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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 27 Feb 1986

Vol. 364 No. 3

Financial Resolutions 1986. - Financial Resolution No. 13: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(The Taoiseach.)

First, I want to correct an impression Deputy Collins may have given to the House when he spoke about the need for some encouragement to increase the national herd. He seemed to indicate that there were no moneys in the budget directed towards this very worthy cause. Of course, that is not the case. The budget provides an extra £11.4 million specifically for increasing the national herd and does that by way of increasing the headage payments for beef cows in disadvantaged areas from £32 to £70 per head. That will involve 45,000 farmers, so one can see the significance of that. It is a very large sum of money. It is a very generous inducement to people to increase the number of cattle they rear. In that context, I might also mention that we are now financing an additional 1¼ million acres of disadvantaged areas embracing a further 12,500 farmers entitled to the headage increase to which I have just referred. It would be entirely inaccurate to say that we are not doing anything about increasing the national herd. We are doing a great deal under very difficult circumstances.

I want to refer in particular to the great difficulty which the European Community are at present experiencing in agriculture, the effects of which are felt everywhere in the Community. Because of the enormous surpluses, the Community's budgetary situation is anything but healthy. As a result, the Agricultural Commissioner, Mr. Andriessen, has proposed some pretty drastic and draconian measures which, if implemented, would affect farming in this country in a very alarming manner.

I can see the Commissioner's difficulties. They come from the production of enormous surpluses which amount approximately to the following: 15 million tonnes of grain in storage — it is almost impossible to visualise such a quantity — in excess of one million tonnes of butter; 690,000 tonnes of beef; together with considerable surpluses of wine, skim milk powder and a whole variety of other products. The value of surpluses in Europe today is five times greater than it was four years ago. That statistic alone is very sobering. The magnitude of the surpluses illustrates the magnitude of the problem.

We cannot run away from it and pretend there is no problem. We cannot pretend we can escape the results of the difficult decisions that will have to be made in the coming years, particularly if the Commission does not succeed in getting rid of those surpluses. Getting rid of them will be a very difficult matter because of the amount of money needed to do so. Those surpluses generally are sold off at approximately half price — about half what the Commission and the Community originally paid for them.

With that background, one can see the particular difficulty agriculture faces immediately and in the years ahead in the Community. When we take other factors into consideration the position is even more difficult. Some of the other considerations are as follows. A recent American farm Bill helps American farmers to sell their produce off in the world markets, and gives them a better support system. That makes it more difficult for the Community to sell off their surpluses. The Americans have allowed the increased production of milk to continue and so have the New Zealanders. This creates difficulties for us on world markets. The Americans, by their support system, are encouraging the production of more cereals. Again with the enormous surplus and intervention which I mentioned, it creates tremendous problems for us on the world market.

Probably the proposal which creates the major difficulty for us at the moment is that which would virtually end intervention for beef in the Community. The beef trade is the backbone of Irish agriculture and, if intervention were abolished or were even seriously curtailed it would have a very depressing effect on the price of cattle and hence on our beef trade generally. That is what the Commissioner proposed — virtually to abolish intervention. We in this country put about 17 per cent of all beef produced into intervention. Depending on the amount of production from year to year, that approximates to 80,000 to 90,000 tonnes of beef. For all practical purposes, the abolition of intervention would mean that we would be left with 80,000 to 90,000 tonnes of beef on hand.

Comparatively speaking, when one considers the size of the agricultural output here in comparision with that of the other countries in the Community, we produce and export more beef than any other country, so the implications of the Commissioner's proposals would affect us far more than any of the other countries.

The other element is an unfortunate one and we are partially, if not largely, to blame ourselves in that we put more of our beef into intervention proportionately than any other country. We have to face up to the fact that we should not be so dependent on intervention. We should be able to sell virtually everything we produce.

It would be unfair of me to make a blanket criticism of beef processors or traders here because some of them have done Herculean work in recent years. They are probably the most progressive and aggressive businessmen in our society. They can go to almost any country in the world and sell Irish beef. Unfortunately, not everybody has been up to that standard — hence our reliance on intervention. I do not want to be taken as being facetious, but one company several years ago advertised for a salesman with experience in selling beef into intervention. The stupidity of that may not dawn on people, but of course you do not sell beef into intervention — you put it into intervention. That is the way some Irish processors in the past looked upon intervention: it was the place to get rid of your beef, and they made no attempt to go out to sell it on the open market.

We have a tremendous band of processors and traders who can compete with anybody, whether in South America, East Europe, Australia or New Zealand. Unfortunately, we have not got enough to them. Things are improving and we should be in a position when we will not be dependent on intervention or storage at all.

We sell much of our beef to third countries, the Middle East and North Africa, for instance. But there is a tremendous market in Europe, much of it still untapped. In the past, 40 per cent of our beef went to Britain, 30 per cent to third countries, we consumed 20 per cent at home and 10 per cent went to mainland Europe, our EC partner nations. We can improve our market share in other EC countries with a more positive and aggressive marketing policy. There are now 320 million people in the EC, the single largest economic unit in the world. If we have people with marketing ability we should not have any problems about selling our produce because our beef and lamb are recognised as the best in the world. All we need are marketing skills and abilities. If we have stuff to sell we should be able to sell it because the market-place is beside our doorstep.

One factor that will cause some difficulty, but it may also give us some opportunities, is the recent decision by the Community to ban the use of hormones or growth promoters. That ban will be implemented from 1 January 1988. We have two years in which to put matters in order, a time in which growth promoters should not be used. Shortly, I will be bringing in regulations prohibiting the use of hormones or growth promoters completely, other than for therapeutic or animal health reasons. The weight of animals, of course, will be affected by the non-use of hormones or growth promoters but we will be able to go abroad into any markets and say that we have the purest and best quality beef in the world. We can use it to our advantage.

Our neighbours in Britain and Northern Ireland will have an exemption for a further year, up to January 1989. Though they will have an advantage in regard to weight, we will have a greater advantage by being able to say that our meat is hormone free and their's is not, something which our traders and processors will be able to take advantage of. Up to now, we have not been able to sell beef in Italy or Greece, because they contend that their consumers will not accept meat which has been treated with hormones — their standards are so much higher than ours. That bargaining will go out the window with the ban on hormones, so we will be opening up a market which was closed to us of approximately 70 million additional people. With the accession of Spain and Portugal we will have a further 60 million people.

Therefore, if we are good enough, if we can market properly, we should be able to overcome many of the difficulties which would be created if intervention for beef is removed. I have opposed the removal of intervention and I will continue to do so. If it is to take place we hope it will be many years hence. The effect of removing intervention from December 1987 would be drastic as far as our beef trade is concerned. That is one Commission proposal which we are opposing strongly.

A second proposal by the Commission is that the price paid for cereals in certain circumstances should be reduced considerably. The growing of cereals here at the best of times is a marginal farm activity from the point of view of profits, and when we have a year like 1985 it is not just marginal but is a serious loss for farmers. What the Commission are proposing immediately is that there will be a co-responsibility levy of 3 per cent to help to pay for the cost of getting rid of surpluses. Quality standards are to be introduced which would penalise poorer quality grain, grain which is not millable. Unfortunately because of our climate, the moisture content of grain here is quite high and in certain years, like 1985, it is exceptionally high. The penalty clause attached to quality standards would mean a further serious reduction for grain growers here. In general, the proposals would have serious repercussions for cereal growers.

The background to this proposal is interesting and, perhaps, somewhat logical. The French feel they can sell grain on world markets at a lower price than the Americans and the Canadians. People are stunned when they hear that, but it is a fact. The French are a major cereal growing nation, the quality of their grain is exceptionally good and their production methods exceptionally efficient. They are now at a stage where they feel they can out-sell the Americans and the Canadians on the world market and to do that they want to get the price down to at least American and Canadian levels. They are fully behind the Commission's proposals to introduce quality standards which will reduce the price of inferior grain. The Commission are delighted that somebody should suggest that the price of grain, or any commodity, should be reduced. The British usually advocate that but on this occasion the French are doing it. That is unusual because, like ourselves, they are generally looking for price increases for just about every agricultural commodity that can be produced.

Here we have a situation where it suits one of the major nations to have a price reduction so that they can out-sell their competitors on the world market. They are being supported not just by the Commission but by the British and a few other countries. Countries such as Germany and ourselves will oppose that and it will be a fairly long drawn out discussion. I expect the price proposal talks this year, which embrace these proposals, to go on until at least May, and possibly June, because of the magnitude and seriousness of the proposals being put forward. We have the curtailment of beef intervention, this quality penalty on grain, which would mean a considerable price reduction, and the proposal to have a milk cessation scheme which would effectively reduce the amount of milk produced in the Community by 3 per cent in each member state — that would be an actual cutback in production of 3 per cent. This has certain similarities with the super-levy but it is not as draconian. Nevertheless, it is a very serious and potentially damaging proposal, if implemented, for this country.

