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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 11 Mar 1986

Vol. 364 No. 7

Social Welfare Bill, 1986: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The main purpose of this Bill is to give effect to the various increases in social welfare payments which were announced in the budget. The Bill also contains provisions for the introduction of the child benefit scheme, for improvements in the family income supplement scheme as well as a number of other changes in social welfare schemes. Before dealing with the details of the Bill I would like to deal with three important general aspects of social welfare policy. These are: the complementary roles of State and community action in caring for the less well off, the forthcoming report from the Commission on Social Welfare and misuse of the social welfare system.

The size of the social welfare budget is enormous. The total number of people and their dependants who receive each week social welfare payments of one kind or another is about 1.3 million or 37 per cent of our total population. Overall spending this year, taking account of the new rates of payments in the Bill, will amount to almost £2.5 billion of which the Exchequer will contribute £1.6 billion. This overall level of spending is equivalent to about £7 million for each day of the year and it represents the largest single block of current Government expenditure. Over the past ten years an increasing share of the country's output has been devoted to social welfare services and they now represent almost 15 per cent of gross national product. These facts clearly illustrate the extent and importance of the services provided to our community by the Department of Social Welfare.

Social welfare spending has increased to its present level due to a combination of factors including increased numbers of claimants generally, high unemployment and the various improvements made in the schemes over the years. The overall expenditure may be broken down into five main programmes as follows: 27 per cent for the old, 28 per cent for the unemployed, 14 per cent for the sick, 23 per cent for family income support and 4 per cent for miscellaneous services and benefits. About 4 per cent of expenditure goes on administration.

The old age pensioner, the unemployed person, those who are sick, the single parent and her children are entitled to an adequate level of support from the rest of the community. On the face of it the huge amount of money raised by PRSI contributions and from general taxation would indicate that our society is committed to protecting the weaker sections of our community.

There is also, however, another attitude beginning to surface in recent times and that is that people on social welfare payments are doing well and that many are in fact only too glad to be on the system and to avail of the benefits it provides. There is, in my view, a danger here that we would lose sight of the fact that people depending on social welfare payments are in the vast majority of cases genuinely in need and are having considerable difficulties in meeting their responsibilities and commitments.

Nobody can condone misuse of the system but, at the same time, there is a great danger in making sweeping allegations or moral judgments about various categories of social welfare recipients. We must be prepared to deal with abuse of the system wherever it occurs while maintaining the essential elements which make the system a genuinely caring one for people in different situations of need. Community attitudes to the social welfare system are very important and community involvement in social welfare provision has always been an essential feature of the system.

Before the social welfare system as we know it today came into being, the traditional bulwark against poverty was the support of the family with each generation accepting responsibility for the elderly and others in need. This pattern of support through the extended family weakened with the growth in industrialisation and urbanisation, but there is no reason why the underlying principle of mutual support could not be revitalised in these often more demanding times. The State can provide the basic infrastructure of income maintenance services but it is also vital that local communities take a responsibility for people in need and give them the continuing assurance that they are full members of the community.

There are, of course, many voluntary organisations and local groups doing invaluable work in communities and my Department in the administration of the provision for once-off grants to voluntary organisations since 1983 and more recently in the preparation for the EC poverty programme have had considerable experience of the valuable contribution made by such groups. Over the coming years there will be a need for continuing involvement and development of this aspect of social provision and for closer links between the activities of such groups and the statutory social welfare services in order to ensure that there are adequate mechanisms for identifying areas of need and tackling them in an effective way. This Government have shown a genuine concern to improve the living standards of people on social welfare.

The Bill provides for an increase of 4 per cent in the weekly personal and adult dependent rates of social insurance and social assistance from the third week in July next. The corresponding weekly rates for the long term unemployed are being increased by a further 1 per cent from the same time. These increases reflect the continuing commitment of this Government as outlined in the national plan Building on Reality to ensure that long term payments are at least maintained in line with inflation and short term unemployment and disability payments in line with take home pay. But we have gone a step further. The real value of pensions benefits and allowances has been increased and this will be maintained into 1987. Since the Government came into office and including the increases in the Bill, short term payments have been increased by 30 per cent compound, long term payments by 33 per cent and the long term unemployed received the highest increase of all, 40 per cent. In the period mid 1983-87 the increase in the consumer price index is expected to be of the order of some 23 per cent. Indeed, all the indications are that the level of inflation will be at an historically low level by the end of the year. It is evident, therefore, that the purchasing power of social welfare recipients has been more than maintained by this Government despite the severe constraints on the public finances generally.

Because of demographic factors and our high level of unemployment, expenditure on social welfare will continue to increase inexorably in real terms over the coming years although its rate of growth will fall as inflation and unemployment are contained and reduced. The difficulties in the public finances and the necessity for economies over the whole area of public expenditure will be severe constraints on efforts to provide additional resources for these services. The fact that social welfare expenditure is provided to a large extent by the Exchequer — some £1.6 billion in 1986 — partly accounts for our high levels of taxation. Even though the Government have reduced substantially the level of personal taxation in this year's budget it remains by international standards at a high level. One of the reasons the Government have had to maintain these levels of taxation is to ensure that the financial position of those dependent on social welfare, who are unfortunate enough not to be in any tax bracket, is fully maintained.

Basic social welfare commitments will continue to be met but there are important questions that need to be resolved. The problem of poverty in our society must be tackled. It is relevant to consider whether the amalgam of programmes that has evolved down through the years in response to specific needs is still appropriate in present circumstances. It is clear that we must review all expenditure programmes and concentrate resources where they are most needed. It was for that reason that the Government decided to establish a commission on social welfare to carry out a fundamental review of and make recommendations on the social welfare code and related social welfare services. As Deputies will be aware, the commission are due to report shortly and I am looking forward to the opportunity for a constructive debate on this complex area of national importance.

I would now turn to a topic that has been the subject of much media coverage and speculation in recent weeks and, that is, the question of fraud and abuse of the social welfare system. It is important when discussing this topic that the matter be put into proper perspective and that we do not fall into the trap of contributing to an anti-welfare mentality. This is something we must guard against. I have already given some indication of the size and scale of our social welfare services. The amount of money spent each day is huge and the number of people who benefit is enormous. There are over 3,500 staff in my Department responsible for the administration of the various schemes and for the delivery of service to the needy.

Various figures have been bandied about in relation to the extent of fraud and those are pure speculation. The only factual information which I can give the House is that of the various individual cases which were investigated during 1985 over the Department's services as a whole. It is estimated that some 4,000 of them involved an element of fraud and that the total amount of overpayments involved in these cases is in the region of £3 million. Investigations are still under way in many of these cases and a number of people have been or are being prosecuted.

These are the only factual figures available. My Department are very conscious of the need to combat fraud in the social welfare system, subject to the resources available and to the need to strike a balance between fraud prevention and making sure that procedures are not such as to cause undue delay in making payment to genuine cases.

It would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to estimate what is the level of fraud at any time and any attempt to do so must be based largely on conjecture. Many social welfare schemes are, of course, open to manipulation and every effort must be made to detect and eradicate fraud where it exists. This should not, however, lead us to abandon basic elements of the system or to make the system a less caring one for people in genuine need.

On the unemployment side in 1985 a total of about 2,000 cases of fraud were detected. The greatest incidence of cases relate to concurrent working and drawing benefit of which there were some 1,400 cases. There are also cases of persons found claiming while they are either unavailable for or incapable of work. There were also some cases of personation and cases of claims for allowances to which the claimant was not entitled. The majority of cases of fraud on the disability benefit scheme relate to concurrent working and claiming. As regards old age non-contributory pensions, for instance, the bulk of the sums overpaid are due to non-disclosure of means which come to light generally on the death of the pensioner.

With regard to employers defaulting on PRSI contributions, cases have arisen where considerable arrears of PAYE-PRSI were revealed when a company went into liquidation with perhaps large debts and few assets. Fundamental trading difficulties and cash flow problems in the business sector cannot be solved by abuse of the social security system.

Over the years a number of measures to curb misuse have been taken on two broad fronts. First, changes in the structure of the benefits payable to persons during sickness and unemployment were made which have achieved a more realistic relationship between the level of overall benefit and a person's normal take-home pay.

The second area relates to administrative measures. At a general level all officers dealing with claims are trained and encouraged to be vigilant at all times in looking out for fraudulent claims. There are a whole series of checks and balances built into the various administrative procedures to which all claims are subjected to ensure that only valid claims are put into payment. In addition, an extensive range of administrative measures has also been brought into force or improved over recent years and it is important that these be stated again. These included:

Control measures at local offices have been tightened up. The general cadre of the social welfare officers is now 251 officers based at 94 different locations throughout the State.

The size of my Department's special investigation unit is now 38 officers at 18 centres engaged full time in the investigation of abuses and irregularities. The main role of the unit is in relation to the abuse of working and `signing-on' and they carry out special investigations in areas where fraud is suspected. I have arranged to strengthen this unit further by the assignment of an additional six officers to anti-fraud work.

There is also the development of closer liaison between the National Manpower Service and the local offices of my Department. The National Manpower Service give priority to the registered unemployed in filling vacancies. This liaison makes it possible to identify persons who are not interested in finding work or who may in fact already have a job.

Increased numbers of disability benefit claimants are being referred to my Department's panel of medical referees for a second opinion to ensure that only those who are genuinely ill are in fact paid disability benefit. The panel of medical referees has been recently increased to 25.

Improved selection procedures have been introduced in the type of cases referred for medical examination to ensure that the appropriate cases are submitted promptly for examination.

Claimants for disability benefit are also visited in their own home by the Department's sickness visitors and doubtful cases are referred to the panel of medical referees.

