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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 9 Mar 1988

Vol. 378 No. 10

Social Welfare Bill, 1988: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill introduces a number of major improvements in social welfare. It is the most comprehensive piece of social welfare legislation since the early seventies. It includes a number of significant developmental measures which implement several recommendations in the report of the Commission on Social Welfare. The extension of social insurance to the self-employed brings within the system 20 per cent of the workforce who up to now have been excluded. This is the first time since 1974 that social insurance cover has been extended.

The increases in rates, particularly the higher rates for those on the lower payments, demonstrates the Government's commitment to improving the incomes of the less well-off sections of our society despite present budgetary constraints. The introduction of a pre-retirement scheme for the older long term unemployed is also a major development bringing greater flexibility into the unemployment payments system. The Bill also deals with a long-standing anomaly in the old age pensions scheme. Persons who could not qualify for old age pensions, because of gaps in their insurance records due to the operation of the income limits between 1953 and 1974 will now qualify for pro-rata pensions.

The general increase of 3 per cent in social welfare payments will protect their real value, given that the rate of inflation this year is expected to be 2.5 per cent. However, we are giving much higher increases to those on the lowest payments, namely unemployment assistance and supplementary welfare allowance. These increases are a clear indication of the Government's concern to protect those less well-off in our community. By any objective standard they more than meet the Government's commitment outlined in the Programme for National Recovery and agreed with the social partners.

There are three main improvements in rates. These are: (1), a general increase of 3 per cent in widows and old age pensions, unemployment and disability benefit and other weekly payments; (2), an 11 per cent increase in the personal rates of unemployment assistance and supplementary welfare allowance and a 6 per cent increase in the rates for their dependent children; and (3), a streamlining of rates for child dependants involving increases for larger families. In future there will be two different rates per scheme. In general there are four at present.

The Government are committed to maintaining the overall value of social welfare benefits. Last year we brought forward the increases proposed by the previous Government from November to July. We made sure that the income of social welfare recipients was fully protected against inflation up until July. This year again increases will apply from July. This will mean that social welfare recipients will not only be protected against cost of living increases but will receive real increases, particularly those on the lowest payments.

A family with three children in receipt of unemployment benefit will receive an increase of £3.10 per week giving them a new rate of £102.30 per week. A couple on retirement or old age pension will receive an increase of £3.00 per week giving them a new rate of £99.20 per week. A widow with three children in receipt of a contributory pension will get an increase of £2.80 per week giving her a new rate of £93.30 per week. The cost of this 3 per cent across the board increase is £67 million in a full year.

The Bill provides for special additional increases for people on the lowest social welfare payments where the personal rates are being increased by 11 per cent. It is the first time that the position of people on these low levels of payment has been directly tackled by a Government. This is a concrete example of this Government's concern for the less well off members of the community. For example, the personal long-term rate of unemployment assistance in urban areas will now be £42 per week, that is an increase of £4.20 per week. Other personal short-term and long-term rates are being increased pro-rata. This means that those who are on the lowest rates at present, that is £34 per week, will now be paid £37.80 per week. A married couple with three children will get £6.70 extra per week bringing their total to £98.80.

At present, there are 36 different rates of increases for child dependants. The amount payable in respect of a child depends not only on the particular scheme but also on the number of children in the family. Most schemes have separate rates for the first child, second child, third to fifth children and sixth and subsequent children which, in effect, means there are four different rates for children in each scheme.

The Government have decided that a start should be made on streamlining these various rates. Instead of having four different rates there will be two for each scheme. The new rate for the first two children will be the average of the two rates with the 3 per cent increase applied. All families will receive at least a 3 per cent increase in their rate. The rate for the sixth and subsequent child will be increased to that for the third to fifth child. This will mean very significant increases in the rates for these larger families, at a cost of £3 million in a full year. For example, the rate for the sixth child for a family dependent on unemployment benefit will increase by 29 per cent that is, from £7.20 to £9.30 per week; for a widow the increase will be nearly 20 per cent — from £12.10 to £14.50 per week.

A further improvement is also being made in the rates for children of those on the lowest weekly payments. This will give an overall 6 per cent increase in the rates of unemployment assistance and supplementary welfare allowance for these children and will provide a significant improvement in the position of these families along with the 11 per cent increase in personal rates that I mentioned earlier. The total cost of the increases for child dependants is £9.7 million in a full year. For example, a family with two children in receipt of UA at the long-term urban rate will receive an increase of £6.20 per week. Their present rate of £84.20 per week will, therefore, rise to £90.40 from July next. A family with six children in receipt of UA at the long-term urban rate will receive an increase of £9.70 per week to a new rate of £124.00. The overall social welfare package of improvements in payments will cost an estimated £44.8 million, including health allowances, this year and some £101 million in a full year.

The earnings ceiling up to which social insurance contributions are payable will be raised from £15,500 to £16,200, with effect from 6 April 1988. There will be a small increase in the employers' occupational injuries fund contribution from 0.43 per cent to 0.5 per cent from 6 April. This is necessary to ensure the solvency of the fund which, under statute, is funded entirely by employers. At the average industrial earnings, the extra cost per year per employee will be £7.

Section 8 of the Bill provides for an increase from £62 to £66 in the amount of weekly earnings disregarded in calculating the rate of pay-related benefit. This change will affect only new claims from 4 April.

The Bill provides for an increase in the income limits for family income supplement in line with the increases in rates of unemployment benefit. Some 5,300 people now avail of the scheme. One of the commitments in our Programme for National Recovery was that a detailed study would be carried out to identify what adjustments might be necessary to improve the take-up of the scheme. A review is underway and I expect to have the report shortly. The results of this review will guide the future development of the scheme.

Section 9 of the Bill provides for powers to make regulations which would allow for a waiving of interest charged on arrears of social insurance contributions. This will facilitate the special incentive scheme announced by the Minister for Finance to encourage taxpayers to bring their tax affairs up to date.

Part III of the Bill provides for the extension of social insurance coveage to the self-employed. This is an historic development in the social welfare system. The need for it has been recognised on all sides for many years. This Government decided in principle in July last that this proposal would be implemented this year. In the intervening period a lot of work has been done to prepare for the introduction of the new scheme which will come into operation at the beginning of the tax year on 6 April. I want to express my appreciation of the work done by the National Pensions Board who agreed at short notice to examine and report to me on this proposal. The board's conclusions have been of great value to me in preparing my detailed proposals on the scheme.

There are two main reasons for bringing the self-employed within the scope of social insurance. First, it gives self-employed people the opportunity of contributing to pensions for old age or widowhood without a means test. Secondly, it brings greater equity into the financing of social welfare as a whole.

The basis of social insurance is the provision of a basic level of protection as a right and without a means test. Social insurance also involves an element of solidarity and redistribution between different groups.

The Commission on Social Welfare were of the view that the further development of social welfare in this country would be best pursued by expanding and improving the present system. This is the path on which we are proceeding and the extension of social insurance to the self-employed will fill the major gap in coverage identified by the commission.

The self-employed comprise over 20 per cent of the workforce. Up to now they were excluded from compulsory social insurance and left to make their own pension arrangements. Many now rely on means-tested social assistance. Up to 70 per cent of formerly self-employed persons qualified for social assistance pensions for which they had not directly contributed. The result of this policy was inadequate pension cover for a large segment of the population and inequity in the financing of social welfare generally. This year the general taxpayer will contribute £331 million to finance such means-tested pensions.

Compulsory social insurance will ensure that every person with an independent source of income contributes part of that income to financing basic pension cover on a non-means-tested basis. This will ensure that the rate of pension which persons are entitled to receive will not be affected by any assets they have and that their pension payments will not reduce if they supplement those payments in whatever way they wish. Similarly if a farmer or other self-employed person dies his widow will receive a non-means-tested pension for life.

The main provisions of the new scheme are contained in section 11 of the Bill which inserts a new Chapter into the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act dealing specifically with self-employed contributors. The persons to be covered by the scheme are defined in terms of their sources of income. Self-employed people generally pay income tax under Schedule D. Schedule D income will now for the first time be liable for a PRSI contribution. The contribution will be collected along with income tax and the rules for collection of tax will apply to it. As Deputies will know, significant changes are being made within the tax system for self-employed people designed to make the system more effective, including the introduction of self-assessment. These changes will apply also in the collection of PRSI contributions from the self-employed under Schedule D.

Apart from income under Schedule D certain income under Schedule E will also be liable for contributions under the new system. The main category of people involved are some 40,000 proprietary directors of companies. They are liable for income tax under Schedule E but they are not employed under a contract of service and so are not covered by the social insurance system. Many of these people would also have incomes assessable under Schedule D. The Bill provides that payments, other than earnings arising from employment, made by way of salary by a company and classified for income tax under Schedule E, will also be liable for contributions under the new scheme.

Income under Schedule D includes earned income, that is, income from a trade, profession or vocation. Schedule D also includes, with Schedule F, unearned income, that is, income from rents and income from investments such as dividends and interest. Unearned income is already subject to the health contribution and to the employment and training levy.

Self-employed persons such as directors are sometimes in the position to manage their affairs in such a way that they receive the bulk of their income as unearned income. If contributions were payable only on certain types of income, there would be scope for taking advantage of this to limit PRSI liability.

The Government have decided that both the earned and unearned income of self-employed persons will be assessable for PRSI contributions and reckonable income is so defined in section 10 of the Bill. Capital allowances will be deducted in calculating the reckonable income as recommended by the National Pensions Board. In effect, PRSI contributions will be levied on income as assessed for income tax purposes, as outlined in the Programme for National Recovery.

There are certain types of income which come within the ambit of Schedule E other than employee income and which will be excluded by regulation from liability for PRSI contributions under the new scheme. These include social welfare and occupational pensions which it would not be appropriate to subject to PRSI contributions and income from the holding of public office. The position of public office holders is analogous to that of public servants who are subject to limited insurance which does not include cover for contributory old age pension. The Commission on Social Welfare recommended that full social insurance cover should be extended to public servants and the position of office holders would fall to be considered in that context. The National Pensions Board are preparing a report which will cover the position of public servants.

In addition to exempting certain types of income it is also necessary to exclude certain categories of person from the scheme. Section 12 of the Bill lists the categories of persons to be excluded. The main categories of persons excluded are:

—assisting relatives;

—persons on unemployment assistance;

—persons with income below a prescribed amount;

—employed contributors or occupational pensioners whose only income under Schedule D is unearned income;

—persons in modified social insurance such as permanent and pensionable public servants;

—persons in receipt of widow's pension, deserted wife's benefit or analogous payments.

The National Pensions Board concluded that while the position of assisting relatives calls for further examination they should not at this stage be brought within the social insurance system. I have accepted this recommendation and will consider their position when the board report on pension coverage generally.

In the case of married couples who are partners and who jointly own and operate a self-employment enterprise, they will each be insured as self-employed in their own right with a contribution payable by each and each having an independent right to pension.

Self-employed persons whose income is low may qualify for unemployment assistance at present and it is not considered that persons in this situation should be covered by and required to contribute to the new scheme. Persons in this situation who have previously been insured as employees may be entitled to credited contributions which maintain their entitlement to contributory pensions. Smallholders on unemployment assistance also come into this category. Arrangements will be made by regulations to enable self-employed persons to qualify for credits on similar lines. The National Pensions Board will be examining the whole question of the conditions, including credited contributions, for entitlement to pensions and reporting to me on this matter.

