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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 29 Jan 1986

Vol. 363 No. 5

Financial Resolutions, 1986. - Financial Statement, Budget, 1986.

Before I call on the Minister for Finance to make his Financial Statement, I wish to remind Members that none of the confidential information which will be circulated in advance by the Minister to certain Members may be disclosed to anyone until the Minister has revealed it to the House. Premature disclosure of the information is considered to be a serious breach of privilege. Might I emphasise that Members may not take from the House any parts of the Financial Statement before they have been read out? I call on the Minister for Finance.

In preparing this budget, I had to consider and to reconcile three different requirements. The first is: what kind of budget would be most appropriate to the present state of our economy? The second is: the public finances constraint within which the achievement of the budgetary objectives has to be approached. The third is: what shifts in the balance of taxation are required by considerations of equity, efficiency and the need to tackle the black economy?

As far as the first requirement is concerned, the slower than expected growth in the economy and in employment during 1985 points towards a budget that will not depress the economy in 1986.

In relation to the second requirement, it is clearly necessary to reduce the current deficit from the opening figure by holding public spending down to the national plan level and, at the same time, by bridging some two-thirds of the gap between the level of revenue implicit in the national plan and the level of revenue likely to emerge at current tax rates.

In relation to the third requirement, a comparison of our tax structure with those of most other developed countries suggests, in our case, a marked disincentive effect in the structure of our personal taxation system. The combination of these considerations has led me to the conclusion that the broad approach to be followed in this budget should be:

First, to cut back the Exchequer borrowing requirement and the current budget deficit, not fully to the extent implicit in the national plan, because this would sharply deflate the economy, but nevertheless by a significant amount. The Exchequer borrowing requirement will be reduced from 12.9 per cent of GNP in 1985 11.8 per cent, and the current budget deficit from 8.2 per cent of GNP to a level of 7.4 per cent. In addition, total public sector borrowing, already reduced from 20 per cent of GNP in 1982 to 15¾ per cent in 1985, will be further cut to 14¼ per cent of GNP;

Second, as a contribution to the attainment of the objective of reducing the current budget deficit, and in order to contain the need for tax revenue, current spending will be held as close as possible to the implicit national plan level of about £8,030 million, by making such cuts in current spending as may be necessary to accommodate the additional costs of social welfare and public service pay within this broad total;

Third, on the revenue side, a sufficient amount of net additional revenue must be obtained in order to achieve the necessary reduction in the current deficit. This entails increases in excise duties and VAT. In making these increases, however, I will take full account of the needs of some particularly sensitive sectors, such as tourism and services, which are being adversely affected by current tax rates;

Finally, there will be a significant rationalisation of the taxation of financial institutions and a readjustment of the balance between the taxation of investment income from financial assets and that of wages and salaries, in order to improve the incentive to effort and the reward for work.

The following, therefore, are the main components of this budget:

(a) It will make provision for the recent public service pay offer, which, if applied to all relevant groups, will add 2 per cent to the 1986 Exchequer pay and pensions bill, as well as for certain special pay increases previously committed, which fall due for payment in 1986.

(b) It will make provision for increases in social welfare payments from July next, which will maintain the real value of these payments for a further year thereafter.

(c) It will provide for a child benefit payment of £15.05 per month for each of the first five children, an increase of one quarter on the present children's allowance — and the payment of £21.75 for each further child.

(d) It will effect spending cuts of £55 million from the sums set out in the published current Estimates in order to reduce current spending to £8,042 million and will reduce capital spending by a net £25 million.

(e) It will reduce VAT on meals and on a range of labour-intensive services, currently liable at 23 per cent, to 10 per cent from 1 July next. The services which will benefit from this relief include hairdressing, laundry and dry cleaning, electrical and most other repairs, cleaning services, cinema admissions and travelling fun-fairs.

Say that again. There he goes again.

Deputy Collins is tempting me sorely to answer that.

(f) It will restructure the taxation of financial institutions and income from financial assets in order to remove major anomalies and inequities within the system, while raising sufficient additional revenue to reduce personal income taxes by a total of £121 million, or over twice the amount which would be required for indexation.

The income tax changes will be:

abolition of the 1 per cent income levy

increase of £100 in the PAYE allowance

increases in personal allowances in the 35 per cent tax band and the age exemption limits sufficient to keep pace with inflation

reduction of the top rate of income tax from 60 per cent to 58 per cent

doubling of the age allowance.

(g) Finally, the budget will, as a preliminary to much tougher anti-evasion action — including prison sentences of up to five years — offer to defaulting taxpayers a six-month amnesty from prosecution if they report their evasions, pay their back-taxes and re-enter the legitimate economy. There will also be an amnesty from prosecutions for those who come forward during the same six-month period admitting to earlier or existing irregularities in relation to the social welfare system.

REVIEW OF 1985 BUDGET OUTTURN

The budget outturn was again close to target in 1985, following the pattern established in 1983 and 1984. There was a small overrun on the current budget deficit, caused partly by the fact that the level of unemployment during the year was higher than had been expected, and partly by revenue shortfalls. The higher than expected level of unemployment was due in part to the fact that export growth, including that in certain high technology sectors, suffered a temporary setback. The revenue shortfalls resulted in part from the employment situation, and partly from the fact that last year's tax changes were more concessionary than had been thought at the time. While the current budget deficit at 8¼ per cent of GNP was marginally higher than the previous peak deficit recorded in 1982, the overall level of the Exchequer borrowing requirement has fallen since then from about 15¾ per cent of GNP to less than 13 per cent of GNP last year. Over the same period the public sector borrowing requirement has fallen as a proportion of GNP from 20 per cent to 15¾ per cent. This process of reducing annual net borrowing must be continued in this year's budget as an essential step on the road towards stabilising the ratio of debt to GNP.

Last year we continued with our policy of prepaying some of our earlier foreign loans and replacing them with less expensive loans carrying longer maturities. A total of £1.1 billion was repaid and refinanced in this way in 1985. The prepayment programme has been made possible by the favourable borrowing opportunities in the markets as well as by the high credit standing which Ireland enjoys internationally.

THE ECONOMIC SITUATION

During 1985 we experienced a slowdown in the rate of growth of industrial exports. This was due partly to a lower than expected rate of growth in world trade and partly to a sharp check to the growth of exports in certain high technology sectors. The adverse agricultural situation was a contributory factor also. Nevertheless, gross domestic product rose by over 2 per cent last year. For the first time in several years the volume of both personal consumption and fixed investment increased. There was another substantial reduction in the rate of inflation from over 8½ per cent in 1984 to less than 5½ per cent last year. By end-year, inflation was running at under 5 per cent, a rate well in line with that in our main competitor countries.

There was also a further improvement in both the external trade account and the overall balance of payments. The trade account moved into surplus in 1985 for the first time since the forties. With tourism having an extremely good year also, the overall balance of payments deficit fell to around 3 per cent of GDP, the best outturn for ten years. Although the level of unemployment rose again last year, notified redundancies showed a marked decline on the 1984 level, following five years of a rising trend. In addition, the increase in unemployment moderated again in 1985; this was the best outturn since 1979. The indications are that nonagricultural employment had stabilised by the end of the year.

The outlook for 1986 on the international front is broadly favourable. The depreciation of the dollar exchange rate and the decline in the level of interest rates internationally in the past year will contribute to easing our debt interest burden in 1986, while the marked decline in oil prices in recent months should, if sustained, have beneficial effects on economic activity in Ireland and in the industrialised world as a whole.

The commitment among EC member countries to pursue co-ordinated policies to achieve more growth and employment is encouraging. Given this external environment, we should continue to reduce our balance of payments deficit. Personal consumption, which rose in 1985 in real terms for the first time in four years, should continue this trend in 1986. The rate of increase in consumer prices, taking account of the effect of this budget and the latest falls in oil prices, is expected to be of the order of 4½ per cent. Investment in expected to maintain the upward momentum experienced last year. Prospects for employment, the one area where economic performance has been disappointing, will also improve.

EMPLOYMENT

The creation of jobs both to cater for the continuing expansion in the labour force and to reduce the existing level of unemployment remains the central economic and social priority of the Government.

Since taking office, we have pursued a twin-pronged strategy in seeking a resolution of the problem. First, we have sought, through taxation and incentive policies, to create a better climate for employment. The imaginative measures taken by the Government last October to stimulate building activity are an emphatic illustration of the Government's commitment to providing increased opportunities for employment.

Second, recognising the urgency of the situation and taking account of the fact that tax and incentive approaches must be viewed in a longer-term perspective, we have instituted a wide series of measures which would have an immediate impact on the numbers out of work. Two of the most successful schemes have been the enterprise allowance scheme, which has enabled roughly 10,000 unemployed persons to start their own businesses in its first two years of operation, and the social employment scheme, targeted at the long-term unemployed, which had almost 5,500 participants at the end of 1985.

GENERAL BUDGET STRATEGY 1986

OPENING POSITION

The published opening current budget deficit is £1,350 million. Deducting an estimated £35 million which Departments have in balances from 1985, the actual opening deficit is £1,315 million, compared with the 1985 outturn of £1,284 million. The overall opening Exchequer borrowing requirement, taking account of Departmental balances, is £2,093 million. This is one-half of a percentage point of GNP lower than the 1985 outturn of £2,015 million.

BUDGET TARGETS

The Government have decided that today's budget changes must achieve a further reduction in borrowing as a proportion of GNP. This course is essential for our future economic well-being and for the creation of employment. Therefore, while I am providing for social welfare improvements, income tax concessions and some expenditure concessions, there is no alternative but to provide also for both expenditure reductions and some tax increases. The tax increases, however, will be on a scale which will keep taxation within the ceiling set in Building on Reality.

CURRENT EXPENDITURE

PUBLIC SERVICE PAY AND INCOMES POLICY

PUBLIC SERVICE PAY

The published estimate of £2,600 million for public service pay and pensions in 1986 made no allowance for a general pay increase under the current pay round or for meeting the cost of outstanding special pay increases. In considering the scope for new increases, the Government obviously have had to have regard to the Exchequer's capacity to fund such increases, given that expenditure on pay represents nearly half of expenditure on net current supply services.

Against this background, the Minister for the Public Service has recently concluded a series of negotiations with certain public service groups which have resulted in an offer of a package of pay proposals. This package includes an offer on a 25th round involving a 3 per cent increase on 1 May 1986, 2 per cent on 1 January 1987 and a further 2 per cent on 1 May 1987. As regards special pay increases, the Government were faced with adjudication findings which, in the case of the groups directly concerned, would cost in excess of £70 million per annum to implement. In current circumstances such a figure is simply beyond the financial capacity of the Exchequer. The Government's package therefore provides for these special adjudication findings to be paid on a phased basis, commencing on 1 December next. However, the package allows for superannuation lump sums to be paid as if the special adjudication findings had been implemented on the dates recommended. Finally, the package involves a commitment by both sides to engage in meaningful discussions over the coming months on the machinery for pay determination.

The 1986 cost of the package on offer, assuming its eventual application to all groups in the Exchequer pay bill, plus the cost of special pay increases previously committed, is estimated at £68 million. I must stress that, in the light of all the constraints on the Exchequer, particularly in 1986, this offer represents the absolute limit to which the Government are able to go this year.

PUBLIC SERVICE PENSIONS

The Government also considered certain superannuation matters which arose during the recent pay negotiations with public service groups. One such matter was the issue of full parity on grade or special pay increases. The Government have now decided that, in the context of the phasing arrangements set out in the package, full pension parity in relation to special increases would be introduced with effect from 1 July 1986.

PUBLIC SERVICE WIDOWS' AND CHILDREN'S EX-GRATIA PENSIONS

Ex-gratia pensions are payable to the widows and children of pensionable public servants who retired or died prior to the introduction of the contributory widows' and children's pension scheme. Since 1979 the rate of ex-gratia pensions has stood at 5/6ths of the rate payable under the contributory scheme. Having further considered the position of these widows, and notwithstanding the significant cost involved, the Government have decided to introduce full parity for such widows in two steps, half the difference between the rates being eliminated on 1, January 1986 followed by full parity on 1, January 1987. The cost in 1986 of these two pension concessions is estimated at £2 million.

I shall be referring later to adjustments to the published expenditure allocations. These adjustments include savings of some £18 million to be realised in the pay area. Allowing for these savings and for the additional allocations for pay and pensions which I have announced, the pay and pensions bill in 1986 amounts to £2,652 million.

GENERAL INCOMES POLICY

The Government's pay policy is that pay increases in Ireland should not exceed the rate of pay increase in competitor countries and that, within this framework, the free collective bargaining system should continue to have regard to the ability of individual employers to pay and to the likely impact of pay settlements on employment.

There was a welcome moderation in the level of new pay settlements in Ireland in 1985. This progress must be maintained, especially since the rate of increase in our competitor countries generally is continuing to decline. Given that there is already a sizeable carryover in wage costs into 1986 from previous pay settlements, the scope for new pay increases in Ireland is extremely limited if the capacity of Irish firms to compete at home and abroad is not to be undermined. The achievement of the required moderation in pay settlements should be facilitated by the prospective continuing decline in the rate of inflation.

OTHER CURRENT EXPENDITURE

SOCIAL WELFARE

Expenditure on Social Welfare has reached nearly £2½ billion. While we continue to have an underlying dependency ratio greater than most countries with broadly comparable levels of development, the economic difficulties of recent years have exacerbated this problem. Despite the heavy and growing demands on the Exchequer and the difficult economic background, it remains a primary aim of the Government that transfers to the less well-off keep pace with the cost of living.

We have achieved that aim. Each of the welfare increases given in the first three budgets of this Government has exceeded the following year's increase in the cost of living. Last year's budget increases already ensure that payment rates over the first half of 1986 will be 6 per cent or more above those prevailing in the corresponding period of 1985, at a time when prices will have risen by less than 5 per cent. With inflation continuing to fall, the rate of welfare increase which is necessary to protect the real value of social welfare transfers is correspondingly contained. Accordingly, a general increase of 4 per cent in personal and adult dependant rates of welfare payments and health allowances from mid-July will assure the living standards of those on welfare for a further year. The Government recognise the special position of the long-term unemployed; the long-duration rate of unemployment assistance will be increased by 5 per cent from mid-July. These increases are not being applied to the weekly child dependant payments but the resources thereby saved are being channelled directly into the new Child Benefit scheme which I will outline later.

Weekly Welfare Payments

The 5 per cent increase for the long-duration unemployed will give the following improvements:

—a single person on long-duration unemployment assistance living in an urban area will get an extra £1.75 a week, giving a total of £36.70, while a married couple will benefit by £3.00 to bring them up to £63.15 a week;

—single persons in rural areas who are long-term unemployed will receive an extra £1.70, bringing their weekly payment to £35.50, and a married couple will get an extra £2.95, thus providing them with £61.30 a week.

The 4 per cent increase for other welfare recipients will bring about the following results:

—a contributory old-age pensioner who is under 80 will get an extra £2.05 a week, bringing the pension to £53.45 a week;

—a non-contributory old-age pensioner who is under 80 will get an increase of £1.75 a week, bringing his or her maximum pension to £45.75 a week;

—where a married couple are both of pension age and under 80, the new rates of contributory pension will mean an increase of £3.60 a week, so that their total pension will be £93.35;

—the contributory pension of a widow under 66 will be £48.10 a week, an increase of £1.85;

—a widow under 66 with a non-contributory pension will benefit by £1.75, giving her a maximum of £44.90 a week;

—the flat-rate unemployment or disability benefit rate payable to a single person will rise by £1.60 to £41.10 a week, while a married couple will get an extra £2.60, giving them a new total of £67.70 a week; these payments may, of course, be topped-up with pay-related benefits.

All the above increases will take effect from mid-July and will cost the Exchequer an additional £36.5 million this year and £79 million in a full year.

Pay-Related Social Insurance

Despite considerably higher social insurance expenditure, it has been the Government's policy not to increase the rates of contribution to the Social Insurance Fund. The current rates will continue to apply in 1986-87, subject only to an increase in the earnings ceiling from £13,800 to £14,700 as provided for in the published Estimates. Deputies will already be aware of the new scheme under which employers creating additional employment between 23 October 1985 and 31 March 1986 will not be required to pay PRSI in 1986-87 for any additional new jobs created, provided the new employees had been unemployed for the previous six months or more.

Employers alone are responsible for the funding of the benefits payable out of the Redundancy and Employers' Insolvency Fund and the Occupational Injuries Fund. Minor increases in the contribution rates to each of these funds are necessary to ensure their continuing solvency. The redundancy contribution will be increased by 0.1 of a percentage point from 0.5 per cent to 0.6 per cent from April next. The occupational injuries contribution will be increased by .03 of a percentage point from 0.4 per cent to 0.43 per cent. As usual, the ceiling for these two contributions will be the same as that for the social insurance contribution which, as I mentioned earlier, will be £14,700 from next April.

The ceiling for the 1 per cent health contribution will also be increased in April from £13,000 to £14,000. The eligibility limit for free consultant services will be increased from 1 June. The Minister for Health will announce the revised limit in due course.

Health Services

I should remark at this point that the Estimates allow for almost £1,200 million in 1986 for health services. That is a significant sum in the overall budget context. In line with Building on Reality, the Government's expressed intention is to concentrate resources on the prevention of illness, on community services, on services for the handicapped and on essential improvements. Achievement of these aims will require some rationalisation of services by removing unnecessary and obsolete facilities and institutions which, having regard to recent and projected developments, are no longer necessary in a modern health service.

Allocations to health agencies supplemented by these savings will allow extra expenditure of £250,000 to extend the measles vaccination scheme and funding to open an adult mentally-handicapped 70-place day facility at Belcamp in Dublin, a major new complex at Swinford in County Mayo, a geriatric assessment unit at Ardkeen, County Waterford, and the commissioning of the CAT scanner at the Regional Hospital in Galway.

Equal Treatment

The legislation to provide equal treatment as between men and women in matters of social security was enacted by the Oireachtas last year. For a number of mainly practical reasons reflecting the complexity of the provisions, the legislation has not yet taken effect. Implementation will start, however, during the first half of this year and has been provided for in this year's Estimates.

Child Benefit Scheme

The introduction of a full child benefit scheme along the lines envisaged in the national plan will not be possible this year for administrative and technical reasons. In these circumstances the Government have decided to introduce, with effect from April 1986, a new monthly child benefit payment of £15.05 for each of the first five children, as compared with the existing children's allowance rate of £12.05. The present differential of £6.70 in respect of the sixth and subsequent children will be maintained, giving a new rate of £21.75 a month.

This payment will replace most of the existing child support schemes and will involve expenditure of £33.3 million more than would have been incurred on the existing scheme of children's allowances.

The resources for this payment will be provided by adding together

—the funds that would otherwise be used for the children's allowance scheme

—the funds that would have been used for the budgetary increase which would otherwise have been made in the rates of social welfare weekly child dependant allowance

—the extra revenue which will accrue from the abolition, from next April, of the present £100 child tax allowance

—a further allocation of £11.1 million from the Exchequer.