Securing prosecutions against persons who fraudently claim social welfare payments is a very important feature of my Department's drive against abuses of the schemes. All fraudulent cases coming to light are considered for prosecution where sufficient evidence is available. A total of 175 prosecutions for irregularities on the unemployment payments side were finalised in 1985 compared to 120 in 1984 and 86 in 1983.

The Department's powers to prosecute for offences were strengthened and clarified in 1983 following the advice of the Attorney General in relation to certain defects in the existing legislation. In addition, penalties for social welfare offences were substantially increased last year.

Like my predecessor at the Department of Social Welfare, I am very conscious of the need to curb abuse of the social welfare system and I will continue to make every effort to detect and stamp out abuse and fraud. This is all the more important because of the pressures on the public finances; any leakage from the system no matter how small is a lost opportunity in terms of providing a better service for the disadvantaged in our society. Thousands of claims by genuine people to the various services provided by my Department are processed each week. The numbers who attempt to fraud are small; the numbers who actually do so are smaller still. No matter what action we take we must ensure that we do not cause any undue delay or hardship to the genuine cases. This is of paramount importance. We must at all times ensure that proper regard is had to the needs and dignity of the individual claimant and not make the innocent suffer for the sins of the few.

I would like to turn to some of the details in the Bill. I hope that Deputies will have found the explanatory memorandum, circulated with the Bill, helpful in their consideration of the text.

Deputies will be aware that there has been an unavoidable delay in the introduction of the provisions for equal treatment for men and women in social security matters. I am glad to be able to say that agreement has been reached with the staff union in question to implement, on a phased basis from mid-May next, those measures which are not dependent on additional staffing.

Section 2 of the Bill provides for the abolition of reduced rates of benefit at present payable to married women. Married women will also become entitled to unemployment benefit for the full 390 days under regulations which I will be making separately. I am also abolishing the reduced rates of benefit that are payable to persons under 18 years of age. Hitherto the reduced rates applied to married women and also to persons aged under 18. In view of the fact that persons become employed contributors at age 16 and are liable for the same rates of social insurance contributions as other contributors I consider that they should also be eligible for the same level of benefits when sick or unemployed and I am providing accordingly in the Bill.

The question of implementing the remaining equal treatment measures which were provided for in the Social Welfare (No. 2) Act, 1985 is dependent on additional staff being allocated, the devising of new work procedures and the training of staff in those procedures. I am making every effort to resolve these problems so that a date can be fixed for implementing the remaining phases.

General increases in social insurance and occupational injuries benefits are provided for in section 2 of the Bill.

A contributory old age pensioner under 80 years of age will receive an additional £2.05 a week from 18 July bringing his rate of payment to £53.45 a week. If he is married with a wife under age 66 he will get a total increase of £3.35 bringing the pension to £87.55 a week. A married couple both over pensionable age will get £93.35 compared to £89.75 at present. Higher increases are paid for pensioners over 80. Additional payments are also made for persons living alone.

The personal rate of widow's contributory pension is being increased by £1.85 a week to £48.10. Widows over 66 and over 80 receive higher payments.

The personal rate of invalidity pension goes up from £45.30 to £47.10 for a person under pensionable age and a married couple will receive £77.70, an increase of £3.

A person in receipt of disability or unemployment benefit will have a new personal rate of £41.10 a week, an increase of £1.60. Deputies will be aware that this new rate was shown incorrectly in the first version of the explanatory memorandum on the Bill. Where the recipient is married the increase will be £2.60 a week. Maternity allowance is also being increased to £41.10.

The new rates of social assistance payments are provided for in section 3. The maximum personal rate of non-contributory old age pension for a pensioner under 80 years of age goes from £44 a week at present to £45.75 a week. It will go up from £47.20 to £49.10 for persons aged 80 or over. The overall maximum payment for a pensioner under 80 with a dependent spouse under 66 will increase by £2.65 to £68.75. The allowance payable in respect of a prescribed relative giving full time care and attention to an incapacitated pensioner is being raised to £25.60 per week.

Widows receiving non-contributory widow's pensions at the present rate of £43.15 will get an increase of £1.75 a week. Similar increases will apply to deserted wives, unmarried mothers and prisoners' wives.

Those receiving short-duration unemployment assistance in urban areas will get an increase of £1.30 a week in their maximum personal rate. In rural areas the increase will be £1.25 a week. A married applicant in an urban area will get an increase of £2.25 a week in the present rate of £56.40.

The rates of unemployment assistance for long-duration recipients of unemployment assistance are higher. For example, a married man in an urban area will get £63.15 which is £4.50 more than the corresponding short-duration rate.

The maximum rate of supplementary welfare allowance for a married couple goes from £54.80 to £56.95.

Section 17 provides for the introduction of the new monthly child benefit scheme from April 1986.

The purpose of the scheme will be to provide as much cash support to mothers as possible in one single payment. However, it will not be possible for administrative and technical reasons to introduce, as originally intended, a fully taxable scheme in 1986. As a first step, therefore, the Government have decided to introduce a non-taxable scheme of child benefit with effect from April 1986.

Under this scheme a child benefit of £15.05 per month will be paid for each of the first five children. This rate will be increased to £21.75 per month for each subsequent child. These payments will not be taxable. This represents an increase of £3 per month per child over the existing rates of payment under the children's allowance scheme.

The new scheme replaces the present children's allowance scheme and also involves the abolition of the child tax allowance of £100 per child under the income tax code. Furthermore child dependant increases for social welfare recipients will remain at their present levels. The new scheme, therefore, involves a redirection of child support. Families paying tax at the higher rates will suffer some net loss arising from the abolition of child tax allowances but the intention of the scheme is to achieve a redistribution of resources in the direction of families most in need. Three-quarters of all families in the State will be at least as well off under the new arrangement as under the existing schemes and many thousands, including families depending on social welfare payments, will in fact be better off.

Section 4 provides for improvements in the family income supplement scheme. The rate of the supplement is being increased from 25 per cent to one third of the difference between gross family income and a prescribed upper limit. The income limits up to which family income supplement is payable and the maximum amounts of supplement payable are also being increased. The changes in the income limits and maximum amounts follow from the improvements in the personal income taxation announced in the budget and from increases in the rates of short term social insurance benefits provided in the Bill.

The levels of weekly income up to which a supplement is payable will be scaled up from £100 for a family with one child by £20 per week for each additional child, up to and including the fifth child. The income levels at which the maximum supplement is payable are also being adjusted, for example, from £68 to £70 per week for a one-child family.

The maximum weekly amount of supplement payable to families with one child will be increased, by £2.00 from £8 to £10. For larger families the maximum amount of supplement payable for each additional child up to and including the fifth child is being increased from £2.50 to £4 per week. These changes will take effect from 10 April 1986.

Section 5 of the Bill provides for an increase from £49 to £58 in the earnings disregard, or "floor", for pay-related benefit purposes. This change will affect new claims only from the beginning of April next where entitlement to pay-related benefit is involved.

Since the introduction of the pay-related benefit scheme in April 1974, a proportion of reckonable earnings has always been disregarded in calculating the amount of pay-related benefit payable in addition to disability, unemployment, maternity and injury benefit. In 1974, this disregard or floor was £14, or twice the prevailing rate of flat-rate benefit. The floor was not increased until 1981, even though the level of flat rate benefit rose significantly during that time.

The latest increase in the floor continues the policy that has been adopted in recent years of progressively raising its level. However, if the floor had been maintained at the same level in relation to the flat rate benefit as it was in April 1974, it would now be about £84 instead of £58 proposed in this Bill.

Section 6 provides that the earnings ceiling for PRSI contribution purposes be raised from £13,800 to £14,700 with effect from 6 April 1986. For the fourth successive year there is no increase in the actual rates of social insurance contributions. Section 7 provides that the rate of contribution to the occupational injuries fund payable by employers be increased from 0.4 per cent to 0.43 per cent.

There will also be an increase of 0.1 per cent in employers contributions to the Department of Labour's Redundancy and Employers' Insolvency Fund. As a result of both of these changes, the standard rate of employers PRSI contributions goes up from 12.20 per cent to 12.33 per cent.

There is no increase in the employees social insurance contribution. However there will be a reduction of 1 per cent in the total PRSI contribution payable by employees as a result of the abolition of the income levy as announced in the Budget Statement.

Section 8 makes provision for the PRSI exemption scheme for employers announced by the Taoiseach last October. Under this scheme employers in the private sector who take on additional employees on a full time basis between 23 October 1985 and 31 March 1986, resulting in a net increase in their workforce, will be exempt from their portion of the PRSI contribution for those employees for each week in the income tax year 1986-87 in which the increase in the workforce is maintained.

Employers participating in the scheme will also be exempt from the redundancy contribution and, where applicable, the health contribution and the youth employment levy and this is provided for in section 8.

To give further encouragement to employers to participate in the scheme the Government have decided, as was announced last week, to relax some of the conditions of the scheme. Up to now employers who had received assistance by way of State grants in the past 12 months were not eligible. This condition no longer applies. Also it was a condition that an employee recruited under the scheme should be on the live register for six months. This has now been reduced to 13 weeks. Employers have an opportunity between now and the end of the month to participate in the scheme and avail of the exemption.

An employer participating under the scheme will benefit to the extent of about £962 for the year for each additional employee taken on, assuming the employee is earning £150 a week.

Sections 9 and 10 provide for changes in the disability benefit scheme. Section 9 increases the period of disqualification for disability benefit and injury benefit from six weeks to nine weeks where a person fails to turn up for a medical examination by one of the Department's medical referees or where the person has become incapable of work through his own misconduct. In 1985, over 75,000 disability benefit claimants were called for medical examination: 6,000 people did not attend for examination and were disqualified for the six week period allowed under present legislation. Because of the extent of non-attendance the Government considered that the penalty for such non-attendance should be increased.