Apart from the exclusion of persons on unemployment assistance, there will also be a general exclusion for people whose total income is below a certain level. This level will be prescribed in regulations, but I envisage that initially at least the level will be set at around £2,500 a year which is approximately the rate of the old age non-contributory pension for a single person. There is already under the scheme for employees an exclusion in respect of employment of inconsiderable extent and an exclusion of this kind is also appropriate in the case of self-employed people. The only feasible way to do this is by reference to income and I consider that a level of around £2,500 per year is a reasonable one.

Other categories whom it is proposed to exclude from the new scheme are employed persons and occupational pensioners whose only other income is unearned income. Persons in modified social insurance such as permanent and pensionable public servants are not covered for contributory old age pension at present because they have adequate occupational cover. They may, however, have some additional income from self-employment. These will also be excluded. Otherwise they could, in return for a relatively small additional contribution, acquire entitlement to contributory pension additional to their occupational pension.

Finally, it is proposed to exclude self-employed persons who are in receipt of widow's pensions, deserted wife's payments and payments under other analogous schemes. A similar exclusion already applies in the case of the scheme for employees in that the categories concerned are not required to contribute towards the costs of the system. It is considered that it should also extend to persons in these categories who are self-employed.

Apart from the excepted categories the scheme will be compulsory for all self-employed persons just as the scheme for employees is compulsory. The suggestion has been made that self-employed persons who are in a position to make their own pension arrangements should be free to opt out on the grounds that this would ultimately result in net savings to the Exchequer. In fact, the opposite would occur. A selective scheme under which self-employed persons on higher incomes opted out would result in the social insurance scheme being left with what might loosely be termed the bad risks and the net cost to the State would therefore be much higher. Every pension scheme is based on a mixture of good risks and bad risks and this is particularly the case with social insurance schemes under which coverage is so broadly based.

Moreover, if the persons concerned failed to maintain their pension cover and ended up with no income in old age or if their survivors had no income, the general taxpayer would be required to provide them with a basic means-tested payment, but no direct contribution would have been paid by them.

For these reasons there will be no question of the scheme being optional or confined to self-employed persons who cannot make their own arrangements. I see no justification for such an approach which conflicts with the whole idea of comprehensive social insurance coverage for basic pensions.

I have given a comprehensive outline of the coverage of the new scheme and the categories of persons and incomes which it is proposed to include. There will be the opportunity to go into this aspect in greater detail on Committee Stage and I hope that I have given sufficient clarification at this time on what is a relatively complex part of the legislation.

To summarise briefly what I have said, all persons who have income which is assessable under Schedule D, estimated at over 200,000, will be liable for PRSI contributions on their taxable income. In addition, certain persons whose income is taxed under Schedule E, principally an estimated 40,000 proprietary directors, will be included. Assisting relatives, persons on low income and certain other categories of persons will not be included in the scheme. The income which will be liable for contributions will, for persons on Schedule D, be income net of capital allowances but inclusive of unearned income and, in the case of proprietary directors, emoluments less superannuation contributions as in the case of employers.

In extending social insurance to the self-employed the Government also decided to bring into social insurance for the first time certain categories of employed persons who had hitherto been excluded. These include registered doctors and dentists, Ministers of religion and members of religious orders. Continuing to exempt these categories from social insurance as employed persons would either result in their having to be totally excluded from compulsory social insurance cover or included but as self-employed contributors. The first option could not be justified when their colleagues in self-employment are being brought into the system. The second option which would in effect result in certain categories of employees being treated as self-employed persons would clearly be anomalous.

In relation specifically to clergy and other persons in Holy Orders, under arrangements made in 1974 they can be brought within the social insurance system in circumstances where the appropriate authority certifies that their exclusion is unreasonable. As a general rule, however, clergy are not covered at present. Clergy may be liable for income tax under Schedule D and as such they will be able to contribute towards the provision of social insurance pensions for themselves. In this context it would not, I feel, be appropriate to continue to exclude from the system those religious who are employed in what might be termed secular employment under a contract of service and, therefore, not liable under Schedule D. The categories involved here would be mainly religious employed in schools, hospitals and other institutions and they will now come within the system as employees, insurable at a modified rate appropriate to their particular circumstances.

Apart from the three categories I have mentioned there are a small number of other categories such as coroners and public analysts employed by local or public authorities whose continued exclusion from the social insurance system would be anomalous in the new situation. There is power under existing legislation to make those involved insurable under the system subject to the normal conditions and I propose to exercise that power. The draft regulations in question must be subject to a resolution in both Houses and they will be agreed concurrently with the passage of the present legislation.

The introduction of the new system will also result in many persons who are or were voluntary contributors under the present system now becoming compulsorily insured. The persons concerned would, as voluntary contributors, have been covered for additional benefits such as retirement pension from age 65, deserted wife's benefit and death grant. To enable them to have maintained this cover it would have been necessary to have provided for three separate voluntary contributions at relatively low rates. This could have resulted in the cost of collecting such contributions exceeding the actual revenue. I am, therefore, making provision in this Bill that any additional benefits for which these persons were insured as voluntary contributors will be maintained in the new situation.

I am also making provision to enable persons who cease to be compulsorily insurable as self-employed contributors to maintain their social insurance cover by the payment of contributions voluntarily. Such persons will be required to pay £208 annually. A flat-rate contribution is necessary in their case as by definition they will not have reckonable income or reckonable emoluments on which an income-related contribution could be levied.

I would now like to turn to the benefits to which self-employed contributors will be acquiring entitlement from 6 April. Under the scheme social insurance cover will be extended to the self-employed for old age and widow's and orphan's pensions. The contribution conditions which apply at present for entitlement to these pensions in the case of employed persons will also apply in the case of self-employed persons. Thus, after four years a self-employed man who is married will have acquired for his family an entitlement to the contributory widow's and orphan's pension.

Under the old age pension scheme self-employed persons will obtain entitlement to the old age contributory pension after completion of a minimum of ten years insurance before reaching age 66. Where persons have completed periods of insurance previously either as employees or on a voluntary basis, those periods will be counted to their credit.

Explicit provision has also been made to avoid anomalies arising in the case of persons who have previous insurance. Deputies will be aware that when social insurance was extended in 1974 to non-manual workers who had been excluded because their income was above the limit for insurability, previous periods of insurance which had been completed when their income had been below the limit served subsequently in effect to deprive them of entitlement to an old age pension. This arose because their contributions were averaged from their first date of entry into insurance. This resulted in their average from that date to the end of the last contribution year before pension age being too low to qualify for pension.

I am pleased to say that this will not arise under the scheme. Persons with previous insurance who become self-employed contributors on 6 April 1988 will be able to choose that date as their date of entry if it is more favourable to them than calculating their average from their previous date of entry. This is provided for in sections 13 and 14 of the Bill.

Persons who fail to qualify for an old age contributory pension will be eligible for the old age, non-contributory, pension on a means-tested basis. Up to the present persons who entered insurance for the first time within ten years of reaching pension age have been entitled to a refund of the old age pension element of the contribution on the basis that they would be unable to qualify for a pension. Such refunds were paid irrespective of whether the persons concerned subsequently qualified for an old age non-contributory pension. As self-employed persons were not compulsorily insurable and as the majority did qualify for the old age non-contributory pension, refunding contributions to employed contributors in this situation was clearly justifiable.

However, it would now be difficult to justify such refunds when virtually all persons whether employed or self-employed with an independent income are required to contribute. Persons who qualify on means grounds for a pension receive a substantial entitlement fully financed by the Exchequer. If they have contributed for even a short period as insured persons, such contributions should, in equity, be regarded as in part contributing to the cost of the old age pension. The National Pensions Board referred to this matter in their report and recommended that the refund of the old age pension element of the contribution should only be made, provided the person concerned does not qualify for a pension on a means-tested basis. I am accepting the advice of the National Pensions Board in this regard and the necessary provision will be made in regulations.

Representations have been made to me in relation to self-employed persons who have never been insured before but who, because they have less than ten years to go before pension age, will not under the present rules be able to qualify for an old age pension. My Department examined in detail the possibility of making provisions to enable such persons to continue paying contributions after age 66 until they had ten years of insurance completed. The potential cost of this concession, however, would be prohibitive. It was estimated that in year 11, the first year in which the persons concerned would qualify for a pension, the additional cost of paying them the pension would be £40 million for the full year alone. This would significantly exceed the total amount of contributions collected from them in the previous ten years and would be a continuing cost over the following years. Accordingly, they have not been included.

The National Pensions Board concluded that the conditions for entitlement to invalidity pensions as they apply at present to employees would not be appropriate for the self-employed. They undertook to deal with the whole question of invalidity pensions in a future report and recommended that, in the meantime, pension cover for this contingency should not be provided. I accepted the advice of the board and recommended to the Government that invalidity pension cover for the self-employed be postponed until I receive the board's report.

The pensions board, while recognising the importance of a retirement condition in the case of the self-employed, also decided not to make a recommendation on this issue until they had more time to consider it. The Government decided that old age pension cover for the self-employed would, for the present, be on the same basis as for employees, namely a pension from age 66 without a retirement condition.

The pensions board will be examining the desirability and feasibility from an administrative point of view of introducing a retirement condition that would be applicable in a fair and equitable manner both to employed and self-employed persons.

The one aspect of the proposed scheme that has given rise to most discussion has been the cost of and financing arrangements for the scheme. Concern has been expressed that the scheme will put a long term financing burden on the Exchequer and that the rate of self-employment contribution is not high enough. Much of the comment which has been made has not, however, been well informed.

A majority of the members of the National Pensions Board recommended that, on grounds of equity, the rate of contribution should be the same as the combined employer employee rate for old age and widow's and orphan's pensions — that is a rate of 6.6 per cent when allowance is made for the tax relief on the employer's contribution. The board recognised, however, that in setting the rate of contribution the Government would have to take into account the ability of the self-employed to pay the rate recommended. This is, of course, what the Government did in deciding to phase in the contribution to be paid over three years. Thus the contribution will be 3 per cent in the contribution year 1988-89, 4 per cent in 1989-90 and 5 per cent in 1990-91 subject to a minimum contribution of £208 and this is explicitly provided for in the Bill.

The minimum contribution for people paying income-related contributions, as I explained in my speech on the budget, is necessary in the case of the self-employed as, given the fact that capital allowances are deductable for PRSI purposes, self-employed persons with high capital allowances who would otherwise have a reasonable level of income could end up paying a very small amount by way of a self-employment contribution. A minimum contribution of £208 or £4 per week is reasonable in these cases.

The Government also accepted the view of the National Pensions Board that it is necessary to have a system of flat-rate contributions for those whose incomes are below the level at which they are regularly assessed for income tax by the Revenue Commissioners. It was concluded that a flat rate contribution of £208, equivalent to the minimum contribution for those paying income-related contributions would not be justified. The level of flat rate contribution for people in this situation has been set at £104 per annum which is the equivalent to £2 per week.

