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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 Mar 1988

Vol. 379 No. 2

Maritime Jurisdiction (Amendment) Bill, 1987: Second Stage.

I move: That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

In anticipation of getting to Committee Stage today I am circulating a very small amendment to the last line of the Bill. It concerns the commencement date in the Bill of 1 March which of course is now past and the amendment merely seeks to delete "March" and substitute "September". I take it that when we come to Committee Stage that will be acceptable. I wanted to give the House full notice of it before I started my Second Stage reading.

On 16 June last I informed this House that I hoped to present to it legislation extending the breadth of Irish territorial waters from three to 12 nautical miles. Accordingly, it is with great satisfaction that I now address the House on the Maritime Jurisdiction (Amendment) Bill, 1987, which gives effect to this proposal.

As Deputies will notice, the Maritime Jurisdiction (Amendment) Bill, 1987, is a very short piece of legislation containing only three sections but this fact should not be allowed to take from its importance. Let me, therefore, explain to the House the purpose and effects of this legislation.

First, Deputies should be aware of what this legislation does not affect. It does not affect the coastal State's exclusive sovereign rights over the natural resources of the seabed and subsoil of the submarine areas known as the continental shelf. That should clarify the matter for the House. This is a natural feature, being a prolongation of the land under the sea out from the Irish coast namely, the Atlantic ocean. Its outer limits are irregular, but Ireland is fortunate to have the extensive shelf which can stretch in some areas up to approximately 450 miles from our coast.

Ireland's sovereignty in respect of any minerals to be found on the continental shelf and the exploration and exploitation of them, has already been established in accordance with international law to the outer limit of the continental margin, so that any increase in the national territory will not affect the State's entitlement to these rights. The processes used for the recovery of such natural resources, for example, offshore installations, are governed by the Minerals Development Act, 1940, the Petroleum and Other Minerals Development Act, 1960 and the Continental Shelf Act, 1968, and likewise will not be affected by the Bill currently before the House.

Similarly, with regard to living resources, Deputies will be aware that the fisheries regime is governed by the Common Fisheries Policy within the Community. An extension of the national territory will not affect that regime. Irish fishing vessels will continue to have exclusive rights within six miles from the baseline or shore. Voisinage arrangements, that is, a reciprocal sharing with close neighbours, in respect of Northern Ireland fishermen will continue to be applied, and the rights of other Community countries in areas beyond six miles and up to 200 miles from the coast will remain unchanged.

Deputies are probably conversant with the current fisheries regime. Five of our EC partners are entitled to fish in our six to 12 mile area. However, they may only fish for certain species, for example, mackerel and herring. This was most recently laid down by Council Regulation (EEC) No. 170/83 of 25 January 1983. Meanwhile, in the 12 to 200 mile area all fishing is governed by the Common Fisheries Policy and the regulations made under it. Within the framework of these regulations the total allowable catches — tacs — and quotas of each member state are reviewed annually on the basis of the best available scientific advice and evidence. Again, this remains unaffected.

The responsibility for patrolling up to 200 miles, which is the extent of the Irish exclusive fishery zone, rests with the Irish naval service. It will continue to perform this task.

Neither does this legislation deal with or affect the State's right under international law to an exclusive economic zone. Such a zone, a new concept under international law, will give extensive jurisdiction not only over living and nonliving resources, but over all matters relating to the sea within 200 nautical miles from the coast. This zone is to be distinguished from the continental shelf which gives the coastal State sovereign rights over the natural resources it contains, particularly minerals, and the exclusive fishery zone which grants the coastal State extensive jurisdiction over living resources in the waters up to 200 nautical miles from the coast. Separate legislation will probably be required to establish an exclusive economic zone and to protect and advance our interests therein. Again, this is a matter to be distinguished from the current legislation before the House which extends the breadth of the territorial seas.

A fourth issue not affected in any way by the current legislation is the position of the State with respect to the national territory. The national territory consists of the whole island of Ireland, its islands and the territorial seas. The purpose of this Bill is to extend the breadth of the territorial seas from three to 12 nautical miles. In doing so, this legislation is subject to Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution and, therefore, will not in any way affect the State's position under the Constitution in respect of Northern Ireland and the waters off its coast.