The combination of measures involved in the new payment will ensure that, as intended in the national plan, the effect will be to achieve a more selective distribution of resources. Lower-income families on social welfare or below the tax threshold will benefit while the position of standard rate taxpayers will be protected. It is important, of course, that the new scheme be seen in terms of its combined effect for the family on the taxation and social welfare sides.

Family Income Supplement

The weekly income criteria which determine entitlements to the family income supplement scheme will be increased in line with today's budget increases in short-term social welfare benefits and changes in personal income taxation. As the child benefit scheme to be introduced in April is somewhat more limited in scope than was envisaged in the national plan, the Government have decided to increase from 25 per cent to 33½ per cent the rate of payment under the family income supplement scheme. These changes will increase the cost of the scheme by about £1 million this year and will enhance the position of low-income employees with dependants.

Other Social Welfare Adjustments

When the abridged Estimates volume was published last December, certain projections were made regarding the level of unemployment and of PRSI receipts. In the light of the preliminary 1985 outturn figures and other data now available, some adjustments to the 1986 Estimates would be prudent. First, due mainly to a revised assesment of the likely level of participation in special employment and training schemes, I am providing an extra £9.2 million for unemployment payments. Second, PRSI receipts are likely to be about £9 million lower than previously projected. However, end-year savings on other welfare subheads indicate that similar savings will be possible this year, and these, together with certain other adjustments, give a net increased requirement of over £6 million as set out in the "Principal Features of the Budget".

SPECIAL EXPENDITURE PROVISIONS

National Youth Policy

As indicated in their National Youth Policy published at the end of December, the Government are providing an additional £2 million in 1986 for the implementation of the provisions of the policy. The additional funds will be directed mainly towards continued development and promotion of services for young people, both in urban and rural areas of special need.

Additional Allocations for Sport:

Olympic Council of Ireland

I am providing a grant of £250,000 to the Olympic Council of Ireland in 1986 towards the preparation of our athletes for the 1988 Olympic Games.

Racing Board

In order to improve the general standard of racing here and to encourage owners and breeders to keep more horses in training and thereby maximise employmenmt in the industry, I have decided to make £250,000 available to the Racing Board towards increasing the prize money for national hunt racing. I am hopeful that this gesture will in turn lead to increased sponsorship from the private sector for this side of racing.

Bord na gCon

I am providing £50,000 to increase the prize money available to Bord na gCon for greyhound racing. I expect the increased prize fund will enable the bord to mount a better racing programme so as to attract greater attendances and in turn to undertake the upgrading of those tracks that need improvement.

You would not win a long distance with that one.

Other Sporting Bodies

Additional assistance totalling £150,000 is also being provided for other sports organisations to enable them to undertake special developments. The main beneficiaries are outlined in the "Principal Features of the Budget".

Sports Scholarships

I am allocating a further £100,000 to enable scholarships to be awarded to outstanding athletes to enable them to undertake training and competition at the highest level.

“Women in Business Enterprise”

The Government have decided to maker a special allocation of £150,000 to develop and extend the "Women in Business Enterprise" programme of activities to be pursued by the Minister of State for Women's Affairs.

Voluntary Organisations Involved in Cross-Border Co-operation

The Government have decided to provide a further £100,000 assistance to voluntary organisations involved in cross-Border co-operation in addition to the £150,000 already in the Estimates. This substantial increase indicates the Government's commitment to encouraging their work, which plays a unique role in promoting dialogue between the divided people of the North and between North and South.

Limerick Civic Trust

The Limerick Civic Trust is a charitable trust engaged in the restoration and rehabilitation of derelict sites and buildings. It is funded by covenants from local industry. In recognition of their work the Government have decided to make a special contribution of £100,000 to the trust.

Voluntary Organisations

Last year we increased the allocation for once-off grants to voluntary organisations undertaking projects in the social services area to £650,000. This is a scheme which has had an impact far beyond the resources devoted to it. The Government feel that it would be very much worthwhile to give an additional £100,000 to such projects this year, bringing the total amount available to these organisations from the Exchequer to £750,000.

Arts Council

I am making a special grant of £100,000 to the Arts Council to enable them to match the very generous assistance of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation to the Arts Community Education Project. This project is designed to develop and support projects in community arts and arts education in Ireland.

Cork Opera House

A sum of £50,000 is being provided to the Cork Opera House to enable it to overcome its financial difficulties and to assist its continuing operation in 1986.

Cork (800) Enterprise Board

Last year the "Cork 800" proved to be very successful in restoring a sense of confidence to the people of Cork and provided substantial economic benefits for the city. A permanent committee of the Cork Enterprise Board has now been formed with the intention of continuing the work done last year for the "Cork 800". A once-off grant of £50,000 is being provided to this committee to help them get established.

Irish Labour History Society

The Government have decided to make a grant of £100,000 to the Irish Labour History Society to help towards the establishment of a labour history museum in Dublin. This grant coincides with the celebration of the centenary of the Dublin Council of Trade Unions which is also to be marked this year by the issue of a commemorative stamp.

National Parents' Council

A sum of £50,000 is being provided for the National Parents' Council which was set up last year on the initiative of the Minister for Education. It is recognised that this council requires some further finance to set up its structures and to be in a position to generate its own funds. This grant is a once-off payment to be made in 1986.

Gaeltacht Rath Cairn: Comóradh Caoga Bliain

Ceiliúradh anuraidh bunú Ghaeltacht Rath Cairn caoga bliain ó shin. Mar aitheantas ar an sárobair ar mhaithe la caomhnú na Gaeilge mar theanga phobail atá déanta ag Muintir Rath Cairn, tá socraithe ag an Rialtas deontas ar leith £50,000 a chur ar fáil don choinharchumann áitiúil mar chabhair chun tograí fiúntacha a chur chun chinn.

Welfare of Emigrants Abroad

It has been decided that the grant for the welfare and advisory services for Irish emigrants abroad is to be increased by £50,000 over and above the £150,000 already provided in the 1986 Estimates.

Irish Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals

The Government have decided to make a special payment of £25,000 to the Irish Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to animals in recognition of their valuable work.

Irish Youth Orchestra

A sum of £15,000 is being provided to the Irish Youth Orchestra to assist it in its activities this year.

NATIONAL LOTTERY

The National Lottery is to be operated by An Post for an initial period subject to settlement of satisfactory terms. The funds generated will be used for the funding of sports and recreation facilities, national culture including the Irish language, the arts and health services. I will shortly introduce a Bill in this House which will provide for the establishment and operation of the National Lottery. It is not possible at this stage to predict the State's income from the lottery in 1986 and so the budget takes no account of this. The Government are of course concerned to ensure that the good work funded by existing charitable and other voluntary lotteries which operate nationally does not suffer as a result of the operation of the National Lottery and appropriate arrangements are in train to ensure this.

CENTRAL FUND SERVICES

The estimate for expenditure on Central Fund Services this year at £2,290 million, is £76 million or 3 per cent greater than the 1985 outturn. The debt service component, which is up by £53 million on the 1985 figure, accounts for the bulk of this increase. The increase in the estimate is the smallest for many years and reflects in a very tangible way the benefits of the fall in interest rates since this time last year, as well as the weakening of the US dollar. It is still imperative, however, to contain the level of Government borrowing and so reduce the pressure on the public finances and the balance of payments. Interest payments this year will absorb 30 per cent of our tax revenue, as compared with 19 per cent in 1977. Foreign interest payments in 1985, at £780 million, were considerably in excess of the balance of payments deficit on current account.

OVERALL CURRENT EXPENDITURE

These provisions would leave overall current expenditure at £8,097 million, which would be in excess of the 1986 national plan figures.

Work on identifying scope for achieving further reductions in current expenditure has continued in the period since the Estimates were published. This work, and the availability of actual expenditure returns for 1985, have enabled the Government to make net additional reductions totalling £55.2 million on the published figures, inclusive of the net additional requirement of over £6 million for the Social Welfare Vote which I referred to earlier. Details of the changes are set out in the "Principal Features of the Budget".

These reductions, together with the other expenditure matters to which I have already referred, bring the figure for overall current expenditure down to £8,042 million, almost exactly the 1986 national plan figure. Expenditure on the non-capital supply services will amount to £5,752 million. This is equivalent to some 34 per cent of GNP compared with 34½ per cent in 1985. We intend to continue our efforts to reduce the burdern of day-to-day expenditure in the years ahead.

TAXATION

TAXATION POLICY

Last year I introduced radical changes in the structures of income tax and VAT. My purpose was to simplify these taxes, to make them fairer and to remodel the tax system in a manner that would have substantial economic benefits. These changes were generally welcomed. What I propose to do this year is to build on these improvements and sustain the momentum for progress.

In the 1985 budget I also fulfilled the general commitment on taxation in the national plan that there would be no increase in the overall level of taxation over the period of the plan. While there must be some increases in taxation on this occasion, the burden of tax this year will be within the ceiling set by the plan. It remains the view of the Government that the overall level of taxation is as high as it can reasonably go. The emphasis in the period ahead must be on sharing the burden of taxation on a wider basis, simplifying the tax code, improving collection procedures and reducing tax levels as far as reasonably possible.

INDIRECT TAXATION

The achievement of this year's budgetary objectives requires increases in indirect taxes. The ratio of the main indirect taxes to GNP fell from 17.7 per cent in 1984 to 17.4 per cent last year or by the equivalent of about £60 million. While this fall resulted in part from the selective reductions which were made in certain areas last year, a more important factor was that the major VAT restructuring undertaken in 1985 turned out to be more liberal that originally intended. In tailoring today's measures I have been particularly conscious of the needs of the tourist industry and other labour-intensive services as well as the needs of the motor trade.

Value-Added Tax

Today's VAT changes involve an increase of 2 per cent in the standard rate combined with substantial reductions in tax on key services.

Standard Rate

I consider that the change in the stand-are rate is more justified at this time than an increase in either the zero rate or the 10 per cent rate. The benefit of last year's substantial reduction in the standard VAT rate from 35 per cent to 23 per cent for the many categories of expenditure concerned will still be largely maintained. The yield from this increase will be £76.7 million in 1986 before allowing for the costs of the reductions in respect of meals and certain services.

Meals

At present, meals in canteens, restaurants and hotels and catering establishments generally are liable to VAT at 23 per cent. A very strong case has been made to me concerning the beneficial effects which a reduction in this rate would have for tourism, employment and consumers generally. Expenditure on meals constitutes a significant proportion of tourist spending and I am confident that a VAT reduction can give a significant boost to tourism, both foreign and domestic.

Domestic consumers will also benefit through lower prices in staff canteens and other catering establishments. Furthermore, this sector is a significant source of employment and its potential for job creation will be stimulated by lower indirect tax rates. I propose, therefore, to reduce the rate on meals generally to 10 per cent with effect from 1 July next. This will allow price reductions from existing levels of the order of 10½ per cent. While the 25 per cent rate must, because of budgetary constraints, apply in the March to June period, I am confident that the announced reduction to 10 per cent will enable this sector to respond in a positive way in advance of the 1 July reduction. As a rationalisation measure, hot take-away food which is currently zero-rated will also be liable at 10 per cent from 1 July.

That means 10 per cent on the bag of chips.

A "one and one" equals 10.

If Deputy Wilson has been buying chips at 10 per cent VAT he has been evading tax because he should be paying 23 per cent.

The chips are down.

The cost of these changes will be £11.3 million this year and £37.8 million in a full year. As I have said, I expect that this measure will be of considerable assistance to tourism. Almost one-fifth of expenditure on meals in restaurants and hotels is incurred by foreign tourists, while almost one-seventh is incurred by domestic tourists. Two-thirds of the expenditure is incurred by domestic non-tourists. The VAT reduction will enhance the ability of our hotels and restaurants to attract business in these market segments.

We should not overlook the fact that almost 40 per cent of non-tourist expenditure on meals out of the home is accounted for by staff canteens in factories and offices, and that by far the greater part of the remaining expenditure is on everyday lunches, meals and snacks in ordinary restaurants and cafes. The proposed VAT reduction will therefore bring a direct benefit to a great many people during the course of their normal daily activities.

Touring Coaches

As an additional stimulus to tourism, I propose to introduce, with effect from 1 March, a special VAT refund system which will effectively reduce VAT to 10 per cent on the purchase of certain high-cost touring coaches used in the tourist industry. The cost this year is estimated at £250,000.

Selected Services

As a further measure to give a boost to employment, the rate of VAT on selected services will be reduced to 10 per cent which should, as in the case of meals, allow for price reductions from existing levels of the order of 10½ per cent. The main areas affected will be hairdressing and similar personal services, laundry and dry-cleaning, repairs to electrical and most other goods, cleaning services, and cinema admissions and certain travelling funfairs.

Did the Minister say "fun-fairs"?

I detect a certain slowing down on the other side of the House. As a rationalisation measure, the reduction to 10 per cent will also be extended to certain entertainment associated with the supply of meals and drink. These changes will take effect on 1 July. The cost this year will be £6 million and £20 million in a full year. The combined impact of this change and the reduction to 10 per cent in VAT on meals will reduce by over two-thirds the services component of the VAT base covered by the present standard rate.

I propose to exempt from VAT from 1 July 1986 the services supplied by dental technicians which are at present taxable. A provision to this effect will be included in the Finance Bill.

As a consequence of the increase in the standard rate to 25 per cent, the flat-rate VAT rebate for unregistered farmers and the associated VAT charge on livestock will be increased to 2.4 per cent.

The net yield from VAT changes I have announced today will be £59.2 million in the current year and £53 million in a full year. The impact on consumer prices of today's proposed VAT changes will be less than 0.2p in the pound. The long-term benefits for tourism and employment generally should be very favourable.

I am proposing increases in excise duties on a number of commodities. The increase in the standard rate of VAT will, of course, affect these commodities from 1 March next. The following excise duty increases, including consequential VAT at the present 23 per cent rate, will apply with immediate effect:

Beer

— 1p per pint.

Spirits

— 3p per glass.

Wine

— 4p per bottle of table wine, with pro rata increases for stronger wines.

Cider and Perry

— 5p per gallon on the ordinary strength cider and perry, with greater increases for stronger cider and perry.

Cigarettes

— 7p on the packet of 20 cigarettes in the most popular price category, with pro rata increases for cigars and other tobacco products.

Petrol

— 6p per gallon, but existing rebates to handicapped drivers will be increased to match this duty increase.

Auto-diesel

— 4p per gallon, but this will not apply to scheduled road passenger services.

I am not proposing any increase in the duty on auto-LPG.

Impact of Increase in Standard VAT Rate

When the increase in the standard VAT rate on 1 March is taken into account, the cumulative effect of the excise duty and VAT increases on these commodities will be of the following order:

Beer

— 3p per pint.

Spirits

— 6½ per glass.

Wine

— 11½ per bottle.

Cider and Perry

— 15p per gallon.

Cigarettes

— 10½ on the packet of 20.

Petrol

— 10.8p per gallon.

Auto-diesel

— 8½ per gallon.

The Minister will have to give up cigarettes.

The petrol increase is a scandal.

The combined excise and VAT increases on the items concerned have been kept broadly in line with the level of the excise increases which would have been envisaged had there been no increase in the VAT rate.

Yield from Excise Increases

The yield from the excise increases, including the cost of some restructuring of wine duties which I will mention later, is estimated at £38.4 million in 1986 and £44.3 million in a full year.

The excise duty increases will take effect from midnight tonight. There should be no increase in the price of goods already in the shops, as the higher duty will apply only to goods imported or removed from bond from midnight tonight.

There are some other changes I propose to make in the excise area.

Reduction in Duty on Cars

As a concession to the motor trade at a time of difficult trading conditions, I propose, in order to offset the VAT rate increase on cars, to reduce with effect from 1 March next the excise duty on category A motor vehicles. The duty will be reduced by 1.3 percentage points. The cost of this reduction in 1986 is estimated at £6 million. The combined effect on car prices of this excise reduction and the VAT increase will therefore be neutral.

I propose to make a number of other changes designed also to benefit the motor trade.

Reductions in Duties on Motor Vehicle Spare Parts and Tyres

I announced in last year's budget a reduction from 25 per cent to 10 per cent in the duty on motor vehicle parts. Under the arrangements already agreed with the trade, the 10 per cent duty rate is to apply from February 1986. I now propose to phase out the remaining 10 per cent duty and discussions on timing will be held with the trade. I am allowing £500,000 to cover the cost which is expected to arise in 1986. The full year cost of this concession is estimated at about £3 million.

I propose also to abolish the duty on tyres and tubes. The timing of the abolition of this duty, which amounts to about 4 per cent of the retail price, will be discussed with the trade. I am providing £1 million to cover the cost in 1986. The full-year cost of abolition is estimated at about £3 million.

Duty on Made Wine and Fortified Wines

The duty on made wine will be brought into line with that on wine in order to meet EC requirements. I propose also to restructure the duty bands on fortified wines so that a single rate of £2.90 per litre will apply to all such products in the 15 per cent to 22 per cent alcohol by volume category. While the price of some products will increase as a result, there will be significant price reductions for port and similar products.

Duty Rebate Scheme for Table Water Manufacturers

The duty rebate scheme for Irish-based table waters manufacturers is to be phased out to comply with EC requirements. The excise duty on table waters will, however, be reduced by 1.2p per gallon from October next so that there will be no gain to the Exchequer. Full details are set out in the "Principal Features of the Budget".

Betting Duties

I announced last year a reduction in the excise duty on off-course betting from 20 per cent to 10 per cent. I stated that this reduction was intended to be an experiment to test whether the cost would be relatively small. While there has been a significant increase in betting turnover, there has nevertheless been a considerable loss in revenue. As it is too early yet to reach a final conclusion on the success, or otherwise, of the experiment, I propose to keep the duty at its present level.

Road Tax

I propose to simplify the rates of road tax applying to private motor cars. There will also be increases, broadly in line with inflation, in the road tax on these vehicles designed to yield an extra £4.7 million in 1986 and £5.5 million in a full year. The new table of rates, which will apply from 1 March next, is set out in the "Principal Features of the Budget".

NEED FOR FURTHER MEASURES

As I stated at the outset, the Government have decided that the current deficit must be set this year at a level that will reduce it from 8.2 per cent of GNP to 7.4 per cent but that, nevertheless, there should be substantial relief for personal taxpayers from April next.

To achieve both aims the Government have decided on new tax measures which will substantially alter the overall structure of taxation. Before I come to these, however, I want to turn to the matter of due compliance by taxpayers, so that all will make their fair contribution.

TAX COLLECTION AND ENFORCEMENT

The problems of tax collection and enforcement have been accentuated in recent years by the recession and the resultant trading difficulties for many firms and companies. Nevertheless, this administration have, more than any previous one, recognised the importance from a tax equity viewpoint of a better tax collection and enforcement system. We have, accordingly, introduced a number of important legislative and other measures to improve compliance and penalise default.