The Commission is also suggesting that each country should have its own national cessation scheme of 3 per cent. This means that there would be a redistribution of milk within a country and we are in favour of that idea. It would mean that people who had difficulties, whether through disease, or a young farmer coming into milk production, would have some hope of getting a quota, and a person who wanted to retire from milk production could get a reasonable amount of money for giving it up. That type of national redistribution of milk is something we are in favour of. The umbrella organisation for agricultural cooperatives, the ICOS, are endeavouring to formulate a scheme which will be acceptable to farmers, the Government and the EC alike. I wish them success in their efforts and we will be only too glad to support them in the work they are doing.

The EC cessation scheme is not acceptable to us because it would breach not just the spirit but the wording of the March 1984 super-levy agreement which specifically states that the amount of milk produced in Ireland cannot be reduced during the five year period of the super-levy regime. Other countries will contend that this is a new situation and everybody will have to take a 3 per cent cutback. This is one of the issues which will be hotly debated in the coming months.

Here we have in one year three proposals which, if any one of them is implemented, will affect agriculture to an enormous degree. The 1986 price package discussions assume an importance which we have never seen before. One could say they are of greater magnitude than the super-levy proposal two years ago, which caused all sorts of ripples in the dairy industry in Ireland and throughout Europe. These three major proposals are zoned to reduce prices and production in the Community. This means we have an exceptionally important price negotiations schedule over the next few months. In conjunction with those proposals the Commission proposes a price freeze for all agricultural commodities. We find that unacceptable because to keep in line with the spirit of Article 39 of the Treaty of Rome farm incomes must be protected. If we have a price freeze in conjunction with an inflation rate of something like 4 per cent to 5 per cent, farm incomes will not be protected, they will be reduced. We want to see increases which at least compensate for inflation and increased costs.

We are supported in that, initially, by the Germans but unfortunately I cannot tell the House that we have had support from any other member country. There seems to be a general acceptance by other countries, with the exception of Germany, that there will be a price freeze in the current year. Given the state of the Community's budget people are prepared to suffer a price freeze. That is unfortunate but it is the line which I saw promoted at this week's meeting of Agriculture Ministers in Brussels.

There is a great deal of inconsistency in the Community's attitude towards agricultural production and imports of agricultural products. I want to refer specifically to agricultural products which are produced within the Community. The Community is a trading bloc and in order to sell consumer goods it has to have reciprocal trading relations with virtually every country in the world. Some of these countries produce only commodities which are also produced in the Community. In order to generate trade with these countries the Community allows imports into the Twelve of commodities it produces, for instance beef, cereal and even milk products. These are generally referred to as concessionary imports.

These concessionary imports are causing us an immense amount of difficulty. It seems illogical that when we have surpluses of the magnitude to which I have referred we should import those same commodities into the Community. When you have 15 million tonnes of wheat and other cereals in storage, it seems illogical to import cereals or cereal substitutes into the Community but unfortunately that is the case. We have constantly objected to this and we have been supported by one or two countries but, unfortunately, we do not have a majority of countries supporting us in our demand that these concessionary imports should be stopped, or at least curtailed.

It is very aggravating to allow commodities into the Community when there is already a very large surplus of them. I will illustrate the point by saying that the Community are importing 175,000 head of live cattle despite the fact that we have 690,000 tonnes of beef in intervention. A fortnight ago at a special agricultural commitee meeting the Community voted to allow in 4,000 tonnes of beef from Austria. We did not have that importation before this year. They suddenly decided to allow this importation despite the fact that we have 690,000 tonnes in intervention and we will find immense difficulty in getting rid of it. One can see the contradiction and the difficulty created for all of us when they allow in commodities which are in over-supply. The reason they are allowing them in is to retain their trading relationship with those countries.

We import a massive amount of cereal substitutes, in particular corn gluten from the United States and tapioca and manioc from the Far East, despite the fact that we have 15 million tonnes of cereals in intervention. I cannot see the consistency in doing this. We will have to insist that there is a reduction in these imports. I hope we will get more support in the future from the other member states. We have support from the French where the cereal substitutes are concerned, and we have support from some countries where the beef imports are concerned but the support is not sufficiently strong and it is not a position where one can stop them on one's own. One must have a majority to do it. It would be better to use the word "curtail" rather than use the word "stop" because it is not a reasonable proposition that you can stop them completely. A lot of the imports come in under GATT arrangements which are internationally binding legally and you cannot stop them. The only way they can be stopped is by bilateral agreements between the Community and the countries involved.

These concessionary imports are causing us great problems and it is necessary that they be curtailed if the problems in the three major commodity areas of milk, beef and cereals are to be solved or the intensity of them reduced. Those overhanging surpluses are causing such problems that I feel the Community in general — I mean the overall Commission and the Governments of the 12 member states — should seriously consider providing funds specifically to get rid of those surpluses because agriculture in the Community will be in dire straits for years to come if those surpluses are allowed to remain. The value of those surpluses is five times as much as it was four years ago and it will cost the Community five times as much to get rid of them.

The sensible thing is for the Community to make a special effort to get rid of those surpluses and to operate the CAP in the future in such a way that surpluses do not arise. By prudent management of agricultural production within the Community together with a curtailment of concessionary imports, that can be done. It will cost a lot of money and will take a good deal of will power and political skill to do it. If it is not done, there is no simple or easy solution for any farmers within the Community. It is very important that it should be done because of the dependence of our economy on agriculture. When we have an unhealthy situation such as we have with those surpluses it must give all of us serious cause for concern. It is a problem which will remain with us for many years unless it is tackled with great resolve very soon. I believe the public in general understand the problem we have with those surpluses and that we will not get major price increases and we will not be allowed to expand production as much as we would like to until the Community get rid of those surpluses.

We must examine alternative methods of agricultural production. Some of us are already looking at this very seriously. Because of climatic and soil conditions we are limited to a relatively small range of agricultural activities. We are primarily involved in the production of beef, milk, sheep, pigs, cereals and sugar beet. We also produce some vegetables. The major commodities we produce are giving rise to problems in the Community. Over 70 per cent of our agricultural production is devoted to beef and milk production and 8 per cent of our agricultural production is devoted to cereals. Over 80 per cent of the agricultural production involves commodities which are in huge surplus and because of that there will be difficulties in those areas for years to come.

It is important that people consider other types of agricultural production. There is no place where the ingenuity of the Irish farmer is seen to greater effect than in the Ceann Comhairle's and Deputy Leonard's constituency. Those people have not got the best land in the country but they make very good use of it. We need activities like intensive pig, poultry and egg production. Mushroom growing has been a fantastic success in recent years. The value of our exports of that commodity is now running at £20 million a year. This has been largely due to the industry of farmers in the Border counties. Those industries seem to be concentrated more in the Border areas than in other parts of the country.

We must get our farmers to think in terms of alternative systems of production. There is an infinite number of them. We keep saying we cannot do it, that we have not got the right climate or the right soil. Our climate does not militate against the production of a wide variety of products. We will have to study those various alternative systems. I have asked the Community for help in this matter and I will continue to press for assistance during the current price negotiations for this type of alternative agricultural activity. I have set up a committee within my Department to examine the various types of alternative activities which they feel can be engaged in. I have enlisted the aid of semi-State bodies, such as ACOT and An Foras Talúntais, at the highest level, and will continue to do so. We need alternative systems. If there is pressure on major commodities we will have to take that pressure off by diversifying or spreading our energies around into other activities.

Deputy G. Collins spoke about an impending quota on beef production here. I would not like to give rise to scaremongering of that nature. There is no immediate threat or mention of quotas on beef production. I should like to make that quite clear to the House. While the Community produces approximately 110 per cent of its beef needs, the fact that we export so much enables us to expand that production. Our third country markets are considerable. There is no question of a quota system being implemented in the beef sector. The only commodity which we produce to any degree here which is not in surplus in the Community is sheep and sheepmeat. The Community is 75 per cent only sufficient in sheepmeat. Therefore, there is enormous scope for expansion in the sheep industry.

The sheep population of this country has increased by 20 per cent in the past five years. That is quite a considerable increase and the quality of the sheep is continuously improving as are sheep breeding methods and techniques. But we have a long way to go. I might give the House a simple illustration of the type of competition we face in the sheepmeat industry. The lambing rate in Britain per ewe is approximately 1.7 to 1.8 whereas the lambing rate here per ewe is 1.1 only, a very low figure in comparison when one considers that the conditions are somewhat similar. By improving our breeding techniques we should be able to attain something like 1.7 or 1.8. That is what we need to do to make these enterprises highly profitable. There is an enormous market for Irish sheepmeat, or Irish lamb, on the Continent, particularly in France. There is unlimited potential there. Our production is a fraction only of what it should be.