Having indicated the areas not affected by the present legislation, I now come to consider the concept of the "territorial sea" and the matters that come within its ambit. The law governing the uses of the sea and its resources is a complicated and difficult subject, as it is made up of a number of different principles which may, on occasion, even appear contradictory.

The most long-standing, fundamental and, until recent times, over-riding principle is that of the freedom of the high seas, which has been jealously guarded for centuries against attempts to erode it. Nevertheless, it could never be regarded as an absolute freedom. Coastal states, in the interest of their own sovereignty and security, succeeded in placing limits on this concept by the introduction, as early as the seventeenth century, of an entitlement to an area of coastal waters. Therefore, it is now an accepted principle of international law that the sovereignty of a state extends beyond its land territory and its internal waters to a belt of sea adjacent to its coast. That belt of sea is described as the territorial sea.

This principle was recognised by Ireland and incorporated into Article 2 of the Constitution, which states that "The national territory consists of the whole island of Ireland, its islands and the territorial seas". Within this belt the coastal State is entitled to exercise sovereign rights. Thus, as Deputies will note, there appears to be a contradiction between, on the one hand, the freedom of the seas for all states and, on the other, the right of all coastal states to a territorial sea. These conflicting rights are partly reconciled in the right of innocent passage for all ships in the territorial sea.

The question of the breadth of the territorial sea has exercised the minds of international lawyers for quite some time. By the end of the 18th century, a territorial sea of three nautical miles was generally accepted and applied by most states. This is often referred to as the "cannon shot rule", based on the premise that the range of a cannon fired from the coast was approximately three nautical miles.

However, within the last hundred years a small number of coastal states began to claim territorial seas of greater and differing breadths. The difference in practice gave rise to many concerns with respect to the coastal state's jurisdiction and the rights of other states which were consequently affected. Since the beginning of this century, numerous international conferences have been held in an attempt to rationalise and codify these unilateral actions by states. There was considerable resistance to the claims of coastal states in respect of the breadth of their territorial seas. Much of this resistance came from those states with large seafaring commercial enterprises and interests. In fact, this lack of agreement persisted to the extent that as late as 1958, at the first UN Conference on the Law of the Sea, sharp differences were revealed between those states which sought to secure maintenance of the three mile limit and those which desired wider limits. In the event, the Geneva Convention on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone, 1958, is silent on the breadth of the territorial sea.

Many efforts were made since 1958, at Law of the Sea Conferences, to achieve agreement based on the practice of states in this regard. These conferences also had as their ultimate objective the creation of an international legal regime to govern the sea in all its aspects and to thus clarify the rights and duties of all states. It was not until very recently, 1982 in fact, that a Convention was finally concluded which codifies the general practice of states in respect of the breadth of their territorial sea and includes a large number of provisions covering a wide range of issues relating to the sea and its resources.

The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, which was the result of the lengthy third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea, was adopted in 1982 and signed by 155 states, including Ireland. Although not yet in force (it has been ratified by 34 states and requires 60 ratifications to bring it into force), it is now generally regarded by the international community as incorporating the international law governing the seas and, in particular, as codifying, inter alia, the breadth of the territorial sea.

Article 3 of the Convention provides that "every State has the right to establish the breadth of its territorial sea up to a limit not exceeding 12 nautical miles . . . ". By November 1987, 103 states had established a territorial sea taking advantage of this rule. Of the European Community's 11 coastal states, only one other (Denmark) still adheres to the traditional three nautical mile territorial sea, Belgium being our most recent Community partner to extend its territorial sea to 12 nautical miles.

The purpose of the Bill at present before the House is to give effect to this international law and practice. As a consequence, it is necessary to amend the Principal Act in this area, the Maritime Jurisdiction Act, 1959, which states in section 3 that the breadth of the territorial seas shall be three nautical miles from the nearest point of the baseline. Section 2 (1) of the Bill proposes that the 1959 Act be amended so that the breadth of the territorial seas shall now be 12 nautical miles from the nearest point of the baseline.