Deputies will recall that in October last the Taoiseach announced in this House a number of wide-ranging measures to improve tax collection and enforcement. These included a number of measures directed towards a new organisational emphasis on collection. In particular, the transfer of tax enforcement work from county registrars to sheriffs was decided on. The Revenue Commissioners are now in the process of preparing for the issue of cases for enforcement to the sheriffs as soon as they are appointed, to ensure the effective launching of the new scheme of enforcement which will be introduced on a phased basis in the coming months.

TAX AND SOCIAL WELFARE AMNESTY

The Government are determined that the fight against tax evasion will be intensified. They are also, however, willing to give an opportunity to those who have defaulted in the past to rectify their situation. I wish to announce therefore that an amnesty from prosecution and the application of the penalties provided for tax evasion will be available to those who comply fully with its conditions within a strictly limited period of six months. The conditions of the amnesty are as follows:

Defaulters must within six months from today's date—

(a) disclose to the Revenue Commissioners the fact that they had engaged in tax evasion;

(b) detail the manner and extent of all their evasions;

(c) produce details of their assets, deposits and other holdings; and

(d) make a substantial payment on account of the tax evaded and agree a schedule of payments over a limited period to clear the full amount due to the Revenue Commissioners.

And go to Lough Derg.

Full information about the arrangements for the amnesty will be published by the Revenue Commissioners. I must stress that evaders and defaulters who fail to avail of the amnesty will be subject to the full rigour of the additional anti-evasion measures announced last October and when detected will face a tough enforcement regime including terms of imprisonment of up to five years for serious offences. The amnesty will not apply to cases already under investigation.

The Government have also decided on a social welfare amnesty which will take the form of an amnesty from prosecution for those who come forward within the six months period from 29 January 1986 admitting to existing or earlier irregularities in relation to the social welfare system. This amnesty will not apply to cases already under investigation nor will it extend to a waiver of a requirement to repay any moneys obtained over and above legitimate entitlements.

A number of specific additional measures to help prevent tax evasion will be introduced. As Deputies will be aware, it is now a condition of the house improvements grants scheme that contractors employed on grant-aided work must furnish their tax number. A corresponding condition is to be introduced in relation to the new house grant and mortgage subsidy and suitable arrangements for this purpose are being drawn up in consultation with the Minister for the Environment. The detailed measures for the implementation of this requirement will be announced shortly.

Legislation which is to be introduced shortly by the Minister for Health to amend the provisions of the Act under which the VHI Board operate will provide that the board will be required to disclose information to the Revenue Commissioners as to payments made to or in respect of subscribers on foot of treatment expenses incurred by them.

I announced on 22 May last year, in the course of the discussion in Seanad Éireann on the Finance Bill, that I proposed to introduce legislation to counter abuse of partnership arrangements for tax avoidance purposes. Such arrangements had been used to create losses artificially which were then set off against the general incomes of the limited partners. I served notice at the time that this legislation would have retrospective effect from the date of my announcement. The legislation required will be incorporated in the forthcoming Finance Bill.

The tax collection and enforcement package announced last October in conjunction with the measures announced today will have a beneficial effect on yield, particularly in the longer term. I have allowed for an additional £15 million in 1986.

TAXATION OF FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS

Existing arrangements for taxation of deposit interest are unsatisfactory. They give undue advantage to some financial institutions and there have been repeated demands for harmonisation. I propose to make a significant change in the direction of equal treatment of the main deposit-taking institutions. This will also ensure more orderly tax procedures, more effective countering of tax evasion and increased revenue.

Accordingly, with effect from 6 April 1986, a retention tax, at a rate of 35 per cent, will be deducted at source out of interest paid or credited on bank and building society deposits in the beneficial ownership of residents. Companies may offset the tax retained against liability to corporation tax and individuals liable at the higher rates will be taxed on their gross interest at the difference between the standard rate and the appropriate higher rate. The present composite rate tax arrangement with the building societies will not apply for 1986-87 and subsequent years and the interest reliefs available on deposits with certain banks and other institutions will be terminated as from 6 April 1986. Returns to the Revenue Commissioners by the financial institutions of interest paid on deposits subject to the retention tax will not be required. To obtain exclusion from the retention tax a new form of declaration, which must be held available for inspection by the Revenue Commissioners, will be required in respect of non-resident accounts with building societies and banks. However, in the case of banks, notices of non-residence exempting interest on existing accounts from inclusion in returns by the banks for tax purposes will, for a period of one year, satisfy the requirement for a new declaration. To deal with bogus non-resident accounts. I propose to introduce legislation in the Finance Bill to empower the Revenue Commissioners to require details of existing non-resident deposits in certain cases. The requirements will operate only in respect of deposit accounts, the balances on which at 29 January 1986 are reduced by more thanm 25 per cent at any time between that date and 5 April 1987. Further details are given in the "Principal Features of the Budget". The net additional yield from these measures in 1986 is estimated at £75 million.

Life assurance companies and their investors benefit from exceptionally generous tax reliefs which are difficult to justify in today's conditions. In particular, much of the investment in these companies is of a short-term nature. The changes in this area were already foreshadowed in my 1983 budget statement. It has now been decided to impose a charge of 15 per cent on the gross investment income and the surplus on the realisation of investments of life assurance companies, with the exception of their pension business and foreign business. The charge will be collected from the assurance companies on an annual basis. The first payment of this charge will be in October 1986 and will be based on the companies' investment income and surplus in 1985. The estimated yield this year is of the order of £38 million.

The bank levy will again apply in 1986 at a level of £25 million.

CAPITAL ALLOWANCES

Capital allowances on plant and machinery are given at present without regard to IDA or other grants paid from State sources. This means that the Exchequer is extending a full measure of relief from taxation on expenditure on plant and machinery which, effectively, the Exchequer itself has incurred. I propose to abolish this anomaly in the Finance Bill with effect from today. This change will yield some £18 million in a full year of operation and will have the desirable effect of correcting to some extent the perceived bias in the tax system, for which capital allowances are largely responsible, in favour of capital and against labour.

The existing arrangements, however, will be continued for capital allowances on plant and machinery in respect of which State grants have already been approved but not paid or which are currently the subject of negotiation with the industrial development agencies, subject to the grants now under negotiation being approved for payment at the latest before the end of this year.

TAX-BASED FINANCING

I am not happy with the system of tax-based financing as it operates at present. It now costs the State over £170 million annually despite the restrictions I imposed in 1984. The exclusion of any State grant in determining capital allowances on plant and machinery will have an inhibiting effect on tax-based leasing and I do not propose at this stage to introduce any further restriction on that form of tax-based financing. As regards the other form of such financing, known generally as "section 84" lending, under which interest received by the lender is not liable to corporation tax, I am imposing a special duty at a flat rate of 12 per cent on all such interest received after today under section 84 loan agreements. The duty will come into effect under a Government order made today. It will be payable on a half-yearly basis and the first payment will be due in August 1986. The estimated yield in 1986 is £6 million.

More job losses.

Either we go after the tax avoiders or we do not. We cannot have it both ways.

STOCK RELIEF

Stock relief was introduced in the Finance Act, 1975 as a measure of relief against inflation. Now that the rate of inflation has been reduced to a low level, there is no justification for the continuation of this relief and so it will not be renewed this year for companies and traders. The present stock relief arrangements for farmers will be continued in view of recent adverse trends in agriculture and the forthcoming change-over to the farm tax system. This will cost £0.5 million in 1986.

TAX INCENTIVES FOR BUILDING AND CONSTRUCTION

Preparations are going ahead for the implementation of the tax incentives for development of the Custom House dock site and other inner-city areas in Dublin, Cork and Limerick announced by the Taoiseach in this House on 23 October last. The details of these incentives will be incorporated in the Finance Bill. The initial response to this policy announcement has been most encouraging and it is confidently expected that it will lead quickly to a substantial increase in building activity in depressed inner-city areas. In the longer term, it will bring a new vitality to these areas as they are redeveloped.

It is about time.

Is there not anything else for the construction industry?

IMPROVING THE INVESTMENT CLIMATE FOR IRISH INDUSTRY

I will introduce in the Finance Bill an incentive to increase the share of private investment in research and new product development. Personal investors in partnerships set up specially for research and development will be allowed to write off relevant expenses against general income for tax purposes.

The 10 per cent rate of corporation tax on profits of manufacturing industry and certain services has proved to be very effective as an incentive to attract foreign investment projects to Ireland. Unlike export sales relief, however, the incentive has limited value to the Irish investor relative to investments in other, nonindustrial areas. I believe that this has been an important factor in the weakness of Irish-owned industry, which has been manifested in a lack of equity investment and a low number of new entrepreneurs and projects coming forward.

I propose to introduce a scheme to increase the attractiveness to private investors of taking shares in companies qualifying for the 10 per cent rate, by reducing the tax take on income from dividends paid by these companies. There will be specified limitations on the application of this relief and the details will be incorporated in the Finance Bill.

CAPITAL GAINS TAX

The rate of tax on longer-term capital gains is being reduced from 40 per cent to 35 per cent in respect of gains arising on or after 6 April next. Gains on assets held for three years or more are not speculative in nature and, consequently, it is reasonable that the rate of tax on them should be lowered to encourage longer-term investment.

DISCRETIONARY TRUSTS

There will be a 1 per cent annual charge on property held in those discretionary trusts which were made subject to the 3 per cent once-off charge introduced in 1984, that is, trusts where the settlor is deceased and no one of the principal beneficiaries of the trust is under 25 years of age.

INCOME TAX

The commitment in the national plan in respect of personal taxation is to adjust bands and allowances so that the overall income tax burden will not be increased. The income tax changes in this budget go far beyond this commitment. Despite the difficult financial situation and the pressures for higher tax revenue, the Government recognise the pressing necessity to reduce the burden of income tax significantly for all taxpayers. To give effect to this reduction I propose a range of changes which I will now outline to the House:

—the income levy of 1 per cent, which I introduced as a temporary measure in 1983 and which I moderated in both 1984 and 1985, is being discontinued;

—the personal allowance is being increased from £3,800 to £4,000 for a married couple and from £1,900 to £2,000 for a single person; the widowed allowance, the single parent allowance and the widowed parent allowance are also being increased by £100 to £2,500, £2,000 and £1,500 respectively;

—the PAYE allowance is being increased from £600 to £700;

—the standard rate tax band of 35 per cent is being widened from £9,000 to £9,400 for married persons and from £4,500 to £4,700 for single persons; and

—the top rate of tax is being reduced from 60 per cent to 58 per cent.

As an additional benefit for older taxpayers, the age exemption limit is being increased from £3,000 to £3,150 for persons aged 65 years or over and from £3,500 to £3,675 for persons aged 75 years or over. These limits will be doubled for married couples. I am also doubling the age allowance from £100 to £200 for single persons and from £200 to £400 for married couples.

The cost of these large-scale adjustments will be £121 million in 1986 and £205 million in a full year. This scale of improvement goes well beyond any tax concessions made in recent years. It more than doubles the commitment given in the national plan to adjust income tax bands and allowances. Taking the child benefit scheme into account, there are substantial improvements for all taxpayers. Approximately 12,000 persons will be removed from the tax net entirely and 191,000 persons will have lower marginal rates of tax.

The Minister should not overstate the case. There is gloom behind him.

I am confident that the changes which I have just announced will be welcomed by all taxpayers as a substantial improvement. I have consistently acknowledged that personal tax levels are high and that this situation must be rectified by widening the tax base. As well as being a burden on individuals and families, high tax rates act as a disincentive to employment, discourage initiative and ultimately slow down economic activity. It is imperative, therefore, that every reasonable effort be made, taking account of the financial constraints, to secure an improvement. This is being achieved today by shifting some of the burden to areas which enjoy relatively favourable tax conditions.

Today's changes are designed to distribute the benefits as equitably as possible among those subject to our highly-progressive system of income taxation.

The removal of the income levy will be particularly welcomed. In devising a package of adjustments I considered this to be a priority as the levy is imposed on gross income, without the benefit of reliefs and allowances.

The Minister introduced that levy.

The Minister should stop banging his head against the wall.

The personal allowances are being increased so that those at the lower end of the tax net will benefit. The increase here, combined with the increase in the PAYE allowance and the 35 per cent band, postpone the entry into the higher tax bands.

As the PAYE taxpayer is so immediately taxed, it is appropriate that there should be some increase in the PAYE allowance.

The overall objectives of these income tax changes is to improve incentive at all levels in the system, while concentrating the greatest possible proportion of the overall relief in the lower and middle income groups.

The standard 35 per cent rate band is being widened so as to improve further the position of taxpayers in the middle income group. Our long term objective must be to bring a far greater proportion of taxpayers into this band.

The reduction of the top rate of income tax from 60 per cent to 58 per cent is a recognition of the fact that high marginal tax rates tend to have a disincentive effect particularly when, as for single people, they begin to apply at income levels which are not uncommon among those who have particular skills which we need to develop and deploy effectively in both the private and public sectors.

Special attention is also given to the older taxpayer by the increase in the age exemption limits and the doubling of the age allowance.

As part of the new child benefit scheme, the income tax child allowance of £100 is being withdrawn.

(Interruptions.)

This will provide additional revenue of £18 million in 1986. This will, however, be more than offset by the improvements in direct payments for children which I have outlined earlier.

The PRSI tax allowance is being renewed at an estimated cost of £49.6 million in 1986.

Farmer Taxation

Arrangements are going ahead for the introduction of the farm tax. An announcement will be made later as to the level of adjusted acreage above which the tax will apply in 1986. Since this level will not be lower than 80 adjusted acres, the income tax system will continue to apply to all farmers for the income tax year 1986-87. The Finance Bill will provide that farm tax paid will be allowed as an income tax credit, as provided for in the national plan.

Taxation of the Self-Employed

It has not been possible to introduce a current year basis of assessment for the self-employed. Some of the reasons for this are administrative, and some are inherent in the very concept itself. Self-employed persons will continue, therefore, to be taxed on a previous year basis. This carries advantages for them. In exercising their right to appeal, self-employed taxpayers are required to pay an amount equivalent to 85 per cent of the final amount due in order to avoid an interest charge. For companies, the specified amount is 80 per cent. I am proposing that this specified amount be increased to 90 per cent both for individuals and companies. The new figure will apply for income tax for 1986-87 and subsequent years and for corporation tax for accounting periods ending in 1986-87 and subsequent accounting periods. The change will produce additional revenue of £8.4 million in 1986.

Age of Majority

The age of Majority Act, 1985, reduced the age of majority from 21 to 18. Provisions will be incorporated in the Finance Bill to bring the appropriate provisions of tax legislation into line with the provisions of the Act. One effect of this change will be that a parent will be in a position to covenant part of his or her income in favour of a child aged 18 years of over, subject to a limit of 5 per cent of income and for a period of six years.

PUBLIC CAPITAL PROGRAMME

The published Public Capital Programme for 1986 at £1,706 million is consistent with the medium term framework for capital investment set out in Building on Reality. The Government are committed to a strategy of balanced national investment to stimulate growth and employment in the economy and are determined to keep the focus of Departmental capital spending on the achievement of plan targets. Within these parameters, end-1985 expenditure returns from Departments, together with lower inflation indicate that there is scope for reducing published cash allocations while maintaining the impetus of the programme. The Government have, accordingly, made net reductions totalling £25 million in these figures, and details of these changes are listed in the “Principal Features of the Budget”. There is one special extra provision incorporated in this figure which I wish to mention.

SPECIAL AID PACKAGE FOR BANTRY REGION

The Tánaiste announced last December details of the arrangements under which Chevron Ltd. transferred ownership of the oil terminal at Whiddy to the State. The Tánaiste said then that the Government were examining the prospects of promoting additional investment in the Bantry area. The Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Jim O'Keeffe TD, is conducting this examination on behalf of the Government. Details of the precise projects to be undertaken are now being finalised. The Government have decided to allocate £15 million over a four-year period for development in the west Cork area with particular emphasis on Bantry as its development centre. I am making provision for £3 million of capital expenditure in 1986. Details of the projects in this provision and in the total development will be announced in the very near future.

EXCHEQUER BORROWING REQUIREMENT FOR CAPITAL PURPOSES

These revisions, coupled with the latest estimates of Exchequer capital resources, reduce the Exchequer borrowing requirement for capital purposes to £751 million.

POST-BUDGET CURRENT REVENUE

The net effect of the tax proposals which I have outlined will be to raise £154 million this year. This includes a net loss of £25 million from renewal of temporary tax measures and takes account of the abolition of the temporary income levy at a loss to the Exchequer of £45 million this year. The budget as a whole will have a neutral impact on total revenue buoyancy but the composition of buoyancy as between direct and indirect tax revenue will be altered as compared with the pre-budget forecast. Total tax revenue in 1986 is now estimated at £6,117 million, some 36.2 per cent of GNP, and thus remains within the ceiling set in Building on Reality. Today's tax proposals involve a significant shift in the distribution of the tax burden away from direct taxation of wages and salaries. They mean higher net take-home pay for workers. While the proposals will raise the consumer price index by about one-half of a percentage point this still leaves the projected inflation rate for 1986 at about 4½ per cent. The Government firmly believe that it is beneficial to alter the balance of the tax burden in this manner. Total current revenue is estimated at £6,792 million.

DEFICIT AND BORROWING REQUIREMENT

The estimated current deficit for 1986 is £1,250 million or 7.4 per cent of GNP and the overall Exchequer borrowing requirement is £2,001 million, which is 11.8 per cent of GNP. The outturn for 1985 on the deficit was £1,284 million, 8.2 per cent of GNP and for overall Exchequer borrowing £2,015 million, 12.9 per cent of GNP. The total public sector borrowing requirement for 1986 will be £2,394 million, 14.2 per cent of GNP compared with a figure of 15.7 per cent in 1985.

CONCLUSION

Today's Budget is designed to make further progress in dealing with the imbalance in our public finances while avoiding any overall deflationary impact on the economy. The post-Budget figures for expenditure, revenue, the current budget deficit and the Exchequer borrowing requirement have all been drawn up on that basis.

I believe, however, that there are grounds for taking a more sanguine view than that conveyed by the budget figures. The shift in the balance of income taxation brought about by today's changes in personal taxation and in the taxation of financial institutions and financial assets will, in my view, tend to shift the pattern of expenditure in a way which will be favourable to the expansion of economic activity. I believe that today's Budget will have a positive effect on economic behaviour which is not immediately measurable but which will add substantially to the growth potential of the economy.

There is a general expectation that there will be a continuing decline in the dollar exchange rate and in international interest rates. Since the national plan was published, changes in these two key variables have exceeded our expectations. We cannot rule out the possibility that that will continue to be the case.

