into? Are they three year rental reviews of five years or seven years? What are the basic criteria? I hope the Minister will tell us that.

Because of the approach indicated in this report, I should like to be assured that the basic commercial criteria in relation to office buildings are applied and that the State has not got itself hung up or tied into leases which produce reviews every two or three years in respect of rent. Perhaps we could have that clarified. The rental commitment is an ongoing public expenditure which can only increase because of rent review clauses which will result in increasing amounts of rents and because, as Government Departments or semi-State bodies move from old fashioned premises to more modern and more usable premises, they will find themselves faced with paying higher rents.

As someone who has been in this House since 1981 only, I wonder when did we start renting premises for Government Departments in the way we do. At what stage did this State involve itself in major rental commitments, major financial capital commitments of this nature on an annual basis? To what extent has it been increasing annually? In the twenties and thirties was there a major State liability for rental payments for Government Departments, or did we own most of the buildings in which Government Departments operated? When did we start renting premises? In recent years have we rented premises at a far greater rate than we did in the past? The problem with renting premises is that it is an ongoing public liability. I wonder whether some of the premises rented by Government Departments are in the overall long term interests of the State. Would it not be better if these Government Departments acquired purpose build buildings? That would require a major financial investment which presumably in the current financial crisis we could not undertake. I believe we should not presume that from now to the end of this century, through the next one and the one after that the State should always rent premises this way, that it should keep on accumulating more and more rented premises. Should we not be looking at the practicalities and the ultimate cost savings of capital investment in building some of the premises which the State is now committed to?

I presume most of the leases are for 35 years. The expenditure involved over 35 years in the rental of some of these buildings which are listed is very high. The rent for Agriculture House at the moment is nearly £200,000 a year; Apollo House is £250,000 a year; Ardee Road and Baggot Street, the Central Statistics Office, Public Service, Revenue Commissioners, £270,000 and £289,000 a year. On Castle House for the Revenue Commissioners the rent is £300,000 a year.

How much would it have cost the State to build some of those premises and, if necessary, to raise loans to build them? The money the State would have paid off in respect of loan repayments would not necessarily have been a greater amount than the sum we are currently paying in respect of rent.

The benefit of the capital investment, if necessary by way of loan, is that it would be finite. At the end of a particular period of time no loan repayments and no rent payments would have to be made because the State would own the buildings. For Castle House £300,000 per annum is being paid, Earlsfort House nearly £600,000 per annum is being paid for the Revenue Commissioners, D'Olier House £434,000 is being paid and for Harcourt Square, the Department of Justice nearly £900,000 per annum is being paid. Those premises are now occupied by the Garda. They are fine premises and I am sure the building of them involved a major capital investment for the developer who undertook it. It was only undertaken by him because he would make a profit out of it. Presumably after seven, eight, nine or ten years of rental payments from the State he will have all his money back. Presumably Irish Life, or whoever owns these premises, will have all their money back and after that it is all profit. Are we entitled to tie not merely this generation but future of generations of taxpayers into major annual financial outlay in respect of office premises and buildings rented by the State which could probably just as well have been built by the State, by loans if necessary? I suspect that the loan repayments on the various buildings would not have cost much more than the rental payments and after eight or ten years the State would have owned the premises.

The Committee on Public Expenditure have produced a very valuable report. I ask them to go back and look at the whole policy consideration of the desirability of the State continuing to rent premises from the private sector and to look at the feasibility of the State in the future providing its own premises, the cost implications of that and the possible long term financial saving which could be incurred. I presume, in the context of many of these premises and the current liability of £90 million a year, it is too late to do that, because presumably we are stuck with many of these buildings for the next 25 or 30 years. I am very interested in the committee finding out that information as well. How long have the leases to run on each of these premises and what are the arrangements in relation to rent reviews?

The last item I want to mention is one with which I as a Member of this House have little tolerance. It is the attitude of the Office of Public Works. It should be stated in this House that the approach taken by them is not merely unacceptable but is intolerable. Deputy Joe Doyle, in his very able speech introducing this report and illustrating the problems we have in this area, referred to this matter. He referred to premises under the control of the Office of Public Works where double payments of rent are being made. He recorded that his committee do not know the actual amounts involved because the Office of Public Works regarded that information as confidential. The Office of Public Works were directly involved in paying double rents where one premises were vacated by a group or organisation or by the Office of Public Works and another premises acquired — rent was still being paid for the vacant premises as well as the newly acquired premises. The Office of Public Works are refusing to make that basic information of how much money is being wasted available to a committee of both Houses of the Oireachtas reporting on an issue of this nature.

That should not be tolerated. The Minister of State in the Office of Public Works is democratically responsible to this House. This House is entitled to information about what additional rents are being paid out by the Office of Public Works in the context of premises which have been vacated. The Committee on Public Expenditure, who have been authorised by this House to investigate matters relating to public expenditure, who have been investigating the wastage of public funds, are denied information by the Office of Public Works on what rent they are paying out because an official in the Office of Public Works, or perhaps it is the Minister of State, says "this is confidential. You are not entitled to the information". That should not be tolerated, and I want an explanation in relation to it. I do not want an explanation of why they think it is confidential because I do not believe there could be any justification whatsoever for any Government Department, who have incurred a financial liability they are meeting by using the taxpayers' money, to tell Members of this House "We cannot tell you what we are paying out". There cannot be any justification which I would regard as plausible for the suggestion that that information is confidential. That approach should not be tolerated.