The normal baseline, in accordance with international law, is the low water line along the coast of the mainland, or of any island or on any low tide elevation situated wholly or partly at a distance not exceeding the breadth of the territorial sea from the mainland or an island. Where the coastline is deeply indented as it is off our southern, western and north-western coasts, straight baselines may be drawn, joining appropriate points along the coast. Section 4 of the 1959 Act reflects this rule and provides that the Government may, by order, prescribe straight baselines. The Maritime Jurisdiction Act (Straight Baselines) Order, 1959, accordingly established straight baselines for Ireland from Carnsore Point around to Malin Head. It is now necessary to amend section 4 of the 1959 Act to ensure that it corresponds with the proposed extension of the breadth of the territorial seas. This is done in section 2 (2) of the Bill.

Section 2 (3) of the Maritime Jurisdiction (Amendment) Bill, 1987, is designed to ensure that for the purposes of all legislation, both pre-and post-1959, the territorial seas shall be taken to be 12 nautical miles from baselines.

In accordance with section 3 of the Bill, it is proposed that this legislation will come into effect on a particular date in 1988. The international community and, in particular, those navigating in our waters can thus be made aware in advance of this most important step by Ireland. As Deputies will note, it is necessary to amend section 3 (3) to provide for a later date than the section currently proposes. I have circulated an amendment to this date at 1 September of this year, instead of March as in the draft Bill before the House.

This legislation will, of course, have far-reaching consequences. The immediate effect of the extension of the breadth of the territorial sea is to increase the national territory. Such an extension of state sovereignty also includes the air space over the territorial sea, as well as its bed and subsoil. As a result, the area of application and effect of all legislation is also correspondingly increased.

With the enactment of this legislation, Ireland's customs, fiscal, sanitary and immigration laws and regulations will extend to a 12 nautical mile territorial sea. It must be noted, however, that all states operate within the international community — a central aspect of which is the need for co-operation and interdependence among all states — and states must therefore conduct their relations in accordance with international law. Consequently, while a state has extensive rights over its territorial sea, these rights are subject to corresponding duties.

Under international law, the ships of all States are entitled to innocent passage through the territorial sea. Passage is innocent so long as it is "not prejudicial to the peace, good order or security of a coastal state". The coastal state is under a duty not to hamper innocent passage through its territorial sea.

Foreign ships exercising the right also have certain duties; for example, laws and regulations enacted by the coastal state in the interests of safety of navigation must be complied with. Where passage is considered to be non-innocent, the coastal state is entitled to take the necessary steps in its territorial sea to prevent such passage. The coastal state is also entitled to suspend innocent passage temporarily in specified areas of its territorial sea where it is essential for the protection of its security.

As Deputies may recall, I mentioned earlier that the ships of all states are entitled to innocent passage through the territorial sea. This includes both warships and submarines, but the law also requires that submarines and other underwater vessels navigate on the surface and show their flag. Further, submarines and warships must stow all weapons and comply with such other laws and regulations of the coastal state concerning passage through the territorial sea, as are in compliance with international law. If a warship or submarine fails to comply, the coastal state may require it to leave its territorial sea immediately.

All states have the obligation to protect and preserve the marine environment. In this respect, all states are required firstly to prevent, reduce and control pollution of the marine environment when exercising their sovereign rights to exploit their natural resources. Secondly, the coastal state has the exclusive right to permit, regulate and control dumping in its territorial sea. Consequently, no dumping may take place without its express prior approval. Thirdly, the coastal state is entitled to require all vessels to comply with its laws and regulations on the prevention of marine pollution. Fourthly, all states are required to prevent, reduce and control pollution of the marine environment from or through the atmosphere and from land based sources. As Deputies will be aware, in respect of these last three points, Ireland has ratified the Paris Convention for the Prevention of Marine Pollution from Land Based Sources, 1974, the Oslo Convention for the Prevention of Marine Pollution by Dumping from Ships and Aircraft, 1972, and the London Dumping Convention, 1972. The Dumping at Sea Act, 1981, gives effect to the provisions of the London and Oslo Conventions. The Water Pollution Act, 1977, and the Air Pollution Act, 1987, give effect to the Paris Convention.