There is an even stronger expectation that oil prices will continue to decline, perhaps even more rapidly than had been expected up to recent weeks. The combination of these factors through the year could release expenditure into activity-generating areas, with consequent benefits in terms of employment and overall economic activity.

It is not possible to quantify any of these effects, and the budget arithmetic makes no allowance for them. Nevertheless, they could add up to a useful further impetus for expansion. This year's budget will allow us to capitalise on them to the maximum possible extent.

TABLE EXPLANATORY OF CURRENT BUDGET 1986

Revenue

£ million

Expenditure

1. Tax Revenue (including excises imposed from 8 January 1986)

5,963.0

1. Debt Service and Other Central Fund Charges

2,290.0

2. Non-Tax Revenue

675.0

2. Supply Services (non-capital)

5,697.8

6,638.0

7,987.8

3. Add Temporary Tax Measures to be continued:

3. Add New Expenditure:

Income Levy

Not renewed

Social Welfare

70.8

Bank Levy

25.0

25.0

Public Service Pay

70.0

Other

3.7

144.5

Less:

PRSI Allowance

49.6

Stock Relief

0.5

50.1

-25.1

4. Add New Tax Increases:

4. Deduct:

Excise Duties

Expenditure Savings

55.2

—alcoholic drinks

10.5

Estimated Departmental Balances

35.0

90.2

54.3

—tobacco

12.9

—hydrocarbons

15.0

—road tax

4.7

VAT

76.7

Income Tax

—child allowances

18.0

—self-employed

7.0

—retention tax

75.0

Corporation Tax

1.4

Financial Institutions —tax based lending

6.0

Life Assurance Companies

38.0

Anti-Evasion and Avoidance Measures

15.0

280.2

5. Deduct New Tax Reliefs:

Excise Duties

7.5

VAT

17.5

Income Tax

76.0*

101.0

179.2

6. Deficit

1,250.0

8,042.1

8,042.1

*The combined cost of these income tax adjustments (£76 million) and of non-renewal of temporary income levy (£45 million) in 1986 is £121 million.

Department of Finance

30 January 1985

Summary of Current and Capital Budgets 1985 and 1986 _____

1985

1986

Provisional Outturn*

Post-Budget Estimate

£m

£m

CURRENT BUDGET

1. Expenditure

(i) Central Fund Services

2,214

2,290

(ii) Supply Services

5,401

5,752

7,615

8,042

2. Revenue

(i) Tax

5,581

6,117

(ii) Non-Tax

750

675

6,331

6,792

3. Current Budget Deficit

1,284

1,250

CAPITAL BUDGET

4. Expenditure

(i) Public Capital Programme

1,693

1,681

(ii) Other (non-programme)

68

70

1,761

1,751

5. Resources

(i) Exchequer

317

328

(ii) Non-Exchequer

713

672

1,030

1,000

6. Exchequre Borrowing Requirement for Capital Purposes

731**

751

7. Total Exchequer Borrowing Requirement (3+6)

2,015**

2,001

8. Total Exchequer Borrowing Requirement as % of GNP (estimated)

12.9%

11.8%

*The 1985 Provisional Outturn figures for the Public Capital Programme have been adjusted in line with the 1986 reclassification of certain Bord Telecom Éireann expenditure.

**Excludes a payment of £100 million which was made available to the Exchequer by the Central Bank for on-lending to the Insurance Compensation Fund.

SUMMARY OF CAPITAL BUDGET REQUIREMENTS (INCLUDING CURRENT BUDGET DEFICIT) AND RESOURCES, 1985 OUTTURN AND 1986 ESTIMATE

REQUIREMENTS

£ million

1985

1986

Budget Estimate*

Provisional Outturn*

Estimate

1. Public Capital Programme

1,776

1,693

1,681

2. Non-Programme Outlays

1,279

1,352

1,320

of which

Exchequer-Financed

(a) Current Budget Deficit

1,234

1,284

1,250

(b) Miscellaneous

45

68

70

3. Total Requirements

3,055

3,045

3,001

RESOURCES

4. Non-Exchequer Resources

730

713

672

of which

(a) State Bodies

695

679

637

(b) Local Authorities

35

34

35

5. Exchequer Internal Resourcesof which

227

241

248

(a) Loan Repayments

58

71

66

(b) Sinking Funds

150

154

163

(c) Appropriations-in-Aid

19

16

19

6. European Regional Development Fund

79

76

80

7. Exchequer Borrowing of which

2,019

2,015**

2,001

(a) Net sales of domestic securities

(i) to the public including non-residents

763

(ii) to domestic licensed banks

240

(b) Small Savings

2,019

371

2,001

(c) Foreign Borrowing

806

(d) Decrease in Central Bank's holdings of Government securities

–l109

(e) Miscellaneous including change in liquidity of Departmental Funds

–56

8. Total Resources

3,055

3,045

3,001

*The 1985 Budget Estimate and Provisional Outturn figures for the Public Capital Programme have been adjusted in line with the 1986 reclassification of certain Bord Telecom Éireann expenditure.

**Excludes a payment of £100 million which was made available to the Exchequer by the Central Bank for on-lending to the Insurance Compensation Fund.

CURRENT REVENUE 1985 AND 1986

1985

1986

Outturn

Post-Budget Estimate

£m

£m

Tax Revenue

Customs

96.8

104.0

Excise Duties

1,316.1

1,377.7

Capital Taxes

32.6

35.0

Stamp Duties

119.5

167.0

Income Tax

2,103.1

2,356.4

Income Levy

74.0

34.0

Corporation Tax

217.2

249.9

Value-Added Tax

1,402.3

1,562.4

Agricultural Levies (EEC)

14.5

13.0

Motor Vehicle Duties

122.1

130.7

Youth Employment Levy

82.9

87.0

Total Tax Revenue

5,581.1

6,117.1

Total Non-Tax Revenue

749.8

675.0

Total Current Revenue

6,330.9

6,792.1

HOW CURRENT EXPENDITURE WILL BE ALLOCATED AND FINANCED 1986

Where current expenditure will go

How current expenditure will be financed

Item

1986 Post-Budget

% Total Gross expenditure

Item

1986 Post-Budget

% of Total

£m

£m

Service of Public Debt

Borrowing

1,250

15.5

Interest

1,864

20

Sinking Funds, etc.

156

1

Tax Revenue

2,020

21

Customs

104

1.3

Excise Duties

1,378

17.1

Capital Taxes

35

0.5

Economic Services

Stamp Duties

167

2.1

Industry and Labour

274

3

Income Tax

2,356

29.3

Agriculture

428

5

Income Levy

34

0.4

Fisheries, Forestry

45

Corporation Tax

250

3.1

Tourism

26

Value-Added Tax

1,562

19.4

773

8

Agriculture Levies (EEC)

13

0.2

Motor Vehicle Duties

131

1.6

Youth Employment Levy

87

1.1

Infrastructure

105

1

6,117

76.1

Social Services

Non-Tax Revenue

675

8.4

Health

1,130

12

Education

1,003

11

Social Welfare

2,524

27

Housing

208

2

Subsidies

278

3

5,143

55

Security

654

7

Other

778

8

Gross Expenditure

9,473

100

Supply Services Receipts

1,431

TOTAL NET EXPENDITURE

8,042

TOTAL

8,042

100

PRE-BUDGET TABLES

1986

INDEX

TABLE 1. Summary of current and capital budgets 1985.

TABLE 2. Summary of main heads of current government expenditure and revenue 1985.

TABLE 3. Functional classification of current government expenditure 1982-1986.

TABLE 4. Certain current receipts and expenditure of the Exchequer and of local authorities.

TABLE 5. State expenditure in relation to agriculture from 1982.

Detailed tables relating to public capital expenditure will be found in the separate publication entitled “Public Capital Programme 1986”.

TABLE 1

SUMMARY OF CURRENT AND CAPITAL BUDGETS 1985

1985

Budget Estimate

Provisional Outturn

£m.

£m.

Current Budget

1. Expenditure

(i) Central Fund Services

2,250

2,214

(ii) Supply Services

5,384

5,401

7,634

7,615

2. Revenue

(i) Tax

5,704

5,581

(ii) Non-Tax

696

750

6,400

6,331

3. Current Budget Deficit

1,234

1,284

Capital Budget(¹)(²)

4. Expenditure

(i) Public Capital Programme

1,776

1,693

(ii) Other (non-programme)

45

68

1,821

1,761

5. Resources

(i) Exchequer

306

317

(ii) Non-Exchequer

730

713

1,036

1,030

6. Exchequer Borrowing Requirement for Capital Purposes

785

731(²)

7. Total Exchequer Borrowing Requirement (3+6)

2,019

2,015(²)

8. Total Exchequer Borrowing Requirement as % of GNP (estimated)

13.0

12.9

(¹) The 1985 Budget Estimate and Provisional Outturn figures for the Public Capital Programme have been adjusted to take account of the reclassification of certain Bord Telecom Éireann expenditures.

(²) Excludes a payment of £100 million which was made available to the Exchequer by the Central Bank for on-lending to the Insurance Compensation Fund.

TABLE 2

SUMMARY OF MAIN HEADS OF CURRENT GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE AND REVENUE 1985

Current Expenditure

Current Revenue

Item

£m

% of gross expenditure

Item

£m

% of total

Service of Public Debt:

Budget Deficit (financed by borrowing)

1,284

16.9

Central Fund Services (1)

Interest

1,827

20.4

Sinking Funds, etc.

140

1.6

Total

1,967

22.0

Tax Revenue

Economic Services

Customs

97

1.3

Industry and Labour

243

2.7

Excise Duties

1,316

17.3

Agriculture

412

4.6

Stamp Duties

120

1.6

Fisheries, Forestry

45

0.5

Income Tax

2,103

27.6

Tourism

27

0.3

Corporation Tax

217

2.8

Income Levy

74

1.0

Value-Added Tax

1,402

18.4

Total

727

8.1

Motor Vehicle Duties

122

1.6

Capital taxes

33

0.4

Youth Employment Levy

83

1.1

Infrastructure

103

1.1

Agricultural Levies (EEC)

14

0.2

Total

5,581

73.3

Social Services

Health

1,094

12.2

Education

950

10.6

Non-Tax Revenue

750

9.8

Social Welfare

2,315

25.9

Housing

204

2.3

Subsidies

332

3.7

Total

4,895

54.7

Security

628

7.0

Other

637

7.1

Gross Expenditure

8,957

100

Supply Service Receipts

1,342

Net Expenditure

7,615

Total Revenue

7,615

100

(1) Prior to 1983, debt service costs paid from the supply services were included under this heading. As part of the revised functional classification of expenditure, these costs (e.g. Exchequer subsidy on service costs of loans for local authority housing) are now included under the appropriate functional categories. The total debt service cost in the Central Fund and Supply Services in 1985 was £2,197 million of which £2,043 million related to interest and £154 million to sinking funds, etc.

TABLE 3

FUNCTIONAL CLASSIFICATION OF CURRENT GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE 1982-1986

1982

1983

1984

1985 Provisional Outturn

1986 Estimate (1)

% Change 1986 over 1985

£m

£m

£m

£m

£m

%

Service of Public Debt Central Fund Services(2)

Interest

1,143

1,330

1,566

1,827

1,864

+2

Sinking Funds, etc.

106

126

139

140

156

+11

Sub-Total

1,249

1,456

1,705

1,967

2,020

+3

Economic Services

Industry and Labour

138

184

209

243

282

+16

Agriculture

278

360

390

412

436

+6

Fisheries

13

12

13

14

14

Forestry

27

28

29

31

32

+3

Tourism

19

23

24

27

26

–4

Sub-Total

475

607

665

727

790

+9

Infrastructure

Roads

24

26

26

29

31

+7

Sanitary Services

22

29

36

46

48

+4

Transport

18

27

28

28

28

Sub-Total

64

82

90

103

107

+4

Social Services

Health

883

973

1,022

1,094

1,135

+4

Education

730

804

881

950

1,014

+7

Social Welfare

1,639

1,909

2,103

2,315

2,456

+6

Housing

109

143

173

204

210

+3

Subsidies

324

346

357

332

289

–13

Sub-Total

3,685

4,175

4,536

4,895

5,104

+4

Security

Defence

244

254

268

294

301

+2

Garda

187

208

233

253

265

+5

Prisons

30

33

35

41

49

+20

Legal, etc.

30

34

32

40

46

+15

Sub-Total

491

529

568

628

661

+5

Other

Central Fund items

EEC Budget

144

194

208

237

260

+10

Miscellaneous

7

8

15

10

10

Supply Services

376

353

413

390

476

+22

Sub-Total

527

555

636

637

746

+17

Gross Total

6,491

7,404

8,200

8,957

9,428

+5

Less: Supply Services Appropriations-in-aid, P.R.S.I. receipts

916

1,095

1,250

1,342

1,440

+7

Net Current Expenditure excluding expenditure on Posts and Telegraphs

5,575

6,309

6,950

7,615

7,988

+5

Post and Telegraphs

355

378

Net Expenditure Including Posts and Telegraphs(3)

5,930

6,687

6,950

7,615

7,988

+5

(Exchequer Pay and Pensions included in above excluding Posts and Telegraphs)

1,982

2,175

2,319

2,484

2,600

+5

(1) Based on the Estimates for Public Services for 1986 published on 18 December 1985.

(2) See Note (1) at foot of Table 2. The total debt service costs in the Central Fund and Supply Services are (figures for 1982-1983 include Post and Telegraphs costs) (£ million):

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

Interest

1,323

1,564

1,743

2,043

2,085

Sinking Funds, etc.

137

149

157

154

170

Total

1,460

1,713

1,900

2,197

2,255

(3) The figures for 1982 to 1984 reflect actual audited expenditure.

TABLE 4

CERTAIN CURRENT RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE OF THE EXCHEQUER AND OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES

Exchequer

Local Authorities(a)

Revenue

Non-capital Expenditure

Expenditure from revenue (b)

State grants received

Rates collected

£m

£m

£m

£m

£m

1966-67

273

272

99

51

32

1967-68

305

306

107

57

35

1968-69

345

354

121

66

38

1969-70

411

412

145

77

43

1970-71

482

490

174

94

50

1971-72

569

572

196

115

60

1972-73

659

665

240

138

70

1973-74

793

803

298

183

71

1974 (April-Dec.)

651

744

292

190

61

1975

1,091

1,350

481

332

84

1976

1,470

1,669

567

404

109

1977

1,757

1,944

684

504

111

1978

2,023

2,391

831

670

82

1979

2,384

2,893

1,007

820

91

1980

3,155

3,696

1,318

1,065

103

1981

3,973

4,741

1,575

1,291

102

1982

4,908

5,930

1,883

1,592

95

1983

5,711

6,687

2,109

1,759

104

1984

5,952

6,950

2,322

1,911

122

1985

6,331

7,615

2,535(c)

2,082(c)

144(c)

1986

6,638(d)

7,988(d)

2,629(d)

2,144(d)

142(d)

NOTE:—(a) Local Authorities comprise County Councils, County Borough Corporations, Borough Corporations, Urban District Councils, Town Commissioners, Regional Health Boards, Vocational Education Committees and County Committees of Agriculture.

(b) The revenue of Local Authorities comprises rates, State grants (including payments on behalf of Health Boards to voluntary hospitals and homes in respect of general medical services) and other receipts e.g. rents and fees.

(c) Approximate.

(d) Estimate.

TABLE 5

STATE EXPENDITURE (a) IN RELATION TO AGRICULTURE FROM 1982

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

£000

£000

£000

Provisional

Estimate

£000

£000

1. Aids reducing production and overhead costs and production incentives (b):

Grant in lieu of rates on agricultural land

89,087

113,999

115,000

118,000

123,300

Non-EEC interest subsidies

1,633

2,170(c)

2,866(c)

3,620(c)

1,501(c)

Assistance for extra breeding stock

2,558

7,027

8,296

4,900

1

Reduction of land annuities and deficiency of income from untenanted land

5,545

5,642

6,619

6,649

6,561

Sheep grants, etc.

5

2

2

Weather damage relief schemes

3,000

19,650

Winter fodder schemes

2,454

3

1

Glasshouse heating conversion grants

200

300

Promotion of shared use of farm machinery

25

TOTAL

101,282

128,868

132,784

136,369

151,313

2. Schemes operated under EEC regulations and directives:

Farm modernisation

47,301

28,790

30,197

13,059

22,222

Farmers' retirement

1,737

931

377

624

104

Aids to farmers in less favoured areas

21,889

17,580

20,280

30,138

26,035

Market intervention

7,204

14,645

14,832

11,554

18,231

Programme of special measures

10,719

6,137

2,205

(–)3,241(d)

171

Grants for individual projects and for marketing and processing

111

143

143

104

283

Aids for horticultural producers' organisations

22

30

Dairy herds conversion and suckler cow

4

Scheme for cessation of milk production

476

1,030

TOTAL

88,987

68,226

68,034

52,714

68,106

3. Education, research, advisory and inspection services:

Education (e)

14,729

16,236

17,390

17,710

16,653

Research

17,244

18,093

18,351

19,809

19,761

Farm advisory services (f)

13,523

15,215

15,937

15,007

14,960

Technical services

4,578

5,957

6,146

6,005

6,514

Inspection services

8,976

7,608

8,638

7,848

7,530

Rural organisations (e)

241

378

405

431

451

TOTAL

59,291

63,487

66,867

66,810

65,869

4. Disease eradication:

Bovine T.B.

13,483

15,070

16,948

22,282

19,000

Brucellosis

7,100

7,593

4,607

5,001

4,250

Hardship Fund

500

350

550

1,750

1,250

Other, e.g. leucosis

10

102

116

70

1,322

Less: Farmer contribution and EEC receipts

(–)5,702

(–)1,724

(–)7,012

(–)13,107

(–)13,402

TOTAL

15,391

21,391

15,209

15,996

12,420

5. Long-term development aids (b):

Arterial drainage

12,580

10,667

12,727

11,793

9,212

Water supplies, land project and farm buildings

1,094

572

606

564

605

Improvement of cattle, pigs, horses, sheep and poultry

2,478

2,349

2,492

2,612

2,840

Rural electrification

4,043

2,165

3,006

2,789

3,103

Restructuring and improvement of holdings by Land Commission

5,021

5,014

5,378

3,222

3,374

Promotion of long-term leasing of land

25

28

25

25

Other rural improvement schemes and grants

1,928

2,214

1,243

1,370

1,370

TOTAL

27,144

23,006

25,480

22,375

20,529

6. Marketing aids:

Meat

772

757

785

787

1,100

Potatoes

37

75

50

Glasshouse products

19

15

45

100

Export co-ordinating group

3

TOTAL

775

776

837

907

1,250

7. General administration and overhead costs

36,002

36,236

37,263

41,000

43,034

GRAND TOTAL

328,872

341,990

346,474

336,171

362,521

NOTES—(a) The figures are composed of both capital and non-capital expenditure and are net of appropriations-in-aid which include recoupments from EEC for schemes listed in the table.