Section 10 provides that disability benefit will not be paid while a claimant is on paid holiday leave from his employment. There is some evidence that certain persons claim disability benefit as a matter of course while on paid holiday leave and this amounts to misuse of the disability benefit scheme. This measure is designed to end this potential misuse.

Section 11 rationalises the method of calculating entitlements under the maternity allowance scheme for women in employment. The section provides that entitlement will be calculated as 70 per cent of a woman's earnings in the relevant tax year or 70 per cent of a specified weekly amount instead of a combination of flat rate, pay-related and additional pay-related benefit as at present. This is a technical measure and there will be no change in the amount of benefit payable.

Sections 12, 13, 14, 21 and 23 provide for changes to the occupational injuries benefit scheme. Section 12 extends entitlement to benefit to persons travelling to and from work subject to such circumstances as may be prescribed by regulations. Sections 13 and 14 provide that injury benefit will be paid from the first day of incapacity for work where the incapacity lasts for more than three days. I consider this to be more equitable than the present arrangement where the incapacity must last for 12 days before payment can be made from the first day. Section 13 also provides that injury benefit will not be paid while a person is on paid holiday leave from his employment — this is in line with the amendment to the disability benefit scheme in section 10.

I have already indicated that I am abolishing the reduced rates of disability, unemployment and injury benefit payable to persons under 18 years of age. Section 21 abolishes the reduced rate of disablement benefit for persons who are under 18 years. In future persons under 18 years of age will receive the same rate of benefit as all other persons.

Section 23 removes the restriction on a claimant appealing against a provisional assessment of disablement within two years of he initial assessment. It also repeals the provision whereby a person who is receiving disablement benefit is assessed as being 100 per cent disabled while he is in hospital. At present a person who is assessed at less than 100 per cent disablement and is hospitalised receives an increase to give him the full rate of benefit. I consider that this arrangement can no longer be justified and propose that the person continue to receive the same rate as prior to hospitalisation.

The provision whereby payments of injury benefit or disablement benefit including any increases are limited to the amount of the beneficiary's earnings at the time of the accident is also being repealed. It is considered that this limit is no longer necessary given the fact that payments of injury benefit are subjected to a pay-related benefit "wage stop" in any event.

Section 15 increases the fines for offences involving the obstruction of an inspector of the Department in the exercise of his duties prescribed in section 114 (4) of the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1981. At present a maximum fine of £500 or 12 months' imprisonment or both can be imposed on summary conviction and a maximum fine of £2,000 or up to two years' imprisonment on conviction on indictment under this section. This section increases the maximum fines to £1,000 and £3,000 respectively and brings them into line with other penalties under the Social Welfare Acts which were increased last year.

Section 18 provides that the full cost of the supplementary welfare allowance scheme, including administration, will be borne by the Exchequer by way of the Social Welfare Vote on and from 1 January 1986. The present arrangements for financing the supplementary welfare allowance scheme involve a sharing of the cost between the Exchequer and the local authorities. This system has not worked satisfactorily and the Government have decided that in future the full cost will be borne by the Exchequer. This represents a major improvement in the situation for the health boards who administer the supplementary welfare allowance scheme.

Section 16 extends the authority of social welfare officers to inspect the premises of self-employed persons on the same basis as for employers for the purposes of combating abuse. The section extends the powers given in last year's Act to inspect premises where a social welfare officer has reasonable grounds for believing that persons are employed or that there are documents relating to employment being kept.

Section 19 provides that where unemployed persons, who have participated in certain employment-training schemes sponsored by the Department of Labour for up to one year's duration, resume claiming unemployment benefit the two periods of unemployment will be regarded as one for the purpose of subsequent entitlement to benefit. At present attendance at a training course of over 13 weeks breaks the link with the pre-course claim for benefit. Section 19 also provides that to be eligible to receive unemployment benefit a person must not only be available for employment but also be genuinely seeking employment. This will bring the condition for receipt of unemployment benefit into line with the corresponding condition for the receipt of unemployment assistance.

Section 20 is designed to overcome some difficulties in relation to the authorisation of legal proceedings. It provides for the acceptance in court of a certificate of authorisation of legal proceedings in relation to social welfare offences, without proof of the person purporting to sign the certificate, unless this is challenged.

Section 22 provides for a technical amendment to section 3 of the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1981 to facilitate work on the consolidation of the social welfare regulations which is at present in progress.

I now wish to refer to a number of other developments which do not require legislation.

The Minister for Finance announced in his budget speech that there would be a social welfare amnesty from prosecutions for those who come forward within six months admitting to existing or earlier irregularities or fraud in relation to the social welfare system. I have also arranged that, in addition to new cases, the amnesty will normally apply to cases already under investigation where fresh admissions or offers of repayment are made by clients. However, in all cases there will be no waiver of the requirement to repay any money obtained over and above legitimate entitlements. Persons who wish to avail of the amnesty must come forward before 29 July next and the arrangements for doing so have been set out recently in advertisements in the national newspapers.

Since 1983 £1.68 million has been provided for various voluntary organisations who do invaluable work in the social services area. The grants are mainly for once-off projects and are payable in addition to any grants made by health boards. This year an increased sum of £750,000 is being made available. An advertisement has been placed in the national press inviting interested organisations to complete an application form and submit it to my Department before 11 April 1986. The health boards will then be consulted and the grants will be paid to the approved bodies as soon as possible afterwards.

Some 161 organisations benefited from grants under this heading in 1985. The following is a cross-section of the type of work which these agencies carry out:

—day care centres for the old

—meals on wheels

—services for the physically handicapped

—youth club projects

—day care centres for the homeless

—help for unmarried mothers.

I am glad that I was able to provide further financial assistance this year for the work carried out by the various organisations who provide such a variety of social services on a voluntary basis.

As the House knows, the Combat Poverty Agency Bill, 1985 is currently before the House. The new agency will be set up as soon as possible after the legislation is passed. A sum of £1 million is provided in 1986 for the agency and the EC poverty programmes.

Social welfare is a vast and complex area and its impact on the daily lives of the community may well have been underestimated in the past. I certainly do not under-estimate my job of re-shaping social welfare policy to meet the country's needs as we approach the end of the 20th century.

What sort of reaction can we expect to the report of the Commission on Social Welfare? Policy choices made for social welfare are important choices for society. To make these choices is to exercise power and decide on the distribution of scarce resources — that is the essence of politics. My own view is that there has not been enough constructive and informed politics in relation to social welfare. No public expenditure programme has an absolute and unconditional claim on any particular proportion or amount of public resources and none has, or ought to have, an absolute immunity to change as economic and social conditions create the need for change.

To plead for a politics of social welfare more sensitive to differences of interest and opinion and more informed by debate is not to argue for any particular outcome, but the debate must begin. I believe the priority must be to secure a greater degree of equity in the distribution of the resources at our disposal. This Bill is further tangible evidence of this Government's commitment in this regard.

I commend the Bill to the House.

I listened intently to the Minister presenting in a diplomatic and able way what must have been for her a very difficult presentation, and I recognise that she had to put as good a face as she could on what she had to offer. I commend her for the able way in which she did that. However, we must recognise that this Government have now been in office for three years and some four months and they have had an opportunity to produce their fourth Social Welfare Bill to the present Dáil and their record in relation to social welfare payments and increases over this period of three years and some three or four months has been quite appalling compared with what had been the record in the past. I do not think there can be any doubt that the present Coalition Government's record is the worst that could ever be recorded in the history of this State in relation to social welfare improvements and payments. They are even worse than those of previous Coalition Governments which, God knows, were bad enough. The Minister did her best to put a good face on and to dress up the little she had to offer. To some extent she extolled and congratulated the Government on their achievements of the last three years and four months in relation to the social welfare payments. The last three Social Welfare Bills caused great difficulty, but this is the worst. We have had to listen to the pious platitudes of Government members regarding their intentions to keep increases in line with the consumer price index and inflation. We and everybody else now know that despite what the present Minister, her predecessor and Government spokesmen have said, the social welfare increases have not kept in line with inflation; they have fallen far short.

Another aspect is being forgotten, which is that each year since the Government took office unfortunate social welfare recipients have had to wait longer for the increases to be implemented. The increases announced in the budget used to be implementable from April but the Government started the trend of delaying payment. In 1983 the increases were operative from the end of June; in 1984, from the first week in July; last year, from the second week in July and this year it is intended that they be operative from the third week in July. The Government will not have sufficient time to do so, but if they were to keep on going in that way payment would be in December of the budget year or even the very last day of that year.

A penny-pinching philosophy is being adopted by the Government who, if they are not masters of too much, are certainly masters of the doctrine of fiscal rectitude. The Minister, Deputy Dukes, on budget day gave us details of the increases for this year, but I had hoped that today the Minister might have given us some glimmer of hope for the future. I listened assiduously but did not see much hope of any special improved benefits for social welfare recipients for the future. We have lived through three years and three months of a Government who are apparently indifferent to everything but the implementation of miserly economic scroogery. That is what they are experts at practising and they have become quite adept in this respect in relation to their treatment of all social welfare recipients.

I am glad that the Minister adverted to the fact that there were misconceptions abroad. However, many of these emanated from views expressed, both publicly and privately, by members of her own party, that social welfare recipients were ripping off the State and were better off receiving benefits than they would be if they were working. I respect what the Minister has said today and am glad that she has put it on record. It would be unfortunate should that type of thinking become widespread. Those on the old age pension are entitled to it because they are over age; widows are entitled to their widow's pension because of their widowhood; the disabled are entitled to the disability benefit because of their disability; those receiving unemployment payments are entitled to them because they are unemployed. Certainly those who are sick, unemployed or widows would prefer not to have to receive these allowances. They would prefer to be financed from the usual sources.