An important part of the duty of a state in this respect is to co-operate with and notify other states of any imminent or actual danger and further, in coming to any decision, states must take due consideration of the views of any states which may be adversely affected by reason of their geographical position.

On the question of marine scientific research, coastal states have the exclusive right to regulate, authorise and conduct marine scientific research in their territorial sea. Any such marine scientific research can be conducted only with the express consent of and under the conditions set forth by the coastal state. If a foreign ship engages in any research or survey activities in the territorial sea without such consent, it is in breach of the law in this regard and can be required to stop such activities immediately and to leave the territorial sea.

In conclusion, I would like to stress that Ireland has always been willing to play its part in the international community, and will continue to do so. In this instance, the Bill at present before the House gives effect to a very important aspect of international law which, at the same time, is of immense benefit to Ireland. It gives effect to a right which can be claimed by every coastal state — a right to extend the state's sovereignty throughout a territorial sea of 12 nautical miles. This step has already been taken by a large number of states on all five continents of the world. This Bill proposes that Ireland do likewise.

Let me recall briefly to this House the effects of this legislation. It extends the breadth of Ireland's territorial seas from three to 12 nautical miles, and accordingly extends the national territory. It gives Ireland increased sovereignty and increased control over the sea that surrounds her, which is one of our most important natural resources from the economic, tourist, scientific and security points of view. This House will appreciate that by giving effect to this aspect of international law, the Maritime Jurisdiction (Amendment) Bill, 1987, is increasing the options and benefits, and ultimately the sovereign control, of this State.

I commend the Bill to the House.

My party support this Bill but I should like to ask a few questions. Of course, we will accept the Minister's amendment on Committee Stage to change the commencement date of the legislation.

This is an interesting Bill because it shows how international law is evolving for the benefit of all states. The Minister referred to cannon shot rule which indicated the extent of the territorial waters because that was as far as states could legitimately claim to be able to defend. That became part of international law and was recognised by various coastal states. It meant that colleague states had exclusive rights up to three miles, which also applied in this country. Now, as a result of very difficult and complex negotiations over a quarter of a century to try to bring some order into the use of the most valuable resource in the world — the sea — changes will take place. These changes will apply to the rights of coastal states and to the rights of people who have no waters at all, for example, inland countries, in relation to free passage. All these matters are now discussed at conferences which, unfortunately, have not been able to reach satisfactory conclusions even though they have been subscribed to by most countries in the world.

Conferences in regard to the international law of the sea commenced about 15 years ago and, although they reached conclusions, ratification to give effect to these conclusions has not been passed by all the countries who signed it. However, it is still a very worthy effort in this most important area and perhaps it was only in this century that progress has been made, especially in the seventies and early eighties, to try to bring some order to the use of the sea. We are now extending our exclusive rights from three miles to 12 miles from our coast. This confers rights and obligations and one of the obligations is to maintain that area as a pollution free zone. We are also obliged to ensure that friendly neighbouring states and others have the right of free passage through the 12 mile zone as well as the existing three mile zone. We should not, for arbitrary reasons, exclude states, because we will want to benefit from similar rights in regard to states in other parts of the world.

Last year, the United Kingdom extended their territorial rights from three to 12 miles. As far as I understand it, the Constitution allows us to claim the island of Ireland and all the waters surrounding it. There is no such claim for the waters surrounding Northern Ireland. Last year the United Kingdom extended their territorial rights from three to 12 miles. As I understand it our Constitution gives us claims to the island of Ireland — and the Minister quoted that from our Constitution — and all the waters surrounding it. I understand also that there is no such claim for the waters surrounding Northern Ireland and at least our de jure claim to the waters around the Six Counties stand. If that is so and if we extend our rights from three to 12 miles — the United Kingdom have already extended theirs from three to 12 miles off the coast of Scotland — then there will be an overlapping in a certain passage of water between Scotland and Northern Ireland. If that is so and if I am correct in that assumption, whose rights are exercised within that overlapping zone, which is probably two or three miles? That is not a facile or trick question to catch the Minister but it is quite an important question for us.