(b) Further similar aids are given under EEC schemes—see section 2.

(c) Does not include tax loss element relating to the scheme for farmers in severe financial difficulties.

(d) EEC receipts under this heading exceeded Exchequer expenditure in 1985.

(e) Includes Youth Employment Agency funding.

(f) Includes part of the grant in relief of rates borne on the Environment Vote.

Footnote: Irish agriculture also benefits from the Common Agricultural Policy which is largely financed from the EEC Budget (to which Ireland's estimated total contribution in 1986 is £260 million):—

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

Provisional

Estimate

£m

£m

£m

£m

£m

FEOGA GUARANTEE SECTION

342.7

436.7

649.7

834

834

FEOGA GUIDANCE SECTION

59.6

63.2

45.1

52

58

The greeting to the Minister from the assembled benches behind him reminds me of the greeting given by the gladiators to the Roman Emperor before they perished. It is a final salutation to the Minister from those whom he is causing to perish. It is not just those behind the Minister who will pay the consequences of the latest in this series of cold, miserable analyses by way of budget but, much more important, those who are listening and waiting for some hope, encouragement or incentive. They have waited yet again but all they have found is a cold, detached, uninspiring analysis for the fourth year in succession.

Some years ago a message of confidence and optimism was addressed to the people from this House. This message said:

Today is not a time for despair or for hopelessness in the face of the magnitude and complexity of our problems. I have faith in the Irish people's ability to set themselves with courage and determination to the task in hand and I have no doubt that we can succeed.

This quotation is from the Official Report of 9 February 1983 and the speaker who gave that message of hope is none other than the speaker who, for the fourth time, delivered the same helpless, hopeless message, the current Minister for Finance, Deputy Dukes.

We were told that February 1983 was not a time for despair and hopelessness. If it was not, then what is the position on 29 January 1986? Those who were facing misery three years ago are now facing chronic despair and their only consolation — if consolation it is — is that there are many more sharing their misery and despair today. The main reason for this is the uninspiring attempt by this Minister and Government to give any direction for renewal or development based on the real rich resources of this nation — our people, our land, fisheries, forestry, tourism and so on. By investing in the right priorities, we could create a base for activity and regeneration which would ensure that budget day is not just another in a series of what one might call annual crucifixions.

Not even the Minister's colleagues could whip up enthusiasm to show anything like the response which is ritually given to a Minister for Finance by his own backbenchers. This year, above all years, they would like to have had some chance to lift their spirits and to convey the message to those listening that they are of good heart, but we all know that the Government backbenchers have lost confidence in this Minister and are broadcasting it in every corner and parish in the country.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Coveney, for instance, seemed to take issue with that. Is that the same Deputy who very recently referred to our tax levels and taxation procedures as institutional robbery?

Deputy O'Kennedy said that.

(Interruptions.)

If that description applied to taxation before today, the description which will be applied to it by members of the Coalition parties after today will warrant instant execution, not just trial for institutionalised robbery. In April 1983 the Minister said he had no doubt that the Government would succeed, but his only success to date has been to spread dispair and hopelessness like a plague into every home in the land.

In his speech today he mentioned the priorities he set himself. None of the three priorities he mentioned has any relevance to the fact that it is the people who will change the face of this nation. His first priority is: what kind of budget would be most appropriate to the present state of our economy. The people must ensure that they will have a better future for themselves and their families, not just fiscal aggregates and figures. The second priority is: the public finance constraint within which the achievement of the budgetary objectives has to be approached. His third priority is: what shifts in the balance of taxation are required by considerations of equity, efficiency and the need to tackle the black economy? There is no reference to the real priority, that is, to end this misery, to give new hope and to demonstrate a sense of purpose and direction by investing in the real wealth of the nation.

The tax allowances he should have introduced would have inspired that response but instead we are still blocking holes, sealing gaps and wondering why the nation is in such a state of depression and low morale.

Stop lecturing us and talk about the budget.

(Interruptions.)

Three years ago the Minister said he would succeed in his aims. Let us look at his success in terms of reality. His first priority was to reduce the level of unemployment. When he first addressed this House he was speaking to 170,000 people who had no work. Now, instead of 170,000 people without work, dignity and opportunity, there are 240,000 without work, dignity and opportunity, who have to suffer the agony, indignity and frustration of unemployment every day behind closed doors. Is that a measure of the success this Government can boast of? Is it a success that in the last three years at least 50,000 young people have emigrated because they felt a sense of disillusionment, had no hope of a future in this country but had a sense of confidence in themselves, knowing that if they did not get a chance here, they would get on elsewhere. What has the Minister to say to those young people today? What have we provided for the 50,000 young people who have left us in the past three years? According to the Minister we are providing an extra £50,000 for them. It works out at about £1 per emigrant whether they be in Camden, New York, San Francisco or elsewhere and this amount is somehow to compensate them for this Government's failure to provide a place and an opportunity for them in their own home and land. This is what the Minister boasts about after three years in office.

For those of us who have remained, today's budget is the fourth annual instalment in a litany of misery and hopelessness. The Minister continues to do his budgetary sums on the proven basis of his own failure. It is so obvious it is sad. Relentlessly, he adds to our oppression and deepends our depression.

I concede one point to the Minister and the Government. They started out with one intention — perhaps it was a good intention — of reducing the current budget deficit. To that end they decided deliberately three years ago to increase our level of taxation to the highest level in the democratic world. As a consequence of that mistaken decision, not only have they not reduced the deficit but they have aggravated the level of taxation to the point where we are well in excess of any other nation in the democratic world in respect of direct and indirect taxes. Then we wonder why there is no change in the economy.

That is nonsense and the Deputy knows it.

Obviously the Taoiseach no longer reads the reports he read when he was in Opposition. If he did he would find that the authority for what I have said is the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. I think I will take their word before the word of the Taoiseach on this issue.

The Deputy has not read the relevant part.

In the 1983 budget the Minister promised those in employment that he would ease the burden of taxation and spread it more evenly. That was his target and commitment in 1983. Even before today his success in easing the burden of taxation was to add an extra £767 million — the figures are his, not mine — to our total income tax and levies. That is what is called reducing the burden of taxation. Today he increased that figure by a total of £561 million and now total tax is of the order of £6.2 billion. Apparently this is the Minister's way of reducing the level of taxation. When he came to office the figure was less than £4 billion: there has been an increase of two-thirds in total taxation in that time.

His success in spreading the burden more evenly can be seen from his own admission to me in a written reply yesterday when he said that now there are 17,000 fewer PAYE taxpayers than there were in 1982-83 but the remaining taxpayers have to pay at least £1.2 billion more than was the case in 1982-83. That is the Minister's notion of reducing the burden of taxation and spreading it more evenly.

This Minister and this Government did not concern themselves with the PAYE sector when framing this budget. The reality is that after today the increase in taxation will be of the order of £250 million, representing an increase of 9 per cent in total terms in the income tax take from last year. If the Government's hopes are realised in respect of inflation it is evident that there will be an extra 4 per cent increase to be paid by PAYE taxpayers in addition to what they contributed last year. Yet, we are told this Minister is concerned with spreading the burden of taxation.

In case the media are tempted to respond today in the same way as they did last year to the Minister's tax reform as it was called and as they responded to the impressions he conveyed then, may I remind them of how they were taken in last year? I wish to refer in particular to the front page of the Irish Independent of 31 January 1985 which had the heading, “The taxpayers get relief”. This article was by the Political Correspondent, Mr. Chris Glennon. I will quote this as a caution to those who may be tempted to respond in the same fashion to the same sleight-of-hand today. Last year, after what we know now was an extra major burden on income tax payers, the Irish Independent made the following comment:

Finance Minister, Alan Dukes, was the toast of the country last night after giving taxpayers what they have been demanding for years, a cut in income tax.

This year it will be a different kind of toast that that suggested in the Irish Independent last year.

The writer was a very perceptive gentleman.

The article made the following statement which I consider a gem. It stated:

In the most popular budget in recent times Mr. Dukes also cut VAT rates on many goods and services without seriously hitting the State's earnings and he increased social welfare benefits by between 6 and 7 per cent. He forecast that his radical changes in the income tax code will save taxpayers £58 million this year and £97 million in a full year.

I could not have put it better myself.

That is what the Minister told the taxpayers last year and it is what the Irish Independent presented as a matter on which to toast the Minister. I say to any newspaper reporter who is listening today not to be tempted by the Minister's presentation today into thinking he is showing great concern and that once again he will reduce the level of taxation.

The Minister stated, "It remains the view of the Government that the overall level of taxation is as high as we can reasonably go". That cannot be reconciled with his statement one paragraph later when he indicated he was taking more tax out of the economy and that the overall tax revenue relative to 1985 would increase by 9 to 10 per cent. Those two statements cannot be reconciled. The Tánaiste who represents the Labour Party — I see two or three Labour Deputies present——

Four of the Fianna Fáil representatives are absent.

In the euphoria that followed the Minister's presentation of the budget last year the Tánaiste in a message to Labour Party activists — and there cannot be many of them left now — pointed to the contribution of the Labour Party last year in making what he called a creative and imaginative effort to begin to solve some of the major problems and injustices in our society. Last year's budget increased our unemployment figure by 20,000 and increased the taxation burden——

What about Bruce Arnold's article? The Deputy should deal with this budget and he should put forward his own alternatives.

(Interruptions.)

Order, please. Deputy McLoughlin must cease interrupting.

He should make the best use of the time he has. He will not be here much longer.

We must have order.

First, I shall refer to the targets in relation to the current budget deficit and which the Government set for themselves as being a main priority. In 1983 the current budget deficit was £897 million or 6¾ per cent of GNP. A Government who were determined to eliminate the budget deficit in four years have allowed the figure to increase in annual increments with the result that after today the opening target of the Government will be £1,250 million or 11.8 per cent of GNP, an increase of almost £400 million on the figure the Minister inherited on coming into Office and of almost 5 per cent in terms of GNP. The commitment of the Government on that occasion was the commitment outlined in the Joint Programme for Government.

There was a proposal in the Joint Programme for Government to eliminate the budget deficit in four years but when it became clear that instead of the deficit, which this Government always insisted was the main problem, being eliminated, it was being increased. The next stage was an adjustment in the Building on Reality targets. The programme was then thrown out the window and the plan was introduced, the purpose of which was to reduce the budget deficit to 11 per cent, 10½ per cent and finally in 1986 to 5 per cent of GNP.

We find today that the Minister is in line with the original targets, reducing the budget deficit by increasing it to £1,250 million or 11.8 per cent of GNP.

The Deputy is wrong again. The figure is 7.4 per cent. He is confused.

The Minister for Communications must allow Deputy O'Kennedy to continue.

The Minister does not understand the figures.

I understand arithmetic.

The arithmetic of this Government is based on the nonsense that when increasing a deficit from £600 million to £1,234 million, it is being decreased as was promised when the Government come into Office. We cannot expect a Government who have changed their commitments, their targets and their direction to say anything today that will have any effect on the projections and policies necessary to deal with the priorities of the nation.

In terms of borrowing requirements we were told that the figure would be reduced from £5.1 billion which was the figure when the Government came to Office to a figure that would enable us to expand our economic development but the reduction has resulted in an increase of £2.5 billion.

More notes are what the Deputy needs and not a drink.

This brings the figure to £7.5 billion or a 50 per cent increase since the Government came to Office. They may have begun with the right words in terms of reducing the borrowing requirement but they have hit the jackpot because they have increased our foreign borrowing in that period by more than 50 per cent. Our total national debt has increased from £12.7 billion to £20.5 billion, an increase of 60 per cent in three years. So much for a Government who promised to reduce the borrowing requirement and to tackle what they refer to as the major economic imbalances. Is it any wonder, then, that there is an added burden of £22,000 in respect of every worker so as to service the increased borrowing of the Government, borrowing which the Governor of the Central Bank referred to rightly as a banquet of borrowing? The biggest problem, even with the borrowing programme as is clear from the reduction in the borrowing for capital purposes, is that of the money being borrowed by the Government more than 70 per cent is being used to finance the day-to-day expenditure of the Government while only 30 per cent or less is available to fund the development programmes that are so essential to lift the economy and allow us realise our nation's potential resources.

We were told that the plan which formed an essential part of the Government's proposals would be based on stable interest and exchange rates but there was a bonus for the Government because while interest rates internationally have fallen the exchange rates, too, are working more favourably. Instead of adhering to the plan, in terms of taxation, of the budget deficit or of borrowing, a plan that we were told 12 months ago was the only way forward, we find that the plan has been jettisoned. This has happened despite the external conditions being more favourable than the Government or anyone else could have expected 12 months ago. The reality is that this budget, like all its predecessors, is doomed to failure for the simple reason that the Government have approached the nation's problems in a shortsighted manner and are increasing tax levels to the point that as taxpayers we will now be paying more than £6.2 billion.

This budget is doomed to failure also because the Minister fails to recognise that tax increases cannot be imposed in any area without consequent immediate and direct effects, not only for the Revenue but for employment, for morale in business and industry and more than anything for the renewal of business activity and consumer capacity in the economy.

Before today 60 per cent of the total price of the gallon of petrol at the pumps was going to the Exchequer. That was the highest take in any of the EC countries. By adding an extra 10.8p per gallon today the proportion going to the Exchequer is being increased to 64 per cent.

That figure is wrong, too.

For that reason it is not surprising that with each increase in VAT and excise duty imposed by the Government on petrol, consumption has fallen from 46.25 million hectolitres in 1982 to 37 million hectolitres in 1985, a drop of 20 per cent. Lest the Taoiseach should challenge that figure I would refer him to the Minister for Finance who supplied me with those figures by way of written reply here on Wednesday last. There has been a reduction of 25 per cent in the actual consumption of petrol and petrol products because of the level of excise duties imposed by this Minister.

As a consequence of today's impositions we will find that not only will we have a reducing tax yeild but that the total level of economic activity in the motor industry will fall drastically. Employment has been particularly badly hit and has dropped from 24,000 to 14,500 during the past five years. With total taxation of that industry close to £1,000 million, the prospects of any regeneration of activity are totally and utterly destroyed. The Minister will succeed again in bringing the economic border close to the city of Dublin. People who live within 25 or 30 miles of the Border do not know the price of petrol in this jurisdiction because they get their petrol from the tanks in the North of Ireland. As a consequence of this, together with the increases in excise duties on spirits, beer and other goods, we will find once again the outflow across the Border which was a major feature of the drain on our economy up to last year when, on our advice, the Minister belatedly responded and introduced selective reductions on certain products, namely spirits, electrical goods, television and video equipment.

If the Minister was concerned only with extra revenue from these sources he should have looked at the trend last year. He would have discovered that the tax cut on spirits of 16 per cent in October brought about an increase in the tax yield at the end of last year of 17.5 per cent, an increase of £11.2 million. I want to demonstrate that because of the reduction in the level of duty on spirits, which we had appealed to him to introduce to offset the impact of cross-Border trading and the damage it was doing to the drinks industry, he actually got an increase in revenue of £11.2 million or 17.5 per cent.

I want to contrast that with the position in relation to excise duty on petrol. Instead of an increase in the consumption of petrol as a consequence of the measures the Minister introduced during the past few years, petrol consumption dropped in this jurisdiction by 20 per cent in the past three years from 46.23 million hectolitres to 37 million hectolitres in 1985. Surely those two facts demonstrate better than anything else that the Minister's direction in heaping huge increases on petrol, beer, cigarettes, spirits and the whole range of other items covered in this latest onslaught through excise duties and VAT, will once again result in a lower yeild and much more depressed activity in those sectors of the economy which are affected.

When the Minister introduces tax proposals he should bear in mind not just the immediate effect on the Revenue but the capacity of those sectors to employ our people, sectors such as the motor trade and the drinks industry which have actually lost up to 30,000 employees in the past three years since he came into Government. These are sectors which could be contributing to the pool of PAYE to which fewer and fewer people are now making an input. Is it not a tragedy that 18,000 fewer of the people listening to us today, if they are lucky enough to be in employment, are paying approximately £2 billion more than was paid by 18,000 more in 1983? Is that not the beginning and the end of the problem of this nation? The burden of taxation, direct or indirect, which this Government have introduced has ensured that the reward for effort is no longer there. The incentive for work is already well dead. Those who would seek to promote activity in industry cannot even get men to take advantage of overtime because the overtime payments would move them into top tax bands, where at least 40 per cent of our people are now paying intolerable, penal rates. I do not think the Minister has ever attempted to measure the effect of each action which he introduces here on employment and living standards, or on the social and economic condition of this nation.

The impact on very important sectors such as the building industry is a matter of very considerable concern. No one can imagine how the Minister imposed such a huge burden and penalty on the construction industry last year. This industry is engaged totally in domestic employment and has made a major contribution to our economy at every stage of development. In the light of that, the Minister has not one word of hope or encouragement for that industry or the thousands who have been left unemployed as a consequence of his 5 per cent increase in VAT last year. Instead of offering help, the Minister adds insult to injury by suggesting that the actions of last year were a major support and incentive to the building industry. He stated that imaginative measures taken by the Government last October to stimulate building activity are an emphatic illustration of the Government's commitment to proving increased opportunities for employment in the building industry.

What an imagination.

Imagine a Minister who has crucified the building industry suggesting that what he did last year was an emphatic illustration of the Government's commitment to providing increased opportunities for employment in that industry. Any Minister who is capable of presenting that statement to the House is capable not only of juggling figures but of misrepresenting words and statements to suit his own ends, without any regard for the effect it has on the people who are waiting in vain for any hope or any new direction from this budget.

While we welcome to some extent what appears on the face of it to be a relief for the tourism industry and the hotels and restaurants in particular — I see the Taoiseach smiles at my response — when we take into account the increase in the levels of VAT and excise duties imposed in the areas with which I have been dealing, as well as the impact of taxation on the employees in these industries and the consequent pressure for increased wage levels——

Four and a half per cent inflation.

—— then it becomes quite clear that a 4½ per cent inflation rate——

When did we have that under Fianna Fáil?

—— plus at least an extra 1 per cent today, it will become clear that the belated bow towards tourism in the hotel and restaurant sector will not be nearly as effective as it should be. I acknowledge it to be a step in the right direction and it would be were the Government sensible and prudent enough not to proceed with these foolish, short-sighted, unjustifiable increases in excise duties announced today.