In deciding on the rate of contribution to be charged, the Government have to ensure that the yield from the contributions is adequate to meet the additional cost of the proposed scheme and at the same time reduce the existing burden on the Exchequer of financing social welfare pensions for the self-employed. The first issue in this regard is the overall cost of the scheme and the estimates of the cost over a 50 year period have been set out in the report of the National Pensions Board. Given the speculation in recent weeks about the impact of the proposed scheme on the Exchequer I would like to refer in some detail to these costs. The board showed that the additional costs, over and above the costs of continuing the present arrangements, will be £6 million in year five, £21 million in year ten, £73 million in year 20, £99 million in year 30, and £89 million in year 50.

Much of the erroneous speculation referred not to the cost but to the anticipated yield from the self-employment contributions. It was based on a misunderstanding of the yield for 1988 of £15 million referred to in the Financial Statement of the Minister for Finance on budget day. That £15 million is the estimated yield of a 3 per cent contribution to be collected in an eight month period only from April to 31 December this year. No account was taken in that estimate of any yield from the flat rate £104 contribution as the collection arrangements for that contribution will not be operational in time to effect any significant yield this year. However, some commentators seem to have taken this £15 million as the estimated yield from a 3 per cent contribution and calculated that this is equivalent to £31 million from a 5 per cent contribution in a full year. This explains why they concluded that the new system could give rise to a major additional burden on the Exchequer.

The Revenue Commissioners have estimated that in a full contribution year the actual yield from a 5 per cent contribution would be £45 million and that the flat rate contribution would yield an additional £5 million when the collection arrangements for this contribution are fully operational. This estimated yield, moreover, is based on the incomes of the self-employed in recent years which, especially among farmers, was low relative to what it has been this year. It is also based on the collection performance of recent years which is now being significantly improved. I am confident that the yield estimated by the Revenue Commissioners is, in fact, conservative and that the actual yield may prove to be significantly higher.

The Government in setting the rate of contribution are budgeting for a yield of £50 million per year on a conservative basis. By the end of year ten the total income from self-employed contributions will have exceeded additional expenditure arising from the scheme by around £360 million over the period. The income from these contributions will be paid directly into the Social Insurance Fund and will have the effect of reducing the Exchequer subvention into that fund. This, of course, will in turn have the effect of reducing the Exchequer borrowing requirement up to the year 2000 and result in substantial savings on interest during this period. This aspect must be borne in mind when the overall financial impact of the proposed scheme is being examined.

There has been much comment during the past few weeks that the Government, in introducing this scheme, are just concerned with achieving a short term improvement in the State's finances at the price of incurring major liabilities in the longer term. This is not the case. The introduction of this scheme will effect a significant improvement in the State's finances over the next decade and at a time of severe difficulties on that front this has to be seen as a very positive development. But the Government are also determined to ensure that the overall effect of the scheme over the full 50 year period will be to provide a net gain to the Exchequer.

Although the Government accept the estimated costs of the proposed scheme as set out in the report of the National Pensions Board, the estimates of the yield from the contributions may be too conservative. I consider that over the next few years the income of the self-employed will be higher than it has been in recent years and the collection performance significantly improved, which will result in a higher yield than has been estimated.

For that reason specific provision is made in the Bill in section 17 C (e) that a review of the scheme will have to be undertaken in the period October to December 1990. At that stage data on the actual yield from the contributions will be available and there will be a solid basis for determining the adequacy of the percentage rate of contribution being charged vis-à-vis the benefits being conferred.

In fact, by that stage the final report of the National Pensions Board will be available which will, among other things, contain a detailed examination of the projected cost over a 50 year period of the existing scheme for employees. The Government intend that this report, together with the report on social insurance for the self-employed and the other reports of the National Pensions Board, should form the basis of establishing a comprehensive national pensions system under which both statutory and private occupational pension schemes will be placed on a sound financial footing. Thus existing and future pensioners will have a certain level of pension guaranteed and the burden of financing pensions on both contributors and the general taxpayer will be spread on an equitable basis.

Those whose incomes are subject to Schedules D and F will pay the social insurance contribution, health contribution and employment and training levy with their income tax. The Government have decided that collection of the self-employment contribution, health contribution and employment and training levy should be combined with income tax in the case of Schedule D taxpayers in the same way as the PRSI contribution is combined with income tax under the PAYE system.

Under the new system a distinction will be made between these contributions and income tax for accounting and other purposes, but no distinction will be made in collection and enforcement procedures. Thus when a person subject to Schedule D receives his demand for tax, the amount charged will include income tax and PRSI contributions. The new system will be much more cost effective, will result in much greater compliance on the part of contributors and will also be more straightforward for contributors who will now have just one tax demand to deal with.

In the case of those self-employed contributors, for example proprietary directors, who are subject to tax under Schedule E, they have hitherto been liable for a Class K contribution of 2.25 per cent which represents the health contribution and employment and training levy. From April they will be liable for a new Class S contribution which will include in addition to the existing 2.25 per cent, the extra 3 per cent PRSI contribution, increasing to 4 per cent and 5 per cent in line with the contribution of self-employed contributors generally.

The income-related contribution of 3 per cent, 4 per cent or 5 per cent subject to the minimum of £208 per year, will be collected by the Revenue Commissioners and liability will commence from 6 April next. The Revenue Commissioners will also have a role in relation to the collection of the flat-rate contribution of £104 from persons who are not being regularly assessed for income tax. A notification informing the people concerned that they are not required to make a return of their income will be issued by the Revenue Commissioners in each case and those involved will also be informed that they may be liable for the £104 contribution.

Whether they actually have to pay that contribution will depend on whether their income exceeds the minimum level of £2,500 for inclusion as a self-employed contributor. The notifications from the Revenue Commissioners to the people concerned will have issued in the bulk of cases by the end of the summer. I am taking the necessary powers in the Bill to enable the actual liability for the first year in these cases to be prescribed in regulations. The precise mechanism by which the £104 contribution will be collected and the date of commencement of this aspect of the scheme are under examination at present and the details will be announced in due course.

Sections 19 to 22 of the Bill contain a series of measures in relation to prosecutions, proceedings and increases in fines for offences in relation to the Social Welfare Acts. Section 19 provides that an offender shall not get the benefit of the Probation Act until such time as any amounts due to be repaid to my Department have been repaid. Section 20 is an omnibus provision which consolidates the existing provisions in relation to proceedings and prosecutions for offences under the Social Welfare Acts.

Sections 21 and 22 provide for increased penalties and fines for prescribed offences for employers and employees under the various insurance and assistance schemes. The maximum fine for conviction on indictment is being increased from £3,000 to £10,000 and the maximum term of imprisonment is being increased from two to three years. This will bring the provisions into line with those provided for in the Social Welfare (No. 2) Act, 1987. Certain fines for lesser offences are also being increased.

Deputies will know that a great deal of work has been done in preventing fraud and abuse of the social welfare system in the last year. At last we are making headway in tackling this issue. There can be no doubt that the vast majority of claimants are entitled to their social welfare payments and would not dream of trying to "make" on the system. However, there are some unscrupulous employers and employees who seize any opportunity to exploit the system or, indeed, to manipulate it to their own benefit whether fraudulently or otherwise. These people have no regard for the legitimate rights of the vast majority of social welfare claimants. They have no sense of responsibility towards the hundreds of thousands of taxpayers who maintain the social welfare system for those of their fellow workers who are no longer in a position to maintain themselves and must, therefore, depend on social welfare payments.

Since taking office I have shown my commitment to stamping out abuse. Measures which have been taken to date include the setting up of an external control unit in my Department. This unit's main activity is to interview people where there is reason to believe that they are not entitled to the payments they are claiming and I am expanding significantly this unit from 19 to 32 personnel. I am also expanding, by 15 staff, my Department's commitment to the joint inspection unit which has, up to now, operated on a pilot basis.

Section 23 is a technical amendment to the disability benefit scheme which provides that, for the purposes of determining whether a claimant has exhausted 52 weeks entitlement to disability benefit, only claims which occurred during the previous six years will be taken into consideration. It introduces a cut-off point of six years beyond which previous claims will not be reckoned. This will affect only a very small number of claims and will operate to the claimant's advantage.

The opportunity was taken in last year's Social Welfare Act to round to the nearest 10p the weekly social insurance and assistance personal rates and increases for adult and child dependants. The purpose of the rounding was to simplify as far as possible the large number of payments now being made. Section 24 applies to amounts of injury benefit and unemployment assistance payable for periods of less than a week while section 25 provides that the scale of rates for unemployment assistance purposes will be in units of 10p rather than 5p as heretofore.

The purpose of section 26 of the Bill is to remove the obligation on urban local authorities to contribute towards the cost of unemployment assistance. The contribution which has been in operation since 1933 and which is based on rateable valuation amounts to about £0.5 million per year. In the context of annual expenditure on unemployment assistance of £444 million and in the light of the size of the Exchequer contribution to local authority financing, the current contribution is largely anachronistic at this stage. The amount involved will in future be met by the Exchequer.

Section 27 of the Bill provides for an amendment to the Employers' Employment Contribution Scheme Act, 1981, so as to permit the unspent funds of the scheme to be transferred elsewhere. The purpose of the scheme, which operated for a period of one year, 6 April 1981 to 5 April 1982, was to maintain employment levels in the textile, clothing, footwear and leather industries. It was funded by employers to the extent of an additional 0.2 per cent on their share of the PRSI contribution. At present, there is a balance of about £15,000 remaining in the scheme's account and about £370,000 awaiting transfer from my Department. This arose from delays in the collection of contributions for the year in question arising from liquidations and receiverships. The provision in the Bill enables both existing and future funds to be transferred to the occupational injuries fund which is financed entirely from contributions from employers.

I now come to a new pre-retirement scheme which is part of my on-going efforts to introduce flexibility into the unemployment payments system to cater for the needs of particular groups. The rapid increase in the numbers unemployed in recent years has highlighted the fact that there is a great diversity of groups of unemployed persons on the live register. Some are prepared to accept part-time jobs in the hope that they will lead to full time work; others would like to use this period of enforced inactivity in a constructive way by improving their educational attainments. Some persons would like to become involved in community activities and volunteer their services for the good of their communities. I have always felt that we should cater for the varying needs of the unemployed in so far as this is possible within the confines of my Department's main business which is to provide income maintenance to those not in a position to support themselves or their families.

Deputies will know that I propose to extend the part time job allowance scheme nationwide from April 1988 and that I am interested in increasing the scope of the educational opportunities scheme which I believe has great potential for the unemployed many of whom left school early and feel they have little possibility of competing successfully with younger, better educated and skilled workers.

One further group on the live register which we can cater for are the older long term unemployed and provision is being made for them in this Bill. The pre-retirement scheme is intended to provide more flexible arrangements for older unemployed people many of whom regard themselves as semi-retired and not really members of the labour force. At present, these people are required to sign on each week at their local office where they receive their cash payments. This new scheme would relieve claimants of the necessity of attending the local office while, at the same time, providing them with alternative arrangements for receiving their basic income maintenance entitlement. Section 28 of the Bill sets out the basic conditions to be satisfied by a person in order to be eligible for the pre-retirement allowance.