In the last ten years a number of trawlers sank in unexplained circumstances in the Irish Sea. One was dragged underneath by a submerged submarine, the probability is that others were also dragged underneath by submarines. In the Irish Sea and up through that narrow passage between Scotland and Northern Ireland frequently nuclear submarines are submerged and, depending on which side of the ideological divide they are from, are being shadowed by submarines from the other side. We are led to believe that because of their nature these are very secretive operations and you will not read about them in the newspapers nor will you be told if you ask questions about them, no confirmation or denial will be offered, whether such a submarine passed.

If nuclear submarines are travelling up the Irish Sea and if they go through the narrow passage and if they are shadowed by Warsaw pact submarines or vice versa, can we insist that these submarines should surface and should fly a flag, which we have the right to do at present in our three mile territorial waters? We can insist that no submarine can pass. The laws which at present exist controlling what happens within our three mile limit will now apply to our 12 mile limit. Can we now say that submarines going through these territorial waters, where there is an overlap between Scotland and Ireland, should now surface as we insist on in our three mile zone? That is probably a legal point which the Minister may be able to answer; I will understand if he cannot. I am sure it is very complex legislation and if he can provide a response to that at some other time, outside the context of this Bill, I would be grateful.

Extending the zone from three to 12 miles in regard to submarines does not cure the problem, but efforts were made during the last few years to find some international forum where rules could be drawn up for the safety of fishermen who were pursuing their trade in waters used by submerged vessels. The nature of these vessels is such that they can stay submerged for much longer. They are much bigger and are more silent. The trawlers are very much bigger with many miles of net thrown out behind them and the possibility of accidents with the submarines dragging — as happened on at least two occasions in the Irish Sea — fishing vessels down sternwise will become much more frequent in the future. We made an effort to find some international forum where rules could be drawn up to prevent that happening. The results of our efforts were not as successful as we would have wished.

We can now say to Irish fishermen that we have a further nine miles where they will be safe and where submarines will have to surface if they are travelling within our 12 mile territorial waters and will have to identify themselves if called upon to do so. That is one direct and positive benefit which the passing of this legislation will give to Irish fishermen. Unfortunately it does not give them any benefits outside the 12 mile zone because submarines will still be able to sail under water and not identify themselves, even if detected in that area, because they will not be under our control.

The control of these waters will be of great benefit to us. I hope we can make a better job of controlling the pollution in the 12 mile zone than we are at present doing in the three mile zone. A horrific report was produced recently concerning pollution on our beaches. For a country that, on the one hand, prides itself on its clean air and has established a very effective tourist board to sell the benefit of our clear air and water to continentals who are not blessed with this in the same quantities as we have, it is very damaging for us to have this report published last week about the pollution of virtually all the popular beaches on the east coast of Ireland. That is a great tragedy and it is not as if we can blame any external force. The blame for that lies with ourselves because it is we who have polluted those beaches. It was not the British, the Germans, the Americans or anybody else but the Irish people who polluted those either by commission or omission; by commission in the pumping of sewage too close to good beaches in towns along the coast and by omission by not foreseeing the contradiction between the selling of this country as a relatively pollution free zone and the fact that we have not introduced the legislation to control the pollution of these beaches. If we want to expand our tourist industry and we do not want to have Bord Fáilte telling lies about the cleanliness of our beaches, our sea and our air, then we will have to grapple with this problem of pollution very quickly.

Earlier this morning we were dealing with a Bill permitting the ESB to import and sell coal to coal merchants around the country. Coal is one of the major air pollutants in this country. Its effect in the city of Dublin and in the city of Cork is becoming increasingly obvious. I know it will cost money — and too well I know the state of the national finances — but if we do not overcome the problem of air and sea pollution and particularly beach pollution the problem of money will become even more grievous and we will be able to do less and less for people. In this island and the surrounding waters of 12 miles we must preserve them as the clean part of Europe, clean in air, clean in land and clean around the sea.