I want now to turn to the Government's social conscience since we can see no trace of economic purpose in what they do. Unfortunately four out of every ten of our people — and probably a higher percentage of those listening to us today — are dependants on our economy. Four out of every ten have no means of providing for themselves whether that be occasioned by age, illness or unemployment. That is the sad reality of the Ireland the Minister for Finance addressed again today. What have we done for those in that category? As of today we have provided them with an extra 4 per cent, to take effect in July, on their miserably low levels of social welfare payments, benefits and assistance whether by way of old age, unemployment, disability or maintenance allowances, right across the range, unfortunately all too common in the homes of our people these days. The best the Minister can offer a nation and people suffering the agony and frustration of unemployment is a 4 per cent increase and he would suggest to us that that is in line with inflation. I would suggest to the Minister that if account is taken of the fact that food subsidies are being reduced, there is no provision for child benefit allowances in the 4 per cent increases, if account is taken of the fact that the normal child benefit allowances, of which the Taoiseach does not even seem to be aware——

They are going up by a quarter.

—— are not being increased by 4 per cent in this budget.

(Interruptions.)

He is a silly old goose, he has no idea of what he is talking about.

The child benefit allowances are going up by a quarter.

Social welfare children are getting nothing. They are not giving social welfare children the 4 per cent.

The child benefit allowances are going up by a quarter.

Judging by the Taoiseach's response we can see that the Government thought so little about this group in our society they hardly knew or acknowledged that they existed — to the extent that the Taoiseach suggests that an increase exists for the child dependants of social welfare when clearly they are excluded from the benefits of these increases.

They are getting a quarter more than present children's allowances. The party opposite will not confuse people about that, though they may try.

(Interruptions.)

Would the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism come down and give the Taoiseach a hand.

The sad fact is that there are 50,000 more people in this nation unemployed at present that there are engaged in total manufacturing industry. What have we to say to those people? Instead of giving a boost to manufacturing industry, to programmes of marketing, research and development, investment — by way of signals of new hope and direction — what we have to say to them is that they will have a 4 per cent increase in unemployment benefit or assistance as a consequence of the generosity of this Government and of their concern for them and their families. That is one of the stigmas attaching to this Government.

If we want to achieve a sense of national purpose then I suggest to the Taoiseach that we can do so only by way of well established principles of social concern and justice. Any Government that ignore the plight of the growing numbers of unemployed, sick and dependent on our economy, in the way this Government have done, can expect an angry response not merely from those social welfare dependants but from all of society. While I am at it, I might say that, even in terms of the old, the Government have not provided in full for those who will become eligible for old age pension next year, bearing in mind the Government's assumption that there will be 4,000 less people eligible for old age pension next year than there were this year. Surely that is being suggested only as a means of reducing the Government's commitment to the old and needy in our economy? Similarly with regard to the unemployed, the Government in their figures have provided for unemployment benefit and assistance for 236,000, whereas unfortunately as of now that figure is increasing and it is probable that the number with which we shall have to cope will be of the order of 240,000.

When what we needed today from the Minister was actions across the range of taxation, of incentive measures, social action, imaginative proposals, all we got was more of the same dreary catalogue of additional impositions on the old reliables, juggling with the income tax bands, in consequence of which taxpayers will pay at least 9 per cent more next year. The problem that has bedevilled this nation for the last three years will remain. The hope we had awaited is again postponed.

When we need investment we frighten it away. Even taking into account the budgetary proposals relating to the financial institutions and insurance companies, including the levies of approximately £113 million this year, it will be seen that those proposals ignored two fundamental things. First, they ignored the recommendations of the Commission on Taxation, whose proposals go in the opposite direction. These budgetary proposals ensure that the Report of the Commission on Taxation, as far as this Government are concerned, was a mere academic exercise of no concern whatsoever to the Government and particularly the Minister for Finance. Rather than moving in the direction advocated by the reports of the Commission on Taxation the Government have moved in the opposite direction. The Government have also ignored the fact that the financial services sector constitutes one of the growth areas for employment in every advanced economy in the world. Instead of encouraging employment in those sectors the Government have added another £113 million to the levy or tax imposition on the banks and insurance companies as a consequence of today's budget. This Government's mounting appetite for increasing taxation is consuming more and more of the available resources and wealth of this nation. They are now managing over 60 per cent of the total wealth of the country. When one takes that amount of wealth from people it is not good enough to tinker at the edges of the economy and adjust a little here and there. What is required is to base one's tax proposals on the immense potential of our resources, for example, in agriculture which has been ignored totally in this budget ——

Deputies

Hear, hear.

——in fisheries, which has been totally ignored in this budget, in forestry and its development, totally ignored in this budget, in our education programmes, particularly in research, development and marketing essential to any future priority development of this nation, all totally ignored in this budget. All of the areas of wealth, potential and real growth have been ignored by this Government. They have ignored all of the areas that might yield an extra £1 million without any concern for the effect that extra £1 million would have on the level of activity and economic endeavour. Is there any hope for an agrifood industry in this country? If so, where is there to be seen today the incentive for the development of a marketing strategy for that industry?

Our real resources, particularly those that we in Fianna Fáil focused on for so long, and the development of the added value through the knowledge based industries are ignored by this Government as if they were of as little consequence in 1986 as they were in 1386. We are dealing in an era of technology. We have a new challenge for our young people and we have young people well equipped to face that challenge, but the Government turned their back on them as they have done so often in the past.

A budget does not always have to be an instrument of oppression, a dreary catalogue of new tax measures imposed with each passing year. It can and should be an element of economic policy, an element that would point directions in terms of the priorities we would put in our tax adjustment policies. When are we going to encourage real investment in industry through effective equity participation without the limitations and qualifications that the Minister proposes to introduce again today? When are we going to start to encourage the development of our services sector in tourism by encouraging investment in that sector? When are we going to start to encourage those who are investing their money abroad, be they builders, industrialists or even those who are leaving us to invest their skills abroad, and to signal to them that it is no longer a shame to succeed in this nation? It may be perceived up to the moment that the only credit we are prepared to give is a credit for success abroad. For the countless thousands of our people who are leaving us to achieve success abroad today's budget has no other message but that success at home is still a matter of shame and indignity as far as this Government are concerned.

I want to turn finally to the Government's own direct interventions——

That is a relief.

—— by way of the capital programme. When we find a Government who can borrow on a ratio of 70 per cent for the current programme as against the capital programme, who reduce investment in the road programme by £10 million from that announced in the Building on Reality 1985-1987 illusion — as it is now — coming into the House today and reducing further the public capital programme by £25 million while increasing current budget expenditure by over £200 million, then we realise why under this Government there will be no development, no direct and effective Government action for infrastructural development, for a new dynamism and a new opportunity in the economy. After today the position facing those who would invest in the country is even more depressing than it was before we trooped into the House to hear the Minister's message. When we could save so much from EC allocations through the Regional Fund for our road programme, for building programmes, 50 per cent direct contributions plus depreciation over a period of five to 20 years, instead of investing in putting our people to work we prefer to invest in keeping our people idle and we drop the investment programmes even for the budget.

It is fairly clear that after today's budget, with the increases of 10 per cent on income tax, the increases in over £500 million in total taxation, the miserable addition of 4 per cent to those who are unfortunately dependent on social welfare payments, looking at those in the round we must say that this Government have no sense of concern for the poor and no sense of hope or purpose for the young and able. Until such time as this Government take the only course open to them to make a really effective contribution to this nation, namely face the people who are waiting to judge them, we will continue to wallow in the misery that has been a consequence and characteristic of their actions over the last three years.

Deputy Desmond O'Malley.

On a point of order, let me inquire whether there is a decision by the Chair or a change in the rules of the House as have been applied here in the recent past as to whether I will be allowed to talk here on this budget some time this afternoon?

No, Deputy, there is no change, but the Deputy still does not fall into the category of people whom I will be calling this afternoon.

Let me impose further on the Chair to ask him to explain what is the category into which I do not fall? To put it another way, what is the category into which people fall?

I will be calling the representatives of parties in Opposition. A single Deputy could not under any stretch of the imagination be regarded as a party.

Again, to get this clear once and for all, what is the requirement to be allowed to speak in this House for the points of view that are represented, that may not have been spoken about and may not and will not be spoken about by other speakers?

I am calling only on representatives of parties in Opposition this evening——

——and the Deputy is not a representative of a party, in so far as a single Deputy has never been and could not reasonably be regarded as a party.

Again let me ask for clarification. How many Deputies are required to be regarded as a party for the purpose of being allowed to speak here? Secondly, let me ask how is it that one Member may not be allowed to put a point of view of a party who are not registered but could and may be if it was so required? How come that the Chair has now called on Deputy O'Malley, who I agree fully is entitled to have a say which I presume does not represent that of the party whom he was elected to represent at the last election, whereas I have been elected many times representing a party who are in existence and who qualify but have not sought registration in this House? If you can clarify that it might help.

The Deputy started by asking what the required number of Deputies to constitute a party was. There is no fixed number. The one thing that has always been abundantly clear is that one does not. This has arisen out of my calling on Deputy O'Malley. I propose to give very briefly the reasons for my decision, and that will conclude the discussion on this matter.

I considered whether four Deputies led by Deputy O'Malley and known as the Progressive Democrats are a party for the purposes of Standing Order No. 38. There is no definition in Standing Orders for a party. It is not defined any place in Standing Orders. I then had a look at Standing Order No. 85 which deals with priorities in moving private Members' motions and Bills and starts off by saying:

"For the purpose of this Standing Order ..." therefore that is not relevant to what we are considering now. I then went to Standing Order No. 38 which is the relevant Standing Order here.

You had a bit of a journey, a Cheann Comhairle.

I gave great thought and consideration to this. Standing Order No. 38 reads:

A member of the Government who has given prior notice to the Ceann Comhairle may make a statement in the House on any matter. No debate shall be permitted on any such statement but further statements may be allowed at the discretion of the Ceann Comhairle from a spokesman nominated by a Party in Opposition.

As I have stated, I cannot get a definition anywhere in Standing Orders for a party. I therefore came to the conclusion that each case must stand on its own set of facts. I looked at the four members led by Deputy O'Malley and from what is widely known about them I clearly came to the conclusion that they are, first, a party and, secondly, in opposition.

In opposition to what?

In opposition to you, anyway.

That is right. That is why Deputy O'Malley got in.

Order, please. The Chair is dealing with the matter at issue. I also was reaffirmed in my decision that one Member could not possibly be regarded as a party. I call Deputy O'Malley.

May I just again——

I am sorry, Deputy Blaney.

May I just again point out that I fought seven elections? I do have a party. I do have 17 councillors on various local authorities.

A Cheann Comhairle, do you think that I might be allowed to make my speech?

If that is the way Deputy O'Malley is going to take it, he might find that he will not make it.

I have explained the position to Deputy Blaney and I would ask him to co-operate with the Chair and let the debate continue.

What I am asking the Chair to do is to use the discretion which reposes in him to allow somebody to speak who has demonstrated by fighting six or seven elections under the banner of a party name——

Deputies

Hear, hear.

—— who has councillors in several local authorities elected even as recently as last June. It is without reflection on anybody on any side of the House that I say that my views are not necessarily expressed by any speaker representing any of the other groups. I am certainly not making a protest against Deputy O'Malley and his three colleagues. What I am doing is trying to assert some right on my part to be heard in this House as I have been elected to this House. Remember, the four people on my left were elected by Fianna Fáil; I was not.

The Deputy cannot make a speech. He has made a submission.

I am not making a speech. I am seeking not to be discriminated against. I am appealing to the Ceann Comhairle in his discretion, in a rather clouded issue in so far as rules are concerned, that I be allowed to continue or to have some say in regard to my point of view. It will be somewhat different in many respects from what has been said by any of the other speakers, regardless of whom they represent.

The Chair can assure Deputy Blaney that he will, of course, have ample opportunity to contribute to this debate. However, he does not fall within the category of speakers that I am calling this evening. I regret that I cannot put it further.

You made a mess of it.

Deputy Haughey should keep out of it.

I will not keep out of it.

I do not want to be unreasonable about this at all.

I happen to be the Leader of the main Opposition Party.

I think it is a matter of prime principle that I, elected to this House over several elections on a platform publicised——

The Deputy is repeating himself.

—— publicised for the last 13 or 14 years, Sir——

I appeal to Deputy Blaney to co-operate with the Chair.

I am wishing to do so.

Standing Orders may be changed in the future and the position may be different.

Standing Orders give you the discretion which you are proposing to use on behalf of my colleagues here.

I have not a discretion, no. That is not so.

Those are the practicalities of it.

That is not so and the Deputy knows it. I call Deputy O'Malley.

I must protest.

The Deputy has protested. I am calling Deputy O'Malley.

This is discrimination.

The Chair must ensure that the debate goes on.

The Chair must ensure fair play. It is totally unjust and is something that I want to protest about.

Deputy Blaney, I do not want to have any trouble——

I do not either.

——nor do I want any controversy. I have made my position absolutely clear. I am asking the Deputy to co-operate with the Chair. If he does not, I shall have to consider the matter seriously.

Sir, your explanations are as clear as mud, with no disrespect meant to your position.

Deputy Blaney will now resume his seat. I have no alternative now but to rule.

I am here to talk for the people——

I am asking Deputy Blaney to co-operate.

I am here to talk for the people who elected me. I have to protest at the imposition of an extra charge on petrol which will close down all the petrol stations from Louth to Donegal. I want that to be heard as soon as possible and as clearly as possible in the House.

The Deputy will be called during the debate.

I think you are a victim of the media mass hysteria——

I am asking Deputy Blaney to resume his seat.

—— who have brought about this situation that we have these four of my colleagues who belong to the Fianna Fáil Party, elected by the Fianna Fáil Party, being represented by Deputy O'Malley.

Deputy Blaney must resume his seat. I am sorry, I cannot allow the House to be obstructed. I am naming Deputy Blaney and I ask the Taoiseach——

I am entitled to be heard.

I am asking the Deputy to withdraw from the House.

Sir, I have the greatest respect for you as a person and in your position, but I am being discriminated against, as are the people who elected me to this House.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I am asking Deputy Blaney to withdraw from the House.

Sir, I am being discriminated against. It is a matter of principle.

Does the Deputy refuse to withdraw from the House?

I am not getting that discretion from you, Sir.

I am taking it that the Deputy is refusing. I name Deputy Blaney and ask the Taoiseach to propose that he be suspended from the service of the House.

I propose, a Cheann Comhairle, that Deputy Blaney be suspended from the service of the House.

Deputies

Unfair.

I am putting the question.

Question put: "That Deputy Blaney be suspended from the service of the House".
The Dáil divided: Tá, 79; Níl, 70.

  • Allen, Bernard.
  • Barnes, Monica.
  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Barry, Myra.
  • Barry, Peter.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Bell, Michael.
  • Bermingham, Joe.
  • Birmingham, George Martin.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Carey, Donal.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlon, John F.
  • Connaughton, Paul.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Partick Mark.
  • Cosgrave, Liam T.
  • Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
  • Coveney, Hugh.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Crowley, Frank.
  • D'Arcy, Michael.
  • Deasy, Martin Austin.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dowling, Dick.
  • Doyle, Avril.
  • Doyle, Joe.
  • Dukes, Alan.
  • Durkan, Bernard J.
  • Enright, Thomas W.
  • Farrelly, John V.
  • Fennell, Nuala.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Glenn, Alice.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Paddy.
  • Hussey, Gemma.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Michael.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • L'Estrange, Gerry.
  • McGahon, Brendan.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McLoughlin, Frank.
  • Manning, Maurice.
  • Mitchell, Gay.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Molony, David.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • Naughten, Liam.
  • Nealon, Ted.
  • Noonan, Michael. (Limerick East)
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Brien, Willie.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Keeffe, Jim.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, Toddy.
  • O'Toole, Paddy.
  • Owen, Nora.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Prendergast, Frank.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Ryan, John.
  • Shatter, Alan.
  • Sheehan, Patrick Joseph.
  • Spring, Dick.
  • Taylor, Mervyn.
  • Taylor-Quinn, Madeline.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Yates, Ivan.

Níl

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Michael.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Blaney, Neil Terence.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brady, Vincent.
  • Brennan, Mattie.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, John.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Byrne, Seán.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Haughey, Charles J.
  • Hilliard, Colm.
  • Hyland, Liam.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael.
  • Lemass, Eileen.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Leonard, Tom.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • Lyons, Denis.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • Mac Giolla, Tomás.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Moynihan, Donal.
  • Conaghan, Hugh.
  • Connolly, Ger.
  • Coughlan, Cathal Seán.
  • Cowen, Brian.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • De Rossa, Proinsias.
  • Doherty, Séan.
  • Fahey, Francis.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
  • Fitzsimons, Jim.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Foley, Denis.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Gallagher, Pat Cope.
  • Nolan, M.J.
  • Noonan, Michael J. (Limerick West)
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Dea, William.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Keeffe, Edmond.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • Ormond, Donal.
  • O'Rourke, Mary.
  • Power, Paddy.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Treacy, Seán.
  • Wallace, Dan.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Woods, Michael.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Barrett (Dún Laoghaire) and Taylor; Níl, Deputies V. Brady and Barrett (Dublin North-West).
Question declared carried.

Deputy Blaney is suspended from the service of the House. He will please leave the House.

I wish to protest against this utter discrimination. I will be back to pursue this principle. I have been talking on behalf of two of us.

Deputy Blaney will please leave the House now.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Blaney will please leave the House now.

The Deputy is leaving fairly quietly——

I am asking the Deputy to please leave the House.

——but I want the Chair to know that I will be back and that this principle will not be buried by any provision of this House, including section 31, affecting RTE——

(Interruptions.)

I am calling Deputy Desmond O'Malley.

I thank the Chair for calling me to speak on this occasion particularly as it is clear that there is some fairly vehement opposition to my making a speech at all. Remarks were made in the course of the last half hour one or two of which I would like to comment on. I would make it perfectly clear that when I and my three colleagues were elected to this House, we were elected by the only people who can elect somebody, the Irish people. That applies to every Member of this House and will continue to apply to every Member of this House. I am glad that we have been able to clarify our position in regard to speaking and so on, a month after the formation of the Progressive Democrat Party, because Deputy Blaney has been here as an Independent for about 15 years and appears to have failed to make his position clear as yet. I am in the unusual position in these benches that the two Deputies who would have been our neighbours here are not here as one is in jail and one has been suspended from the service of the House. I hope that the havoc that has been wreaked on those who occupy these benches has now come to an end. After that half hour or so of diversion on irrelevancies, which is such a feature, unfortunately, of the procedure of this House, I will get down to talking about the matters which we are here to discuss today, namely the budget.

The first thing about the budget is how very little is in it, how unimportant are the long lists of provisions and how totally they fail to come to grips with the real problems paralysing us. We had in this budget most unusual lists of small provisions of small amounts of money for some of the most obscure objectives of which I have heard in a long time. The Budget Statement has been reduced to an unusual level when we see sums of money set aside for expenditure in a particular constituency on the advice of a named Deputy on the Government side. Is the Budget Statement not the principal annual statement of the fiscal and economic strategy of the Government for the year? Is that not what it should be? What do we find? We see it used, among other things, for the Fine Gael Party to express preference for one of their Deputies in a particular constituency, as against another. That is trivialising the situation in a way that is scarcely good enough today. It is rather unhappy for us all that at a time when we are literally crucified and paralysed into inaction these matters come up.