The Government appear to have an obsession about badly treating the most vulnerable and the least well-off sections of our community. Again this year they have treated them with abject disdain and inhumanity. I had hoped, as no doubt the greater public outside also had, that at some stage the penny might drop and that the Government might realise that the direction in which they were going was the wrong direction. I had hoped that some inspiration would come to them to improve the policies under which they are operating, but there is no indication as yet that they are getting any such inspiration.

In the meantime the old, the sick and the unemployed — and particularly poor families — are being treated as social outcasts. That has not happened just this year. It happened last year and the previous two years. The actions of the Government towards the most deprived section of our community cry out for vengeance from the public. One need only travel in trains or take a taxi, as Deputy Reynolds does now and again, or go into any public house. The public are just waiting to lay their hands on the Government and deal with them effectively in the appropriate fashion through the ballot box.

The recently deposed Minister for Finance, Deputy Dukes, in his Financial Statement to this House on 29 January 1986 had once again the appalling audacity to pretend that despite the difficult economic background, as he described it, it remained the primary aim of that Government that transfers to the less well-off should keep pace with the cost of living. He said that they had achieved that aim and that each of the welfare increases given in the first three budgets of that Government had exceeded the following year's cost of living. That is not so. This was a misrepresentation of the facts. The Government, the Minister for Finance in his Budget Statement and spokespeople for the Government conveniently omitted to inform the public that the increases granted in those years since they came to office had been operative for only nine months of those years up to now and this year would be operative for approximately eight months of the year. This is a seriously deceptive and blatantly dishonest type of politics, trying to mislead, and should be deprecated.

Let us take for example this year's increases which will be operative from the third week of July. There will be an apparent increase of 4 per cent. Those on long term unemployment will get an apparent increase of 5 per cent for eight months of the year. One can compute the costs which these people have been bearing since the budget. The projected inflation rate for the year will be something in the region of 4.5 per cent. The real increase for social welfare recipients for the eight months period would be of the order of 2.7 per cent instead of 4 per cent. For the long term unemployed, the increase will be not 5 per cent but in the region of 3.4 per cent, lower than the inflation rate. What does this mean? It means that the increased costs which came into effect on budget day — increased VAT, increased excise duties and so on — are costing social welfare recipients more. The net result of the budgetary policy is that all the people, particularly those on social welfare, will have less money in their pockets this year than they had last year. That is the stark reality. That is what counts at the end of the day. No matter how this or any other Minister tries to dress up the story, the stark facts are that people in receipt of these payments will have less disposable money this year than they had last year, and last year they had less than the year before. The continuing saga of suffering goes on. There is no point in Ministers pretending that the increases are matching inflation because they are not.

Many social welfare recipients live in abject poverty. They know, and we know, that this Government have cruelly, sadly, mediciously and vicioulsy attacked the lower sections of the community in the so-called interests of fiscal rectitude. They have shown contempt and disdain for the old, the sick, the widows and the unemployed. The unemployed are being treated as if they were an encumbrance on the State. Many people are saying that the level of unemployment means that there is an increased burden on the State. We are getting a little tired of the Minister for Finance and various Government spokesmen talking about the huge cost of the social welfare bill and pointing out that it costs almost £2.5 billion a year. A major cost factor in that figure is the growing cost of unemployment which is the result of the Government's failed economic policy. The Government have created this problem and have done nothing to solve it. Every 1,000 people they have put on the unemployed queue cost the State £2.7 million per annum. The Government cannot blame the unemployed for that. They cannot blame Fianna Fáil for it, nor can they blame the oil crises, which used to be a great excuse. If something cannot be sorted out in the Department of Social Welfare, we are told the blame lies with the social welfare commission, they are looking into it, but that is like looking into an empty hole because no information is ever produced.

Despite all these increased costs, there is not justification for the Government cutting back on social welfare payments to the extent they have done. The increases they have given are derisory. A married couple with two children in receipt of disability or unemployment benefit will get an increase of £2.60 per week; an old age pensioner will get an increase of £2.05 per week; a person on invalidity pension will get an increase of £1.80 per week and a widow will get an increase of £1.85. These increases are an insult to social welfare recipients in view of the huge increased costs which have been imposed on them in the interim.

This Government are not conscious of the needs of the people. Do the Government realise that these unfortunate families will have less money to meet essential needs this year than they had last year? Yet Government members are congratulating themselves on what they have achieved and how they have matched inflation. This is ridiculous. Compare what has been done over the last three years and four months by this Government in relation to social welfare payments and increases, with what successive Fianna Fáil Governments did. We recognised the needs of social welfare recipients. This Government's record is appalling, particularly when compared with Fianna Fáil's record. In 1983, this Government gave an increase of 12 per cent in long term payments, and a 10 per cent increase in short term payments, operative from the end of June. In 1984 they gave an 8 per cent increase to those on long term assistance only and all other benefits were increased by 7 per cent, payable from the first week in July. Last year the increase was down to 6½ per cent for long term payments and 6 per cent for short term payments, payable from 11 July. This year a 5 per cent increase was granted to those on long term unemployment assistance and 4 per cent for all other social welfare recipients, payable from the third week in July.

In 1980 Fianna Fáil granted a 25 per cent increase in long term benefits and a 20 per cent increase in short term payments, payable from April. In 1981 Fianna Fáil granted a 25 per cent increase in long term payments and a 20 per cent increase in short term payments, payable in April. In 1982 Fianna Fáil granted an across the board increase of 25 per cent to all social welfare recipients, payable in April. It is obvious that this Government's performance in this area pales when compared with the achievements of Fianna Fáil of which we are justly proud and which we hope to reimplement at the earliest possible opportunity. We want to ensure that the poor, the sick, the old and the unemployed have a decent living, that they will be able to buy essentials, and that they will not have to survive in abject poverty any longer.

I have some personal sympathy for the new Minister for Social Welfare. I recognise that she has inherited an almost impossible position. The record of her Department over the last three years has reached the lowest level ever in terms of financial support for the most deprived sections of the community. Her predecessor did not cover himself with any glory. The Minister's predecessor achieved absolute notoriety in ensuring that the less privileged got the worst possible deal. Unfortunately, he seemed to take a sort of sadistic pleasure in getting this message through to the House and the people. It appeared almost as if he took personal gratification out of imposing cuts and reductions and the policies of fiscal rectitude on the people.

I am not prone to making personal comments about members of any party but he had developed a type of arrogance particularly in regard to any cruel impositions he happened to be effecting. He appeared to enjoy doing so. Almost a years ago I felt it was only right and proper that he should be admonished in this House. At that time I told him that if a contest was held to find the most hated man in the country he would easily win. I have no doubt that, by the time he left that office, he would have won that contest even more easily. However, it would be much too simplistic of me to assume that all of these mistaken policies and decisions were his only. There must have been collective Cabinet responsibility for major failures and the reduced payments that have been made over the past three years and four months. There can be little doubt that every member of the Government stands culpable.

This year for the first time under the provisions of this Bill there will be no percentage increases given to child dependants of social welfare recipients. Those allowances will remain the same. This is a classic example of how little this Government care about the family as a unit, the rights of children to proper financial support for their maintenance. Indeed, it was ironic that on 29 January last when our spokesman on Finance drew attention to the fact that child dependants were not getting the 4 per cent or 5 per cent increase, the Taoiseach did not even know that that was so and stated that they were receiving a quarter increase which, of course, was not true. That clearly shows that the Taoiseach did not even know the minute details of the budget presented by the Minister for Finance. The decision to exclude child dependants from welfare increases is most unjust and is something for which this Government will pay dearly at the ballot box whenever the occasion next arises.

It is becoming daily clearer that this Government are engaging in what might be described as an anti-family programme. While failing to give any percentage increases to child dependants of social welfare recipients, there was much fanfare about the introduction of the so-called child benefit scheme. One might well examine what they have achieved to date. For example, the new monthly child benefit scheme will mean a payment of £15.05 per child per month for each of the first five children, compared with the existing children's allowance rate of £12.05 per child per month, an increase of £3 per child per month or a miserly 75p per child per week. One must remember what this Government have done in relation to child support over the past three years.

The children's allowance scheme constituted the traditional method of providing family income support for children, first introduced in 1944 in support of the larger families and applied initially only where there were three or more children in a family. From 1963 onwards the provisions of that scheme were extended to cover all children up to 16 years of age and 18 years of age where such children were engaged in full time education or were incapacitated. That traditional family income supplement, in most cases, was used assiduously and conscientiously by the mothers of families to supplement essential family needs. On other occasions it provided the mother with a reservoir from which she could effect payments at crucial times. We have now almost 500,000 families who benefit under the scheme; the figure would be 470,000 or thereabouts.

Last year this Government granted no increase at all in children's allowances. In 1984 they gave a miserly 7 per cent from 7 August that year, with no increase at all having been given in the year 1983. This demonstrates this Government's appalling disregard for families' financial needs. In the entire three years of their tenure of office they granted one increase of 7 per cent, implemented from 7 August 1984 which, in real terms, amounted to 4 per cent only in that year. Therefore, effectively, since they assumed office in December 1982 this Government have increased children's allowances by a mere 4 per cent and this year, in implementing the child benefit scheme, they are granting a miserly increase of 75p per child per week. I have no doubt that the almost 500,000 families entitled to children's allowances, or who will benefit from the new child benefit scheme, know that this Government have failed them miserably.