I do not want to hear what the justification is for it being confidential. I want it to be stated in the House that the Office of Public Works will not in the future obstruct in any way the work of the Committee on Public Expenditure. The committee are unduly diplomatic in dealing with that issue. They are entitled to that information and the House is entitled to that information. Perhaps only a few hundred pounds is being wasted or maybe £300,000 or £400,000 is being wasted. As a Member of this House representing my constituents, who are paying their taxes regularly and who are looking at how their money is being used, and as a Member of the national Parliament of this State, I am entitled to know what moneys are involved in the context of double renting on the part of the Office of Public Works. We are entitled to know the amount of money involved and we are entitled to know what steps are being taken by them to offload premises that are not being used or are no longer required. I ask for a full disclosure of that information. I presume in the future work the committee will do they will require the co-operation of the Office of Public Works and I ask that they receive that co-operation in full and not just in part, because I do not believe that Members of the Dáil should tolerate any Government Department denying to a Member of the Dáil or a committee of the Houses of the Oireachtas access to basic information in relation to a financial area concerned with public expenditure.

I welcome the report of the committee and I hope it will produce the necessary political response in the sense of the laying down of the basic principles to be applied in future in respect of the acquisition of premises. I trust, too, that the report will produce the necessary managerial response within Government Departments on the part of those who are responsible for the acquisition of premises and that it will lead to taxpayers' money being used more frugally. I trust also that we will produce a more efficient system of acquiring and fitting out premises that have been acquired. The committee should go further and examine the more fundamental issue, that is, whether we should continue to acquire premises in this way or whether we should provide premises which ultimately the State will own.

If I might be political in the context of Deputy O'Kennedy's contribution, it is noteworthy that the Committee on Public Expenditure were established under the aegis of this Government and established to do exactly the job they are doing — to investigate the manner in which public funds are being spent, to highlight areas where there is wastage so that the necessary governmental decisions may be taken in the future to prevent wastage in this respect. Clearly the committee are being seen to do their work. My only regret is that there are not present in the House other Members who would be in a position to contribute to the debate. The committee deserve our praise. They deserve also the co-operation of Government Departments such as the Office of Public Works. If, within their terms of reference, the committee cannot require that co-operation by way, if necessary, of subpoenaing civil servants to give the information sought, those terms of reference should be amended to include such powers.

Invariably it is my misfortune to have to follow Deputy Shatter whom I find very difficult to listen to. Perhaps the House is empty because of the tedious manner in which the Deputy makes his contribution. Deputy O'Kennedy did not make a political attack on the Government. Anything I heard him say by way of criticism was by-partisan in relation to the matter we are discussing. The Deputy did raise certain matters in relation to ministerial responsibility but I am convinced that in that respect he was referring to all Governments. Therefore, it is extremely unfair of Deputy Shatter to come in here and launch that attack without having heard the entire speech, in fact only coming in at the tail end of that speech. The same applies to his criticising people for not being here when he did not see fit to be present when the main spokesman for this party was making the major part of his contribution.

People are very concerned about the amounts of money being paid for buildings that are not being taken over. Last year the figure was £887,000 and I do not know what it may be for this year or whether there are any buildings being rented now by the Office of Public Works and which have not been taken over. It would be interesting to hear how the counterparts of the Office of Public Works in other countries manage their affairs in relation to the renting of accommodation, whether they purchase all their buildings or rent them. It would be wonderful if we were in a position to purchase all the buildings concerned here but we would be talking about borrowing millions of pounds and that is a prospect that no Government would be prepared to entertain.

One of the spin-offs of the kind of difficulties the Office of Public Works find themselves in financially is in relation to the delays experienced by people in receiving payment for work carried out for the board. This may be part of a chain reaction of moneys being voted to that office not being utilised in the way in which they were intended to be utilised. The Vote would be based on Estimates of whatever expenditure would be incurred during the year, whether in relation to the renting of accommodation or otherwise, but it would envisage the selling of existing accommodation where new accommodation was coming on stream. It is difficult to understand why the Office of Public Works in particular seem to have to enter into these leases and pay the rents before the buildings are taken over. I do not think anyone in the private sector would be able to do that and since there is no tax rebate for the Government we are talking solely about the expenditure of taxpayers' money and that is a cause of much concern. But all of this raises the question of how widespread this practice is in the public service. I regret that we are not having a wider debate during which many aspects of public expenditure, including the expenditure within various Departments, could be debated, when we could debate how the various Ministers and the Ministers of State spend the moneys voted for their Departments.

On the question of confidentiality relating to some details that the Office of Public Works did not consider themselves entitled to disclose, one would have thought that the committee would have been in a position to pass the matter to the Committee of Public Accounts or to contact the Comptroller and Auditor General who has access to the information and who would be in a position to assure the committee. If, after examining the matters passed to him, the Comptroller and Auditor General had any reservations, he could advise the Committee of Public Accounts accordingly. At any time this House can order accounts to be produced even, if necessary, overriding the wishes of an Accounting Officer. The authority of the Comptroller and Auditor General is paramount, exceeding even the authority of this Parliament. He is an officer with enormous powers. There is nothing to prevent Deputy Shatter from tabling any question he wishes in this area. I do not wish to appear spiky in relation to the Deputy but each time he begins to speak he tells us he will not detain the House very long and then goes on for at least 30 or 35 minutes.

I made a couple of notes regarding Deputy Doyle's comments in introducing the report. One of the five points he made was that there should be no renting of public offices until contracts had been signed. I do not know whether that has been agreed or whether it is something for the future. Perhaps Deputy Keating will be able to enlighten us on that but if it is a simple matter one must ask why it has not been dealt with in this way before now. We are not talking about morons when we are talking about top civil servants. They are intelligent, educated men who know their job. Perhaps they are the ones who are seeking changes that are appropriate to the times we live in. They have an input in this area and I am sure they would be in a position to outline clearly what has happened. No doubt, there are many changes that they would advocate. I am sure there are many things they are not happy about — for example, shortage of money, trying to pay bills, make ends meet and so on. It must be awful when an Accounting Officer has to say to a Minister that he needs money to furnish a building. There could be a union problem and so on which would not be up to the Office of Public Works to sort out. It may be that the Minister should go to the Minister for Finance and tell him to tell the Government what is happening.