I do not propose to spend a lot of time on the detail of the budget because very little of it is of any significance, in my view. On the income tax side the only thing that has any significance is the fortunate abolition of the 1 per cent gross income levy. Everything else is really a repetition of the sort of things that were done last year, where all kinds of figures were changed but where the reality on the following 6 April was that most people paid more tax. The situation is summed up if one looks at the yields that are proposed. For example in income tax for next year the yield will be 6 per cent higher than it is this year. There will be a 6 per cent higher yield in income tax with a smaller working population, fewer taxpayers and at a time when the forecast rate of inflation is 4½ per cent. I am afraid that even with the welcome abolition of the 1 per cent levy unhappily income tax payers at all levels will find themselves in the same unfortunate position that they found themselves in for quite a number of years, paying more tax each year. It should be remembered that there are fewer of them now to pay more and their incomes are under more and more constraint in that regard.

At a time when we have more than 75,000 fewer cars on the road than we had four years ago we find ourselves in the position that motor vehicle duties and so on are up again. We are the only country in Europe unable to avail of the bonanza that has hit everybody else of decreased oil prices. In those circumstances I wonder how that industry can survive at all. The index of our tax on beer within the EC is 335 while the EC average is 100, and we have had further increases although we are being advised by the Commission in Brussels that we have to harmonise with the general level of EC taxes in respect of alcoholic beverages.

To address the budget for this year in terms of the Government's initial policies of 1982, or even of the drastic revision of 1984, is not merely to make a somewhat hackneyed political point. It is also to emphasise what is in some ways more alarming than any single statistical index of economic decline; that the apparent ability of the Government to set and achieve even modest economic targets for the management of the nation's affairs is non-existent.

It is less than four years since it was solemnly declared by those who have introduced this budget that the abolition of the current budget deficit within four years was both a vital necessity and an attainable target. Subsequently, in a document whose title Building on Reality seems itself a criticism of the previous programme, this target was altered to the reduction of the deficit to 5 per cent of GNP by next year. It has, in fact, risen last year to 8.2 per cent — and is well over 7 per cent even on the figures projected here. It is unnecessary to add that the targets in relation to unemployment have likewise proved impossible of achievement.

The targets in these two areas reflect the Government's own frontiers in economic policy. They were selected, no doubt, with a view to their perceived feasibility and their attractiveness in political terms. The Government's credibility is linked to their performance in these areas more than in any other. It is for this reason that these particular failures evidence the near total impotence of Government to shape economic policy. This impotence is curious in that there is widespread agreement about what requires to be done, at least in private discussion. But this agreement has not been translated into action at the political level. Thus, even in the programme which isolated the twin objectives to which I have referred, a great number of spending proposals were also outlined. Many of these were of secondary importance and some were downright eccentric. But they were felt to be politically necessary and were included at the cost of abandoning at the very start the Government's freedom of action.

It is a political curiosity that aspirants to ministerial office should foresake, in the attempt to gain it, the very power to work significant change which makes it desirable in the first place. But this is precisely what has happened. In the lead up to this budget, and all recent budgets, a growing murmur was heard from Government sources that there is very little the Minister can do because a number of factors, mainly foreign debt and the interest on it, have tied his hands. This distortion justifies inaction from year to year. But the reality is that the Government have failed to curb the expenditure within their power to control so that current spending, excluding debt servicing, has increased substantially in real terms since 1981. This fact quite simply reflects the failure of political will. It has meant that in a time when every worker and housewife in the country is at least 15 per cent worse off in real terms than they were seven years ago, the State has simply exempted itself from these constraints. This exemption is financed by destructive levels of taxation which severely threaten the capacity of the economy to recover its momentum.

There are, however, two other approaches to our budgetary situation which lead to still gloomier, and broader, conclusions. To place our economic position in the context of other developed economies is to realise that ours is uniquely threatening and to consider the specific measures of this budget in the context of the magnitude of the deficiencies and problems in specific areas is to realise the utter inadequacy of the measures we heard today.

I propose to follow both of these approaches in commenting on the Minister's statement. Before doing so, however, I should like to attempt to take my comments a little outside the usual run of political debate. There are immense shortcomings but there are certain aspects of Government policy which require favourable notice. It is right that they should receive this in an attempt to dilute the party political spirit which does so much to render these discussions ineffective and to further convince the public that the House is quite incapable of contributing to the solution of our immense problems.

By far the most important such aspect is the realisation of the very great importance of misplaced capital expenditure as a contributor to our present ills. Had the criteria of the 1984 public capital programme been defined and implemented earlier our position would now be very much easier. Even now there is a widespread laxity about their implementation but they constitute the only evidence that any one of the major underlying causes of our economic malaise is understood and is being attacked. Secondly, there is some evidence that the potentially crippling growth in the public service, by contrast with the sectors which support it, continues to be restrained, though in a somewhat haphazard and politically expedient way. Thirdly, discussion on the concepts contained in “A Better Way to Plan the Nation's Finances” and the superior presentation of the facts of public expenditure in the comprehensive public expenditure programmes alike show an improvement in the approach to, if not the resolution of, economic questions.

The publication by the then Minister for Finance, Deputy John Bruton, of the White Paper entitled, "A Better Way to Plan the Nation's Finances" in November 1981 was a landmark inasmuch as it was a genuine and serious attempt to face up to the huge problem that confronted us. Unhappily, little if any attempt has been made to put into practice the tenets in that document and we are suffering as a result of that failure.

Considerable institutional changes are unquestionably necessary. The control of public expenditure cannot even begin to be achieved within the structure of our present public service. There is no accountability for value and there is no cost conscious line management. For example, it is a feature of the approach of Departments and public agencies that they display towards the end of the financial year a considerable anxiety to spend money at all costs. A civil servant is in far greater trouble if he leaves part of his budget unspent than if he spends it all or even if he overspends. He is never encouraged to save. It is not uncommon for public bodies to ring up in December people who are doing work for them to ask if they could pre-pay some of next year's bills so that they will use up their current allocation which they would otherwise be unable to spend within the financial year.

The dominance of the bureaucrat as opposed to those directly dealing with the public, such as doctors, nurses and gardaí, is frightening. Some months ago the Minister for Defence announced a proposal to spend £20 million on new offices for his Department. There was not one murmur of protest. Dublin, like Cork and Limerick, is full of empty offices. Will this ridiculous expenditure be of any value to the Army, to our external defence or to our internal security? Who will benefit from it?

Apart from the matters which I mentioned earlier under the three headings of the approach to capital expenditure and general expenditure, where I recognised the efforts of the Government to move in what I thought was the right direction, there is little else that one can endorse in Government policy or in the statement which we heard today. To study our position in the international context of comparable economies is alarming. To some extent this exercise has been performed for us by the managing director of the International Monetary Fund in a recent paper aptly entitled "The growth of Public Debt and the need for Fixed Discipline". This revealed that even in 1984 our debt to GNP ratio was twice the average of an array of comparable economies, that the external component of our debt was two and a half times their average and that our ratio of interest payments to GNP was two and a half times their average.

The consequences of these figures in terms of domestic taxation are very severe. Quite apart from the gross individual inequities which exist, the overall level of taxation seriously prejudices our chances of creating employment and stimulating production. It has become quite usual for ordinary workers to pay tax at the top rate. In the United States only 0.3 per cent of taxpayers pay at a rate of 60 per cent and in the United Kingdom only 1.3 per cent pay such tax. The Irish figure for the higher rate of tax is 16 per cent. A legislative change in the mid-seventies did away with the term "surtax" but the reality remains. In 1976 there were 60,000 surtax payers, by 1983 the figure was 363,000 and the present figure is higher again. When these people protest at this oppressive system by supporting, for example, the Progressive Democrats, they are criticised by the left and others for being right wing, middle class or part of the fur coat brigade. They are entitled to protest at a system which has given us more surtax payers on low income than in any other country examined by the Commission on Taxation.

Last year the Minister claimed credit for taking 65,000 taxpayers from the 45 per cent rate to the 35 per cent rate, thus cutting by one-sixth the number of people paying tax at the higher rate. However, even on the Minister's figures it soon became obvious that the relief for these taxpayers would be short lived because of the way the allowances were adjusted. We have exactly the same situation this year with narrow expansion of one band and small increases in personal allowances which are more than wiped out provided some increase in wages in or about the level of inflation is achieved. For 1985-86 there will be 140,000 taxpayers on the 60 per cent rate, although they will be changing for 1986-87 to a rate of 58 per cent. Those people comprise 25,000 who were previously on the 55 per cent rate, 55,000 who remained on the 60 per cent rate and 60,000 who were previously on the 65 per cent rate.

The figures quoted point out the savage unfairness of the present tax system. From a national economic point of view, however, the salient figure is that taxes account for 44.9 per cent of GNP. Only the Scandinavian and Benelux countries rival our levels, but their economies have income levels nearly three times ours. More significantly still, they have neither current deficits nor large public borrowings so that taxes raised can be applied for the direct benefit of the taxpayer in those countries, unlike here. In this sense we have succeeded in inflicting on ourselves all the drawbacks of a socialist economy without any of its benefits.

Perhaps the saddest result of this spiral of taxation is the astonishing fact that last year a single man on average industrial earnings — £191.78 per week — had a marginal tax rate of 68.5 per cent on any additional income which he earned. Any such person reaches the top rate of tax on a taxable income of a mere £7,300. In last year's budget, the Minister cultivated a bogus reputation as a tax reformer by fiddling with tax thresholds so as to appear to reduce its burden. So trifling were these reforms that their effect was almost wholly eroded in a matter of months by wage increases and the taxation which such increases attracted. Thus, at the very bottom level, a married man with three children earning £5,300 per annum was taken out of the tax net altogether but on his next £700 of income he paid £414.90 in tax which means that at £6,000 he was on a surtax marginal rate of 59.3 per cent.

I have not had time to go through the tables issued after the budget but, from my initial glance at them, it seems that the same situation will arise again. The figures will be slightly higher but wages will also be slightly higher so that people in effect are no better off. Their marginal top rates will become operative at ridiculously low figures. It may give point to the above illustration to emphasise that if the same person — the married man with three children to whom I referred — was in receipt of unemployment benefit he would have received a figure of £5,021.75 so that the surtax threshold for him was only £279 or 5.5 per cent above his social welfare level. This is a direct result of non-indexation over the years of tax bands and it is quite ludicrous that a man receives social welfare benefits totally free of any tax up to a particular point but if he earns £279 a year more than he got in social welfare he then becomes a surtax payer at the top rate of 60 per cent on his marginal income. Such indexation would change nothing in real terms but it would at least encourage fiscal honesty and avoid such obvious absurdities as that which I mentioned. To compare these figures with those which apply to our nearest neighbour would be to risk encouraging emigration. It is manifest that the tax bands require very significant broadening, but there was only a minor broadening of one of the bands today.

If the term "standard rate" is to retain any meaning, it is clearly the rate that should apply to standard or average industrial earnings. It is an ironic commentary on a Government with some members describing themselves as socialists that they have brought surtax to the masses. The response to attacks on the level of taxation is to deny that there is scope for the economies necessary to change it significantly. I believe there is. Views to the contrary take too little notice of the expensive absurdities of much public spending and none of the economies possible by an exercise of political will.

I turn now to capital expenditure. To a significant degree this is a misnomer due to the application of funds to current purposes. To the extent that the expenditure is truly capital, it is widely and notoriously misapplied in two separate ways. First, there is no objective assessment of the projects undertaken leading to white elephants. Secondly, there are gross and apparently inevitable cost overruns. All this is well known but what may be surprising is the extent to which years of bungled capital programming have contributed to our difficulties.

Accumulative current budget deficits since 1973 account for about one third of our national debt of £20 billion. The remaining two thirds are accounted for by capital projects which since 1950 have failed to remunerate their investment. One financial advisory firm in Dublin recently estimated that if the public capital programmes since 1973 had consisted of viable projects we would now have a substantial current budget surplus of about £600 million available for tax reductions.

In 1983 the Government recognised the problems. They said in the capital programme of that year that investment ratio, that is, investment as a percentage of GNP, is one of the highest in the OECD countries. The results in terms of growth and net employment creation have been disappointing. In the same document the Government said that public investment would not be undertaken unless it can be clearly shown on realistic assumptions that it would yield a sufficient return. The 1984 public capital programme set out a detailed scheme for the appraisal of capital investment. It set out guidelines for the definition of objectives and alternative projects. Six criteria were listed in respect of each alternative and a recommended test discount rate of 5 per cent was included.

The 1985 capital programme stated that some progress, but not enough, had been made during the year in having Departments and agencies apply the Department of Finance guidelines, and the Department of Finance were pressing forward on this point in consultation with them. In the 1986 programme we are told that during 1985 extensive discussions took place between the Department of Finance and other Departments aimed at assessing the degree of implementation of the guidelines and encouraging their more widespread use. It is obvious therefore that no progress has been made in the 1986 public capital programme. A substantial economic problem was diagnosed in 1983. Plans to tackle it received widespread recognition from economists and others when published in 1984 and action on the problem has been postponed until 1987 at the earliest. That is precisely why we have a tax and employment problem in Ireland today.

Capital investment appraisal is not an unknown part of economics. Manuals and books on it are widely available. The Minister for Finance has a public expenditure division whose function it is to carry out such studies and there are budgetary sections in all spending agencies and Departments. It should not be difficult to solve a major problem in the Irish economy. Bad investments leave a continuing tax and debt burden which reduces employment and increases taxation long after the first temporary boost has gone. The inability of a Government to tackle the problem after they recognised it correctly and drew up the correct approach in 1984 is the sign of their inability to tackle the problem of their own spending. That excessive spending, taxation and borrowing are at the heart of our high unemployment problem.

Having seen that situation over the last number of years, one would have thought that the lesson might have been learned, but according to the latest Central Bank bulletin published within the last week the volume of public Government spending continues to rise. According to the Central Bank Winter Bulletin the volume of net current public expenditure rose by ½ per cent during 1985 and the Central Bank predict it will rise by a further 1¼ per cent in volume during 1986, after inflation and so on have been set aside. That is a very sobering thought.

In these circumstances it will hardly come as a surprise that the Government have failed to reach any of the budgetary targets, which they considered so important just three years ago. Last year's budget deficit, equivalent to 8.2 per cent of GNP, was the highest on record both in absolute and proportionate terms. At the same time, the Exchequer borrowing requirement rose from 12.4 per cent to 12.9 per cent of GNP. It will be recalled that the Government's initial commitment, given freely in the Programme for Government, was to eliminate the current budget deficit within five years. As Government resolution faltered, this was soon replaced with another and easier set of targets published in the autumn of 1984. Those targets are wholly unattainable. More ground has been lost and the deficit announced today will be higher apparently in proportionate terms than that recorded in 1984, the year the plan was launched. In so far as it still exists, all concerned would agree that that plan deserves a decent burial.

This unfortunate record of failure, this catalogue of unfilled targets and array of false dawns, have not materialised by accident. I believe they are the result of confused thinking within the Cabinet on economic and fiscal policy. Two principles seem to have governed this Government's approach to economic policy, although I am sure they would not agree. The Government believe that Government spending on the current side is unreservedly a good thing. I believe the Government came to office believing that taxes were too low. Of course, these sentiments are not expressed by the Government. They too complain of excessive public spending and an excessive tax burden, but Governments must be judged by their actions, not their words. Between the end of 1982 and the end of 1985, current Government spending rose somewhat faster than inflation and is set to rise significantly more rapidly than prices again this year.

Taxes too have risen more rapidly than inflation, particularly on the income tax side. Between the end of 1982 and the end of 1985, taxes on income rose from £1,493 million to £2,260 million, representing an increase of 51.4 per cent. This is almost twice the accumulated inflation rate of 27 per cent recorded over these three years. There is more, however. Over the last three years, the Government have collected more than £1,000 million from employees in the form of pay-related social insurance contributions. In all, some £2,631 million was collected in taxes and levies on incomes last year. This is equivalent to a personal tax bill of almost £2,400 for each person working in this country.

Those who remember the first budget introduced by the Minister, Deputy Dukes in 1983 will recall that it introduced particularly harsh tax increases. The apparent reasoning behind this approach — and it is one that has characterised the Government stance ever since — was that it was only a matter of putting up taxes to raise additional revenue and close the deficit. Arithmetic may work like that; economics do not. Prices and taxes act as signals to which individuals and enterprises respond. In the face of rising marginal tax rates, people do not simply stand still and pay up. They adjust their behaviour to the new environment where taxes are higher. Rising marginal tax rates weaken the incentive to work, particularly where the workload can be readily adjusted. Thus, employees refuse overtime or extra shifts on which penal rates of marginal tax are levied. Managers refuse promotion where the extra responsibility is not recompensed adequately by the gains in after-tax income. Absenteeism increases. Many employers and employees drift into the black or grey economy, thus escaping or evading the tax authorities.

Increasing tax rates is not a simple mechanism for raising additional revenue. Instead, the process triggers off a chain reaction which displaces economic resources, distorts the pattern of economic activity and suppresses economic growth. The Government have used taxation as though it were an answer to the budgetary problems that confront them. Taxation is part of the problem, not part of the solution.

Expenditure and revenue raising policy have not been approached in concert. One is led to the inescapable conclusion that the Government first decide how much they want to spend and then sets taxes at the highest level the public will bear. Expenditure has been allowed to dictate the level of taxation. It has not worked.

There is another way, one which sets a tax framework that will promote output, initiative and enterprise, a framework that will be fair to different groups of taxpayers as well as in aggregate. Having set realistic taxes, expenditure is then accommodated to what can be raised in taxation and whatever deficit is thought appropriate. In this way taxation can dictate expenditure rather than allowing a continuation of the present system which permits the level of expenditure to dictate penal impositions of taxation.

To achieve what I regard as desirable, of having taxation dictate expenditure rather than vice versa, a whole new approach is needed on how the Government and individual Departments approach the question of their requirements for the coming year. At present we have the meaningless annual ritual of Departments sending in huge demands in the spring and early summer, having these predictably cut by the Department of Finance and then cut again by the Government in the autumn. A more meaningful approach would be for the Government to decide in June of each year the levels of taxation and revenue that would apply from the following January, then divide the revenue between Departments and agencies on the basis that the revenue would not exceed a certain amount and, therefore, that their expenditure would not exceed a certain amount, and then give them freedom to operate within that limit. I am aware that this would entail reversing the present system, indeed of turning it on its head; but I wonder if anything less radical will work, given the inherent self-protection tendencies of bureaucracy and the vigour with which it defends its own institutional welfare. The time has come to assert stringent political control and to take a grip on a system that is choking not just itself but, more importantly, choking the productive sectors of the economy that are the only ones capable of supporting it.