In the National Economic and Social Council pamphlet on economic and social policies assessment dated January 1985 it was clearly stated that the child benefit scheme was to be increased to £30 per child per month compared with the existing rate of £12.05 per child per month. We are all aware that the Government granted a miserable increase, from £12.05 to £15.05, or £15 short of what was envisaged by the NESC as the minimum amount necessary for proper family support. I request the Minister to have another look at the Government's proposal in regard to that scheme. She should try to restore some credibility to the Government by improving it. If the Government are not worried about their own credibility they should consider and respect the rightful claims of dependent children. I hope the Minister will review that scheme.

The Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. Kevin McNamara, when Bishop of Kerry, was clearly conscious of the value to the family unit in financial terms of proper children's allowance payments. In a Lenten Pastoral in 1984, entitled, The Christian Family, according to the issue of the Cork Examiner of 29 March 1984, he:

.... had criticised the meagre children's allowances paid out by successive Governments. "For a country which rightly prides itself on its strong family traditions it is puzzling," he said, "how we should accept payments which compare very unfavourably with European rates.""In the last few years, "the Bishop stated," families had become increasingly beset by economic difficulties arising from unemployment and increasing living costs.""Many families were" he stated, "under pressure to keep a home, dress and educate children on low wages and social welfare benefits. There were pressures on wives to leave home against their will to supplement the family income.

The remedy here must surely be greater financial support for families from the State and voluntary bodies, he suggested. Dr. McNamara stated that if children's allowances could not be raised for all social categories then there should be at least an increase for families on social welfare payments or who are otherwise hard-pressed.

Dr. McNamara as a Church leader is conscious of the demands being imposed on families and how families are constrained because of financial difficulties from getting even the essentials of life. In 1984 he advised the Government as to what they should do and I agree with that advice but the Government did not take any notice of him. They have not taken any notice of any advice I gave them. For some reason or other the Government appear loath to accept any advice from the Church. It appears that the Church is in the Government's black book.

Dr. McNamara's Lenten Pastoral put the issue of children's allowances in its proper perspective. A miserly increase of 75p per child per month is not adequate to compensate for the increase in the cost of living in this day and age particularly when the child dependant allowance increases will not be granted this year. That was the most appalling and atrocious decision made by the Government since they commenced their inglorious reign of office. We must add to that the fact that the £100 child tax allowance has been dropped. Those on the lowest tier of the PAYE bracket will have to pay £35 per child as a result in extra taxation. The amount of compensation to be paid by the Government will be £36 per child per year. The injustice of that move speaks for itself.

In the budget, and the Bill before us, the Government have attempted to dress up and doctor the family income supplement scheme. Originally that scheme was sold as a masterly stroke to combat poverty and help poor people in difficult economic times. It is no harm to reflect on the history of that scheme. In October 1984 the two elements in the Coalition, Fine Gael and Labour were struggling and fighting among themselves. At that time the family income supplement scheme was announced and it was estimated that up to 35,000 families would benefit from it. There was a lot of talk about 35,000 families rushing to take up this scheme and how it would be back dated for two months. That was done to accomodate some of the reluctant elements in the Labour Party who were finding the 50 per cent reduction of the food subsidies almost unpalatable. Poor Deputy Bell from Louth got into convulsions about the drop in the food subsidies. He almost became applectic about the matter but the Government came to his rescue. Poor Deputy Bell had a very easy political conscience and it was not difficult to satisfy it because when he was told that this marvellous scheme was to be back dated to 1 September he popped into line and said: "Yes sir, we will keep going with you because you are doing a fine job in Government".

The famous family income supplement was as abject a failure as the Government have been. It was predicted that 35,000 families would benefit, but for some reason or other the public did not avail of it. Perhaps the scheme was not attractive — God knows it was advertised enough — or perhaps there were so many restrictions and conditions attached to it that it was almost impossible to avail of it. Only 5,000 families have benefited by this scheme, which is a far cry from the 35,000 who were supposed to avail of it. The families who availed of the scheme are receiving on average £7 per week per family. The suggested improvements intended to make the scheme more attractive will not have any major impact.

The proposed increase in the family income supplement for a family with two eligible children would be £3.50 per week, which is insufficient at present when costs are so high. I do not believe that there will be a massive influx of applicants wishing to join the scheme having regard to the miserly increase. When the scheme was first introduced it was supposed to cushion the poor from the effects of the removal of subsidies on food in 1984. We should remember that the estimated savings on milk and butter in 1985 from doing away with 50 per cent of the subsidies was £24 million. The estimated saving on having the subsidies on bread reduced in 1985 was £20.4 million, a total of £44.5 million. Although the Government made such a big saving they paid out approximately £11 million on the family income supplement, which was supposed to compensate for the removal of subsidies and to benefit poorer families who were most affected.

We should reflect on what the then Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy Desmond, said in relation to the family income supplement when he introduced it in his typical flamboyant fashion. I wish to quote from The Irish Times of Wednesday, 12 September 1984. Under the heading “Backdating of family supplement welcomed” it stated:

The low-income families eligible for the family-income supplement scheme, who are caught in what the Minister for Health and Social Welfare, Mr. Desmond, has described as the "wage poverty trap", will get between £10 and £120 of an unexpected bonus in back money because of the Government's decision...

Mr. Liam Skelly, the Fine Gael TD for the sprawling constituency of Dublin West, which has about 120,000 people, ranging from the very rich to the very poor, regularly meets the families who will benefit from the supplement at his clinics...

Mr. Skelly, a strong critic of some Government policies, said last night that the earlier introduction of the supplement will help alleviate the distress caused by the reduction in food subsidies. "But a lot of unnecessary pain could have been avoided for these families if both decisions were made at the same time," he said.

The article went on to say that the scheme would benefit 35,000 families and would cost about £13 million. It also said that when the back money was paid families would benefit up to £15 weekly, depending on the size of their income and the number of children they had. This is a classic example of how the Government attempted to parade their wears in a shameful fashion, attempting to pretend to be doing what they were not doing, attempted to parade their wares in a what they were not providing and, as I said earlier, making much ado about nothing.

I note that section 2 makes provision for the abolition under the equal treatment legislation of the reduced rates of benefit which are at present payable to married women. I welcome this belated attempt to implement the European equality directive. Article 119 of the Treaty of Rome clearly states that equal pay means not only equal wages or salaries but also equality for any other consideration, whether in cash or in kind, which the worker receives directly or indirectly in respect of his or her employment. In December 1978 the Council of Ministers adopted the directive ordering the gradual application of equal treatment for men and women in social security. This legislation for the implementation of the equality directive passed through both Houses of the Oireachtas before the summer recess, but this is the first indication that any attemp is being made to implement it, despite pleas from myself as spokesman on Social Welfare for Fianna Fáil and the various organisations that represent the interests of women who have been and are being cruelly discriminated against.

I wonder why the Government are dragging their heels on the implementation of the directive. We did not get a firm commitment from the Minister about when it would be introduced in its entirety, because the Bill is only a small part of the equality directive. There is much more to it than the abolition of reduced rates of benefit for married women. It also means equality in every way and relates not just to payments but to the duration for which eligibility may be claimed. It also makes provision for the availability of unemployment assistance for married women.

I entreat the Minister and her Department to wake up and to try to implement this legislation. I cannot help but wonder if the delay is because the Minister of the day refused to accept logical amendments which I put down on behalf of Fianna Fáil to try to ensure that no hardship would be suffered by any family receiving social welfare payments as a result of the implementation of the directive. I put forward those amendments conscientiously and conscious of the fact that halving the dependency rate for children could in some cases mean a loss of £40 to £50 per week for the families concerned. Unfortunately, the then Minister was intransigent in his views but that was not unusual for him.

I am wondering whether it is because of that intransigence and because of the losses that some families might suffer that the Government are failing now to introduce the scheme in its entirety. I should hope that that is not the case for the sake of women who suffered continuing loss. I should like to hear whether the Department will consider making retrospective payments to women who have been receiving the lower payments since the passing of the Act or will the increases apply only from mid-May, 1986? It is unfair not to make the payments retrospective so I urge the Minister to consider this aspect with a view to making the payments retrospective.

In the budget statement, the then Minister for Finance announced that an extra £9.2 million would be made available for unemployment payments for the current year. This was to be in addition to the abridged Estimates published in December 1985. It is questionable whether this amount would be adequate. In December last an extra £40 million was voted in panic fashion by way of a Supplementary Estimate to make provision for the unemployment payments that had not been projected by the Government in last year's budget. Many of us pointed out then that those projections were wrong but, either deliberately or otherwise, or because of some attempt to fiddle the figures in an effort to pretend that unemployment payments would be lower than the actual figures, the Government persisted with their projections. Taking present trends into account it is very likely that an additional £9.2 million will not be adequate by way of a supplement to the provisions for unemployment payments this year.

Unemployment has got out of control cruelly as a result of the Government's failed economic policies and because of their failure to create a climate that would be conducive to working and to the creation of work. A total lack of confidence on the part of investors both at home and abroad is clearly evident and for that reason, and that alone, there are 250,000 people out of work. Even that unprecedented high figure does not give the real picture because if we add to it the 45,000 people who are engaged in various temporary employment schemes and also the 35,000 who emigrated last year, we find an appalling record of more than 300,000 people not being able to find work.

This year again the Government have increased PRSI payments. They seem to be totally unaware of the heavy burden these payments are placing on the PAYE sector in terms of their meagre wages. These PRSI payments are merely another form of taxation. Under section 4 of the 1983 Social Welfare Act the ceiling in respect of which these payments had to be made was increased from £9,000. That ceiling is now £14,700, a massive increase, and if one adds also the levies for health and youth employment, one realises the additional taxation, both direct and indirect, that has to be borne by the unfortunate worker. This year alone the increase in the ceiling in respect of these payments is of the order of £900 while the ceiling in respect of the health contribution levy is being increased from £13,000 to £14,000. The taxpayer is being fleeced all the time but is receiving less by way of return for his payments, whether the return is in terms of social welfare payments or in terms of health care. The worker gets a much worse deal now than was the case four years ago.