The scheme will be optional. Those who qualify for the allowance will be paid by pension order book which can be cashed weekly at their local post office and they will not have to attend the local office to sign on. However, they will be asked periodically to confirm that they are still, in fact, retired. Initially, the scheme will be confined to persons over 60 years of age who are entitled to the maximum rate of unemployment assistance.

The purpose of section 29 of the Bill is to extend the scope of the occupational injuries benefit scheme to unemployed persons undergoing training courses provided by ACOT and CERT. FÁS trainees (formerly AnCO) already have cover for occupational injuries benefit and also have contributions credited to them during periods of training. It is proposed to provide a similar facility in relation to ACOT and CERT trainees.

Section 30 of the Bill provides that regulations may be made giving entitlement to pensions at a reduced rate to those persons who, having earlier left the insurance system, came back into insurance on 1 April 1974 when the earnings limit for insurability was abolished and all workers became compulsorily insured, irrespective of their income.

Before 1974 non-manual workers were excluded from social insurance if their earnings exceeded a prescribed limit. This limit was increased from time to time and, consequently, some persons found themselves in and out of insurance for periods as their earnings fluctuated above and below the limit in force at the time. They now find themselves adversely affected when they reach pension age because of the intermittent nature of their insurance records prior to 1974. The yearly average of contributions necessary for qualifying for pension in their case is calculated over a long period going back to when they first became insured and is diluted by the gaps in their record caused by the periods when they were out of insurance. Consequently, the minimum average number of contributions necessary is not satisfied in their cases and they do not qualify for pensions.

By contrast, those who had never been insured prior to 1 April 1974, because their earnings were reasonably high and they were over the insurable limit, have the yearly average number of contributions calculated over a shorter period which only goes back to 1 April 1974, the date they first became insurable. Thus, it can happen that this latter group may qualify for pension on the basis of relatively short periods of contributions while others who may have contributed over a longer period and overall have paid a greater number of contributions may not qualify for a pension at all.

I have been very concerned about this anomaly for some time as I know other Deputies in the House have been. The plight of this group of former workers was highlighted in the report of the Commission on Social Welfare. This provision will enable me to do something for the 1,250 persons now involved. Following the enactment of this legislation, I will be making regulations providing reduced pensions for them in line with the commission's recommendations with effect from October next.

The Bill provides for the transfer of information, whether computer-based or otherwise, between the Department of Social Welfare and the Revenue Commissioners so as to facilitate the proper administration of social welfare schemes including the registration of self-employed contributors. Provision is also being made for the transfer of information between the Department and other specified bodies such as local authorities and health boards for the purpose of the administration of social welfare schemes and other schemes administered by these bodies.

I said at the outset that this Bill is a major piece of legislation which contains a number of very significant improvements in the social welfare code. In particular, the extension of social insurance to the self employed is a measure which is long overdue and which will fill a major gap in the present system. The other provisions in the Bill also represent very significant improvements for people who depend on social welfare. I am very pleased to be in a position to bring this package of measures before the House and I commend the Bill to the House.

This Bill deserves to be christened the "mincemeat Bill". It guarantees for another year that the "Es" in what the sociologists refer to as the C to E class will get their mincemeat at least once a week. For many thousands of families the only meat they ever get is mincemeat. There are women in my constituency who, in a heroic effort to give their families some variety of food within their budget, have learned to cook and present mincemeat in at least 67 varieties. For some, the least well off of all, mincemeat is their Sunday best. The Bill before us gives no relief and no hope for those at the bottom of the mincemeat pile. The Irish social welfare system has never sought to target the truly needy for exceptional help. It is an across the board system with percentage increases which give more to those on higher allowances and sometimes with two or three pensions and least to those on the lowest allowances.

This practice is reflected also at Christmas — time when the smallest bonuses are given to the least well off. Unfortunately, by the end of this year there will be a great deal more people on minced meat as their staple diet, as the policies being pursued by the Government are set to end in disaster, and this will become manifest by autumn. By then it will be clear that the zero growth forecast for this year will have been optimistic, that there will in fact be negative growth. Even after the Jobsearch scheme and emigration, unemployment will further increase. There will be adverse revenue buoyancy, and the 1989 Estimates will be due for presentation.

Where, then, will the Government go? Can they revise the health or education estimates? Can they sack 10,000 more public servants to pay next year's pay increase to those who remain? Can they reverse their commitment to indexed pay in social welfare? If they cannot touch those four Estimates any more, how can they bridge the gap between revenue and expenditure. All of the other Estimates between them do not, in aggregate, make up the amount spent on education, health, social welfare or pay. No further savings can be got from these sources.

The fact of the matter is that the Government have gone offside in three major areas. The first is the plan for national recovery, so-called, which was a fundamental mistake. To agree any pay increases for the public sector is unsustainable in present circumstances. To agree to annual increases for three years and to pay for them by disemploying, this year, 10,000 public servants, most of whom are needed like teachers and nurses, defies reality. The second case where the Government went offside was in regard to the budget which was a "softly softly" political budget, when a radical reforming budget was desirable and possible given the clear advance support of Fine Gael.

The Social Welfare Bill now before us is the Government's third major economic mistake. It is a mistake both in its contents and in its omissions. The contents of the Bill are mainly mechanical and insignificant except in relation to extending pay-related social insurance to the self-employed. This proposal, despite all the waffle in the Minister's speech, is one of the worst examples of the short term thinking for which Fianna Fáil are notorious. When, on 29 July of last year, the Minister announced his intention to introduce this measure, he made as his principal point the need to get a net contribution from the self-employed sector towards the pensions, at present non-contributory, which many of them now enjoy on retirement. With this objective I concur. However, it is very clear, no matter what smoke screen the Minister tries to make, that within the decade the proposal before us will cost the taxpayer tens of millions of pounds per year.

There are many reasons this will be the case but I will summarise the points: first, future pensions will be at the higher contributory rate rather than at the present non-contributory rate and therefore will cost millions more per annum; secondly, many who, on means grounds, do not now qualify for non-contributory pensions, will qualify as contributors for contributory pensions at the new higher rates; thirdly, the National Pensions Board says that to break even on present costs, the Exchequer would need to charge a 4.5 per cent rate and have a 100 per cent collection rate. The mathematicians among us will know that if it is a 5 per cent rate we will need a 90 per cent collection rate because 90 per cent of 5 per cent is 4.5 per cent. If we had a 6.6 per cent rate, which the pension board recommended, we would need a 70 per cent collection rate just for the proposal not to cost the Exchequer more than it cost now.

Fourthly, the experience in regard to the health contribution and the youth employment levy indicates a collection success rate of less than 30 per cent, and possibly a good deal less than 30 per cent. The Minister made no reference to the present problems of collecting health contributions and youth employment levies; fifthly even with a 100 per cent success rate at 6.6 per cent, the National Pensions Board report states that self-employed pensions would enjoy a 60 per cent subsidy compared to a 38 per cent subsidy for existing contributory pensions.

Sixthly, the self-employed will have plenty of opportunity to evade becoming contributors until the propitious time which is at age 54, just before their 55th birthday, because of the minimum requirement of ten years contribution for old age pension. They will also have plenty of incentive to understate their income because, while contributions are pay-related, pensions are not. So they will lose nothing by under stating their income and have all to gain.

Seventhly, the implications for the handing over of farms and businesses to the younger generation of this proposal are very profound indeed. At the moment there is a very strong incentive for farmers and other self-employed to hand over farms or businesses when approaching the age of 66 to qualify for non-contributory pensions. As contributors they will be entitled to their pensions regardless of their means and will have no incentive to pass on their business. Conversely younger farmers not of pension age who have sons or daughters and who are already contributors will have a major incentive to hand over their farms and businesses to their children and thereby themselves become eligible for means-tested social welfare payments and avoid having to make contributions.

There is but one favourable argument to counter the adverse arguments, that is, that in the early years there will be a flow of contributions into the Exchequer and no outlays arise until the fourth year, because in the fourth year the liability for extra widows contributory pensions begins to occur. The outflows begin at year four and become very significant after year ten.

This is a 1977 type policy in its implications. Even before considering the massive administrative issues that arise, this proposal is a serious mistake and one which should be withdrawn and reconsidered. Here is a case, if ever there was one, for the Government to listen to the Dáil. Fine Gael agree with the objective of reducing the Exchequer outlay for non-contributory pensions and if that was the effect of the Minister's proposals we might not oppose it. A better way by far would be to require the self-employed to show evidence annually of adequate private pension cover or, alternatively, to become contributors to the social insurance fund in the manner that voluntary contributors do. Such a proposal involves the State in a great deal less administration and checking for evasion. Most important, it would progressively reduce Exchequer expenditure on non-contributory pensions as the years elapsed.

I notice that the Minister dismisses this idea in advance without giving consideration to the full proposal. He uses the words "bad risks"; the bad risks will stay in the social welfare system. He also told us that 70 per cent of all self-employed claim non-contributory pensions. Why can the Minister not make it a requirement that the self-employed produce evidence of adequate pension cover or, if they do not, that they be required to become contributors to the social insurance fund in a manner similar to the voluntary contributors' arrangement.

Strangely enough, a Cheann Comhairle, I do not consider the PRSI proposal for the self-employed as the most serious defect of this Bill. The Bill operates as if there was no unemployment crisis. It has that in common with the budget. It is a softly, softly, mechanical, run-of-the-mill Bill as if there was not a crisis of unemployment and a crisis of poverty. As the OECD points out, Ireland has the taxation and social welfare system most biased against labour in all the OECD countries. Is it any wonder, therefore, that we also have the highest rate of unemployment in the developed world? This situation is now being compounded by the Government joining the years old stampede of the private sector to shed jobs.

The big fashion is to get rid of people. That has been the fashion for a number of years in the private sector. The measure of success of a manager is by how many he can reduce his workforce. That now is the key of success to Ministers. How many can he get out of the workforce, shed public servants, shed nurses, shed teachers and let the grass grow in public parks surrounded by estates full of unemployed people. That is the effect of the Government's policies and it is the effect of our taxation and social welfare systems. The budget and this Social Welfare Bill accentuate these trends and that is why we are heading for the rocks.

The biggest flaw in this Bill is the absence of any reform in relation to the employment disincentive effect of many social welfare provisions. I had hoped, a Cheann Comhairle, that some or all of the following social welfare reforms would have been contemplated in this Bill. I cannot pretend that these are new or novel ideas that have originated with me. These ideas have been put forward by eminent commissions, for example, the Commission on Taxation, the Commission on Social Welfare and others. My first proposal is to adopt the Commission on Taxation proposal for a social security tax as a substitute for all or part of the employer's social insurance contribution which is a tax on employment. I will give an example of what happens. Two employers pay out £200,000. Both have the same pay roll. One employs ten people at £20,000 each, the other employs 20 people at £10,000 each. Who pays the most tax — the man with the ten people employed or the man with 20 people employed? I have asked that question of a number of people and invariably I get the answer that it is the man who has ten people employed. The answer is wrong. The man who has 20 people employed pays more tax. Under our system he is taxed for employing people. Given the level of unemployment and emigration why should there not be a social security tax in lieu of this mad system whereby we tax an employer for using labour and we do not tax his property, his capital or his machines?