I think I can sum up best the faulty approach of those who have let the present vicious circle of expenditure and taxation paralyse them by saying that they believe money comes from taxation. The truth is that money in the real sense comes only from production and output. If taxation and expenditure are geared towards that objective, no longer will they be the instruments of paralysis that they are now.

Deputy Mac Giolla.

On a point of order, has live broadcasting been restored yet? I understand it was interrupted at 6.30 p.m. and that it had not been restored at 6.50 p.m.

I am sorry. I am not aware of the position.

Perhaps the matter could be clarified before we proceed. I make this point because the House agreed by unanimous resolution that none of the contributions would be interrupted.

I am told we are now live.

I am tempted to go down the road followed by Deputy O'Malley but I think it is better to deal with the budget. His objective appeared to be to abolish taxation or to bring it down to minimum levels — a very popular policy.

What has been clear prior to this budget is that the policy of the Government to achieve financial rectitude has been a total failure. There has been a huge increase in the current budget deficit and in Government borrowing and that is the most clear proof of the failure of the Government's policy and philosophy which was pursued at the expense of the living standards of our people. Even though living standards declined, the books are in a worse state than ever. In autumn 1982 we said the policy would fail because it was the negative policy of cutting expenditure which was reducing jobs and production. We pointed out that what was needed was to increase production and thus increase earnings and income.

What the economy needs is a production plan. We had hoped that in this budget the Government would have exerted real pressure on those sections of the economy that have received massive subsidies but who have failed to increase output. Deputy O'Malley thinks these enterprises are the backbone of the economy because they are the productive sector, but in spite of the subsidies they receive they do not respond in the way that possibly they respond in other countries. Subsidies and tax concessions should be linked to specific output targets in order to force private enterprise into productive activity. It is also necessary to encourage the expansion of productive activities by State enterprises rather than restrict them by an ideological commitment to private enterprise.

Unemployment is the greatest blight and it is the greatest crime of this Government. The Government's economic and taxation policies have contributed to the loss of jobs. Instead of creating employment this Government are creating unemployment. We had hoped there would be a fundamental change in those policies. What is required in this connection is a U-turn but that has not happened in this budget.

The section on employment comprises just 20 lines of absolutely nothing. This makes the point that has been reiterated constantly by the Taoiseach, namely, that it is not the job of Government to create jobs but to create the climate in which private enterprise can operate and thus eventually to create jobs. In fact, the job of Government is to direct the economy towards the creation of new wealth that would be available for savings investment, spending on goods and services and so on.

Multinational companies here are creating new wealth but they are exporting it. In 1984 some £900 million of their profits were exported to their own countries and it is estimated that in 1985 this figure will increase to £1,200 million. There has been a jump of 30 per cent in the profits of the multinationals in the past year and it is expected there will be a further rise in their profits this year of over 16 per cent. However, it will not benefit our economy. Rather it will benefit the economy of the USA or their country of origin.

Last year was a great year for profits all around. The Stock Exchange had a boom year, their best year ever. There was certainly no recession in that sector. A sum of £700 million was added in value to stock investment in 1985 and dividends to shareholders increased by £10 million. We were told by economists there were three causes for the rise in share prices. First, there was a fall in interest rates; secondly, we had lower inflation, but above all else there were rising profits. The top 25 industrial companies had a jump in profits of £57 million bringing their total figure to £142 million. In 1985 those companies had an increase of 68 per cent in profits. Who was the top profit maker in that year? It was Allied Irish Banks with a figure of £84 million, some £32 million ahead of their nearest rival, the Bank of Ireland. It was a boom year for AIB when everyone thought that the collapse of ICI would be a disaster for them. The reason for that was that the taxpayer picked up the tab for ICI. At the same time the Central Bank return to the Exchequer, as one finds from figures given prior to the budget, was £26 million less than the previous year's figure. It decreased from £122 million to £96 million. In other words, the Central Bank had less to hand over to the Exchequer this year than was the case last year. That reduction of £26 million had to be made up by the taxpayer. The reason for this is that the Central Bank, and consequently the taxpayer, is bailing out ICI instead of AIB being forced to pick up the tab.

The Deputy is not correct. That is not the reason.

Is the Taoiseach denying that the Central Bank is bailing out ICI?

The Deputy is totally wrong in what he says in that respect.

I am basing my statement on the debate in this House on the Government decision that the Central Bank would bail out ICI but the Taoiseach is now telling me I am wrong in that.

The Deputy is wrong on two counts.

Who, then, is bailing out ICI?

There is no need for a payment from the Central Bank. The banks' insurance companies are the ones who are bailing out the ICI. Secondly, the figures the Deputy refers to relate to the previous year's surplus which would be paid over in the following year so he is talking total nonsense. The reduction he refers to has nothing to do with the AIB.

Despite the profits that have been made on the Stock Exchange, by the industrial companies and by multinationals who had their greatest year ever, the Taoiseach talks about creating a climate for the private sector to increase their profits which he says will result in the creation of jobs. We have ended a year in which we experienced the highest unemployment levels since the foundation of the State.

Of course those who were making the money were laughing all the way to the bank and those who were laughing most were the banks themselves. However, the unemployed were not laughing during the last year when their figures increased to 240,000. In particular, the long term unemployed were not laughing because during that time 122,000 were on unemployment assistance. There was no joy either for their dependants who numbered 190,000 making a total of 311,341 living without pride or hope on subsistence levels.

After this budget I do not wish to hear the FUE, the CII, the IFA and the new self-employed association moaning about not getting such-and-such a grant, tax relief or some other handout. I want to hear them say at last that they realise their responsibility to this society, that they will pay their fair share of taxes just as all those in the public service must contribute their fair share and as all their own workers in the private sector contribute their fair share. If these organisations tell us they will no longer be parasites, that they will help to make this country great, as it can be great, that they will work together to develop our resources and make the country prosper we would all benefit, including the moaners and the groaners. But to bring about that sort of situation and that type of thinking some leadership is needed. Unfortunately, there is no such leadership forthcoming from this Government who in their Budget Statement today devoted only 20 lines to the matter of employment.

Deputy O'Malley spoke at length about taxation. Indeed, I do not recall him speaking about anything else. It is difficult to know precisely what he might do about reducing the level of surtax. Is he advocating that the amount payable by those in the top bracket should be reduced while those at the bottom pay more? If not, does he mean someone else should pay, or does he mean that we should cut the taxes at the top and that no one should pay? If we cut a whole range of taxes who is to be left short? Do we take from those 1,300,000 of our people who are on social welfare benefits? Do we tell them there is no more money for them? Deputy O'Malley should tell us precisely what he has in mind.

There is a need for a spectacular move towards tax equity. The Government have recognised the anger and the rebellion, almost, that is seething among the PAYE workers and have responded to that in this budget though in a very minimal way. Six years have passed since the first tax demonstration in 1979. In the meantime the tax system has become more unfair and inequitable to the extent that in 1985 the PAYE worker paid, on average, three times more than the farmer or, one might say, the few farmers who are paying income tax. The average figure for the PAYE worker was £2,270 while for the farmer the corresponding figure was £790. Only 36,000 farmers were in the tax bracket in that year. More than 100,000 farmers were not in it. That inequity in the system is not being solved by this budget. The reductions are minimal when one has regard to the enormous burden that has been imposed on the PAYE sector in recent years. That burden is so great that 16,000 CIE workers paid more by way of taxes, levies and PRSI in 1982 than was paid by the 180,000 farmers. The CIE workers get nothing but abuse from everyone, farmers and self-employed alike, and from anyone else who benefits from the hand-outs. These handouts are provided for from the taxes paid by those 16,000 CIE workers and by everyone else who pays his tax.

While the minimal increase in tax allowances is welcome it should be recalled that the PAYE allowance which applies exclusively to workers has not been increased since 1981. The minimal increase announced today is a recognition of the need in this area but it is not adequate. The PRSI allowance which also is confined exclusively to workers has been reduced since 1983. The refusal to index allowances and to reform the tax system resulted in a greater proportion of workers' wages going in tax and in more loopholes being created for the wealthy and for the private sector in order that they would be paying less tax.

In their Joint Programme for Government, the Coalition promised tax reforms. They promised a system of tax credits but that has not materialised. They promised that there would be £100 million by way of capital taxation by 1984. In 1973-74 capital taxes amounted to £14 million. If we maintained that year's taxation levels in this area they would amount today, merely by increasing them by the inflation levels since then, to £55 million. If it were increased, as it should have been, by the same amount as taxes generally were increased, without any new taxes, that figure should be £108 million today. Yet the actual amount taken in capital taxes was £30.1 million last year. In the meantime the wealth tax was abolished and the property tax was almost abolished since it brought in only £1.6 million. We have neither wealth tax nor property tax and capital taxes have been reduced to one-third of their level in 1973-74.

There have also been tax reliefs of all kinds in recent years. There are tax reliefs for acquiring apartments for renting, for building toll roads, bridges and multistorey car parks. There is an increase in the flat rate VAT refund to farmers, which is just a handout. There is tax exemption for land leasing and tax relief for profit sharing schemes or for investing in manufacturing, etc. All the methods of reducing taxation on the private sector, the self-employed and so on, have been added to over the years.

Tax evasion is referred to in the budget in the context of the Taoiseach's statement last October. He made a major statement on tax evasion and collection. This budget simply endorses the Taoiseach's statement and adds only that there will be an amnesty. The Taoiseach's statement was made on 23 October and he was admitting for the first time that there was a major problem in tax evasion. He set out a series of measures to tackle the dodgers. He said these would be a major step forward. Special inquiry units were to be expanded; small local collection units of four each were to be established; sheriffs were to be appointed throughout the country in order to enforce seizure of goods, etc. Three months later not a single thing has been done. There has been no expansion of the special units, no establishment of the special collection units. It can be seen from reading the Budget Statement that the new sheriffs have not been appointed. Not one person has been appointed to enforce the measures on which the Taoiseach made a major statement. He got massive publicity for his new crackdown on tax dodgers, yet nothing has been done about it. The Minister for Finance said the same thing. But will anything be done about it? I doubt it very much because the budget prediction for collection from tax dodgers this year, with all the amnesties, crackdowns and so on is £15 million. Yet on 31 May last year £707 million was due in taxes, this after paring the estimates down to the bone in regard to the amount collectable in back taxes. The figure had gone up from £677 million in 1984 to £707 million in 1985.

The black economy has been estimated by the ESRI to be earning about £1,500 million. If they were paying taxes there would be a further tax yield of between £350 million and £400 million. If that sum is added to the £707 million in unpaid taxes, the real amount of unpaid taxes would be £1 billion. The Taoiseach knows there is a problem and that those who are paying taxes are very angry about it. Not alone are sufficient taxes not imposed on these people but then they are not expected to pay them. We are expected to believe that all this hype and publicity will do something about tax evasion.

Why is there not a suggestion in the budget to do what every city and county manager is doing to collect the water rates? If somebody who owes water rates applies for a grant for a house, it will not be paid until the water rates are paid or else that amount will be deducted from the grant. They will give no concession to anybody. They will not allow tenancies to be taken up or to be transferred until the water rates are paid. If the Taoiseach accepts that there are uncollected taxes which are properly due to the State, why does he not make grants or handouts dependent upon the payment of taxes? No more VAT repayments should be made to traders unless they forward the PAYE and PRSI contributions which they have collected from their employees. Instead of that the Government hand out the money while these people still owe £700 million to the Revenue. Of course the PAYE workers have to make it up and the Government know they can always find the money from them.

The Workers' Party in their campaign against tax rates have always rejected attempts to use demands for equity in the tax system to reduce the overall levels of taxation. We have never requested a reduction in the overall levels of taxation in other sectors which have clearly not met their obligations to the community. We say the rate of tax on PAYE workers is too high; but lowering the taxes on the PAYE workers means that the amounts must be made up by increases on the wealthy, by improved collection systems and by taking strong action against tax evaders.

Approximately £900 million could be gained in taxes but for the unemployment of 250,000 people. Instead of contributing to the Exchequer, they represent a loss of £600 million in payments of unemployment benefit and assistance. By investing money in job creation the State could gain massive tax yields in return, could save on social welfare payments and provide scope for increased public services and reductions for taxpayers. This is what we advocate.

I want to mention some points which should have been tackled by the Minister. Magazines should have been rated at 10 per cent VAT, the same as newspapers, and I hope the Minister will consider this in the context of the Finance Bill. The exemptions from tax on stud farming should be ended. TDs' salaries should be subject to tax on the same basis as those of other PAYE workers. There should be no special allowances.

Would the Deputy give TDs the same travelling expenses as everybody else in the public service?

TDs already get their travelling expenses.

The Deputy is misleading the House.

Deputy Mitchell is misleading everybody else. They do get expenses, as he knows.

Deputy Mitchell should cease interrupting.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Mitchell must restrain himself.

The Deputy certainly should, and he would need to begin sorting himself out with regard to exactly what he means also.

Furthermore the payment of pensions to Ministers after only three years' service should be ended. Perhaps Deputy Mitchell does not agree with that either because he might very well be expecting to be a Minister one of these days, perhaps if not in this Government in some other, and he would like his pension after three years' service.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Mitchell will have an opportunity of contributing later.

Widowed persons and single parents with dependants should be treated the same as married couples for tax purposes. As I said already, VAT refunds to unregistered farmers should be abolished. Farmers should register. If there is VAT due to be refunded to them, then it should be. But this is an illusion; there is not any VAT due to these people. This constitutes another excuse for a further hand-out of over £60 million to farmers in what are described as VAT refunds to unregistered farmers. After a total payment of £30 million in income tax, in one go, they are given £60 million back from the Exchequer. There is no explanation from anybody as to what precisely that means. It is a figment of the imagination, a figure thought up by somebody. It is a system devised simply to give hand-outs to farmers.

The 4 per cent increase proposed in social welfare benefits will not keep pace with inflation. Certainly in the course of this year nobody on social welfare will come anywhere near receiving sufficient to make up for the inflation rate over the year. I note that the payment of these increased social welfare benefits has been put off for a further week: their payment will now be effective from mid-July, whereas last year it was 8 July, the year before 1 July. Before this Government came into office such increases came into effect in April.

Every week the payment of these increases is put off represents one-fifty-second loss — in other words, every week their payment is put off represents a 2 per cent loss to recipients. The fact that such increases have been put off a further week this year represents another 2 per cent loss in 1986. The Minister for Finance is fooling this House and the public, telling them that the Government are raising the level of social welfare benefits to the level of inflation when they are not going even halfway toward doing so. Probably next year the payment of such increases will be put off to 22 July or the end of July. This is supposed to be the Government's recognition of the long-term unemployed, the 122,000 now on the poverty line. The Government's recognition of their plight is to give them 1 per cent extra. One might well ask: what is 1 per cent extra to the unemployed?

But their children are not getting it. They are not giving it to their children.

And they are not giving it to dependants. But the single unemployed person will get 35p a week extra, 1 per cent.

25 per cent extra.

They could not give that to the children, that would be too much.

That is by way of the Government recognising a problem but doing nothing about it. They know the real poverty being experienced but are not taking any real action to alleviate it. What is 35p a week for a single unemployed person and 60p for a married couple on long-term assistance?

It could be said that this budget is like a moneylender's contract: one has to read the small print to establish how one is really being done. For example, the Minister for Finance did not mention in his Budget Statement the major cuts in education, health, environment and so on which appear in the orange coloured document called "Principal Features of Budget". If one had rather thick lenses in one's glasses one might be able to read it; I cannot read it so well. I am told that there is to be a cut-back of £13 million in the Department of Education for 1986, £19.3 million cut-back in the Department of the Environment which will mean probably a further increase in local charges. And there is to be a cut-back in the Department of Health of £5 million. Interestingly enough, the Ministers' Budget Statement on health included the following very ominous sentence:

Achievement of these aims will require some rationalisation of services by removing unnecessary and obsolete facilities——

I wonder what are the unnecessary and obsolete facilities?

People, probably.

To continue the quote:

——and institutions which, having regard to recent and projected developments, are no longer necessary in a modern health service.

Obviously, that means the mass closure of hospitals.

And health boards.

"Removing unnecessary and obsolute facilities and institutions" is a very ominous phrase which, when taken in conjunction with cutbacks in Departments, means that we have not yet really seen the consequences of these budgetary proposals.

The manner in which the Government have run away from the jobs issue is scandalous. In fact the public capital programme, which Deputy O'Malley appears to hate, has fallen by 20 per cent. We are told today there is a cut of £25 million whereas we know it had already fallen by 20 per cent in real terms since this Government assumed office. That is proof of the Government's lack of commitment to jobs, because the public capital programme should represent the Government's jobs programme. Of course, the Taoiseach has already told me that he does not believe in this Government jobs programme at all. He believes they have no responsibility for this. A previous Taoiseach said he would resign if unemployment figures went over the 100,000 mark.

The second previous Taoiseach.

A previous Taoiseach said so. This Taoiseach maintains he is not responsible for jobs, that it is not the responsibility of the Government. Therefore, if the figure reached 500,000, obviously he would not feel he should resign; certainly 240,000 does not move him.

The alternatives about which we heard today from Deputies O'Kennedy and O'Malley must have caused some dismay and despair among the electorate because none was offered. They simply talked about different ways of doing the same thing. It will be the same people who will be screwed into the ground. There will be the same cutbacks in health, education, welfare and so on, extending the level of poverty. Neither Deputy mentioned where the money was to be found. If they talk about reducing taxation in one area, where are they going to get it? We say specifically where we are going to get it. We are going to get it in the capital area, in tax on the wealthy, tax on property, corporation taxes etc. that we have pointed out, in the collection system, ensuring that the money is brought in, in not handing it out if it does not come back in. We have specified a whole range of areas where the money can be got from those who can afford it, from those who have the money, rather than all the time screwing the workers into the ground and leaving a small number of rich entrepreneurs who make the major decisions. The one golden rule that is very obvious here is that the man with the gold makes the rules.

Tá an Dáil ar——

A Cheann Comhairle, I wish to make a point.

I have an Order of the House.

What is the Order of the House?

To adjourn now and——

When is now?

Immediately. I was in the process of adjourning the House. You got excited.

No, you got excited. I have been very calm here all day in the face of great provocation. Our opportunity to discuss a number of very important aspects of this budget, because of the way the statements have gone this evening, is now severely curtailed. I want to propose that the House sit until 2 o'clock tomorrow morning to enable us to give some semblance of serious discussion to these very important resolutions.

I suggest that the Whips have a discussion on that. That proposal should come from this side of the House.

There may have been consultations between the Whips and I understand that agreement has been reached on this proposal because we are something like two hours later than usual at this point. While it is not convenient for everybody, I think it desirable that the House should have ample time to discuss matters, so I propose that we sit until 2 a.m.

Sitting suspended at 7.55 p.m. and resumed at 8.25 p.m.
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