No one is entirely responsible for this. Ultimately the buck stops here and the people who will read the newspapers this evening and tomorrow will see a figure of £887,000 per annum and wonder what kind of people they have elected. They will ask what kind of fools are these guys who sit in Dáil Éireann. We are in the front line. The Minister can say what he likes behind closed doors; but in the House he must defend civil servants, whether they are right or wrong. If we have a constructive approach from both sides instead of each side slagging the other we could get something worthwhile from this. More investigation needs to be carried out in other Departments. It may well be that the Office of Comptroller and Auditor General has not the expertise to examine the methodology by which decisions are made in relation to public expenditure. Perhaps it is time that this was examined at all levels of Government. That is very important.

Every officer in every Department has to make conscious decisions before spending money and because of financial stringency this can lead to great inefficiency. This is one of the side effects of the financial situation in which we find ourselves. It could end up that at the end of the day we would spend more money rather than less money. It has been stated that an examination of rents and leases should be carried out. When the Office of Public Works valuers negotiate with the developers of these properties they impress on them that they are a Government agency and that the rents they should be charged should be that bit lower than a commercial enterprise would be charged. I am quite sure that developers are very conscious that the best tenant they could have is a Government Department. The market rate must be offered, but they usually do a little better than that. When he is replying, the Minister of State may have something to say about that.

Perhaps the Minister of State or Deputy Keating, who is chairman of the committee, might have the figure for the total amount of rent. He listed the various buildings and the rents payable, but what is the total amount of rent payable by the Office of Public Works on behalf of the State? Have the Office of Public Works property rented out to the private sector? How much property do they own, or do they occupy all their own property? Some of it might not be suitable for offices and might have been converted into other types of development. Do they sell off those properties or rent them out to the public?

I will allow the man who has lived with this for some time to get in and make his contribution.

I am happy to take this opportunity to address a number of remarks to this discussion on the report. In so doing I thank Deputy Briscoe for his gracious introduction.

These reports from the committee should be interpreted as being constructive attempts to present a view of the possible systems which should be or could be put in place so that we could get better value for money. There is a temptation to pore over the entrails of past mistakes and decisions but essentially our work is future orientated. It is about how to try to ensure that better systems are in place in the future, if that is possible.

Deputy Briscoe asked a question which deserves an answer. It is not clear what the precise figure for total rents for offices is, but it is a big figure. If we are to house Government Departments and semi-State agencies we must pay the price for so doing. For Government Departments alone the figure would be approximately £17 million for rent, maintenance and service charges. The other £2 million of the £19 million which Deputy Doyle referred to is in relation to non-commercial State bodies. If one wants a global figure one must add to that figures for the commercial State bodies such as the ESB, Aer Lingus, CIE, the Sugar Company and so on. We are talking about a figure of the order of £30 million. Further details can be provided if they are required.

The essence of this report is to look at that area which falls directly within the parameters controllable by Government, allowing for the fact that some State and semi-State agencies have autonomy, relatively speaking, and act to some extent on their own initiative in these matters. All the committee suggests in the report is no more than good housekeeping at national level. It is suggested that people should not enter into legal obligations which cost money unless they have already entered into legal obligations to get rid of existing obligations which cost money. It is the kind of thing that a Member of this House, or indeed a member of the public, would automatically do in handling their own money.

It is very important to bear in mind that the committee system is at pains at all times to try to ensure that we get a non-party, non-partisan political approach to our recommendations. I wish to pay tribute to the members of the three parties represented on the committee for their co-operation in that respect. Despite the occasional provocations of this House, we must resist the temptation to revert to type on occasions in the context of these debates. This committee are not interested in pillorying a particular Minister or Government; they are trying to ensure that the potential of the public sector is unleashed, as up to now it has not been fulfilled, to give the country the very best value for money. That is not an unreasonable proposition. We have had an exemplary non-party political approach at committee level, and I am sure that applies to other committees also. When the recommendations of these committees come before the House, because they have a modicum of all party support, they should be more open to implementation. We are desirous that they should be implemented but we do not have executive functions in that regard; that is the job of the duly elected Government and we respect that.

Part of our function is to review systematically and precisely at regular intervals the numbers and the nature of the recommendations made and exactly what action followed therefrom. We would not be interested in pursuing our work if it became clear that the major body of our work and recommendations were simply put on a shelf. There would be no point in continuing with committee work if that was the case. However, I am pleased to say that there is genuine and significant evidence to show that the Government are taking serious cognisance of our recommendations and have already implemented a number of them. I am hopeful that a similar, gracious and responsive acceptance of this brief and succinct document will also be forthcoming. It is important, now and again, to pick a precise area which is clearly intelligible to everybody and to make specific recommendations in that regard instead of making general abstruse references to the need for improvement and efficiency in the public sector. But it is very difficult for a Minister to know where to begin and we are trying to be helpful in this case.

It became obvious that there was a specific area of concern in regard to the unacceptable waste of taxpayers' money. We maintain that better systems of housekeeping will save money and, without cutbacks, will do the same job. Our committee feel very strongly that the public sector have been under particular scrutiny over the past number of years, and to some extent we have misgivings about the manner in which some of that scrutiny is misinterpreted. Our desire is to try to ensure that we create an environment where people in the public sector are rewarded for their initiative and innate abilities and, to put it charitably, discouraged if and when they do not give of their best. It would be quite wrong for the House to take public servants to task when they make occasional mistakes but not to reward or encourage them when they give particular standards of excellence. It is the view of the committee that there is no proper system for motivating and encouraging public servants. When one speaks to people serving the State one is struck by their quality and calibre and, in many cases, their frustration at the enormous bureaucracy and the plethora of regulations which govern their every action. Despite their best efforts they are often unable to rise above that and to give a standard of service which would be above the norm and of great help to the public. That desire exists in the public service and it is our job to lay down the parameters and create the environment which will ensure that it can come to fruition.