The second proposal I would have liked to have seen in this Bill in the area of employment incentives, or removing disincentives, would have been the restructuring of the rates of contribution for both employers and employees so that while gaining the same revenue yield, as at present, labour-intensive industries and more earners would pay less. This could be achieved by exempting, as they do in the income tax system, the first few thousand pounds of income and increasing the rate for income thereafter. This would obviously facilitate people taking up jobs.

I had four people in the last month at my clinics who are giving up their jobs because they are better off on the social welfare system; one is a man with seven children and the other has six children. I can understand that decision because in the social welfare system one is paid for every child but in the tax system no allowances are made for any children. Your differential rent, your medical card and your FIS are all assessed on your gross income, not on your net income, and that creates another anomaly. The net effect is that you are better off not working, you are better off on the social welfare system where all of these things are taken into account.

Despite the fact that there are 250,000 people unemployed, four married men with families have given up their jobs because of the disincentive effect of our social welfare and taxation systems. Why not exempt from tax the first few thousand pounds of income? My third proposal is, why not reform the FIS to deal with this problem? Why do we confine FIS benefit to the first five children and not to the sixth, seventh and eighth child etc. when in the social welfare system you are paid for every child? Why is gross pay and not net pay the consideration?

My fourth proposal deals with disability benefit because our absentee rates, despite our unemployment problem, are almost twice the UK rate. The level of our disability benefit claims are 11.5 per cent compared to the UK average of 6 per cent. Why is that? The reason, of course, is that the system can be exploited. Under the present system you can actually be at work and claim disability benefit and there is no mechanism for finding this out. A few hundred people were caught out last year. There were a few other spectacular cases, one in County Louth and one in one of the Smurfit companies recently. This is the result only of spot checks. You can actually send in certificates while working and get disability benefit. You can also be out sick and get disability benefit and in many cases given your rebate of tax, given medical card eligibility and given your differential rent you can be much better off because there will be no bus fares to work etc. Admittedly, a good deal has been done to remove these anomalies over the past few years but not enough.

The Minister has not proceeded with his other announcement of 29 July which was to transfer responsibility for paying the first 13 weeks of disability benefit to employers. Obviously, it is a good deal more complex than the Minister thought on 29 July. I am not criticising him for not proceeding with it. He should now go back on his other announcement of 29 July about PRSI for the self-employed because that is equally fraught with difficulties and loopholes.

Disability benefit cheques are printed by computer, so when paying disability benefit why should we not add an additional detachable slip addressed to the employer because every person in employment has an RSI number and an employer's number for tax purposes? The employer's number is obtained easily from the tax number. On the same day the disability benefit cheque is sent out, why is not a slip sent to the employer stating the amount paid to that employee? This would have a number of advantages: first, you would not have the situation, unless the employer is colluding with the employee, of employees actually drawing disability benefit while they are at work. Second, it would allow disability benefit to be treated as normal income as it should be if we are to remove the anomaly whereby people can be better off out sick than at work. This is done in every single country in Europe except Ireland.

There is no proposal in the Bill to remove that disincentive to employing people — the high absentee level. Do not blame people for exploiting loopholes in the system because it is the fault of the politicians in this House for allowing so many loopholes in the system, and that is one that should be closed off rapidly, it only requires a simple administrative change that should have been introduced long ago. If such changes were introduced in this Bill I believe the opportunities for creating more employment would be enhanced greatly. I would also like to see the Finance Bill addressing the fact that labour in this country is taxed to the hilt compared with any other country in the developed world, whereas property and capital are taxed very slightly. In my view there is an urgent need for a decisive change, a decisive reduction in income tax and a shift towards property and capital taxes.

There are also aspects of our social legislation which were well intentioned, like the Unfair Dismissals Act, and which have actually had the effect of either deterring the employment of people or that employers are opting for illegitimate employment, black economy employment or "contracts" or "consultancy". The fashion is to get them off the payroll and not to pay the 12½ per cent payroll taxes. There is another way of employing people: you get labour more cheaply if you allow them to sign on the dole on Tuesday or Thursday. The employer pays half, and the workers are better off because they are not paying tax and they are getting unemployment assistance. We have to change that. We need a radical package of measures in this Bill and in the Finance Bill if we are to do anything about unemployment. I consider the defect in the budget and the principal defect in the Bill is the absence of any radical restructuring on the lines I have suggested.

Another area that burns me up is how we humiliate the needy. I have a possible advantage as I come from a working class urban family who understand very well the humiliation that can be thoughtlessly inflicted on the needy. Unlike Dublin Civic Offices no one can be blamed for designing our social welfare system. Just like ugly varicose veins the system has emerged without shape causing pain and embarrassment to those who use it. That is how our social welfare system is. Let us just ponder the experience of someone who becomes unemployed and goes eventually to seek unemployment assistance. First they have to apply for unemployment assistance, for which there is a means test. Means test number one sets a certain criteria and it takes six weeks or so before payments are made. Meanwhile the person goes to the supplementary welfare officer in the heatlh centre for supplementary welfare assistance. Lo and behold, he has to go through another and different means test for that. If he wants to be considered for a medical card he has to go to another set of publicly paid officials in the health board, at different offices and in a different section and he has to go through another means test which has different criteria. In September he may wish to apply for footwear for his children in the winter, but he has to undergo yet another means test. He should apply for the free fuel allowance in October, but if he forgets to apply in time or overlooks to apply because of sickness he loses the allowance for the first, second or third week and he has to undergo yet another means test. If his children are bright and they strive to go on to third level education and they apply for an education grant they have to go through another means test with different officials in a different Department with different criteria.

If he or she — and it is mostly females in this case — want legal aid because of problems, they have to go to the Legal Aid Board, Department of Justice, and deal with a different set of officials paid from public funds and they have to go through another means test with different criteria. I could go on and on. Almost a year ago I raised this in the Dáil and I described what I have just described now, but probably with a little more colour and in more detail. I suggested that this massive triplication and quintuplication of bureaucratic effort must be costing the State a fortune, apart from humiliating and inconveniencing the poor. Incidentally when people go for these means tests and discuss their personal business in health boards or social welfare offices or when they go to the local authorities to discuss their rent arrears or whatever, they frequently have to discuss their business at a window with queues of people behind them. They have to sit there listening to other people's business until their turn; they then have to talk about their business in front of a queue. Sometimes they have to discuss very personal intimate details explaining their difficulties. That is how we humiliate the poor; it is not intentional but that is its effect.

Nothing in this Bill addresses those problems. It is not that notice has not been given to the Minister. That is why I described this Bill as purely mechanical. We might as well put a robot into the Department of Social Welfare. I will be proposing amendments on Committee Stage along the lines that there would be one single national means test which I suggest should be called an eligibility certificate which would be used to decide all social welfare, health, local authority, legal aid and education entitlements. This would facilitate the elimination of these stark cut-off points whereby if a person is £1 under the limit they are eligible for medical cards etc., but if they are a £1 over the limit they lose out and are caught in the poverty trap. This is a classic poverty trap and is a classical disincentive to improving yourself. My amendments would enable us as a nation to do away with the stark cut-off points and allow for a tapering eligibility. Payments could be reduced to 75 per cent, 50 per cent, or 25 per cent but you would not lose everything by getting an increase of £1, as is the case at present. Secondly, these eligibility tests, as I would call them, would be carried out at local health centres instead of having people make costly bus journeys from the outer ends of Dublin when they may not have the bus fare.

The second amendment I shall be proposing is that, in all public offices where interviews are conducted involving personal business, minimum standards of privacy, particularly against overhearing and visual observance, will be a right guaranteed by law. I do not know whether many Members of this House have been actually in some of the public offices. I have had the humiliating experience of accompanying constituents in particularly thorny cases and finding you have to sit at a window in front of a queue discussing problems. The House owes it to the less well off to ensure that, having lost their prosperity, at least they will not lose their dignity.

Another matter for which I have been campaigning for some time and on which I proposed amendments in this House in December is the question of moneylending which again is a rampant problem in the large new working class estates on the fringe of the city and, I am sure, elsewhere. Following my initiative, the Minister agreed to refer this matter to the Combat Poverty Agency and that at least is some progress. But there are urgent problems. There are people, mainly women, who are drowning in debt and are under great pressure. In many cases their husbands do not know because they are fearful of telling them. Those people are being subjected to exorbitant rates of interests. I have cited cases here which came to my notice in the course of my constituency work where community welfare officers took initiatives to ease the burden on those people. They went to the Department for approval to pay off the moneylenders but no approval was forthcoming from the Department because there is no legislative cover for this matter.

The Minister said recently at Question Time that such discretion exists but my understanding is that it does not exist. Even though I am quite happy that at least the Minister has responded to my initiative by referring the matter to the Combat Poverty Agency, in this Bill there should be an enabling provision giving the discretion to a superintendent community welfare officer to give, in cases of urgent and special need, interest free loans. Obviously the provisions would have to be very clearly spelled out and defined but there should be some facility to relieve some of the pressures on those people, especially in cases where there has been a bereavement, or moving house, or for a family at Christmas time or at the commencement of the school year when there are exceptionally high costs.

I am proposing this measure not as a substitute for any grants or payments which may be available at present but as an addition to those payments, as one way of solving the problem of moneylending. It is only the very needy people who go to moneylenders. Other people who are not as badly off go to the credit union and can save a little themselves. Up to 39 per cent interest rate is allowable to moneylenders, which is incredible, but sometimes rates exceeding 100 per cent in real terms are charged. I know the Minister for Social Welfare has not got responsibility for moneylending legislation but I hope this year amendments will be made to the Moneylenders Act, 1933, because that Act has not been amended since 1933. I will be pressing for amendments to the Act but, in the meantime, I will be proposing a further amendment to this Bill to deal with enabling loans to prevent moneylending.

I described earlier the humiliation which many social welfare applicants experience and the inconvenience of having to go from one part of the Department of Social Welfare to another and from one part of the health board to another, frequently involving expensive bus fares. There should be a great deal more decision-making at local level. I strongly recommend the development of social welfare policy along the lines of more local discretion, in other words, developing the supplementary welfare system. Apart from the inconvenience and delays caused by the centralised system which we have at present, the very nature of that centralised system means it is distant from people. It has led not only to inconvenience but to abuse.

The dogs in the streets are barking about the abuse. The official line is always that there is only I per cent of abuse and so on. Yet last year, with the assistance of this side of the House, the Minister at last we now have a separate Minister for Social Welfare and this was long overdue —— saved many millions of pounds by tackling abuse. Many more millions can be saved. I feel strongly about this matter because that money is being diverted from the needy, about whom I talked at the beginning of my speech, who are at the mercy of moneylenders. Those people need more resources and if we are to find those resources we must ensure that we overcome the problem of abuse and that the money saved is given to the needy.

Matters such as the unmarried mother's allowance, deserted wife's benefit, free telephone rental, free television licence and free electricity allowance which are peculiarly susceptible to abuse, and also to local knowledge, should be localised. There would be a very large saving if these matters were localised, if the applications were made and decided on at the local health centre. It would also eliminate much inconvenience for those who are genuinely entitled to that money.