This year too, the then Minister for Finance performed another of his three card trick stunts by way of pretending to be giving something while in reality taking something back and doing so in many more ways than he is giving. I speak of pay-related benefits which are being reduced this year. Section 5 provides for an increase from £49 to £58 in the amount of weekly earnings to be disregarded in calculating the amount of pay-related benefit. Last year there was an increase in this respect from £42 to £49 while in the previous year the increase was from £36 to £43. Therefore, in the past three years the amount has been increased from £36 to £58. This represents a major loss to those who are unfortunate enough either to become ill or to lose their jobs. We opposed this change originally because we recognised that it would reduce further the benefits that would be payable to those who were unemployed, disabled, or in receipt of maternity benefits. People in these groups will suffer a net loss of £2 per week as a result of the increase this year in the figure, a loss that these unfortunate people cannot afford.

I note that the Bill provides for more authority for the Department in dealing with infringements of the social welfare code. This is a welcome move especially in the light of various statements that have been made recently and in the light of reports that have been published in the media. We can ill afford to have a major loss as a result of fraudulent claims. I recognise that the Minister officially has on record over-payments last year in the order of about £3.5 million. The amount is probably higher than this but I hope not to the extent suggested in various reports. I would welcome any additional staff which the Department would employ to ensure an end to fraudulent uptake of social welfare payments. These claims impose difficulties on the vast majority who are claiming legitimately and possibly receiving less benefit because of the tiny proportion who are fraudulently misusing the system.

I did not note any great emphasis by the Minister on projected plans to streamline her Department's efficiency in the assessment and determination of eligibility claims for various payments, particularly non-contributory old age pensions and unemployment assistance claims. I have said many times that the delays are becoming intolerable and it is very hard to justify a delay of three or four months before an appeal claim is settled and decided upon. There must be grave inefficiencies and something radically wrong in the system. I would be greatful if the situation could be reviewed and if the Minister would make it a priority to ensure that the inefficiencies of the past will be remedied in the future so that people will not have to wait interminable periods before a decision is made on their claims.

Another problem which has been brought to my notice recently is that of seasonal workers, particularly those in the west. These are people who have seasonal jobs during the tourist season and they also have very tiny holdings. They were regarded in the past as eligible for various unemployment payments but this year there have been refusals on a massive scale. Many of these people are genuinely very badly in need. Because they need money so badly they take seasonal tourist employment but the work lasts too short a time and other work is not available. They are forced to live in very meagre circumstances. Particular attention might be paid to that area to see if there could be more flexibility in the assessment of those claims.

Regarding disability benefit, I recognise the improvement announced by the Minister. There are now 25 medical referees. As a member of that highly respected profession, it would not be my style in general to criticise my fellow professional colleagues and I do not intend to do so. However, some of the decisions taken by medical referees in recent times have been medically crazy. I do not understand how some of the decisions regarding eligibility for work are taken by these medical referees. I know of one case involving a man with severe osteoarthritis of a knee, continuosly attending an orthopaedic surgeon, who has performed a number of operations on that knee. It may be necessary for him to have an artificial knee joint provided. He was examined by a medical referee within the past few weeks and it was decided that he was no longer unfit for work, yet the man was to attend the orthopaedic surgeon two days later. He told this to the medical referee but the referee was more intent on checking his heart and blood pressure, which are fine, than looking at his leg and the complaint which was stopping him from working. I find that difficult to understand. When people make decisions like that there should be some consideration of whether they are as efficient as they should be. I am not saying that this happens on a broad scale. I would not like to be misinterpreted. The decisions taken that are medically incorrect are probably few and far between.

Only a small group of people are involved in coming to these decisions. It is probably not very correct to discuss this matter in the House because it is possible to identify them. It is either a reflection on their competence or perhaps worse.

I certainly would not wish that to be the situation. Most of the decisions are absolutely in order and if errors occur perhaps the Department might have a look at the matter.

Despite various promises and commitments and a massive advertising campaign over a year ago to encourage old people to invest their money in banking institutions, the Government have blatantly ruined all this by announcing in the Budget Statement a retention tax. Now old people who have invested their moneys in banking institutes, despite the fact that they are not eligible for taxation, will be taxed indirectly on their interest. Last year the Department of Social Welfare did much to try to allay the worries and fears of all the people who might be hoarding money because they were afraid to put it into the banking institutions in case they would be declared ineligible for various benefits such as non-contributory old age pensions. But, having taken that step as a result of advice from the Department of Social Welfare, they now find that retention tax is being imposed on them even though they would not ordinarily be liable to tax. This is disgraceful. I would entreat the Minister to use her influence with her colleague, the Minister for Finance, and her other Cabinet colleagues to see if relief could be granted to the older age group from this particularly iniquitous type of taxation.

I regret that I had so many criticisms of this Social Welfare Bill. I would have been grossly dishonest if I were to ignore the realities contained in it. The facts and figures are irrefutable and will have quite a disastrous financial effect on individuals and family units. They will affect in particular the old, the sick, the deprived, the widows, the orphans and the unemployed. It is incumbent on me, as spokesman for the main Opposition party, to point out in this House the deficiencies contained in the Bill and the rather disgraceful and contemptible way in which the less well-off sections of our community are being treated by the Government at most levels but particularly in relation to social welfare payments.

I would like to avail of this opportunity to congratulate the Minister on her appointment to this important Department, one of the great spending Departments of this State. I wish her a happy tenure in that office. Social welfare has an effect on and influences most people. As a result of the measures adopted in the budget 1.7 million people will benefit from the measures included in the Social Welfare Bill. The total budget for social welfare this year is £2.5 billion, or 15 per cent of GNP, which is a very sizeable percentage. I am proud to be a supporter of this Government. Since they came into office they have protected the living standards of the less well-off members of the community, those sectors of our community who are in receipt of social welfare benefits. It is estimated that the increase in the CPI for the period 1983-87 will be 23.3 per cent. During that same time short term social welfare benefits have been increased by 29.8 per cent, long term benefits by 32.7 per cent and long term unemployment benefits by 39.5 per cent. It is obvious from these figures that people who are in receipt of social welfare benefits have had increases in real terms ranging from 5 per cent on 13 per cent.

In the past Coalition Governments have had the same record in relation to social welfare. I was not a Member of the House from 1973 to 1977 but at that time the Coalition Government also protected the less well-off members of the community. They reduced the qualifying age of the non-contributory pension from 70 to 66 years. When times improve I hope that this Government will consider reducing the age further in order to bring it into line with the qualifying age for contributory pension which is 65. We are one of the less well-off members of the European Community. In the last few years there have been cutbacks in social welfare in some of the better-off countries of the Community. In this country we looked after our less well-off members.

Recently we had an opportunity of reading in the papers and seeing on television the increases in social welfare announced in the UK. They increased children's allowances by 10p per week; they increased old age pensions for single people by 40p per week and for married couples by 65p or 70p per week. If our Government introduced such increases I shudder to think what the reaction would be. If we draw a parallel again between ourselves and the UK, in this country pensioners have various benefits that are not available to people on similar pensions in the UK. For instance, we have the free fuel allowance for old age pensioners and people on disability pension. That benefit has been increased in this budget by 25 per cent. That is certainly in line with inflation, indeed it exceeds the rate of inflation. Old age pensioners receive electricity concessions, telephone rental concessions, television licence concessions and unlimited free travel. None of these benefits is available to pensioners or similar people in the United Kingdom. A short time ago I spoke with a couple of pensioners from Northern Ireland and when I explained to them the benefits that are available to pensioners in the Republic they were amazed. They did not realise that there were such benefits available.

A few points have been made in regard to the Social Welfare Bill which I would like to mention. One is disability benefit. The Minister intends extending from six weeks to nine weeks the disqualification period for someone who does not report for a medical examination. While there is concern in the Department at the number of people who did not turn up last year, about 6,000 out of 75,000, I would ask that if a person has a legitimate reason for not turning up for this medical he should be given another chance and the benefit should not be discontinued. There are 75,000 people on disability benefit. When people are on disability benefit for a number of years they apply for invalidity benefit. People are experiencing great difficulty in graduating from disability benefit to invalidity benefit. Like Deputy Dr. McCarthy I know of people who have been on disability benefit for six or seven years and as yet they have been unable to get invalidity benefit. I do not know if this has something to do with the medical examination but, it is an area which should be examined to see if we can make it easier for genuine cases to graduate from one to the other.

The Minister in her contribution referred to abuses of the social welfare system. It is good to see the Minister adopting a responsible approach to this. Unfortunately social welfare abuses get a lot of publicity. Abuses in other sectors are not highlighted as much. The Minister said that the Department are tackling this problem and that the number of prosecutions has steadily increased since 1983. We must be careful that in taking action we do not cause hardship to genuine people who have nothing to live on, other than social welfare payments.

In my constituency and in many other areas people who left the country have returned on retirement or when their health deteriorated. Many of them are in receipt of UK invalidity pensions. Irish invalidity benefit entitles a person to free fuel, electricity and so on. Could the Minister look at the possibility of granting these benefits to some of our citizens who return home after spending 20 or 30 years in the UK? When people return home they very often find that their UK old age pension or retirement pension is not as high as the benefit applying here and often the Department of Social Welfare have to top up these benefits. In the past few weeks because of the improvement in the rate of the punt vis-à-vis the pound sterling some people who applied for benefits in the past who did not qualify because of the exchange rate would perhaps be eligible now. The position of some of these people might have changed considerably in the last month and perhaps when they re-apply for benefit, priority will be given to their applications because of the circumstances which now obtain.