If I have an overriding impression of the last few years of the work of the committee it is that the public sector is the largest underutilised and underdeveloped resource in the State. We really cannot tolerate that because of the enormous burden of public expenditure and, even more importantly, from the point of view of the waste of human potential, which is probably the most tragic waste of all. That should be a priority with all Governments. In this case we can help by providing a system which is not open to ambiguity or ambivalence but which is clear and precise. Nobody should sign on the dotted line to spend one penny of Government or taxpayers' money on a lease for a building until they can produce a document which proves they have got rid of an existing lease. Occasionally there may be an exception where, for example, an emergency might arise or where particularly good value might be available to the State. In such a case it would obviously be in the best interests of the public, the taxpayers and the State that that opportunity should be siezed.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,

I am very pleased to have a momentarily attentive audience but, unfortunately, it is all on my own side of the House despite the interests of the Opposition in calling for a quorum. I was trying to explain that what we are proposing is a very clearcut model which we think, if incorporated into the existing system of operations by Government, will yield better results. It is also our view that before we automatically get into the business of leasing or renting accommodation the Minister making the decision should have before him a paper which shows that the options have been studied. There may be occasions when, with the existing annual budget of the order of £30 million for rent, the wisdom, and the exact science of hindsight, will show that it might have been better if we built, acquired or purchased our own accommodation. That study dealing with the cost effectiveness of the decision should be undertaken prior to a decision to enter into a lease. The lease should not be signed until arrangements have been made to dispose of the existing leases. The only exceptions that might arise are those of an extraordinary nature and they should have the expressed and prior approval of the Minister for Finance or his Minister of State. That seems reasonable if, in the judgment of the Minister, circumstances indicated that better value could be got by the State for the money being expended.

If the report is implemented we will make immediate savings based on the experiences of recent years. It is impossible to quantify the extent of them and I do not think it would be particularly fruitful if we did because the implication then would be that that kind of money is leaking or being wasted. I do not think anybody should feel under a cloud because of the recommendations we produced. All we are saying is that as the years go by we get a little wiser and we handle things, hopefully, a little better. This modest report, and these proposals, are designed to be seen in that constructive if evolutionary spirit and not in any sense of irate condemnation or any kind of heated disapproval. We are not in that business; it is a wasteful exercise. What is important is whether or not these recommendations, having been studied by Government, are feasible, practicable and can be implemented. If so, they should be implemented. We are convinced that if they are, all of us will be doing a good day's work.

Deputy Briscoe referred in passing to the role of the Comptroller and Auditor General. I am aware from my appreciation of the work being done by the Committee of Public Accounts, whose role is essentially retrospective dealing with the audited accounts, that there is a need to consider expanding that office to deal with questions of value for money and public expenditure. It seems to be very unsatisfactory that the Comptroller and Auditor General, whose job in essence is to evaluate whether or not moneys voted by the House have been spent precisely on that purpose, he cannot go any further than that. He produces extraordinarily illuminating reports called the Appropriation Accounts, which is deceptive. In those reports he gives us regular opportunities by pointing to places where it is clear that somebody should be questioning value for money of systems that are in place but it is not his function to do that.

The Committee of Public Accounts has been concerned to try to ensure that the set of status that govern his office be expanded to include the potential for that function. I do not know if that office is adequately staffed but, certainly, he has a large number of staff. He is a very busy person but I believe he would be desirous of taking that on board. There would be a yield from it. Certainly, in a number of cases our committee have been able to find a degree of inspiration in his reports which directed us in our future-oriented work. In the light of what Deputy Briscoe said I believe their is a fair measure of all-party agreement in that respect.

Our report does not seek to offer a set of constraints but is a new opportunity for examining again the existing system, to see whether it can be improved and whether we can do for the taxpayers what we regularly say we want to do, spend their money more wisely or, conversely, spend less of their money to do the same job. The report offers come clear unambivalent precise pointers in that direction. I was very interested to hear the response of the Minister of State to those precise recommendations and I will be interested to hear, in due course, the studied response of Government to what we are saying. Naturally enough, our committee in due course will come back to these recommendations — we have agreed to do so in six months time — to see how far we have got with them and to deliberate on the outcome of work to date. I should like to thank my colleagues on the committee and to thank Deputy Doyle for so clearly, constructively and comprehensively putting forward the report this morning.

I commend the report to the House and I would appreciate if it was treated on its merits. I am not pretending that the report has all the answers but I suggest, with respect, that in the light of recent experience which we believe is intolerable in the medium or long term, it has some solutions to offer. As an all-party committee we hope that these systems will be in place as quickly as possible.

I should like to pay a compliment to the chairman of the committee. Deputy Keating, for the report. The House is indebted to the committee and, particularly to Deputy Keating for the work he has put into the report. I should like to again point out — for the twentieth time — that the structure of Dáil committees is not being taken seriously. The report before us is an excellent one but reports like it will have to be taken more seriously in the House. I am a member of the Committee on Commercial State-sponsored Bodies which carried out an investigation of CIE hotels. Irish Shipping Limited and a number of other semi-State companies, but despite the fact that I tabled Dáil questions, have written to the Whips on both sides, have written to the Minister and have raised the matter in the House, I have been unable to get the reports of the committee on the floor of the House. I shall be making further attempts to do that. It is now more than 12 months since we completed our report on CIE hotels and a lot has happened in that area since but the House has not debated our report.

Either we take the committee system seriously or scrap it altogether. At the moment we are paying lip service to it. I must ask if the report before us, which does not appear to be taken seriously because it is being debated on a Thursday, is to be consigned to the shelves and not acted upon. The public think that we have this marvellous Dáil reform in hand but, in my view, it is not working and it is not serious Dáil reform although it is being portrayed as such.