Another omission in this Bill is the question of the unemployed widower or deserted husband, one of the most discriminated against minorities in this country. An unemployed widower with children gets £20 to £30 a week less than a widow, a deserted wife or an unmarried mother in similar circumstances. That is totally unfair and is probably unconstitutional. I know we treat widowers and deserted husbands differently from widows and deserted wives. I do not think anyone would suggest that the State ought to or could afford to give pensions to widowers or deserted husbands because the implications would be quite horrendous. But there should be some provision in law or at least some discretion whereby deserted husbands or widowers who are unemployed could be given a supplement over and above their unemployment assistance. That would bridge the gap between the level of unemployment assistance and the level of widow's pension. It does not have to be a global provision; it could be a localised provision where discretion is given to the supplementary welfare officer to meet hardship cases. There are only 4,000 or 5,000 people in this category as far as I know, but I may be wrong. I appeal to the Minister that, when I table an amendment on that matter, which I am going to do, he will accept it.

I do not wish to detain the House any longer. The whole social welfare system is so extensive that we could be here for a very long time going into the minutiae of the matter. In summary, I want urgent action in a number of areas. First, I want the adverse effects on employment which the social welfare system brings about eliminated. That can be done within the scope of suggestions made by the Commission on Taxation and the Commission on Social Welfare. Second, I want the humiliation people on social welfare feel stopped (a) by having one national eligibility certificate, and having that decided at local level, and (b) by providing in law the right of minimum privacy in public offices. Third, I want an end to the anomalies which arise in the system by stark cut-off points for entitlement and the anomaly where those employed on low pay have their gross income rather than their net income taken into account.

Despite all our economic problems, we are still one of the 25 wealthiest countries in the world. It is well within our compass to eliminate poverty from this land because by world standards this is a land of plenty. The principal objective of our social welfare policy should be to see that everybody has a guaranteed basic minimum income. That is the central objective which I, as Fine Gael spokesman, will be pursuing and so far as the social welfare system is concerned, those whose fate temporary or otherwise, it is to have to depend on social welfare for their livelihood will be treated at all times with dignity.

This is a very lengthy Bill. Deputies have not had an ample opportunity to consider all its implications, especially rural Deputies, because spokesmen do not receive Bills until Monday or Tuesday. However, we have done the best we can to try to tease out the implications of the Bill.

There are 31 sections contained in four Parts in this Bill. However, I believe it is necessary to deal in detail only with Parts II, III and IV. Part II provides for an increase of 3 per cent from July 1988 in the weekly rates of payment under the schemes of social insurance, social assistance and occupational injury benefit. It provides for higher increases in the weekly rates of unemployment assistance and supplementary welfare allowance. The rationalisation of the rates of child dependant increases and adjustments in the family income supplement are to be welcomed. However, I could not altogether agree than an increase in the earning limit for social insurance contributions is necessary at this time. Neither do I believe that the increase, small as it is, in the rate of employers' contributions to the occupational injury fund is warranted. It is very naive of the Minister to try to reduce the amount of benefit a person can receive by increasing the amount of weekly earnings disregarded in calculating the pay-related benefit of those who are unfortunate enough to find themselves out of work.

Sections 3 and 4 of this Bill relate to increases awarded in the budget of 3 per cent for those in receipt of social assistance, social insurance and occupational injury benefit. This has to be welcomed as, indeed, has the II per cent increase in the weekly rates for the long term unemployed and those on the lowest rung of the social insurance ladder, namely, those on supplementary welfare allowances.

In their Programme for National Recovery this Government talked of greater social equity in terms of access to social welfare benefits. They talked about maintaining the overall value of social welfare benefits and considering special provisions for those who are in greatest need but what this Government have failed to recognise —— and repeatedly fail to recognise —— is that it is no longer acceptable to maintain the living standards of those on social welfare because the vast majority depending on social welfare are committed and sentenced to a life of poverty. Poverty prevails in so many Irish homes that almost 1.3 million people are now seriously affected.

The Government in their Programme for National Recovery told us measures would be taken to ensure closer liaison with voluntary organisations in the preparation and implementation of policies in the social welfare area. Where are the policies in the social welfare area that relate to the poor? Maintaining the living standards of social welfare recipients is no longer acceptable and, even though I welcome the increases provided in sections 3 and 4 of the Bill, they do nothing to alleviate the fear I have that retrenchment and a reduction in social welfare expenditure is indeed the policy objective of the Government.

Section 5 relates to changes in the family income supplementary scheme. It provides for adjustments in the family income supplement as a consequence of the general increases in rates. The maximum weekly family income limit for entitlement to family income supplement in the case of a one child family is being increased from £104 to £108 and the increase in the limit for each additional child up to and including the fifth child is being raised from £22 to £23. These changes will affect claims for family income supplement from 28 July 1988.

In February of this year the Minister speaking in the budget debate in relation to family income supplement said:

In line with our commitment in the Programme for National Recovery, I am having a detailed examination of the family income supplement scheme carried out in order to identify any adjustments to the scheme that may be required. Deputies will recall that we made significant improvements to this scheme last year. The present family income supplement weekly payments are quite significant.

Yet, in his Estimate for his Department under the heading "Social Assistance M", the Minister seeks a reduction of 2 per cent in the family income supplement from £4,800,000 to £4,700,000. I want clarification on that. On I March the Minister was asked by Deputy Cullen the amount paid out in family income supplement for the year 1986-87. We are discussing a very important area of the family income supplement scheme and I want to make sure the Minister is giving this area the priority it deserves.

Section 6 of the Bill refers to pay-related contributions and provides for an increase from £15,500 to £16,200 with effect from 6 April 1988 in the annual earnings ceiling up to which social insurance contributions are payable. The Progressive Democrats are opposed to the principle of separate PRSI payments because we regard it as a regressive tax on work masquerading as insurance. In its present form, it is nothing short of another form of taxation, a view to which the Taoiseach himself subscribes. It is a further attack on the PAYE sector.

Section 7 provides for an increase in employers' occupational injuries fund contributions from 0.43 per cent to 0.5 per cent with effect from 6 April next. Despite the fact that we are talking about a very small increase of 0.7 per cent, it is important to point out to the Members of this House that it represents an increase on a prior contribution, and will cost employers more to employ people. When will the Minister and this Government wake up and realise that creating further discentives in the employment area is not the way to create jobs and reduce the intolerable levels of unemployment obtaining at present?

The Social Welfare (Occupational Injuries) Act, 1966, was introduced to replace the workmen's compensation scheme and provided for compulsory insurance against injury caused by accident arising out of and in the course of employment and against prescribed diseases due to the nature of employment. We have gone through this issue on a number of occasions. This scheme is being financed by weekly contributions payable in full by the employer. Yet the vast majority of claims under the provisions of the scheme show an element of employee negligence. We seem to be continually attacking the employer by way of additional taxation, thereby creating a disincentive to the creation of employment.

Section 9 provides for the extension of regulatory powers to include the waiving of interest on PRSI contributions to facilitate the special incentive scheme announced in the budget whereby interest may be waived on outstanding tax and PRSI contributions on the condition that all outstanding tax liabilities are settled on or before 30 September 1988. That provision is to be welcomed. However, I do not believe it will act as a deterrent to those involved in farming, those self-employed who continue dishonestly to withhold their legal commitments in relation to paying into the Exchequer their employer and employee contributions. It appears such people are not interested in upholding the law. Repeatedly they have signalled their intention to frustrate every effort the State makes to collect its just taxes. The position is now so serious that there are a substantial number of farmers and self-employed people who are completely outside the system, who have not yet been caught even by initial assessment. The waiving of interest on outstanding tax and PRSI contributions will be no incentive to such people.

Perhaps the Minister would consider further strengthening the powers of the courts and city and county sheriffs under this section because it would appear that that is the only language some of these groups understand. I recall in December last supporting amendments Fine Gael had tabled for the introduction of severe penalties on those who collude in defrauding the system, withholding legitimate payments, thus depriving the State of its rightful contributions from such people. It is about time we woke up to the problem of abuse. One could talk all day about the kinds of abuse being perpetrated within the whole structure of social welfare. I am afraid we are not putting sufficient effort into eliminating that kind of abuse which deprives those unfortunate people most entitled to social welfare benefit.

I wish now to address the provisions contained in Part III which covers sections 10 to 18, inclusive. These sections provide for the extension of social insurance to self-employed persons with effect from 6 April 1988. The self-employed will be covered for contributory old age and widows and orphans pensions under that scheme under broadly similar conditions to those which apply in the case of employed persons and they will be liable for the payment of social insurance contributions. It is noted that assisting relatives and persons in receipt of unemployment assistance and other persons on lower incomes will be exempt from this system.

On 10 June 1987 the Minister for Social Welfare requested the National Pensions Board, as a matter of urgency, to examine the issue of extending social insurance to the self-employed. It is important for the Members of this House to remember that, during the period 1985 to 1987, the then Government in their plan, entitled Building on Reality gave a commitment to publishing a framework for a national pensions plan. However, in advance of the publication of the proposed framework document, the Government decided to establish the National Pensions Board.

The National Pensions Board were set up in February 1986 with the basic aims of, first, recommending regulatory measures for occupational pensions schemes, second, advising the Minister for Social Welfare on the question of providing employees pensions related to their earnings and, in particular, assessing the potential of occupational pensions schemes in that regard. The board was comprised of representatives of the Government, the trade unions, employers, the self-employed and the pension industry. On 29 July 1987 the Minister for Social Welfare announced that the Government had decided to extend social insurance cover to the self-employed, including farmers, with effect from 1988. The Government further indicated that those self-employed would be insured for retirement pensions, invalidity pensions and widows' and orphans' pensions. The Minister for Social Welfare said the Government's proposals would reduce the cost of paying social assistance to the self-employed, at the same time providing contributory pensions to those groups.

By mid-January 1988 the National Pensions Board said they were obliged —— in view of the Minister's request and the subsequent Government announcement —— to submit an interim report on the matter. That interim report contained the following proposals: first, to defer the decision on retirement pensions for the self-employed available at age 65 because many such self-employed persons continue to be economically active after that age. Second, they recommended that the whole question of invalidity pensions should be dealt with in a further report of the board which we have not yet seen. They said then that they considered the present arrangements for invalidity pensions for employees were not appropriate to the self-employed. Their third proposal was to extend old age contributory pensions and widows' and orphans' pensions to the self-employed. Their fourth proposal was to charge a contribution rate of 6.6 per cent on reckonable income. Furthermore they said that if the cost of the recommended level of coverage was not acceptable, it might be necessary to reduce the benefits provided by way of the amount or extent of cover, thus restricting the self-employed to a maximum of the old age pension non-contributory levels.

The National Pensions Board, in their first report, recommended detailed proposals on the priority requirements for the regulation of occupational pensions. The main conclusions reached by the board were that the most effective method of establishing the regulatory framework for the occupational pension scheme would be through the enactment by the Oireachtas of a pensions Act. I should like to ask the Minister for Social Welfare why he has not followed up the first report published by the National Pensions Board and why he has not brought before this House a pensions Act instead of the present legislation which to a certain extent is an attempt to coerce the Members of this House into accepting a package which on the one hand contains very acceptable proposals and on the other hand contains proposals which my party will not accept.