I might point out that our beef production methods are not the best either. The number of calf mortalities here annually runs at 200,000. Just think of the value to our economy of 200,000 calves were they brought to maturity. If one uses a conservative figures of £500 per annum, multiplying 200,000 by 500, one arrives at a figure of approximately £100 million per annum being lost to our economy, at least £100 million. Calf mortalities can be reduced enormously by improved techniques and farm management, as can the level of sheep production.

A matter that is causing quite a deal of concern in the farming community at present is disease eradication and the cutbacks that were effected in this area in the Book of Estimates. This is one subject about which I feel particularly sore or bad because we are on the brink of making a major breakthrough in disease eradication. One of the famous myths according to some people is that it goes on for ever. Some people want to perpetuate its existence for their own purposes. I do not believe that; it is a myth. Following a fairly lengthy dispute, at the end of 1984 and the beginning of 1985 I reached agreement with the Irish Veterinary Union on a new system of operation of disease eradication. That new system has worked wonderfully well because of the co-operation of vets, farmers and departmental officials. Anybody involved in farming will tell you that they can visibly see the results of the new scheme. The changes mean that the Minister of the day controls the scheme. He actually tells vets when and where to test whereas, previously, it was a hit and miss operation.

We have had 30 years in which, by present-day standards, approximately £1 billion was spent without any major advance being effected in eradicating disease. When we began the very intensive testing last April and May obviously we detected quite a large number of affected herds because it was the first full round that had been carried out over a number of years. With continued and sustained testing we can see already the benefits of such intensive methods. For example, in October last there were 7,100 restricted herds in this country. Those are very graphic statistics — 7,100 restricted herds. Within the last few weeks that number has been reduced to 5,700. If we can sustain the intensity of testing being carried out over the past ten months, the elimination of bovine TB will no longer be a pious platitude. It will be a reality.

I am particularly concerned that we will have the money necessary to sustain that intensive testing programme. I am very concerned and anxious that we sustain that rate of testing because then, within two years, I can foresee that bovine TB will be virtually eliminated in this country. It will never be eliminated completely but we will have it down to the levels pertaining generally in Western Europe. That is rather important. Some time ago I spoke about the need to promote Irish beef as being freshly produced on grass, being of the highest quality and free from hormones. It is very important also that we should be able to say it is free from all types of disease and contamination, all types. Therefore, it is very important from this country's point of view that bovine TB be eliminated as far as possible. Of course, it will recur in pockets here and there, as it does in Britain, western France and so on. It will never be totally eliminated but we must bring it down to an acceptable level.

I am glad to be able to tell the House that, for all practical purposes, brucellosis has been virtually eliminated. There are at present 490 herds only in the country affected by the disease. In coming months we expect to reduce that figure by 50 per cent, such is the degree of control we have over it at present.

I must do my party piece here and mention some other achievements we have brought about in recent months. I might refer to the farm improvement scheme which replaced the old farm modernisation scheme. The scheme has been welcomed generally. It has proved to be better than people had hoped. The rates of grant are at least as good as those obtaining under the old farm modernisation scheme. It has the added value that it applies to all farmers. One does not have to be in the category of development, transitional or commercial; it applies to everybody. Whether or not a farmer benefited under the old farm modernisation scheme, he can still benefit under the new one. The new scheme has three main thrusts. One is the housing of livestock, cattle and sheep, the second is land drainage and the third is the encouragement of silage making. We all know the necessity for the encouragement of silage making after a summer such as we had in 1985. The days of making hay for winter fodder should be numbered. We are providing generous grants for silage making in the new farm improvement scheme. We are also providing an installation aid scheme for young farmers. This will mean that a young farmer taking over from his parents will automatically get a grant of £5,600. He will also get a further grant of £5,600 if he carries out improvement works. In all he will get as much as £11,200, a very generous sum. In order to qualify for that grant he must have an ACOT certificate in farming but I do not think that is an unreasonable requirement.

There has been some criticism of the cuts in the budget for ACOT and An Foras Talúntais. That is unfortunate but every Department has had to suffer cuts. The Minister for Health, the Minister for Education, the Arts Council and even the Minister for Labour have had to cut back. ACOT and An Foras Talúntais should be able to cope even with the cuts which have been imposed. We are currently spending over £50 million on advice, research and education in farming. Of that, 75 per cent comes from the taxpayer. We must ask those people who provide a service to charge for it and make it pay to a certain degree. We do not expect them to be self-financing. ACOT are expecting an extra £2 million this year from the European Social Fund.

I referred to the necessity for more silage making in this country. I want now to refer to the success of the scheme which we brought in last August for first-time silage makers. We anticipated that there would be £8,000 applicants and that it would cost £1.5 million. In fact the scheme was so successful that there were 30,000 applicants and the cost was £6 million. Some people complain that we did not do enough for people who had difficulties with the weather last summer. We do not control the weather but we made a lot of money available when it was not too freely available in any Department. I am annoyed at the criticism from certain people in the farming organisations that the Department of Agriculture handed back £27 million to the Exchequer at the end of 1985. Every Department at some stage hands money back to the Exchequer. If country councils or local authorities do not spend their allocation on road works or housing it goes back to the Department of the Environment.

The Minister has seven minutes to conclude.

If a Department does not spend what it got in the Estimates, it goes back to central funds. In 1985 there were two Departments other than Agriculture which underspent by £20 million. That money automatically went back to central funds. At the end of 1984 one Department, and it was not the Department of Agriculture, had £43 million left over which went back to central funds. Of the £27 million underspent by the Department of Agriculture in 1985 I used £20 million to finance relief schemes. To be accused of handing it back after having to fight very hard to get it is very annoying. I do not think very well of people who know what happened but who do not admit to knowing and who do not appreciate what happened. First-time silage makers received £6 million. Over £13 million went on the feed voucher scheme which has been tremendously successful, so much so that all I have been getting for the past two months, as Deputy Leonard and Deputy Conaghan know, are requests to accept late applications. Some people misled farmers into believing that that scheme was not worth applying for, that it was going to be useless. I remember Opposition spokesmen saying that the scheme was farcical. Farmers' spokesmen say that the scheme was a mickey mouse scheme. My experience is that farmers generally are delighted with the money they got from the scheme. Some farmers got up to £400 for feeding stuffs for their livestock.

I brought forward the payment of headage grants and by doing that spent an extra £20 million. We spent £2 million on an interest subsidy for tillage farmers. I would like to have had more but times are tough. We got 125,000 tonnes of grain from the EC at a reduced price. I mentioned the fact that from 1 January about 1,250,000 additional acres are included in the disadvantaged areas scheme. In the current year that will cost £6.7 million. An additional 12,500 farmers will benefit from the disadvantaged areas scheme. Headage payment for beef cows was increased from £32 to £70, the maximum allowed under EC regulations. In the current year that will cost an estimated £11.4 million. It will be a tremendous incentive to the growth of the national herd. We are increasing the headage payment for first-time owners of cows in the seriously disadvantaged areas. Up until now cows were rated at only 80 per cent of the livestock unit. We increased that to 100 per cent. Previously a farmer in a seriously disadvantaged area was paid at a maximum of up to eight cows but he will now be paid for up to ten cows. Those farmers will receive an additional £1.1 million in 1986. Taking all those things into account we are dealing with a very large sum of money, about £50 million or £60 million. I extended the headage payments to include Connemara ponies.

The Minister has two minutes.

I thought you would enjoy that. It applies only to the more seriously disadvantaged areas. I do not think that Peter O'Toole qualifies for that as a greater part of his income does not come from farming, his off-farm income would be a little higher than £6,400.

A reasonable supposition.

All in all, spending on agriculture has increased, between Exchequer and EC funds, from £218 million in 1975 to £1,222 million in 1985. Over ten years the amount spent on support for agriculture has been multiplied sixfold. About two-thirds comes from the EC. It has been won by hard graft. They just do not give it to you, you have to fight for it. I will conclude by saying that where we are falling down most of all is in the price we are getting for our product.

If there is one way in which farmers can get a considerably increased income it is by getting a better price for their commodity. I will illustrate that by saying that a farmer in Ireland gets an average 75p for a gallon of milk, in Denmark a farmer gets 97p. The same pertains to beef prices. We are not getting the maximum value for our product. That is something all of us in agriculture, be it the Minister, the officials in the Department, the farming organisations and the farmers themselves, should look at and ask themselves have they got the most efficient processing systems. Why are the Danes getting 97p a gallon for milk and why are we getting only 75p? That is a major problem and it takes a bit of answering. Everybody involved in agriculture should pay particular attention to the fact that he is not getting the best value for money as regards his products. That is where the greatest possibilities lie for Irish agriculture in the immediate future.