The suggestions and proposals in the report are excellent but I criticise the report from this point of view. It has not taken a broad enough look at the difficulties. Let me explain what I mean by that. The committee made some specific suggestions as to how the Office of Public Works might do their job. I wonder if they considered whether the Office of Public Works should be doing that job, whether they are independent enough of Government to be doing that job, or whether a Civil Service organisation should be carrying out what is essentially a commercial operation. I propose therefore that some serious consideration be given to the establishment of the Office of Public Works as a semi-State organisation away from Government.

When it was first suggested that An Bord Telecom would be taken from the Department of Posts and Telegraphs people threw their hands in the air and said we were trying to wreck the Civil Service. When it was first suggested that An Post should be run by a commercial board instead of directly by the State people also threw their hands in the air. It is no sillier to suggest that the Office of Public Works should be established on the basis of a commercial semi-State company with its own directors, publishing a balance sheet of how they conduct their affairs. I know of no logical reason why we should not progress in that way. That is not to say they are not doing a reasonable job because the report points out that they have done a good job.

I want to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the staff of the Office of Public Works who for many years have been a very solid institution, but the time has come for change. The time for change came to An Post and An Bord Telecom as well as to other operations and they changed for the better. Do we all not agree that An Post seem to be a better operation than the Department of Posts and Telegraphs? Do we not all agree that An Bord Telecom seem to be a better operation than the Department of Posts and Telegraphs, because now we can see it, we know who is running it and we can raise queries about it in this House. Yet, it can benefit from being at commercial arm's length from the Government of the day. It is that type of independence the Office of Public Works need.

According to the report, in 1981 the Office of Public Works accounted for 43 per cent of the office rental market, and in 1983 that figure was reduced by 2 per cent, which is interesting. Considering the dominance of the Office of Public Works in that essentially commercial arena where rents are set by market forces, it would not be illogical to say that this is basically a commercial organisation. That is the main proposal I wanted to put forward this morning and ask that it be looked at by the committee. I see there will be six-monthly reviews and regular Dáil questions, and I welcome that, but they might look at this specific suggestion. That is the only criticism I have of the report. I compliment the committee. We must ask ourselves if the existing structure can in itself handle the rental— leasing office accommodation in this very technical, professional and commercial arena which is beginning to emerge. I see no reason why a semi-State company should not take it on board.

I support particularly the section which calls for a strategic medium term plan covering the next three to five years. I know it is difficult for the OPW to do that because they do not know what demands will be or where the space will be, but planning is something which you cannot turn off when times are bad and when times are good. There was a Minister for Finance who said that planning was something you did not do because Ireland was like a cork popping in the ocean. I take the opposite view. The higher the winds the more difficult the oceans, and the more you must try to plan your operation and, if necessary, change and review that plan.

One of our faults as politicians is that when somebody produces a plan we feel we should not change it one iota, or we must not change it after six months, or point it in a slightly different direction because that is failure. If all the plans produced in the House were met to the last percentage point it would be a miracle. That is not the way plans work. I suggest that the Office of Public Works take up this challenge, produce their plans and not worry too much if they do not actually meet those plans because not to plan is a bigger crime than not to meet the plan. I repeat that I support that recommendation particularly.

This report talks about 35 year leases. Are the Office of Public Works aware that in the United States there is no such thing as a 35 year lease, or that in England the lease runs for nine years, ten years or 11 years? On the Continent the longest lease is for 21 years. The point I am making is that leases are getting shorter. If the Office of Public Works are dominating the market they should insist on shorter leases. I know that is difficult but if OPW and Irish Life do not decide to lead the market in a certain direction, the market will not go in that direction. I suggest that this point be considered. As I said, 35 year leases do not exist in the United States or Britain and there is no logical commercial reasons why you should sign in blood for 35 years at this juncture.

The banks consider this is necessary because these operations cannot be financed if they are not over a long period, but I take the opposite view. The people who want the offices should tell the banks that they are prepared to take them for ten years, 15 years or whatever. I will make a bet that if this is done, these conditions will be agreed to.

That is what we are doing.

I support that because it is an excellent decision. It is very important that we get away as quickly as possible from the 35 year leases mentioned in the report.

There is no reason, apart from tradition, why office space should be congregated in expensive areas. In the Dublin suburbs and throughout the country rental accommodation is a fraction of the price charged in the central city areas. I suggest that a policy might be pursued by the OPW of getting accommodation in Tallaght or some other suburbs at a more reasonable price. It is very important that offices be decentralised not just throughout the country but in Dublin itself. Many suburbs could do with that type of investment and at the same time the Office of Public Works would save themselves a lot of money. The estimated rental charge in 1984 was £16 million. This makes the Office of Public Works the dominant force in the rental business. Because of that they should not be led by market forces but should lead the market because whatever OPW decide, the rest of the market will have to follow. This is such a small country that OPW can dominate the market. If they decide there are no more 35 year leases, or go to the suburbs, or that the office should have more commercial independence through a semi-State company, I firmly believe the market will follow and the country will be better off.

I put forward those proposals in response to Deputy Keating's request that one should look at this report in a constructive way. I have been trying to do that. The report is welcome and I would dearly hope that the reports from all the other committees that are doing excellent work in this House can get on to the floor here. There is a system in the British Parliament whereby a report which comes on the floor of the House must be followed by an official document published by the Government laying out specifically the action the Government propose to take in regard to each report. There is a formal review system whereby this specific report will be reconsidered after some set period and the Minister will have to report to the House on what happened on each specific recommendation.

There is an appalling difficulty in following up a committee's work. I share Deputy Keating's frustration in that there is no point in producing reports if they are not followed up. I particularly call today for Dáil reform, in the sense of these committees which are an essential part of it, being taken seriously by this House or else abolished, ending this charade.

I very much welcome the committee's report. Since the committee have been established they have done some excellent work in highlighting the amount of public money being wasted continually by the ad hoc renting of premises that either are not required or that lead to double renting as in some of the examples given. The committee are doing a very excellent public service and draw attention to the fact that for far too long we have been very negligent when it comes to operation by the public service and expenditure of the taxpayers' money.