Because it is of vital importance, I should like to outline exactly what the National Pensions Board were trying to convey to us in their report. The first report of the National Pensions Board stated that the enactment of a pensions Act should propose the following: the provision of minimum preserved benefits for members who leave a pension scheme, that is, change their employment; the introduction of a minimum funding standard for such schemes; the requirement for periodic examination of annual reports and audited accounts —— it is vitally important that every member should know the valuation of the pensions and the audited acccounts; requirements for the mandatory disclosure of certain information to scheme members; provisions in relation to the appointment and duties of the trustees and the setting up of a statutory board called the National Pensions Board to monitor the implementation of the proposed new requirements and to advise the Minister for Social Welfare on developments on pension schemes generally.

The Minister for Social Welfare has behaved in an extraordinary manner. He has refused to follow the recommendations or the advice that has been given to him by the National Pensions Board which Building on Reality 1985-1987 contained. I put it to the Minister and to this House that there is a very simple explanation as to why the National Pensions Board's recommendations have been completely ignored. I put it to him that in the best traditions of the Fianna Fail Party he is trying to serve several masters. On the one hand, he is telling the trade unions that he is, rightly, going to extend the PRSI system to the self-employed and farming community and, on the other hand, he is telling the farming community and the self-employed that if they agree to this extension of the PRSI system in ten years' time they will have accrued the legal entitlements to contributory old age pensions.

I understood on 10 June 1987 when the Minister for Social Welfare made the original announcement that the National Pensions Board were, as a matter of urgency, to examine the issue of extending social insurance to the self-employed it meant that more equity was going to be introduced into the system and that the level of burden on the PAYE sector was going to be reduced by spreading the burden and including farmers and the self-employed in the PRSI net.

The Progressive Democrats believe that the farming community and the self-employed community as a group are not aying their fair share of taxation. I am not talking about everyone. Pending the introduction of a comprehensive and fair general taxation system which would include a social security tax, as suggested by the Commission on Taxation, the Progressive Democrats are prepared to see measures put in place by the Government which would redress the present imbalance there exists between the PAYE sector and the self-employed and farmers. If that included the extension of the PRSI system to the farmers and the self-employed then we would agree with it but to extend the PRSI system at 3 per cent to the self-employed and the farmers and include into that a series of benefits which they will have a legal entitlement to in ten years time is fundamentally wrong and unjust.

Let us consider briefly the reasons advanced as justification for the proposed extension of PRSI to the self-employed. First, there is the notion that this will provide the self-employed with a pension as a right. Under current arrangements, self-employed people on reaching 66 years of age may qualify for a non-contributory old age pension. This is subject to a means test. As a result some self-employed people fail to qualify for this pension while others are paid less than the full rate. The notion of providing pensions as a right is equivalent to providing a pension for people who apparently do not need one.

Another reason advanced for the extension of this scheme to the self-employed is that the present arrangements are unfair because the self-employed receive non-contributory pensions for which they have made no contributions. I think £330 million was paid out to such people this year. Non-contributory pensions are financed out of general taxation. The self-employed are, of course, liable for income tax. If it is felt that they are not paying their fair share of taxes, and this problem should be addressed directly, appropriate arrangements should be made by the Government to ensure that all workers pay their fair share of income tax.

It is estimated that in this country at present there are 228,300 self-employed people of whom 122,600 are estimated to be involved in agriculture. It is estimated that 15,500 of these farmers will get smallholders unemployment assistance and will not be required to make any contributions towards this pension scheme. A further 10,000 farmers are returning incomes of between £2,000 and £5,000 per annum and are currently not required to make any annual returns to the Revenue Commissioners. Only 20,000 farmers have ever returned farm profiles and they will be expected to pay a flat rate contribution of 3 per cent this year on earnings of approximately £3,500. The remaining number of farmers are Schedule D taxpayers. Even if this scheme was equitable and just, there is simply not enough money from the agricultural community which would go in any way towards self-financing the scheme and the State's contribution on the farming side alone would be enormous. The small amount of money that would be available would not have a significant impact if only one-tenth of the benefits were being provided. All of this is based on the assumption that there is a 100 per cent collection rate. I would question that aspect of the matter.

I put down a question some two years ago on the health levy collected from farmers. I was told at that time by the Minister for Finance that the amount due in health contributions was about £9.7 million but that all he could expect to collect was £2 million. That is a very serious matter. I do not know what arrangements the Minister has made regarding the collection of such moneys. What will happen if the people refuse to pay? Our approach to this matter is very clouded. We should be told exactly all the statistics which are available to the Minister and how he is calculating the amount. Will this money be spent in other Government areas on policies? Is it to be invested in a way which will at least offset any losses by virtue of the interest accruing from such investment? We are not being told all those things. We are hoping to tease out much of this when the matter is being discussed in Committee.

The IFA say they are prepared to pay the employee level at only 2.4 per cent. This would pay 14 per cent of the long term cost, leaving a massive 86 per cent of the cost in the hands of the State. The more one analyses the extension of this scheme to the farming community, the more one is convinced that the Minister should and must do the honourable thing and withdraw completely Part III of this Bill. There is no doubt in my mind that the Government have tabled this proposal to extend PRSI to the self employed in the hope that there will be some short-term revenue gains for the Exchequer. I want to go on record now as informing the Minister that this gain will ultimately impose a substantial burden on the Exchequer's finances. It has been justified on very dubious grounds. One is left with the feeling that the short term attractions have outweighed the long term disadvantages in framing the budget numbers. If the Government wish to collect extra taxes from the self employed, which appears to be the exercise, there are other ways of doing so. There are other taxes.

Such as what? The Deputy has been making general statements all day. He has not been specific on anything and his colleague is embarassed by his farmer bashing. I wonder what Mr. Maher will have to say.

I can assure the Minister that we shall spell it out exactly on Committee Stage.

Now is the Deputy's chance, now is his opportunity to be specific. Let him not be generalising.

I shall say no further and if I were the Minister I would say no more about generalising on anything.

The Deputy is embarassing his farmer colleague, Deputy Clohessy,

No, he is not.

Mr. Maher has not seen his speech.

I have emphasised some farmers, some self employed. Can the Minister in his own constituency see this kind of perfection? Some farmers and some self employed are paying their right share to the State.

I am sorry to interrupt you, Deputy, but you have a minute left.

I am sorry that I have not had time to cover the whole area.

Before I conclude, I should like to ask the Minister for Social Welfare to withdraw the grossly unfounded allegations made against the Leader of the Progressive Democrats at the Fianna Fail Party's recent Árd Fheis. He said that Deputy O'Malley did not agree with increasing social welfare payments at this time. Deputy O'Malley never made such a comment and the record of this House will show that on budget day our spokesman for Finance, Deputy McDowell, and Deputy O'Malley welcomed the provisions for social welfare recipients and indeed, the broad thrust of the budget. It is only right and proper that the Minister for Social Welfare would contradict that statement. I know the Minister personally and he is big enough and strong enough to stand up here and contradict that statement, which I believe was totally and utterly out of context. It was totally against any kind of decency that may exist in this House.

First, I should like to join with Deputy Wyse in saying that it is rather difficult for the spokespersons of the Opposition parties to have to deal, in such a short time, with very complex legislation of this nature, probably one of the most important pieces of social welfare legislation to come before the Houses of the Oireachtas. I would ask that in future the Minister allow some extra time, in other words, that the Bill be circulated well in advance of its coming before the House.

This is a very complex Bill, introducing major changes and reforms in the social welfare system. To be forced to deal with it within a 48 hour period is very difficult. I am sure that the Minister himself, having been Opposition spokesman, will appreciate that. The Bill does not deal with the regulations which will flow from it but many of the points I would have wished to raise, having read the Bill, have to some degree been clarified in the Minister's speech this morning. This, again, is a very substantial document which will take some considerable time to digest. One must read substantially between the lines of many of the statements contained in it.

I join with the Minister and with my other colleagues in congratulating the National Pensions Board who have done a good job of work. It is unfortunate, however, that many of the recommendations they have made have not been included in the Bill, but it is hoped that their work will continue and will lead to a better understanding and a simplification of the social welfare system. I can see in the Bill some attempt being made on those lines. Perhaps not all the points that we would wish to see clarified, streamlined and simplified are included. Nevertheless, a beginning has been made and the Minister should set down a programme for the board who have the expertise and the backup to enable them to produce the necessary recommendations to streamline a system which has become extremely complex.

The main thrust of the Bill is under a number of headings with which I will deal as I go along. I am concerned that the Bill gives very substantial powers to the Minister under virtually every heading. It allows the Minister of the day, by regulation, to alter every section of the Bill which could prove disastrous for social welfare recipients. I should like to back that up by giving examples of what happened during 1987. In fairness, most of the regulations in the various sections of the Bill will have to come before both Houses of the Oireachtas but there is a difference between circulating regulations and putting them in legislative terms. The details are spelt out more clearly in legislation and are much more binding than regulations issued to, for example, local employment exchanges and very often interpreted in different ways.

From experiences last year, it can clearly be seen that many of the regulations issued were not circulated to Members of both Houses of the Oireachtas. Deputies and Senators had to wait until social welfare recipients came to the various clinics to seek clarification on changes in benefit conditions. It is only then, by way of Dáil questions or inquiries to the various sections of the Department of Social Welfare, that we can establish what changes have been made and their effects on people in receipt of social welfare.

SI 106 raised the ceiling for voluntary contributions from £3,560 to £4,750 in 1987. Most people on this type of contribution pay a rate of 6.6 per cent of base earnings or, if they earn above the base, they pay on the amount earned. This means that the Minister will collect a very substantial amount of money. SI 107 increased the contributions from 26 to 39, either paid or credited, which meant that those wishing to claim disability benefit or unemployment benefit needed 13 extra contributions. The rationale behind this move was to stem the rising number of claims for both categories of benefit. This was not covered by legislation but contained in regulations under the Bill.

Claimants who did not reach the required number were either deprived of disability benefit or placed on unemployment assistance, which has brought considerable savings to the Department of Social Welfare. Approximately 4,000 claimants are affected and the saving to date, from research I carried out, is in the region of £5 million. SI 107 also made provision for increases in the required number of contributions for long-term disability benefit, from 156 to 208, thus particularly penalising young workers.

SI 109 made provision for increases in the reducing rates of disability benefit, old age contributory pensions, widow's contributory pensions, retirement pensions and deserted wife's benefit but the provision was very short lived. There was a subsequent change in the 1988 budget which abolished two of the rates. There is now one maximum rate of £42.30 which applies to 48 contributions and £40.70 for those with 39 to 47 contributions. The budget and the Bill give no reducing rate to those who have fewer than 39 contributions. The savings from this change cannot yet be costed and only time will tell the financial effects.

Having received credit for the provision of optical and dental benefits to the spouses of workers, the Minister then introduced SI 250 which excluded wives of workers who do not have 200 paid contributions or 39 contributions in the governing year. This will exclude a substantial number of people on social welfare, or PAYE workers making social welfare contributions, from benefits. SI 344 changes the position of those in receipt of widows' pension, deserted wives, unmarried mothers, prisoners' wives, etc. in relation to allowances. Formerly these categories if they worked and became ill could claim benefit, plus half of the benefit to which they were entitled as a result of being out of work. This provision has now been eliminated by regulation. Over 1,000 women will be affected and will lose benefit. I could go on and on.