That has been a very interesting defence by the Minister for Agriculture. To one not an agriculturist, much of what the Minister has said sounded very much like a poor defence of what he has been trying to do over the past 12 months. The budget debate at this time is probably irrelevant on a number of counts. Firstly, within a matter of days it was dismissed by the public as being a very poor budgetary exercise which would leave everybody worse off than he or she was prior to budget day. Secondly, the Taoiseach decided that it was time to kill off the 1986 budget when he decided to dismiss its architect, the former Minister for Finance, Deputy Dukes, only two weeks later. At that time, the opinion polls had also told the Taoiseach that the budget had been rejected by over 90 per cent of the people and that they saw it as a total failure which did nothing to meet the very serious needs of the present economic climate. It was quite rightly rejected by the people in the same way that the Government abandoned their own policy document, Building on Reality, which was introduced in late 1984 with great acclaim.

This Government also conveniently buried other economic targets which they had set themselves on coming into office only three and a half years ago. The 1986 budget represented a continuation of the Government's policies which have brought such gloom and doom to the many thousands of families all over the country. It has been the major cause of the vast and very serious explosive unemployment situation that exists at present. The budget also ensured that there will be continuing mass unemployment, continuing massive personal taxation, a continuing increase in the national debt and further cutbacks in essential services. Only 24 hours after the Minister had introduced the budget the Minister for Health came into the House and announced savage cutbacks in hospitalisation which will result in the closure of eight hospitals. The Minister for Health in turn was followed by the Minister for Education who dropped the now infamous bombshell on Carysfort College.

Since the Minister for Health successfully challenged and defeated the Taoiseach in the recent Government reshuffle he has bounced back again and promised us further cuts in medical and hospital expenditure as well as promising to close down nurse training centres which he sees as being totally unnecessary and uneconomical. The budget offered no hope whatever to a population who are disillusioned and depressed with the position in which this country now finds itself. During 1985 unemployment continued its upward spiral as hundreds of companies closed down. To make the situation even more depressing is the reality that this Government are not being seen as doing anything to alleviate that situation or to bring about a climate that would attract the vital investment that is necessary if we are to create the employment which is required.

Disillusionment with this Government is rife particularly as they came into office over three years ago heralding good news that everything in the garden would be rosy within their term of office. We were told at the time that they would rescue the country from what was then, they alleged, very serious difficulties where the world bankers were waiting outside the door to push their way in to take over. We were told that the country under Fianna Fáil had borrowed too much and our creditworthiness abroad was under serious question and examination. We were told that the Coalition Government would eliminate the need for borrowing and that the deficit would be phased out over a four to five year period. We were told that the Government would halt unemployment and that jobs would be created for all our young people and those not so young. However, the opposite has been the case. Our young people leaving school have not found those hopes realised. They were given those hopes at the time by the Government. Is it any wonder, therefore, that there is such massive disillusionment with this Government as never in the history of this State has such a huge list of promises been made which have not been fulfilled? It would appear that the Government have gone out of their way to create disincentives for those willing to invest and have killed off many old established firms which in the past not only created first-class employment but also contributed in a major way to the economy and to their local areas.

The national debt has soared by £8 billion to £20 billion. That has happened despite the firm pledge and undertakings given in 1982 that the Government would not need to borrow further and not only that, they would clear the national debt within a matter of a few years. Official unemployment figures have soared by over 90,000 to a frightening figure of 250,000. We also have, and this must be taken into consideration, at all times approximately 60,000 more involved in short term training schemes who will find themselves out of a job after they have completed their training schemes. A further top up in the figure is the fact that emigration is a serious problem. It is estimated that something in the region of 40,000 to 50,000 are leaving this country to find employment in other parts of the world.

This combination of factors shows a really frightening situation. Unless something is done quickly to reduce the figures out of work, we could have serious political difficulties in the not too distant future. Young people without hopes of secure employment at home have been very patient with the Government and, in return, they have got only apparent disinterest and a complacent attitude from the Government who do not appear unduly concerned about the terrible problem.

The unemployment figures announced month after month are accompanied with a four line statement from the Government referring to the figures and in most cases expressing satisfaction that the increase in unemployment has been merely 2,000 or 3,000. That is a very negative attitude and gives the impression that the Government are not seriously concerned about creating jobs, and attracting investment to create jobs so as to reduce the unemployment figures. This disastrous unemployment situation must be contrasted with a completely different situation in the rest of the EC. In most other EC countries unemployment has almost stopped rising since the end of 1983. The average rise in unemployment in the EC was 1 per cent in the past 12 months by comparison to a rise of 8.5 per cent here.

There is no point in the Government pinpointing world-wide recession as being responsible for our high unemployment figures. At 18 per cent, our unemployment rate is the highest in the EC and responsibility for it must rest squarely on the shoulders of this totally discredited and ineffective Government. If the position were not so serious one could smile at the Taoiseach's recent assertion that we have the healtiest economy in the whole of the EC. Is it any wonder that a Minister for Finance produced such a negative budget from a Cabinet presided over by the Taoiseach who appears to be totally out of touch with reality?

In his speech last week on the no confidence motion, the Taoiseach said he had contemplated for some time the reshuffle which he announced in such disorder last week. Nobody accepts that statement. It is a pity the Taoiseach did not elaborate further and say why he allowed the former Minister for Finance to introduce a budget only two weeks before he was due to be sacked from that ministry.

The Taoiseach and the Government have made a series of dreadful blunders since coming to office. It is difficult to know the thinking behind a decision to allow a Minister for Finance to prepare a budget for a full year, knowing that he would be fired within two weeks, and that he would not be in this House to reply to the budget debate and would not have to stand over the budget. The biggest sinner in this extraordinary exercise is not the former Minister for Finance but the Taoiseach. Not only has this House lost confidence in Deputy FitzGerald as Taoiseach but it has been shouted from the rooftops that his own party have lost confidence to such an extent that plans are at present under way to depose him as Leader between now and the summer recess.

In his Budget Statement the Minister, Deputy Dukes, referred to the commitment in the national plan to adjust tax bands and allowances for personal taxation so that the overall tax burden would not be increased. The Minister announced that there would be a substantial improvement for all taxpayers and that they would save something in the region of £121 million in 1986 and £205 million in a full year. The real effect of the Minister's budget is that the personal tax burden will increase significantly during the year as taxes on both personal income and personal spending will rise rather than fall as a result of this budget. Taxes on personal income will rise more than twice as rapidly as inflation this year. As a result, direct taxes on personal incomes will account for a higher proportion of GNP than ever before.

The Minister expects to raise an additional £217 million in income tax this year and that represents a 9.6 per cent increase on the figure raised by the Government last year. Since the Government anticipate that the inflation rate will rise by only 4.5 per cent this year the increase in the personal tax burden will run at more than twice the anticipated inflation rate. As a result of the Government's expectation of an increased yield from direct taxes on personal incomes, personal tax will be equivalent to 14.7 per cent of GNP in 1986 which will be the highest level ever recorded. Since 1982, direct personal taxes as a proportion of GNP have risen from 12.2 per cent to 14.7 per cent which is a rise of 2.5 per cent in the lifetime of this Government, or a rise of almost 20 per cent from the base of 12.2 per cent which it was in 1982.

Another aspect of the budget that has not been highlighted is the extension of the limits at which employees' PRSI and health contributions are levied. This will ensure that the Government will collect much larger revenues from this source during 1986. The maximum income on which health contributions are levied has been increased from £13,000 to £14,000 while PRSI at 5.5 per cent will now be charged on £14,700 of income rather than on £13,800 last year. These increases will hit most middle income earners. It must be remembered that employees' PRSI contributions have raised more than £1 billion for the Exchequer over the past three years. The Minister has tried once more to con the taxpayers as he tried last year. Following the 1985 budget, it took the PAYE taxpayer some three months to realise that he was worse off. The taxpayer this year realises from the beginning that he will be paying more tax and not less as the Minister said.