The ICI debacle may have decided many that the way forward was in terms of greater involvement of the public sector in the running of the State, but reports of this nature will probably have the opposite effect in convincing people that the less involved the public sector are, perhaps the better for the country.

The figures given in this report are quite frightening. No private business or businessman could afford the kind of losses and irresponsible spending which we have seen outlined in some of the examples given. In 1984, £887,000 was paid by Government Departments for unused space. That is almost £1 million and excludes the local authorities and many other agencies, including simply the Departments of State and the non-commercial sector of the semi-State bodies. So many other sectors, many of which have been discussed in the House, are desperately crying out for aid and could do so much with that kind of money.

The report mentions a number of bodies such, as the IDA, and again I was disappointed to see that £416,000 was paid by the IDA for rented accommodation which was not in use due to overlap. If you add that figure to the amount of unused factory space with regard to advance factories built by the IDA throughout this country, details of which were given in a recent reply in this House, it is staggering to think of the amount of public money which is being wasted.

My colleague, Deputy Brennan, suggested we look in a new way at the rental of offices and accommodation in general for public Departments and agencies of Government, and I agree with him. We tend to keep these in very expensive areas where rents are very high. Many are in the centre city. Perhaps the Government would consider moving into areas where it is found impossible to get any kind of business to locate, such as the inner city of Dublin. Half of that area has been closed down because people do not want to or cannot trade in these areas for various reasons. Perhaps it is time that the State sector moved in and took over the various existing buildings at a much lower cost. Perhaps it is time they came out to the suburbs or to new towns like Clondalkin and Tallaght, where again it would be so much cheaper to rent accommodation. And it might not always be necessary to rent the accommodation. Perhaps accommodation could be provided on a permanent basis for many Departments of State.

There is no doubt that we will have to look more seriously at the manner in which the taxpayers' money is being spent. The public are annoyed when time and time again examples are put before them of wastage of public money and they feel that their politicians are not doing a good job. I am delighted that this committee are making very excellent recommendations, many of which I agree with, on ways of avoiding this wastage in the future.

We can all be good at criticising, but it is more beneficial to make positive suggestions. There will have to be greater accountability on the part of public servants for the manner in which they spend public money. Some disciplinary action will have to be taken against those public servants who irresponsibly spend the taxpayers' money in projects such as were outlined in the report.

I would like to develop the idea of locating Government Departments in areas less burdened by traffic problems. Problems of high employment are concentrated, along with traffic problems, in particular areas, such as Ballymun, Finglas. Tallaght and Clondalkin, which would get a lift if we were to locate some Government Departments and agencies in them. We would do much, not just for the morale of the people but to help to build up strong communities and very viable new towns.

It is no longer possible to have everything located in the centre of the city. I know that the central agency of Government must be located in a fairly prominent position in the capital city, that there is need for great co-ordination between Government Departments and that the closer they are together the better. However, many of the services being provided in the centre of the city could just as usefully be provided in the suburbs, with far more convenience for clients and public servants. I should like the committee to consider that option in any future report.

I should also like the committee to look more closely not just at rented office accommodation and premises acquired by Government agencies, but at other expenditure in purchases of one kind or another. My own constituency contains several portions of land which have been purchased by various Government Departments but are not in use. The Department of Education acquired many pieces of land on which they intended to build schools. These are lying idle and are not going to be used because of changes which have taken place in the whole structure and planning of education in schools in that area. That is one small area. From time to time we come across disgraceful examples of enormous amounts of public money being wasted, not only in connection with the purchase price or rental of these items but in the time which the public servants have put into negotiating these purchases and drawing up very attractive plans of development which never come to fruition. That is particularly the case with local authorities.

There is a great need to look more closely at all expenditure on the part of Government agencies, whether the commercial, semi-State, State or non-commercial State sector. That in 1984 we spent £17 million on rented accommodation would surprise many. For that money one should be able almost to acquire sufficient accommodation on a permanent basis for the running of this State. That our public sector is so big, containing so many public servants, explains the large amount paid out in rent. I should like to draw the attention of the House to some Government offices I have been in which are not being used properly and where there is a lot of wasted space. For example, in the Setanta building many offices are not being used at all. I know there are problems with that building——

It is falling down.

Exactly. Given that we have such an accommodation problem in Leinster House, it horrifies me to see in the Setanta building so many spacious and luxurious offices that are not used. I hope the committee will be able to find some use for them.

I know the Minister of State is anxious to speak and I do not want to delay the House unduly. However, I should like the committee to consider how in future we will avoid the kind of disgraceful decisions that were made in the past. I agree with the recommendations in Part V of the report. We have to show the taxpayers and the public that we will not repeat the mistakes of the past. Without pointing the finger at anyone in particular, there is a need to have one person who would have responsibility for all decisions regarding property involving all Departments and agencies throughout the country. I do not know if there is such a person. I tend to think that in each Department different people negotiate leases and acquire the accommodation that is necessary. There is no accountability by one individual who, at the end of the day, must be responsible for the decisions made. The only way to make sure that mistakes are not repeated is to ensure that accountability is left, fairly and squarely, with one individual who would be able to stand up and justify the decisions made. Of course that is not to say mistakes will not be made. All of us know that mistakes will be made, but we should not have the kind of mistakes that were outlined in this and in some of the other reports of this committee.

I am somewhat at a disadvantage here because most of what was said was more appropriate to a debate on the Estimate for the Office of Public Works. All of the criticism here today was levelled at the Office of Public Works. Last November we debated the previous report of the committee and much of what was said here today referred to that report.