I appreciate that the Bill cannot possibly cover every situation and that the Minister will have to have some facility for changing regulations but this Bill gives him extraordinary powers. Regulations applying to any section of the Bill should be circulated to Members of both Houses of the Oireachtas. The Minister should give us a commitment to do that because Members of both Houses must spend a lot of time searching through various regulations when trying to establish why constituents who visit their clinics have had their benefits changed.

The main feature of the Bill is that it gives effect to the increases announced in the budget and which will be effective from July. The Labour Party, and most Members, hold the view that those increases are insufficient to meet the needs of those who are unfortunate enough to have to depend on social welfare benefits. I will deal with the increases at a later stage but I must point out that we welcome some of them. The Bill also provides for the extension of social insurance to the self-employed and proposes to introduce contribution rates of 3 per cent, 4 per cent and 5 per cent successively up to 1990, subject to a minimum annual contribution of £208 annually, or £4 per week.

I welcome the provision for the pre-retirement allowance for the elderly under which such people will receive unemployment assistance without fulfilling the normal conditions such as the signing on procedure. The Labour Party have highlighted examples of officials in employment exchanges telling many people over 60 years of age that they had not made themselves available for work and were not seeking work. Many of those people have been unemployed for long periods and it is ridiculous to tell them that they were not making themselves available for work or were not seeking work when so many young people cannot obtain employment. On behalf of the Labour Party I welcome that provision which is long overdue. The Bill provides for the making of regulations allowing those with broken insurance records who fail to satisfy the current average tests for qualifying for pensions to qualify for reduced pensions, thus ending a very unfair anomaly. On many occasions I referred to that anomaly and asked the Minister, and his predecessor, to rectify it. I hope the provision will eliminate that anomaly once and for all.

Our main criticism of the Bill is that it does not raise benefits to an adequate level, particularly in the light of the findings of the Commission on Social Welfare that the appropriate rate for an individual should be of the order of £50 or £60 per week and pro rata for families. It appears the main recommendation of the commission will never be achieved and that concerns us all. I do not know how those on social welfare can manage to feed and clothe their families. In the long term we must make a determined effort to reach the targets set by the commission. I accept that a start has been made in the Bill but we must continue that work.

I am critical of the decision not to increase children's allowances, recommended as a priority by the commission. It appears that the intention is to eliminate children's allowances because no attempt has been made in recent budgets to keep those allowances in line with inflation. It is important that they should be kept in line with inflation because many women use that money to buy such essentials as footwear and clothing for their children.

As far as social welfare benefits are concerned, women continue to be classed as second rate citizens. There is a lot of discrimination against them in the social welfare code. The Labour Party National Women's Council have persistently drawn attention to the plight of two groups of women in the social welfare code. There is concern about the plight of women who care for elderly relatives on a full time basis. It is unfortunate that that job is always left to women but the Department of Health and the social welfare code do not recognise the excellent work such people do for their elderly parents.

It is worth noting that it costs in the region of £500 per week to keep a patient in a geriatric unit but we do not recognise the woman who is prepared to give up her employment to stay at home and care for her elderly parents, or parent, or an incapacitated brother or sister on a daily basis. Those women save the State a substantial amount of money by caring for those people. I accept that they qualify for what is described as a prescribed relative allowance which will be increased to £27.20 per week but that allowance is paid to the pensioner. The Minister should consider paying that allowance to the person who is taking care of the elderly or incapacitated individual. I intend proposing that that unemployment assistance, £37.80 minimum or £42.20 maximum, be paid directly to the person concerned. I estimate that there are 2,000 women in this category.

I should like to refer to the position of women on separate payments, those who receive the adult child dependant portion of their husband's social welfare payment. I estimate that about 5,000 women receive this payment. The Minister will be aware that this arises because of a broken marriage. At present a wife with two children receives about £45 per week while the husband receives £37 for himself. This causes severe difficulties in budgeting if the husband does not share his portion or where the couple are living apart. In the latter case the wife's income is about £6 below the minimum supplementary welfare level. Such a woman may have to follow her husband around the town looking for money which he may have gambled or spent on drink. She must first queue for her share of her husband's unemployment assistance at the local labour exchange and then go to the health centre to get the money to make up the balance.

I have suggested in a number of debates on social welfare that there should be some rationalisation of the system. I do not see the logic of making a woman queue with her children to collect her portion of the social welfare payment and then proceed to the community welfare officer to collect supplementary welfare benefit. Surely a single payment can be made, either from the Department of Social Welfare or from the community welfare officer. The present system is degrading and it must be possible to issue a simple regulation which would rectify it. I urge the Minister to ask the National Pensions Board to examine this matter as a priority with a view to simplifying the procedure.

With the abolition of the contribution by local authorities to the cost of unemployment assistance, there can be no justification for paying lower rates to people in rural areas. The Minister will be very familiar with the Dublin area. I would point out that the rural areas in County Dublin include such places as Tallaght, Ballinteer and Clondalkin, despite the fact that the population in these areas exceeds that in many of our major towns. I have held that if the treating of these places as rural areas for the purposes of social welfare were challenged in the courts, it would prove to be unconstitutional. Why not have one rate of unemployment assistance? Nobody has ever explained to me why a person living in rural Ireland should receive a lesser payment than his fellow citizen in the city. Why should somebody in Clogherhead or Termnonfeckin in County Louth receive less than a person living in Dundalk or Drogheda? In many instances people in rural areas of Louth have to travel to Dundalk on Drogheda to collect their assistance. Perhaps the answer is an economic one. I have asked time and again for an explanation. I find it strange that places like Tallaght and Clondalkin are still dealt with as rural areas.

We welcome the introduction of social insurance for the self-employed. I have not had time to examine the figures given by the Minister but I am glad he has grasped the nettle of the £331 million paid in means-tested pensions. People with substantial property and financial holdings, by simply transferring this wealth to a relative, can qualify within a short space of time for a means-tested pension. I do not know what portion of the £331 million is accounted for by that category but I was always of the opinion that the amount involved was substantial. While the organisations and pressure groups representing the self-employed and the farming community will argue that they should not be paying a particular percentage, they will have to recognise that £331 million of taxpayers' money is being spent on providing means-tested pensions in the sectors referred to by the Minister. Could the Minister tell us what categories are involved? I assume the vast bulk of the money is derived from the PAYE sector and that the people who actually get the benefit of these pensions have not made any contribution to the system. I see the Minister nods his head. I am glad this problem has been recognised by the Minister and by the National Pensions Board.

I find great difficulty in agreeing with the commentators who say that the contribution being asked by the Minister from the self-employed and farmers is too great. If anything it is a conservative figure and I believe the figure of 6.6 per cent recommended by the National Pensions Board should be required. People should no longer be able to get something for nothing. The PAYE and PRSI sectors have carried the whole system of social welfare on their backs for long enough. I would like the pressure groups to explain to me how they can justify a means tested non-contributory pension being paid to retired self-employed people for the rest of their natural lives without them having contributed anything to the system? How one can justify it is beyond me. We are always accused of having a rural-urban division but there is no division when it comes to this and there cannot be. I ask the Minister in his reply to spell out clearly where that £331 million is going to come from, what categories it will go to, how many of those people have contributed to the system, how many of them have contributed partially to the system. Those questions need to be answered.

I would like to draw the Minister's attention to what may very well be an anomaly as regards the self employed. On a first reading of the Minister's very lengthy speech I thought it had covered this particular point but having gone over it again I am not sure that it does. In regard to, for example, prescribed relations of self-employed people who work in a family business but who are not partners, I understood the Minister to say that the spouse of the owner would be covered for a pension in the event of the death of the owner, in other words, that a wife would qualify for a contributory pension in her own right, but there may be many situations where a husband and wife may not be partners in a business and would, therefore, be exempt from making contributions. This would leave them without the right to benefits. I would like the Minister to clarify as to what exactly that particular section means. Partners or spouses in that type of situation would have very little, if any, cover and now that the Minister is bringing them in we should close what I believe to be a gap in this regard.

There are many other aspects of the Bill I would like to refer to but in particular two areas which I regard as being problem areas. Obviously, on Committee Stage the parties will table a number of amendments so all I need to do at this stage is to highlight our main concerns. As I have said, the Labour Party welcome the proposals to end the anomaly as between contributors who paid insurance before 1974 but who have insufficient stamps for pension and those who began paying only in 1974 and who, of course, will receive full pensions. The family income supplement income ceilings are raised slightly in the Bill. As the Minister is aware, the Commission on Social Welfare pointed out that one of the main problems with the scheme was that the income limits based on gross income were so low that few low-income families qualify and they suggested net rather than gross income as the basis for the scheme. Even after that change a one-child family would only benefit if gross wages are under £108 a week and a two-child family would only benefit if gross wages are under £131 per week.

Another anomaly the Minister might consider, which certainly is not dealt with in the Bill and which perhaps could be dealt with by way of regulation, is where a woman who works whose husband is in receipt of unemployment assistance or unemployment benefit, cannot, at least as I understand it from inquiries I have made, be paid FIS. I understand that she would not qualify even if her husband was not in receipt of social welfare payments. A woman should have the same rights under the FIS scheme as a man. If a woman is the main breadwinner of a family she should be treated in the same way under the FIS scheme as a man. Perhaps the regulations are being wrongly interpreted in this instance but I know of a number of cases where women have made applications under this scheme but were turned down. That is definite discrimination against women.

There are a number of other points I would like to make and I ask the Minister to take them into consideration. I strongly recommend that under the regulations governing UA, the long-term unemployed, who will always include those on unemployment assistance, should be given some form of incentive to work and given back some dignity. They should be allowed to work for even a small portion of the week. If a person on unemployment assistance can obtain a few hours work one day in the week they should be allowed to work on that one day to supplement their income. First, this would give them back a little dignity and keep them in touch with the workplace without penalising them.

Let me give a typical example of what I am talking about. I know of a man who could have obtained a job in a cattle yard — a very menial task let me say — and earned £8 for the few hours he would work. He is in receipt of £16 a day unemployment assistance as he has a wife and a couple of children. I contacted the Department of Social Welfare and asked if there was any way that this man could go out and do a few hours work to earn a few pounds extra but I was told by the Department that under the existing regulations — of course I know this anyway — that if he went out to work and earned £8 a day he would lose his £16 a day social assistance. I ask the Minister to allow in the regulations for a maximum of say six hours work in a week or between two and four hours work in a day in order to give people some incentive to go out to work and not to always frame the regulations so as the incentive is not to work. There are many people who would avail of an incentive to work.

One of my concerns relates to how the money from this new sector of the self employed and the farming community is to be collected. I assume that they will make their contributions at the end of the financial year. If that is so, we will get bogged down in the appeals system. The assessments which will be sent out at the end of a year will be appealed, there will be delays and payments will end up a year or two behind. If the same collector is going to be involved in the same way we will end up with the same problem, with massive arrears of outstanding contributions from this new sector and this again will have to be carried by the PAYE sector.

Debate adjourned.
Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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