A principal new feature of this year's budget was the introduction of the retention tax on interest paid on deposits in banks and other financial institutions. This tax has now been named the DIRT tax, which is an appropriate name for it. The Minister has given the impression that this is a tax on banks and financial institutions which will benefit the income tax payer. That is a misleading impression as it will have a very serious effect on the whole community, from the seven year old child lodging his First Communion money to the old age pensioner putting his or her money away for safety reasons. The new tax is a severe blow in particular to older people, as banks and building societies have substantial numbers of older investors, and older people have been marketing targets in recent years for these institutions. For example, the Bank of Ireland launched a "golden years" programme for older people. In 1985 the Minister went out of his way very much to encourage old people to bank their savings. He encouraged our older citizens to put their money in safe keeping. This move came after a wave of savage attacks and robberies of old people in rural communities. Those people who acted on the Minister's encouragement and advice now find that tax at 35 per cent will be withheld from interest on their savings which for many retired people is the main source of income.

I thought the Deputy said it was not lodged before that. They were getting no interest on it beforehand.

This is particularly wrong since many older people would normally not be liable for tax at all. Companies can reclaim the deposit tax against their corporation tax bills but there is no such provision for the unfortunate individual, for the older people. This will be a major blow to people who were retired and living on fixed incomes and it will hit hard people who are being squeezed all the time in other areas. It is simply a means of collecting more income tax from the public and the general body of income tax payers. The financial institutions concerned will not pay even one extra £. It is very objectionable in so far as its mechanism is directed in a very positive, discriminatory way against the small saver and those on low incomes.

I might add that it has caused consternation along the Churches and charitable institutions as the traditional tax exemption extended to charities has been cancelled out by one stroke of the pen by the Minister. For example, Sunday Church collections when lodged will be taxable as will be charitable donations and contributions to many deserving charities including the foreign missions. The Minister of State previously had a very active interest in the Third World and in contributions and donations going out to the Third World. Those contributions will be taxed when lodged here before being redistributed. That is the type of area I am talking about.

No, they will not.

The Minister for Finance has made it clear since the budget that they will. We will have to wait until the Finance Bill is introduced to ascertain whether they will be exempt from tax.

The contributions will not be taxed. The interest that might be subsequently earned may be taxed. That is a different question. It is not correct to say that the contributions will be taxed. Deputy Brady should be more careful about what he says.

The Minister of State should listen more carefully.

The Minister of State can make his contribution later.

I spoke about the interest on the lodgments, on the deposits.

Not on the contribution itself.

I referred to the DIRT tax which is deposit interest retention tax. That should make it quite clear. It is a very unjust and inequitable form of taxation because it will hit the very small saver, the pensioner, the old and, indeed, the children. Many children have been encouraged by their parents to save. It is good training for children and, of course, the incentive was the small interest they would obtain on their savings. That will be taxed. The Minister of State cannot deny that, and that applies to a seven year old child.

The new child benefit scheme announced by the Minister has been described, rightly, as a confidence trick as it will replace existing child allowances schemes. The value of children's allowances has declined considerably over recent years and the former Minister, Deputy Dukes, in his budgets in 1985 and 1984 consistently reduced the children's allowance right down to the existing £100 child tax allowance per year. The reality of this change is that the vast majority of families will get no increase in support for further children. Families with children are finding it more difficult over the years to meet the rising cost of living and the many demands made on them to provide adequately for their children.

The child allowance should have been increased substantially each year rather than reduced as it was, finally this year being eliminated altogether in the budget. Parents are now being taxed for having children whereas in other countries, particularly France, the opposite is the case. There additional tax allowances and grants are being given to parents, increasing in accordance with the number of children. Here in Ireland, a so-called Christian country, parents are being penalised financially for having children. Therefore, it is not surprising that this budget has been described by many people as anti-family and anti-child.

The 4 per cent increase in social welfare benefit is totally meaningless. It is absolutely disgraceful that this miserable increase will not even be implemented until the third week in July. The increase is totally inadequate as the Minister for Finance admitted that the budget would raise the rate of inflation to at least 4.5 per cent. A reduction in food subsidies in April will increase further the pressures on social welfare recipients and families. It is morally unjust that such hardships will arise from the fact that, while the additional costs and charges imposed in the budget on pensioners, lower income families and the unemployed will have an immediate effect on household budgets, the small increase in social welfare will not come into effect until the third week in July, which is the latest date ever for that.

Due to the massive unemployment we are experiencing it is recognised that serious hardship and deprivation exist among those who depend on unemployment benefit and assistance and social welfare in general for their standard of living. For well over one third of our population life is a constant daily struggle to make ends meet. Thousands of families have no idea where their next substantial meal will come from. Every Deputy in this House will know from experience that the health centres are absolutely packed as never before with people seeking financial assistance to meet their bills, pay for their electricity, rents, fuel, clothing and even their food. In such a situation a 4 per cent increase in social welfare is completely meaningless and will bring no improvement whatever to the circumstances of those depending on social welfare for assistance. The Government have a moral obligation to protect the living standards of the weakest section of the community, and this Government are simply not doing that. Instead they have made clinically a cold, mathematical decision for budgetary reasons.

The situation in farmer taxation is one of total confusion. We were assured positively last year that in 1986 farmers would be brought into the tax net on the basis of a land tax. However, the Minister announced in his Budget Statement that the land tax would not become operable this year. At the time the Minister introduced the proposed land tax, Fianna Fáil opposed the system on the basis that it was not equitable, would not work and was grossly unfair to the PAYE sector who were taxed on every single penny of their income. We maintained at the time that farmers should be taxed on income in the same way as every other section of our community.

The last Fianna Fáil Government introduced an income tax system for farmers but on coming into office this Government abolished it on the premise that they would be introducing a new system. Unfortunately, that has not happened. There is no machinery whatever at present for taxing farmers in a positive, efficient manner, despite many claims and statements to the contrary. This Government obviously have no policy for taxation and their actions and statements in the area of farmer taxation over the past three years have been ones of contradictions and inconsistencies and have added greater fury to the feelings of the PAYE sector.

An extraordinary feature of this budget is its failure to refer in a positive way to the building and construction industry. In the budgets of 1984 and 1985 various measures were introduced which aggravated seriously the impact of the recession on that industry. These included the reduction of mortgage interest relief, the increase in VAT and higher PRSI charges on employers and employees which hit this labour intensive industry particularly hard. We also had increased planning charges and the introduction of residential property tax.

It would appear that, during the past few years, the Government were at pains to think of measures that would stifle the building and construction industry completely. Obviously, no Government would set out deliberately to do that, but to those outside Government it would appear from the lack of any action whatever, or of any positive steps to create employment in that industry, that the Government went out of their way to stop investment and development in that industry which has always been one of the highest employment oriented industries. It is extraordinary that in this particularly bad era of massive unemployment some efforts were not made to give an injection to this industry which would, in turn, stimulate increased activity in many other ancillary sectors with a beneficial result for employment. In October last, the Taoiseach announced that the Government were implementing tax incentives for the development of the Custom House dock site and other inner city projects and for developments in Cork and Limerick. Full details were expected to be announced in the budget, but this was not the case.

Very recently the Property Investment Manager of Irish Life, Mr. Michael Lucey, told a conference that if the present building decline continues the business will be stone dead. He said:

The technical and managerial skills will disappear and the competence to design and build will not be there whenever a recovery does take place.

The announcement by the Taoiseach in October last of the house improvement grants has not yet brought any upward trend in the industry. It is true that up to 55,000 applications have been received for grants but unfortunately, prior to the announcement and due to shortage of staff, which again showed extraordinarily bad planning on the part of the Government, there was a massive backlog in the Department of the Environment. It was anticipated that this would take about 12 to 15 weeks to clear. The Minister for the Environment has since made a decision in that area which will be welcomed by many. However, many of the applications are being rejected for very flimsy reasons. It is very obvious, once again, that the introduction of this scheme was more of a cosmetic exercise on the part of the Government than a genuine desire to instil some life into the industry which has suffered more than any other during the past few years.

The demand for increased investment on roads has grown substantially in the last number of years and will continue to grow in the future. In the Dublin area alone, over £120 million worth of major road improvement work was required to be carried out but at the end of 1983 expenditure in that area was only £19 million. With a total level of investment in road improvement work by the Government at only £98 million this year for the country as a whole, alternative methods of financing should be introduced. They must be found as a matter of urgency. The CIF have called for the setting up of a roads finance agency. This is clearly an area in which private sector funds can be used and significant savings made on the demand for public expenditure.

The increase in VAT announced in last year's budget from 3 per cent to 5 per cent was a calamity for the building and construction industry. This measure adds greatly to the difficulties in the industry at a time when companies are trading on a margin. Coupled with the various other taxes and levies on construction work approximately 40 per cent of the final price of a new house now goes to the Exchequer. This is one of the primary reasons for the growth of the black economy in that industry. The increased taxation on the industry over the last few years, along with the withdrawal of various incentives, particularly the residence-related tax incentive scheme, is pushing more and more of building and construction industry output into the black economy. There is no measure for the extent of the black economy in the construction industry, but it is accurate to say that it is very significant and has been growing dramatically over the last number of years. High taxation on the industry obviously has been a major contributing factor.