It could be, of course, that the committee wished to have the opportunity of repeating the statement in their former report which we debated at great length last November to the effect that the rental and lease terms obtained by the Office of Public Works were generally satisfactory. I thank the members of the committee for what they said in that connection and also I should like to pay tribute to those who spent so much time and effort in compiling the report. I like to see the office for which I am responsible praised —and it is indeed a rare occurrence to see the Committee on Public Expenditure praising any of the State's activities — but I wonder if it justifies taking up such a large amount of Dáil time so soon after we covered the same ground before.

As I have said, the Office of Public Works are only marginally involved here. The gist of the report is that two State-sponsored bodies were involved in a double leasing situation — the facts and figures are quoted in paragraph 4. I want to make it quite clear that these semi-State bodies provide their own accommodation. The Office of Public Works have no hand, act or part in this — although some newspapers alleged they had, following publication of the report. We had no part in the two cases that were mentioned and I want to make that clear. I repeat that the Office of Public Works have no involvement whatever in the acquisition of accommodation for the semi-State bodies in question or in the payment of the two sums mentioned, namely, £866,545 and £764,000. I hope I have made that clear to the Press and to the Deputies who implied that the contrary was the case.

The first recommendation specifies that in each case involving new or additional accommodation a study should be undertaken as to the most cost-effective decision — whether to rent, purchase or build. The Office of Public Works, and I as junior Minister, are most anxious to build. We started to rent in the early sixties when we had all the whizz-kid activities in the area of Government. Up to that Government, Departments provided their own accommodation. I agree we should build but sometimes accommodation is needed in a hurry.

I agree with the first recommendation of the committee, and this is what the Office of Public Works do where there is a choice. However, you only have a choice of building, buying or leasing when accommodation is not needed urgently. The time scale involved usually determines which option one takes up. Very often the urgency of the demand and the scale of the requirement means renting space provided by speculative development. The building programme of the Office of Public Works is concentrated on specialised building for State services or in the replacement of rented space. The allocation of finance for this programme each year dictates the extent to which the Office of Public Works can build new offices. Likewise, the allocation they have for the purchase of sites and buildings determine their choice in this area. It is the amount of money that is available each year for building or for buying sites that determines whether the office build or do not build. The planning and erection of even a modest size building can take between two to three years and, as a result, building is not a realistic option in many circumstances. It is an option that would be favoured by the Office of Public Works in certain cases where it would be feasible, but most people would realise it is not feasible in many cases.

The second recommendation of the report reads:

No lease should be signed unless a contract has been signed to dispose of the existing accommodation.

I regard this as a counsel of perfection — fine in theory but very difficult, if not impossible, to comply with in practice. It worries me that later in the report it is stated that there should not be exceptions. I do not agree with that. One should make every possible effort to get rid of a building as quickly as possible if it is not needed. I want to tell the House about the strictures there are on the Office of Public Works. I say this, not in defence of Government but in defence of civil servants who operate the system. The first thing they must do with every vacant space they have is to ask every other Department whether they have use for it. That is one of the criteria laid down. These are the kinds of difficulties an office encounters in endeavouring to deal with a practical situation.

When new space has to be found very often it is an urgent request to provide for an expanded service. This morning Deputy O'Kennedy criticised the Government because we had vacant space, which was dealt with in the last report and with which I dealt specifically in this House. Deputy Shatter also mentioned the Harcourt Street Garda premises where a long delay was encountered. I accept that there was a long delay in equipping the premises and moving the Garda authorities into it. Even though it is political I want to explain again to this House how that arose. Just before the transition from one Government to another a sudden Government decision was taken by a Minister of Deputy O'Kennedy's party after which the Office of Public Works were instructed to take this building as a matter of urgency. I do not know what option civil servants would have had not to do so. They did it. I think it was news to the Garda authorities as much as it was to the Office of Public Works that they were to take that building urgently. Before a brief could be obtained from the relevant Department as to what was needed much time had elapsed. Yet the Office of Public Works must take the blame for the fact that it was lying idle. It should be remembered that it was a political decision taken by the Government of which Deputy O'Kennedy was a member. The Deputy endeavours to attach a political stigma — over the fact that those offices remained idle — to the present Minister for Finance who should have known. I might say that similar things happened when the Deputy was Minister for Finance and, if he wants evidence, I will produce it.

The Deputy also asked me to state if I had regular meetings with or control over these people. I have regular meetings with the Commissioner and with the heads of every section of my office. It should be remembered that the Office of Public Works encompass many areas, including national parks, buildings, inland waterways, a schools section, a post office buildings section which is still operative vis-à-vis the building of offices for post offices. I have regular meetings with these people. Together we endeavour to improve the system of expenditure of moneys and we do so daily.

The priority of the Office of Public Works has to be to find suitable accommodation for the need at the best terms available on the market at any given time. Reaching agreement on the details of the lease and fitting out the relevant space, in the case of a large take and because of the constraints under which the Office of Public Works, as a public body must operate, may involve periods of up to a year or more. The recommendation in the report is that we should sell before we buy or before we sign an agreement. I agree with that recommendation where it is practicable but I do not think it is in very many cases. I would be reticent about the further stipulation which says there should be no exception to that. There would have to be exceptions. With a time scale of a year or more involved it is not always possible to find a purchaser willing to buy a leasehold where vacant possession cannot be given for a year or more. For example, many problems could arise during the fitting out period to delay completion, such as strikes, hold up of supplies etc. In difficult times for the property market it is not easy to find people seeking space and the amount of unlet space on offer at present bears this out.

The committee's third recommendation is that the prior approval of the Minister for Finance should be obtained where it is proposed not to carry out a cost-effective study on whether to buy, build or lease, or where it is proposed to sign a lease for new premises before a contract for the disposal of existing accommodation has been signed.

I do not know what semi-State bodies do — which are mentioned in the body of the report — but in the case of the Office of Public Works that rule already applies and has applied practically from the time I came into this office. We have already implemented that recommendation and had done so before this report was ever prepared. Any new office space that the Office of Public Works take at present must have the sanction of the Minister for Finance. I am glad of that stipulation because it would be a farce had we a small section of the Department of Finance — which is really what the Office of Public Works is — going off taking and paying what they liked.