The Minister has said what the provisions of this Bill will not affect, one being the Common Fisheries Policy. That is right in that the common fisheries policy is now governed by Europe, a policy agreed between the 12 member states of the EC. We have the responsibility of protecting the fishery interests of all countries in Europe inside the waters assigned to us, just as we have the responsibility for anything that happens inside the 12 mile territorial waters. That will be our responsibility under the provisions of this Bill. That is something we should do but if we have not got the weapons to do it then the whole thing is rather pointless. We constantly read — and there are rows in this House almost on a weekly basis — in the Donegal, Galway, Kerry and other newspapers from the south coast, accounts of battles between non-Irish trawlers and Irish trawlers over the rights to fish.

The reason for that is that we have not got the ability to protect our fishery rights and we have not got sufficient naval resources to patrol and to protect the fishery rights of all member states within those areas but particularly the rights of the Irish fishermen. Perhaps the Minister would indicate the up-to-date position on an application which I understand is with the European Commission to help finance two other fishery protection vessels to replace the two minesweepers which the Department of Defence are presently disposing of.

I should like an explanation in regard to section 2 (3) which states:

(3) Section 14 (which provides for the adaptation of enactments) of the Principal Act is hereby amended by the insertions in subsection (1) after "three miles" of ", three nautical miles" and the said subsection (1), as so amended, is set out in Part III of the Table to this section.

I do not understand why "three miles" becomes "three nautical miles". Is there a difference between the two? The Minister might give me an explanation just to satisfy my curiosity.

I welcome this Bill as a move in the right direction. It will have the minimal benefit that the submarines that are endangering fishermen in the Irish Sea will, for a further nine miles, have to surface and be made visible to those whose lives they are endangering.

This Bill proposes merely to extend the existing three-mile limit of Ireland's territorial jurisdiction to 12 miles. The Progressive Democrats are supporting the Bill and the amendment proposed by the Minister which was circulated just before the debate, subject to clarification on some important implications of the Bill.

I am a little disappointed at the limited course of action which the Minister is proposing because it postpones once again consideration of the ambiguous constitutional and legal position of this State vis-à-vis our disputed rights on the North Channel, our disputed ownership of the island of Rockall and, by implication, how far our exploration rights may extend in the Irish Sea and the Celtic Sea.

This Bill proposes to amend the principal Maritime Jurisdiction Act, 1959 which, together with the base lines provided by statutory instruments made under it, sets a limit on the physical boundary of our domestic law both criminal and civil. This Act and the Bill which proposes to amend it today must be distinguished from the Continental Shelf Act, 1968 which is often confused with the Maritime Jurisdiction Act. The Continental Shelf Act gives to the Government the power to authorise the exploitation of mineral and hydrocarbon resources lying on the seabed outside our territorial waters. It has a bearing indirectly on the Bill we are discussing today.

Within this context the Government have been rather negligent, given the importance of what I would term our territorial disputes in the seas, in delaying for a full year before bringing this Bill into the House. The British passed their corresponding legislation, the Territorial Sea Act, 1987, to extend the limit of their territorial seas from three to 12 miles. It was passed through the House of Commons a full year ago. A number of important issues raised in the British Act could have far-reaching implications for this country. I will refer to one or two of them.

I would draw the attention of the House to the fact that the British Territorial Sea Act, 1987 does not merely replace the three-mile limit by a 12-mile-limit but goes further by extending the Act to cover Northern Ireland by virtue of section 4 (3) and thus gives the British Government the authority to claim what is known as the North Channel. This is the entire sea area between Larne and Stranraer. It is the territorial waters off the coasts of Antrim, Derry and Down and has implications for the loughs at Carlingford and Foyle. The Minister might say whether the Government have taken steps in the intervening year to clarify whether the British now consider the North Channel to be either an inland waterway through the setting of a base line permitted by their Act or a territorial sea. Do the Government have any reservations in regard to this alteration of the established legal position as we would see it?