Private house building also has been on the decline since 1982 and according to figures it is expected to decline further in 1986. The projections made for the private housing sector in 1983 and 1984 did not materialise and the likely trend for completions in the next few years will continue to be on the negative side if some positive action is not taken. It is clear also that with housing needs at something in the region of 26,000 to 32,000 units per annum and the likelihood that the private sector demand will continue to decline, that will obviously put a greater pressure on the local authorities to increase the supply of rented accommodation. The Government must take urgent steps to boost the demand for private housing. They should consider encouraging, for example, building societies and other mortgage lending institutions to introduce a range of mortgage packages designed to reduce the real cost for borrowers in the earlier years. Those are the most difficult years for the new borrowers. This could be financed by a reduction in the excess liquidity held by the building societies. The societies should also consider financing a greater proportion of the total house purchase price which would reduce the short term financing burden for the purchasers.

The building and construction industry is one area that we on this side of the House have been preaching for years has been allowed to run down, with a consequent loss of thousands of jobs. It is reckoned that unemployment in that industry is at present running at about 60 per cent. When one takes into consideration the many other ancillary services related to that industry, it is absolutely amazing that the Government since coming into office have not made any genuine effort to stimulate the industry and to encourage greater activity.

There are many other aspects in this budget to which I would like to refer. The House has been debating the budget for the best part of four weeks and, as I said at the outset, the 1986 budget is now history and has passed into the records as a miserable failure. Within two weeks this was admitted by the Taoiseach when he took the drastic measures that he took last week in the so-called Cabinet reshuffle and when he decided to sack, or fire, or whatever word you like to use, the Minister for Finance who had introduced this budget only two weeks earlier.

There are three key areas which remain, unemployment, taxation and investment. Social welfare has become a very important area because of the ever-increasing numbers who are unemployed and have no alternative but to depend on the State for social welfare hand-outs in order to survive. Survival is the key word because this budget has done nothing to give the weaker sections of our community a decent or reasonable standard of living for themselves or for their children. Worst of all, it has given very little hope to them for the future.

The Government came to office on a bookkeeping exercise which obviously not only has not worked but has brought the country to its knees. Economic recovery is essential if we are to regain our former position as a viable economic unit. However, the Government do not appear to have the will or the ability to introduce suitable plans for such a recovery, and one can only be pessimistic and expect things to deteriorate even further in 1986.

Unemployment seems to have been accepted as a permanent feature of life here. Of course, higher taxes will be needed to pay more unemployment benefit and this will cause deep resentment and disillusionment and will damage the morale of those who are fortunate enough to be at work. Strong, proper leadership is required if we are to bring about the economic reversal needed. Nobody has any doubt that the Taoiseach is not the man to lead that recovery.

The Government have failed miserably. They are walking away from solemn commitments and undertakings. They are walking out on the unemployed and those being excessively taxed. They are walking out on those who have money to invest in our economy but who need some incentive to do so. The Government have lost all credibility and I do not think the people will ever have confidence in them again to perform even the most menial tasks.

There is nothing in the budget to give encouragement to our hard pressed people. That is why they are so frustrated and angry. In the past three years the people accepted massive falls in their standards of living. They have had to make all sorts of sacrifices in the interest of book balancing. Despite all those sacrifices the books have not been balanced. Indeed, they are in a worse state than ever before. If those books belonged to a private company the board of directors and management would be dismissed instantly.

What is needed now is new direction, new management. This requirement will not be provided by this Government, so I suggest that rather than hang on to office for a further 18 months or a year, the Government should do the decent and honourable thing, resign and go to the people, the shareholders in Ireland Limited and ask them if they have confidence in the Government. I have no doubt what the people will say. After the misery of the past three and a half years the people are entitled to have a say and to make a decision. In the interests of the country and of all the people I urge the Government to go now and give the electorate the chance to return to the Dáil a Government who will do what is necessary who will have proper planning and restore confidence to the economy.

The Opposition Chief Whip asked for an immediate election. I think we would all agree that the weather is far too cold for an election now. We should leave it until the weather improves, and perhaps by then we will see an improvement in the economy as well. I agree with one point Deputy Brady made. He spoke of the reconstruction grants. There is no doubt the scheme would have been a huge success if there had been provision for proper staffing. Perhaps the level of demand for the scheme was not anticipated.

Though on behalf of the Labour Party I welcome the decision to allow work to commence on those applications received after 25 January, the position is that we are putting off the evil day because when the work has been completed — it will now go ahead much more quickly — applicants can only be paid out after inspection. If more staff and inspectors are not recruited, we are only putting off the evil day because there will be thousands of applications and jobs completed but inspections will not be possible without staff. Of course Deputies will be the ones who will have to bear the brunt of this, particularly on the Government side. This scheme will have to get prior consideration if it is not to present a major problem later.

I should like to refer briefly to the last three budgets and their provision for public service pay. No budget of recent origin that I can remember provided adequately for public service pay. This is highly dangerous and will succeed only in generating massive public protest within the public service. We spend much time here and at parliamentary party level discussing the ramifications of decisions taken affecting public service pay, particularly in the last two rounds. The Government decided that only certain levels of pay increases would be acceptable to them and we found that as time went on there had to be reconsideration. On the last occasion, with Labour Party assistance, the public service eventually got their 6 per cent and they will probably get the 7 per cent, or whatever it is, on this occasion.

I would draw attention to the large percentage of the public service who do not have any say and are only indirectly represented on the ICTU Public Services Committee. I refer to the Garda and the Army who are charged with the responsibility for upholding our democratic system. In the past few days we saw on television that in Egypt, when only a rumour leaked out that the police would not get a pay increase, they rioted and people lost their lives in a mini rebellion. We are glad the Garda and the Army here have always supported the democratic institutions. However, we must appreciate that though they are a very important part of society they have no real, effective voice at the negotiating table. The Government, therefore, at budget time should spell out what they propose to do for those important sectors of our community and avoid the uncertainty that has been with us for so long.

I do not see any definitive statement in this budget spelling out what the position is in this regard. It will be interesting to see if the imminent Finance Bill will make provision for this matter. We must accept that the public service will have to get a pay increase. Therefore, it must be provided for in the budget framework. If we do not do that, we will be faced with more and more controversy and with more parliamentary time taken up on the subject.

It is agreed that the Government have not been able to concentrate on what is the most important problem facing this country, that is, employment. Everything in this budget is based on employment. There is no way one can have an effective budget if unemployment continues at the present rate. The trade unions have been hammering this message home and the ICTU have been in the forefront in this regard. The employers' organisations agree with the trade unions, and I have not seen that happen for many years. Everybody is saying the same thing—the Government, the Ministers, the Opposition and so on. We spend weeks talking about the budget but there is still no clear, precise policy, nothing new which will give any hope that the problem of unemployment will be resolved, or even tackled. There is not much point in having the books balanced if, next year, there are an extra 60,000 people unemployed, and that is what will happen.

I heard the Minister for Agriculture talking about the farmers. We were virtually dragged into the EC by a combination of the Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Parties. The only opposition to our entry to the EC came from the Labour Party and ICTU. We held a referendum which resulted in our entry to the EC. There was a feeling of euphoria in the farming community about what would happen when we joined the Community. Things did improve for the farmers for the first few years, but now they are paying the price. Almost every day we hear the farmers' leaders moaning and groaning about the farming situation, about cuts here and cuts there, but the farming community are partly, if not substantially, responsible for the present situation because they were the leading lobby for our entry to the EC. The Minister spoke about huge mountains of surplus meat, grain, vegetables, fruit, wine and so on, while at the same time we are raising millions of pounds to try to feed the starving millions in the Third World.

I have said many times that many, if not all, of our problems are the result of our decision to enter the EC. If one looks at the countries which did not join one will see that their levels of unemployment are substantially lower than the countries which entered the Community, and in some countries unemployment is almost non-existent. Admittedly in the short term our farmers gained from our entry, but in the long term they will not gain because Ireland does not have any real muscle in the Community. As a leading trade union colleague of mine said, we are a very small fish in a very large pond, and that is a fact which the Minister admitted. The farming community is a very important sector of the Irish economy because if farmers are not earning money that is reflected throughout the economy.