I want to give the House two examples of the genuine difficulties the Department of Finance or the Office of Public Works would have in regard to taking space. Less than 12 months ago the Department of Social Welfare wanted new office accommodation for a new service they proposed to provide. The Office of Public Works had office accommodation just becoming vacant which could be used. But the Department of Social Welfare could not use that space because they had to have particular accommodation which would make it possible for them to link into their computer system. Because it was necessary to link in the new service to their computer system at head office the relevant office space would have to be adjacent to it. I accept that but it meant that it left available office space we had at that time not utilised by that Department. In that case we were forced to take particular office space whether it was economic and regardless of its price. It must be said that developers of and agents for such office space have a peculiar way of ascertaining that perhaps that is the only space that will be suitable, putting their own price on it. I do not blame them for that. But that is another reason we should be building our own offices as far as possible.

The fourth and final recommendation of this committee, in practice, is merely a reiteration of recommendations two and three which, as I have said already, apply anyway to the Office of Public Works. Therefore I do not propose to comment on them.

The present rental terms are generally limited to 20 years, with a ten year break point and a seven year review. In the past they were 35 year leases but none of those exists any longer; the limit would be 20. Generally, the rental of premises took off in the sixties, up to which time most accommodation had been owned by the State. It was said that there were political implications. I do not intend going into that here because I do not know whether that is correct but the Deputies know the stories as I do. It was said that companies went out and built offices and had them let to the Government before they started. I hope that is not true but I have my doubts. Deputy O'Kennedy mentioned today that I should ensure that there is fair play in relation to jobs handed out. I have been assured that there is nothing but fair play in this area and I challenge anyone to contradict me when I say that that was not the case until I came there.

Paragraph 2 of the report says that the Office of Public Works indicated that £887,000 was the annual rental for unoccupied office space. This related to buildings which were being fitted out. These buildings are now fully occupied. At present a rent free period is being demanded but that is only allowed because the demand for office space is not what it was, so it is easier to get that sort of relief. Deputy Shatter mentioned that we should get a special discount from developers for State involvement. Developers do not give concessions to the State, they get what they can out of it. For example, in a country town a dilapidated building was being used as a labour exchange and there was terrible pressure on the Government and on the Board of Works to get alternative accommodation. Eventually one place became available and as the workers were going on strike the developer could get the price for which he asked. It was necessary to get that building as a social amenity. That illustrates the kind of concession developers give to the State.

I accept all of the recommendations as far as they go. The recommendation that advises the Office of Public Works to make a commitment to sell a place before they buy one, will not work in most cases. It seems that the Office of Public Works is fair game for criticism. The list of buildings and rentals in the appendix to this report was supplied by the Office of Public Works. These figures refer to the total cost of servicing and maintaining these offices and that is a different thing from just rent. The total figure was apparently described as being the rent but it involves much more than that. Perhaps there has been a misunderstanding. In substance the report refers to semi-State bodies and its recommendations are already in effect as far as my office are concerned. In the two examples given most of the criticism redounded on the Office of Public Works. However the two instances investigated were semi-State bodies with which the Office of Public Works were not involved.

I thank the people who took part in this debate. They are doing a public service. My office are prepared to co-operate with this committee in every way possible. The officials in the Office of Public Works are doing their utmost to get the best possible value for the State in the matter of accommodation. Their contribution has been recognised in the report of the committee and I thank the committee for that recognition. When all the angles have been studied the committee acknowledge that we have got good value for money. We are proud of that mention in the report. Mistakes will be made and some things will not work out and we are prepared to discuss these errors and improve and any assistance is acceptable.

I thank the Minister of State and the other Deputies who contributed to this debate. When this all-party committee meets every Tuesday it is in a non-political atmosphere. I was disappointed with Deputy O'Kennedy's contribution this morning as I would like the non-political atmosphere within which we worked in Setanta House to permeate this Chamber when we are discussing these all-party recommendations.

The Minister in his reply said that he likes to see his Department being praised. It is not our job to praise or condemn. I do not agree that it has been a waste of time to discuss this issue. What we are discussing is £1½ million of misspent taxpayers' money. It is clear that the Office of Public Works are not responsible for State bodies' accommodation. Proper planning by the Office of Public Works will ensure that accommodation is not needed urgently as there are few unexpected demands for Civil Service accommodation. The pressure to lease at any cost should not apply. The Minister made a point about employment exchanges. Surely growth in population can be estimated well in advance and employment exchanges can be built before a young population come to working age.

Once you have money.

Recommendations Nos. 1 and 2 in the report are contingent on No. 3. We did not want to move away from that, and it is only reasonable to suggest that. Deputy Brennan suggested that perhaps the OPW should not be doing the job they are doing at present, but this report is about how they should be doing the job as long as they are doing it, and they should do it as efficiently as possible; but that might be for consideration at a future date by the Committee on Public Expenditure. Certainly we will examine the role of the OPW at a later date and we will report on it. Deputy Harney suggested that the Government but derelect buildings for offices, and parcels of land in the county which are not being used.

I do not propose to add much more to what I have said in my opening statement other than that the committee hope that this short report will be helpful and constructive and that it will be accepted. Our intention is to follow up this report in a few months with a view to examining to what extent the very reasonable and basic recommendations which we included have been put in place. Deputy Brennan made an interesting suggestion here this morning that the Government should issue a report, a formal document, spelling out the Government reaction to all of the committee's recommendations. We do not care whether the Minister or his office are only peripherally involved. We do not care who responds to our reports, but we cannot debate publicly with semi-State bodies in the Dáil. Someone is responsible.

Again I thank the Minister and everyone who contributed to this debate.

Question put and agreed to.
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