The benefit which applies mostly in the west is referred to as small farmers dole. That is an unfortunate name for it. It should be referred to as a subsidy for people in the west living on small farms from which it is impossible to make a living. The difficulty in this area has been with us now for the last two or three years, since the High Court and Supreme Court decisions which ruled that PLV was unconstitutional. An action was brought by a number of farmers to the High Court and the Supreme Court and they were vindicated. They have benefited, in that as a result of that ruling all agricultural land has been exempt from rates since then. The other side of the coin is that small farmers in the west have suffered a lot as a result of that ruling. People living on perhaps less than ten acres of arable land and who own four or five cows and a couple of sheep, are in receipt of unemployment assistance so that they could survive on the land. These farmers were, until the High Court and Supreme Court decisions notionally assessed and the higher the PLV the less benefit they got. Now all of them have to be factually assessed. This is causing a great deal of concern and hardship in the west. People living on five or six acres have had their benefit reduced from £30 a week to £10 or £15 a week.

I do not know what we can do about this very serious problem but at the moment the factual assessment system is acting as a disincentive to people on small farms. The danger is that a small farmer will sell off his cows and sheep in order to get the full social welfare benefit. I would appeal to the Minister to have a long hard look at this problem to see what can be done. A number of suggestions have been made. At the moment farmers are being surveyed for the land tax which will be based on an adjusted acreage. Because PLV is unconstitutional perhaps we could tie this benefit to the adjusted acreage. We could either do that or we could go back to the PLV system until the adjusted acreage survey is completed. It belongs to the last century more than this century to see social welfare officers going onto these farms and farmyards. It is causing much hardship in the west. Of course, it is always possible to appeal these cases but unfortunately these take a long time. I have made representations and then appeals often take five to six months to go through. Very often in the meantime these people have very little to live on. I would ask the Minister to have a look at this problem to see what, if anything, can be done.

One of the major things that this Government have done, the first time it has been done, is that they extended the Christmas bonus in December 1985 to the unemployed. Before that it was available only to those who were on long term benefits, pensioners and those on disability allowances. On this occasion it was extended to over 100,000 people on the unemployment register who were most appreciative. They got their week's benefit plus 75 per cent. Deputy McCarthey has said that this budget is anti-family. I fail to understand how he could say that as under the child benefit scheme the amount per child has been increased from £12.05 to £15.05 per month. That is a very significant increase — £3 per child per month. When one thinks of the increase they gave in the UK, 10p per week, it is certainly not anti-family. The thinking on this is to change resources from the better off to the less well off. The 240,000 in receipt of unemployment benefit are not in the tax net. Those of them who have children will not be affected as they are not in the tax net in the first place.

They are the few brief comments I want to make on the budget. The Government's record is second to none. They have matched the rate of inflation to the benefits they have granted since they came into office three years ago. They are following the example that has been given by previous Coalition Governments. I hope in the next budget the increases given will also match the rate of inflation. I am not afraid to stand in any part of the country and say that the Government have protected the living standards of the less well off members of our community during the past three years.

In the Bill before the House the emphasis seems to be on the rate of increases. This basically is what the Bill is about. It will afford us an opportunity to broaden the scope of the Bill and to talk about the impact and requirements of so many of our people resulting from the policies being pursued by the Government and their abject failure resulting in a huge demand on the Social Welfare Bill. Although we welcome the reduction of 1,800 odd in the figure of unemployed last month, I suspect that mean drop is due for the most part to the social employment scheme where every effort is being made, and I mean every effort, to get people onto the scheme. There are many schemes being organised by various agencies and bodies but no scheme has had a public relations exercise carried out to the same extent to sell it to the public as this one. Some day we will question it and, perhaps, we may not be given the true answer, but certainly the amount of money that is being spent to promote this worthless, unthought-out and ill-considered scheme would pay for many a person's unemployment benefit. The Minister for that Department and a bevy of his staff came down to Cork to tell us about it and showed us beautiful slides. We were promised that there would be 10,000 per year over a three year period, making 30,000 involved in the scheme.

We have often considered that there are so many people doing nothing yet there is so much work to be done. Of course, it begs the question, when will this administration do something about that situation? The best that they have come up with is this social employment scheme of £70 a week for two and a half days work, or a week on or a week off, depending on which local authority operate it. The Government introduced it in a flurry of excitement without having considered or talked with any of the groups or bodies of people that might be concerned with it. First of all, there is the trade union movement. It was only after the scheme was launched with trumpets blaring that somebody realised, we had better talk to these trade unionists, they have an input into it. Why were there not talks with the social partners who would be involved in the scheme?

I am making the point that even now with all the propaganda that was used and with the amount of discussion that has taken place subsequent to its launching we are nowhere near achieving the 10,000 participants promised work that needs to be done, could be done and ought to be done if the scheme was properly thought out. I am making the point that in view of the amount of money being provided, quite rightly, as people must be given a sustenance allowance to live. But many of those people who are unemployed and whose benefits are shown in this Bill, with the little increases given to them this year, would much prefer not to have to draw these benefits. They would much prefer to be working, because there is nothing more soul destroying for anyone than long term unemployment. We have more than 230,000 of them registered as unemployed, but we know there are many thousands more, school children who, according to a survey done last week by the Youth Employment Agency, have gone back into education, young people who would be working if the opportunities were there for them. We can only guess at what the numbers are, because no account has been kept of them and it would be very difficult to check.

In passing, it is only right and proper that I should refer to the facilities for free third level education which were initiated by a Fianna Fáil Government and Minister. If those young people today were to pay for re-entering education or for staying on in education they would not be able to do it. The Government who introduced free secondary education and provided free school transport were farseeing, and it is regrettable that that free education system has to be used these days by the Government because of the extent to which the country is suffering from unemployment. There have been Coalition Governments and Inter-Party Governments, but it does not matter what they call themselves—a rose by any other name—they have all been abject failures. This Government are no different, but I think they will go down in history as being the worst failure of all. Never in our history since we attained a measure of freedom—this Government seem to be shading the measure of freedom we have—even during the Emergency, was the spirit of the nation so low or the morale of our people so damaged.

We have a Taoiseach and a Government four years ago projected for us as the people with all the answers from all the academics available to them. I am not being critical of academics but this crowd seem to be short of common sense which is essential if they are to make or take decisions for the common good. Without doubt this Government have been short of common sense and of effective policies. The volume of unemployment and the need for so much social welfare drawings were never so serious. We cannot afford them. We cannot abide a Government who have been mismanaging the affairs of the nation so badly.

In 1982 they put their policies before the electorate and afterwards they cobbled their Programme for Government, the main planks of which were the reduction of foreign borrowing, the phasing out over a four year period of deficit budgeting and the formation of the National Development Corporation. There is no doubt that the first two are away off target. Indeed the Government have borrowed more than any previous administration. They have abandoned their deficit budgeting proposal, and the NDC——

Will the Deputy keep to the Bill?

I am making a passing reference. The extent of social welfare drawings and the number of people dependent on social welfare benefits arise for the most part from Government policies. Many people have reached the end of their working lives but there is very little improvement in this Bill for them. Neither is there anything for those on unemployment benefit, assistance or disability benefit. If in my ignorance I point out why we have such a demand on our social welfare resources and if I suggest that the demand is being contributed to by Government inefficiency and by the Government's inability to address themselves to unemployment. I am sure you will excuse me. However, it follows as the night the day that so long as you have a Government pursuing such inefficient policies there will be more and more dependence on social welfare benefits. It should be permissible for me to point that out.

The Bill refers to improvements of £1.40 here, £170 there and £2.05 elsewhere. In the explanatory memorandum we read about old age pensioners receiving £2.05 more this year, with £1.30 for dependants. Does anybody seriously consider that these increases are good enough even to keep in line with inflation, which is projected to be 3 per cent this year? Think of the cost of living for everyone in this country and particularly the social welfare recipients. The removal of the food subsidies was no great help to those people. The Taoiseach could not even stand his ground when they were being reduced and took off to France or somewhere. That is the kind of respect the Taoiseach has for those people on the social welfare code whom the removal of the subsidies will affect the most.

Regarding disability and unemployment benefit, will the Minister of State or somebody during this debate give us the correct figures that need to be printed where the incorrect ones are at the bottom of the first page of the explanatory memorandum? I will not spell this out, but somebody who is paid for doing that job can correct them. Maybe the Minister will correct them also in his contribution.

Talk about our old age pensioners surely brings to mind what we on this side of the House and those on the Government side saw about 12 months ago when a wave of crime swept across the country and when our elderly folk were in danger because they had a few bob under the mattress or in a biscuit tin. Justifiably we, each and every one, encouraged them to put that money in safe places, that is banks and financial institutions, so that it would not be a temptation in this wave of crime. Many of those people did that. People over 60 got a special concession. They were well accommodated and encouraged, but what do we find this year? When they had the money inside in the bank this uncaring Government introduced that infamous clawback of 35 per cent. That is the treatment, that is the attitude that this Government hold to our senior citizens who have given a lifetime of work to this nation, when work was there — note that: when work was there. It is not there now for young or old. This is the treatment that is meted out to them, but then that 35 per cent is being taken from other recipients of social welfare and the children whom we encourage to save in their little piggy banks, God help us, too. Is it any wonder that this Government are starved for finance? However, that being so, it is disgraceful that three groups of people, our senior citizens whom we encourage to put their money in the banks, our little children whom we have encouraged by the penny savings stamp right through their lifetime to save money and the charitable and voluntary organisations, should be treated so, in order that this Government can keep going and stay in power — or so they think. We draw money at the rate of 35 per cent in that retention tax introduced in the budget. Have they any shame?

Acting Chairman

The Deputy should come back to the Social Welfare Bill.