On a number of previous occassions in the House some effort was made to draw attention to the legal background which may entitle the State to jurisdiction of those waters. A good summary of the Irish position was given by the then Taoiseach, Mr. Jack Lynch, during an Adjournment debate on 29 February 1972 as reported at column 675, Volume 259 of the Official Report. He stated:

. . . we claim that the territorial waters around the whole island of Ireland are ours and our claim to the territorial waters around Northern Ireland is based on the Government of Ireland Act of 1920. This Act is so referred to in the 1921 Treaty that the Northern Ireland which withdrew from the Irish Free State is identical with the Northern Ireland defined in the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and defined as consisting of named counties and boroughs. It is, I think, common case between us that in English law the counties do not include adjacent territorial waters and, therefore, according to our claim these territorial waters were retained by the Irish Free State.

This position was again spelled out by the then and current Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Brian Lenihan, during a debate in this House on 21 March 1981.

Ireland claims under the existing Constitution that the national territory covers the island of Ireland and its territorial seas and until such time as the Progressive Democrats are in a position to change these Articles in the Constitution I would expect the Government to assert them. The Minister when replying might tell the House whether any step has been taken in the year since the British extended their limit to 12 miles in the North Channel to assert whatever claim Ireland may have to those waters.

The second important implication of this Bill before the House — and the British Act of a year ago — is its effects on our claim to the ownership of Rockall. The question of the delimitation of the Continental Shelf between Ireland and Britain has been the subject of negotiations since 1964. Though usually mentioned in connection with the island of Rockall, these negotiations involve much more. The Government have agreed to an ad hoc arbitration of the entire extent of the Continental Shelf contiguous to the United Kingdom and Ireland. The Minister for Foreign Affairs told the Dáil on 25 March 1982, as in the Official Report, Volume 333, column 555:

It is not concerned solely with the delimitation of the Rockall plateau or exclusively with any single feature in isolation, such as Rockall, but involves the whole shelf in the north-west and in the Irish and Celtic sea areas in so far as it is the natural prolongation of the land-mass of two neighbouring states.

I would like the Minister, when replying to this debate, to give an up-to-date report to the House on the progress being made in this arbitration. When can an outcome of this dispute be expected?

Again, I would ask the Minister to address this question. Have the British, by introducing their Territorial Sea Act a year before us, been attempting to assert their claim to Rockall? If this is the case, why have we waited a full year to put in a counter-claim by means of legislation?

There is no doubt but that this amending Bill is extremely important. It could have an effect, indirectly, on the way that divisions of mineral rights will be carved up between ourselves and our near neighbour, Britain. I repeat my question to the Minister: why have we waited one full year to make a counter-claim to the British to assert a twelve-mile limit around the Irish and Celtic seas?

The Progressive Democrats are willing to support this Bill, subject to clarification on the issues I have raised.

This very short Bill is one of the most significant pieces of legislation concerning maritime affairs to come before this House. The Bill seeks to extend the limit of Irish territorial waters beyond the present limit of three nautical miles to 12 nautical miles. It comes hot on the heels of similar legislation which was passed in Britain last year when they pushed the limit of their territorial waters to the 12-mile zone. While the British extension of territorial waters may pose some access difficulties for Ireland, particularly in that strip of water between Scotland and Northern Ireland, our own extension will help to preserve the security of Irish waters for fishermen and all users of the Irish Sea. However, it must be said that passing legislation to extend territorial waters around the Irish coast will not of itself be immediately effective.

At the moment our three-mile zone is being traversed by submarines of British, United States and Soviet origin. These vessels have been responsible for a huge number of accidents involving fishing trawlers and on every occasion the submarines left the scene of the accident leaving behind them damage to the tune of thousands of pounds. On several occasions they have been responsible for loss of life. At no time have the offending countries come forward to claim responsibility or indeed to compensate the families of the victims. Therefore, to imagine that these same sea pirates will take heed of this Bill would at best be naive. If they have flagrantly ignored the three mile zone, sailing regularly across the mouth of Dublin bay, we will have to do more than pass a Bill in this House to ensure that our coastal waters and coastline are protected from these nuclear vessels.

Debate adjourned.
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