I want to talk about the export of beef and lamb. It would be better if that beef and lamb were processed here because we could create jobs at home rather than exporting this lamb and beef on the hoof and creating employment elsewhere. When I was general secretary of the Shoe and Leather Workers' Union we had the infamous closure of the Gorey tannery, which led to the downfall of the tanning industry in Ireland. I pointed out to the then Minister for Industry and Commerce the importance that should be placed on the tanning industry, but what happened? There has been a virtual elimination of that industry and of the footwear industry, as I forecast. This happened because no Government had a policy to develop agriculturally based industries. We have the best hides in the world but they are being exported and processed abroad, and the Irish footwear and leather goods manufacturers have to import leather at substantially higher costs.

In my view, our entry to the EC has not been of any benefit to our native industries. These are the industries which had the highest concentration of employment. Many of them have gone to the wall, being replaced by high technology industries which call for the investment of huge capital sums but create very little employment. That is why we get a very false figure when we talk about the balance of payments.

We have to face up to the fact that we are no longer masters of our own destiny. This House is almost irrelevant. It has slightly more powers than a county council. It simply gets the money and decides how to spend it, but it has very little control over how the money is earned because EC policy will dictate more and more what our future is going to be. Those stupid people who were led by the nose by the two main parties are beginning to see what our entry to the EC means for them. Yet, what do they do? They continue to elect the two main parties. The Labour Party were the only party, backed by the trade union movement, who spelled out that situation. There is no point in crying now. It does not matter a cuss which Government are in power — Fianna Fáil, Coalition, Fine Gael and the Labour Party or the Progressive Democrats and Fine Gael. We have to get people back into employment. It is only when you get people back into employment that a Government can get money to spend. It is only when people are employed that the amount of taxes to be paid will increase, because when more people are working there is more money going into the Exchequer. This means the rate of taxation can be reduced and hopefully people will have more money in their pockets. This in turn will create employment.

If we did nothing else in this House, apart from enacting a divorce Bill, constitutional amendments and so on — I know the Leas-Cheann Comhairle would agree with me — but spend time dealing with unemployment and getting people back to work, we would be doing something positive. Otherwise, we are simply wasting time. We would be better off to go to local authority meetings and forget about this place. As a trade unionist I must ask where are we going.

I met a young girl named Gretchen S. Fairley, a student from Philadelphia, and I said to her: "Gretchen, why do you not have a look at our budget, see what you think of it and write me a little memo giving your impressions as somebody looking in from outside". She is a Democrat, the equivalent of a slightly more right wing Labour Party representative in America. She said:

The 1986 budget proposal could probably best be described as neutral. Many changes that were made were offset by other changes that, in effect, cancel each other out. At a time when the Irish economy is plagued by a dole queue of nearly a quarter of a million people and a £20 billion debt overhang, prospects are very slim for a 1986 move towards the Government's plan, Building on Reality. The changes proposed attempt to ameliorate some of the most severe and immediate anomalies in the areas of taxation and Government expenditures. However, sufficient changes are not made for long-term investments or real tax reforms to get the Irish economy firmly back on its feet again. There has been consensus in Irish Government on the measures which must be taken in order to begin reducing unemployment and the national debt. Yet in the second year of the Building on Reality plan, these measures are once again simply not taken. The 1986 budget proposal will keep social welfare provisions at a relatively constant level. More importantly, the budget's failure to introduce dynamic action towards recovery merely sustains the stagnation and decline of Ireland's economy.

This is from an 18-year-old American girl looking in on us. If she had been reading my mind she could not have put it better because she reflects almost exactly my thoughts on the subject. I would like to thank this girl from Philadelphia for what she said. Maybe we might find a spot for her in Dublin and get her into the Government and laugh at them all.

Let us have a look at the economic background to the budget. The 1985 situation, out of which the 1986 budget proposals were devised was as follows. I am trying to piece it together from a Labour Party point of view to see if we can get anything out of this after having gone into Government. Unemployment rose by 14,500, the lowest increase in six years. I suppose we should be grateful for that as it is not as bad as it was the year before. This makes a total of 240,000 or 18 per cent of the population. Exchequer borrowing requirements were 12.9 per cent of GNP. For 1986 we are told it is to be brought down to 11.8 per cent. That would seem to be on target. The current deficit was 8.2 per cent of GNP. For 1986 this is to be brought down to 7.4 per cent of GNP. Taxation was 36 per cent of GNP and 77 per cent of this went to pay interest on our foreign debt. The Government cannot be blamed for everything. Deputy Leonard's party have to shoulder the blame for a lot of it.

It costs 57 per cent of GNP to pay for our foreign debt. GNP increased by .5 per cent. There was a 6½ per cent increase in wages and salaries, which is about the same as the average of Ireland's trading partners. Our people are at the bottom of the ladder in European terms but are at the top of the ladder as far as taxation is concerned. There has been a 12 per cent decline in farmers' incomes but the farmers have some very powerful spokesmen. When it comes near the time for a general election we will all be trying to get the farmers' votes. Unfortunately, they do not vote for the poor fellows in the Labour Party but I am sure there will be good competition between Deputy Leonard and the other Deputies from rural constituencies. What will we promise the farmers the next time to get their vote? Unfortunately our people will not be able to get it because we cannot promise them anything. We want to take money off them so that we can reduce the amount of money our poor, unfortunate colleagues in the PAYE sector have to pay.

Fixed investments and private consumption rose. Our inflation rate is 5½ per cent, the lowest since 1968. That is not bad. Exchange rates strengthened due to the low inflation of our trading partners. Everybody talks about the rate of inflation going down but, basically, inflation is influenced more now by external factors than by internal factors. It comes back again to the question of EC membership. That is one small benefit we have got from our EC membership. Fuel import prices have decreased substantially on the international market. The motorists and Irish industry have not benefited in relation to this. I know that only one price reduction was taken by the former Minister for Finance. Nevertheless, we still have the highest level of fuel prices charged to industry in European terms. We had some success in a 5 per cent increase in the value of the punt against the dollar. Now the farmers are screaming to us to devalue so that it will leave our exports more competitive. I do not know how the Minister can please everybody.

Industrial exports increased by 5 per cent but that is in money terms and means nothing in employment terms. You have the huge multinational companies with very substantial State investment — we are glad to see them here and we wish there were more of them — but that 5 per cent does not mean that there are 5 per cent fewer unemployed on our dole queues. Tourism receipts increased by 9 per cent and agricultural exports increased by 7 per cent. More cows on the hoof went out than ever before, which will create jobs in every country in Europe. Imports rose by 1½ per cent, a good performance. We had a balance of payments surplus of £200 million, which is the first trade surplus since the forties. That reads good but it does not reflect itself in jobs. One would think if a country had a £200 million trade surplus that that country would be getting people back to work.

Why are our people not going back to work? It is because we are losing more jobs than we are gaining. We lose two jobs for every job we gain and they are all in native industry. Our old traditional industries textiles, clothing, footwear and other industries like that are being rubbed out. Although our economy is in a very depressed state at present the international climate will be quite favourable to Irish growth with lower prices of imported fuel provided we take advantage of that, a trade surplus, a strong exchange rate and a slightly increased output. If the benefits of this present situation are properly channelled Ireland's economy will stand a great chance of improvement. That must be said.

What will all of this mean to the worker on the factory floor? It should be remembered that he is thinking of what he will have in his pay packet at the end of the week. What has the budget meant to him? The 1 per cent income levy has been abolished, the special PAYE allowance increased from £600 to £700, personal allowances up for single persons from £1,900 to £2,000 and from £3,800 to £4,000 for a married couple. Additionally the 35 per cent tax band has been widened by £200 to £4,700 for single persons and by £400 to £9,400 for married couples with the top tax rate of 60 per cent being reduced to 58 per cent. The PRSI ceiling rate has been raised from £13,800 to £14,700. There is a six months amnesty period for tax evaders, on the basis that they make a full disclosure. The latter clearly indicates the inability of the Government to deal with that matter.

I might inquire what happened to the special unit set up internally to investigate the Revenue Commissioners. They were supposed to investigate deficiencies in the Office of the Revenue Commissioners by way of staffing and so on. What happened to that unit? What happened to the work they were supposed to undertake and the recommendations they were supposed to make? Indeed, many people in the Office of the Revenue Commissioners are asking that question also. Therefore, from an ICTU, union or worker point of view that question must be posed: what does this whole position with regard to personal taxation mean? It means precious little to the workers: The only advantage to him is that he will not be paying more tax.

Had we adopted that policy from the beginning of this Government's term in office we would have made progress. Even if the situation is to be improved this year and next year it will not offset the increases levied in the past two or three budgets. Therefore ICTU or the trade unions would contend that whatever little has been given has been much too little and too late. Unless the Minister has something up his sleeve, such as 20 nice juicy oilfields off the Waterford coast, or ten natural gas wells off the coast of Kerry or out in the Atlantic, we cannot see how personal taxation will be any different next year or the year after. That must be admitted.