I will come back to it more in half an hour. Have they any shame? When you consider some of the policies, statements, crusades and various other things performed by this Government, shame is a word that does not bother them. We are all too well aware of the social welfare recipients, many thousands of them, who lost their jobs. My illustrious opponent over there high up in the back benches had a question today that he wishes to raise on the Adjournment about another closure, that of Rowntree-Mackintosh. Day by day the closures are going on during the lifetime of this Government, putting more people on social welfare benefit. They are reasonably cushioned against the effects for the first 12 or 14 months with their unemployment and pay related benefit and, depending on the time of year, some return from income tax, but what happens then? Every Deputy in this Dáil knows the position with the people who reach the stage of unemployment assistance and we are all well aware of the situation mentally, physically, emotionally and morally for these people when they go on UA.

With the stringent assessment under the social welfare code is it not time that the Minister in introducing this Bill, thought of updating the assessment procedures for unemployment assistance? When one realises that the Department are working under an Act from as far back as 1934 — I can be corrected on that — when there was no such thing as redundancy. There is nothing in the present legislation to take into account the redundancy which is a compensation for the loss of employment, but it becomes a very serious element of the assessment for unemployment assistance. The compensation received for the loss of a job is no longer considered to be compensation for the loss of a job, it is considered to be an asset necessary to be included for assessment. The persons who drew redundancy must account for every penny of it — and I mean that literally. They must have receipts and accountability for all of their spent redundancy money. If not, they will get no unemployment assistance until the officials are satisfied about that. Perhaps the fellow who backs horses at Cheltenham will have the dockets to produce but if he takes a jar, does he keep all the little bits of paper that he gets from the roll-out till to show to the Department? That is the level of their investigation. Such things as that redundancy element should be addressed in this Bill, and they are not.

The situation cannot continue for much longer. A number of people are barely remaining alive. Statistics and surveys show that the numbers now barely above the poverty line, as we heard last week during the debate on combating poverty, are far in excess of what the Government or anybody else realised. Is it any wonder that the demand on social welfare becomes greater? Is it any wonder that efforts have been made and possibly continue to be made to defraud the social welfare system? We have heard a good deal on that subject recently and a good deal of denial of it also. It is difficult to know who is correct and who is incorrect, but one thing is certain. The inclination or the encouragement to defraud is obviously there because of the low amount of benefit available to people, especially on unemployment assistance, and the stringent controls applied. People are pressurised into trying to find loopholes in the system. They are doing that to stay alive, keep bread on the table, clothes on their backs and shoes on their feet. The system lends itself to the encouragement of abuse.

The only way in which the social welfare code can be properly used and available to those who for health reasons and because of accidents at work genuinely cannot work is by providing employment for those who can. There will always be a percentage who will genuinely not be able to work but the vast majority of those who are registered as unemployed are capable of working if the work was there for them to do. If we had those capable people at work there would then be a greater amount of money available to sustain those who could not work. We would then be in a position to provide a better system of support for those who because of illness, accidents, invalidity and disability cannot work.

The Government are not addressing themselves to the overall problem of unemployment. It cannot be stressed often enough or diligently enough that there are ever-increasing numbers out of work and — I almost forgot to mention — what about those who are leaving our shores in search of work? For generations this country suffered from emigration. In the mid-sixties, for the first time in our history, that trend was reversed. In the sixties and part of the seventies schemes were provided under the social welfare code to encourage people back here to work because we had work for them. Then the Coalition Governments came into power and emigration was seen as an escape, a possibility to leave the country for our young and for the most part well-educated people, qualified, graduates as well as those to whom second level education was available. They may have waited for a year, gone into various training programmes and schemes with no sustainable jobs at the end of them. Hope springs eternal, but our young people have given up hope and have taken to the emigrant trail in search of employment.

I was privileged to be in Pairc Uí Cuív on Sunday, but one of the players cried off because he was on his way to Paris to look for a job. Do this Government need any more evidence to waken them up and to get the people back to work, to introduce policies to give encouragement to investment in industry, to remove the barbed wire from around the trust funds, to create an atmosphere where the money which is in this country will be invested for the benefit of the Irish people? The introduction of this Social Welfare Bill will put demands on the taxpayer to pay social welfare, but social welfare payments must be made because people must be sustained. Many have contributed down through the years by means of PRSI, PAYE and social insurance, as it was called before the new schemes came into operation. They are entitled to their rights because they contributed. Many would much prefer to be let work and not have to draw social welfare benefits.

Increases are definitely welcome but the insufficiency of those increases I have already mentioned. If there were less people drawing social welfare benefits, the Government would not have to borrow for day to day spending. There is no doubt that they have been borrowing for such spending. When we were in Government we were accused of borrowing and, if returned to Government, if we have to borrow we will do so for productive purposes and will start the nation moving and get people back to work. We will reduce the demand on the social welfare Estimate for the year.

Adding 25,000 to the public service was not a productive purpose. Would your party borrow for that?

Deputy Skelly may answer in a moment, if he wishes.

I cannot wait.

This Government have borrowed more than any other Government of this country. However, we have more people unemployed and we have less economic activity within the country. Nobody is under any illusion but that the people will reject this falsehood of a Government in the strongest possible manner whenever the opportunity comes. They conned the people into believing that they would reduce foreign borrowing.

Who are going to be put in?

They promised to eliminate deficit budgeting.

Acting Chairman

Deputy, would you come back to the subject of the Social Welfare Bill?

This is all tied up with social welfare.

If there is a change of Government, Deputy Lyons might not be in there himself.

Social welfare is one of the most important items——

Acting Chairman

We are talking about increases under the Social Welfare Bill. I would like you to confine your remarks to that subject, if possible.

I accept your ruling, Sir. I accept, and have said already, that this Bill is about increasing social welfare benefits. I could say that they are not sufficient increases, but I know that the present administration cannot afford to increase them any more. There are ever more people drawing on social welfare, hence the increases must be small. I hope I am making my point sufficiently clear. If the Government addressed themselves to the present unemployment position and got more people back to work there would be less drain on the social welfare funds. Then, we might be able to come in here with increases not of £2.05 or £1.30, but with realistic increases.

I accept the Chair's ruling that I stay with the Bill, but surely I am permitted to indicate, as I have been doing, that these increases are insufficient, while acknowledging that the Government cannot afford to give any more. I am giving them an alternative to show how they could increase the benefits to the people who so badly need them. I encourage the Government to look at the position from the point of view of unemployment and the creation of an atmosphere conducive to investment, because we must have investment to create employment. We must encourage people with money to invest so that employment will be created, and we must encourage those at work to give of their best. These are factors which, in my humble view, are very relevant to a Social Welfare Bill.

For example, a single person on long term unemployment assistance, is entitled to £34.95 which is the personal rate for a rural recipient. In all honesty, where would a person be going with less than £35 a week? In the next column of the explanatory memorandum, we see that this rate is being increased by a massive amount to £36.70, but we all know that is not the full story. Every effort is made to reduce that unemployment assistance. If a single person is living at home with his father who is an old age pensioner, the old age pension is taken into the reckoning. How many single people in receipt of unemployment assistance benefit are getting the full amount? There is only one way they can do it and that is to leave home and set up in a flat. But then they have to pay £20 for the flat, leaving them with £16.70. The cure is as bad as the disease. This is disgraceful. Every Deputy will admit that people who are ashamed come to us because the Department of Social Welfare consider that their parents, who are old age pensioners, are subscribing to their survival and the maximum benefit is reduced because of this old age pension. If the Minister or anybody else wishes to contradict that statement, I would be delighted to hear from them. Recently two lads came to me. Their father is a retired old age pensioner from Cork Corporation. His little pension from the corporation and his old age contributory pension are taken into account when assessing the sons' unemployment assistance. Of course, the system has to be like that because we do not have the money to do anything else. Why? Because we have so many people unemployed.

The Chair can correct me, that is his prerogative, but that is my assessment of the position. If we had fewer people drawing social welfare we would be able to give realistic increases to those who are genuinely unavailable for work. But no effort is being made to redress the situation. Maybe, just maybe, out of this Social Welfare Bill, somebody in Government, or in the Department, might prod the Government to realise the foolishness of their folly, the foolishness of the policies they have been pursuing. Tackle this problem, assure the people who have contributed to social welfare through their PRSI and social insurance down the years that they will have a worthwhile retirement pension or, if they are injured, that they will have a worthwhile disability benefit, and even when people are unemployed and have to go on unemployment assistance, that they will get a worthwhile contribution. The Government should do all in their power to take more people above the poverty line, that magical line like the equator.

Because of our economic situation many of these people are not alone out of work but they are broken in spirit, their morale is low, they suffer a feeling of hopelessness and their only hope of survival, of staying alive, is social welfare. Many of these people have no hope for the future; but, given the opportunity, there is hope for them, there is a future, and there is a possibility of rising out of the ashes. That will not happen during the lifetime of this Government, but it most assuredly will happen in the life of the next Government, which will be a Fianna Fáil Government. It will not be the first time we had to raise the spirit of our people——

Will the Deputy please address his remarks to the Bill?

I am just making a passing reference. After the degrading and depressing——

One would think that the Deputy was speaking at an after Mass meeting.

Welcome, Minister. The Minister was moved recently, too. He was in this Department at one time but he was shifted around.

I have been in many Departments.

I am glad of the Minister's interjection. This Bill affords us an opportunity to look at the social welfare code, first in its confined context and then in its broader context, so that we can see what the real position is. The dependence of so many people on social welfare is not the natural order of things. The sooner this Government wake up and realise that the better.

Would the Minister of State confirm that the figures for disability and unemployment benefit should be £41.10 and not £49.10——

The Deputy is out of order. That was dealt with in the House last week.

Debate adjourned.
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