One cannot, on the one hand, call for cuts in public spending, reduce the level of employment within the public service and, at the same time, give tax concessions. That does not make sense. It cannot be done. Effectively all one is doing, by reducing the level of employment in the public sector, is adding to the dole queues, when the State must then pay out more money by way of unemployment benefit, assistance, or whatever. Therefore one is not allowing employed people to pay money back into the system. One defeats the other.

Let us take indirect taxation and what has happened there. The 23 per cent standard rate of VAT will be increased to 25 per cent from 1 March next. VAT on restaurant and hotel meals and selected services such as hairdressing, cinema, dry cleaning and so on will be reduced to 10 per cent from 1 July next. I very much welcome that proposal. I am sure Deputy J. Leonard will agree with me here because those of us representing Border constituencies had been calling for that reduction for the past three years following the 1982-83 budget when hoteliers, restauranteurs and the general catering industry in the Border area were decimated and put out of business. Whereas families used to cross the Border from Newry to Clones for wedding breakfasts, parties or whatever, that type of activity ceased overnight. Overnight restaurants, hotels and public-houses were empty and staff let go. I am thankful that that fact has been recognised even at this late stage.

We have had the introduction of tax on chips. I do not know how that will operate. Like everything else, we always follow what happens over in Maggie Thatcher land. Once they put a tax on chips in the UK, we had to do likewise here. The old traditional fish and chipper will have to pay 10 per cent more. I am sure the worker will still buy his bag of chips and give out about the Government. The price of a pint of beer went up by 1p, which is not too bad. However, there have been so many increases in the price of beer that I find I have to scratch my head when I go into a pub for a pint. I never know what price it was the previous day. I do not bother to count my change any longer. I hope the barman is an honest person. It is impossible to know from day to day what one will have to pay for a pint of Smithwick's, Harp, or Guinness——

Or Murphys.

We will just have to go on the dry. With all this depression abroad one has to take a few pints every night. Otherwise one would not sleep; one would die of plain, ordinary anxiety. Always one's drinking companions would be complaining about the price of beer. Being a good trade unionist and member of the Labour Party I always blamed Fine Gael; they blamed us; and Fianna Fáil blamed the two of us. Then we would have a friendly argument. When we had drunk enough pints we would go home, go asleep and forget about the whole lot.

Spirits went up 3½p a glass with 3p more from 1 March next. I still contend that that is good value; it is still competitive. I think it has reduced substantially the volume of traffic across the Border, particularly at Christmas time, because the incentive to buy spirits in the North no longer exists. If the same was done with regard to other commodities, such as petrol and beer we might be going places. The price of cigarettes went up 7p per packet of 20, with 3½p more from 1 March next. The Minister for Health insists on so many notices being placed on the packet now that one has to sit down and read them before having a smoke.

All my friends in Carrolls in Dundalk are giving out stink about the Labour Party. They are blaming me. They say to me: "How do you expect us to go out and canvass for you in the next election when a colleague of yours is putting us out of a job while, at the same time, giving the advantage to imported brands of cigarettes?" The same is true of Irish newspapers and periodicals, their foreign counterparts can be imported. As far as I can see there is no restriction whatever on what they can print in relation to advertising of tobacco products. So while we go on our merry way, trying to close off the cigarette industry in Ireland, we are encouraging our British and continental competitors to sell more here. We will still die of cancer. The only difference will be that it will not be an Irish-manufactured cancer, it will be an EC or even American manufactured type.

The price of petrol went up 6p a gallon immediately after the budget and will go up another 4.8p from 1 March next. As Deputy J. Leonard will tell the House, our competitors around the Border areas are rubbing their hands. I spoke to many of them who travelled down here for the McGuigan fight. They were absolutely delighted. They thought that the former Minister for Finance, Deputy Dukes, was the greatest thing since rice crispies. They were almost going to make him an honorary citizen of Newry. Just when the price of spirits was going down, when they thought they were out of business again, the Minister for Finance puts up the price of petrol. They foresee hordes of people coming back up North for the cheaper petrol. While they are there they will buy the spirits, drink a few pints, eat something, perhaps buy some children's clothing. I can tell the House that it was not Deputy Peter Barry, the Minister for Foreign Affairs who should have been made the representative of the Irish Republic in the North. Rather it should have been the former Minister for Finance, Deputy Alan Dukes. He would have been popular with the Unionists.

All the people, whether they are Catholics or Protestants, Jews or atheists, had the same thing to say about Deputy Dukes, that he was a great man. They believed he was keeping them in business. At the next Cabinet re-shuffle we might consider sending Deputy Dukes to Belfast because he is so popular there. Even Paisley would get on with him because he and the Unionist population in the North are in the money business. They will not come down here unless there is a financial incentive for them. Why should they come down here when we are making millions of pounds for them? Our products do not compete with theirs. Our people go across the Border in droves. The people in the North are the ones who are making the money. They have no intention of having a United Ireland. If the position was reversed and if there were advantages for the Northern businessman and the Unionists in particular in doing business with the South then they would soon forget all this. Those people do not believe in the Church of England, the Church of Ireland or the Catholic Church, they believe in money.

I am sure the Ceann Comhairle must be bored listening to everybody saying the same thing over and over again. The central economic and social priority of the Government is to reduce the existing level of unemployment. This will be achieved through taxation and incentive policies to create a better climate for employment. The Minister for Finance says that the 1986 budget will do this. The budget proposals do not fulfil the stated priority policies contained in Building on Reality. As long as we continue to borrow for day-to-day spending and as long as the burden of tax is shouldered unevenly by the PAYE sector then a better climate will never emerge. Everybody agrees with that. If we were in Opposition now we would have a field day.

You will get the opportunity soon.

Fianna Fáil would then be the ones who would be worrying. The way to deal with Deputy Haughey is to borrow £1,000 million before we leave office, make promises, lower taxation by 25 per cent, increase the subsidy to the building industry and get them all back to work. A colleague of mine, who is wiser than I, said that what would happen then is that we would be re-elected and left with the bill. That would happen. Fianna Fáil will make promises and they will not tell us where they will get the money. They will come into office with a huge overall majority but when they look at the books they will not know where to get the money to finance all those things. There will still be unemployment, and the PAYE situation will still be the same. In theory, Government borrowing should finance projects which will generate revenue so that the interest will pay for itself and get people back to work in the process. It all sounds very simple if we could only find somebody with the brains to put it into operation. Borrowing is primarily financing current spending on such matters as unemployment benefits and education and leaving the rising interest payments to the taxpayers who must pay at increasingly higher rates to make up for ungenerated revenue.

It is interesting to note that allocations of State money to industry, which would be the most obvious and direct means to generate revenue and employment, have been cut very severely. Yet the potential for industrial growth in Ireland is enormous if Government policy would only take advantage of it. Ireland is one of the most attractive places in Europe for multinational corporations to locate. These are important for employment as already 80,000 people work in foreignowned industries. Approximately an additional 80,000 people work in areas of supporting inputs. Irish corporate taxes are the lowest in the EC and export sales are even tax free. Almost half of the foreign-owned firms in Ireland are owned by other EC companies who recognise Irish tax breaks to outweigh even the transport costs of exporting from Ireland. Capital grants are also available quite liberally and get industry started and expanded.

One of the most pressing needs is to encourage the great potential that indigenous Irish industries could hold. Multinational corporations frequently engage in transfer pricing, artificially inflating their profits which can be repatriated to the parent companies. This is a great source of wealth which is lost annually and which would not be lost to Irish-based and Irish-owned industry. Their revenue would remain in the Irish economy unlike our foreign brothers. Many Irish industries such as fishing and food processing are in desperate need of Government support which they seldom get. The one thing we succeeded in doing while in Government was the setting up of the National Development Corporation. Whether or not it will be dismantled by the Fianna Fáil Government I do not know. We did not succeed with divorce but we might succeed the next time. The Minister might even vote for it. We need only 11 more. The National Development Corporation who were to identify areas where State investment was most likely to succeed and create employment we re-allocated a paltry £8.5 million for 1986. Originally they were to receive £200 million. Where did the rest of the money go? Other areas which need improving in industry are marketing techniques, management skills, research and development, which does not exist, and input linkages. An allowance is made in the budget for research and development through tax incentives as well as employment programmes for scientists and technologists.

The other big priority of the Government was to reduce the current budget deficit which could best be tackled through tax reforms. At present the PAYE sector is unfairly paying the bulk of Irish taxes. Conversely revenue from business people and the wealthiest people in Ireland is quite small. The burden of taxation must be more evenly distributed. It is little wonder that so many people are unemployed.

Will the Deputy move the Adjournment of the debate?

I move the Adjournment.

Debate adjourned.
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