Tairgim: "Go n-ainm-níonn Dáil Éireann an Teachta Cathal Séamus Ó hEochaidh chun a cheaptha chun bheith ina Thaoiseach."
I move: "That Dáil Éireann nominate Deputy Charles James Haughey for appointment as Taoiseach".
Nomination of Taoiseach.
Aontaim leis an tairiscint sin.
I formally second that proposal.
I move: "That Deputy Alan Dukes be nominated as Taoiseach".
In the last two and a half years in this House Deputy Dukes has shown a willingness to respond in an openminded way to the deep economic and social problems facing this country.
In allowing the previous Government to pursue their economic policies without obstructive opposition, he made a completely new departure in Irish politics. In this, he showed he was the politician in Ireland most able to reach across the political divide and bring an atmosphere of reality and practical patriotism to Irish political life.
These are the qualities that the people demand from their politicians. The Irish people demand a sense of the national interest rather than simply a sense of the party interest. This is the demand of the Irish people because the underlying problems of this country are so profound. For instance, our social and tax structures have excluded over 100,000 of our people who have been out of work for more than a year from almost any prospect of participation in the economic life of the country. Our young people are leaving and taking their talents abroad. A huge national debt highly sensitive to changes in international and domestic interest rates hangs as a burden over all the decisions we make in this House today, or will make at any time over the next four years.
The taking of radical decisions in a spirit of historic consensus is what these problems demand at this time. Deputy Alan Dukes is the best man to build such an historic consensus.
The outgoing Dáil was prematurely and unnecessarily brought to an end by the outgoing Taoiseach, Deputy Haughey. Deputy Haughey sought an overall majority for a single party Government as a substitute for the arrangements that were continuing to operate in the previous Dáil. His request for single party Government was emphatically denied by the people in the election. Notwithstanding that, the position taken by Deputy Haughey in the past few weeks was that he wanted the Dáil to reverse the result of the general election. This is the implication of his outright rejection of any form of power sharing.
In marked contrast to this, Deputy Alan Dukes has made a carefully designed proposal——
(Interruption).
——under which the major parties can work together over the next four years in conditions of stability to overcome our deepseated economic and social problems. In making such a proposal, I assert that Deputy Dukes has shown himself to be the only politician who has actually accepted the results of the general election. Other political leaders have continued in the same positions they held during the general election campaign and are studiously ignoring the responsibility cast upon them by the people who have sent us here as Members of this Dáil.
The first requirement of leadership is an ability to accept reality. Deputy Alan Dukes has accepted in the proposals he has made the practical realities of this Dáil. As a national leader he has made a radical proposal to make this Dáil work. Deputy Dukes has made it clear that he is available to pursue his proposal further with other party leaders. He has said that no other proposal so far made, meets the requirements of the present situation to the same degree that his proposal does and he has also said that he is prepared to listen to any other proposals that may be made. In his willingness to accept the results of the general election, in his willingness to make a radical proposal to make this Dáil work, and in his willingness to listen to other proposals, Deputy Alan Dukes has demonstrated all the qualities necessary for appointment as Taoiseach and I propose that he be appointed as Taoiseach.
Ba mhaith liom cuidiú leis an rún sin.
As a member of the longest established party in this country, a party that has a long and most honourable tradition in this House, I take both pride and pleasure in proposing the name of Deputy Dick Spring, leader of the Labour Party, for the office of Taoiseach. May I say, first of all, that this is no mere symbolic gesture on my part. Deputy Spring has shown himself to be a worthy contributor to public life in this country and a leader in the great and honourable tradition represented by leaders such as Brendan Corish, the late Tom Johnson, the late Frank Cluskey and many others.
In the last Dáil, Deputy Spring emerged as the effective leader of the Opposition. It was the Labour Party, under his leadership, that placed the issue of social justice on the agenda of the Dáil day after day. For over two years the Labour Party pointed out the damage that was being done in the name of the consensus that existed in this House. We pointed out the damage that was being done to our health services, to our social welfare services and to our education system. We highlighted the growing crisis of emigration and the scandalously high levels of unemployment. We opposed the counterproductive rod licensing system introduced by the last Government. Above all, we consistently highlighted the increasing levels of poverty and the extent of poverty and we continually warned of the dangers inherent in the development of a two-tier society.
In the general election the policy we had been fighting for was both recognised and appreciated. The Labour Party emerged from that election with a 50 per cent increase in their level of popular support and with five more seats than they had at the beginning of the campaign. Most importantly, it was the Labour Party who ensured that the consequences of the policies of the last two years would be the main issues in the election. The people spoke very clearly in that election. They told us that our community do not want a two-tier society. They told us that our community want a society in which everyone has the right to work, a society in which everyone has an equal right to decent health care and all the opportunities that education can bring. They told us that the politicians in this House cannot ignore the principles of social justice when making their financial and economic decisions. They told us that our community demand the highest possible standards of work and integrity from all our politicians.
Deputy Spring stands for all of these things and he has stood for them with absolute consistency since the day he entered public life. As leader of the Labour Party he stands as the leader of the left in our political system. He has the full and total confidence and support of our party and we take pride in putting his name forward here today for Taoiseach.
I take great pleasure in seconding Deputy Spring for Taoiseach.
I rise to give some relief to the House and to point out that I do not intend to propose myself for Taoiseach. Nevertheless I do want to put on record that The Workers' Party do not intend to vote for and will in fact be voting against the nominations of Deputy Haughey and Deputy Dukes. We will be honouring our commitment to the electorate in doing so. On the other hand The Workers' Party will be supporting the nomination of Deputy Spring for the position of Taoiseach. We realise of course, as no doubt the Labour Party do, that Deputy Spring has no prospect of being elected Taoiseach.
Stick around.
However — unless there are more surprises afoot than we are aware of — in keeping with the spirit of co-operation which I hope will develop between our two parties, which I have consistently advocated and which clearly worked to the advantage of both The Workers' Party and the Labour Party during the recent election, we are taking this action as an indication of our bona fides and as a gesture of goodwill on the first day of the 26th Dáil. It is a gesture which I hope will be reciprocated in other areas by the Labour Party.
I believe the recent election marked the dawn of a new era in Irish politics. The dramatic increase in support for The Workers' Party, and our presence here today with seven seats as against four in the outgoing Dáil, shows the growing numbers of the electorate who see socialist policies as a credible alternative to the failed and discredited policies of the right which have done such damage to our health services, to our education services and to our social services and indeed which have condemned a quarter of a million of our people to the misery of life on the dole and also driven hundreds of thousands of our young people out of the country.
The Workers' Party, with our increased strength, are now in a better position to represent the interests of working people and their families in this Dáil but we will not be satisfied until we are in a position to offer the people not just strong, democratic opposition in the Dáil but the realistic prospect of the formation of a socialist government.
If no Taoiseach is elected here today, then the responsibility will rest firstly, I must say, on the shoulders of Deputy Haughey. It was his decision to call the election despite the fact that both Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats had clearly indicated their anxiety to continue supporting his Government's Thatcherite economic policies. Responsibility secondly, let it be said, rests with Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats whose only difference with Fianna Fáil on this occasion is on how the mercs and the perks will be shared out.
From the beginning of the election campaign I emphasised that if no single party got an overall majority then the obligation would be on those parties which are closest together in terms of politics and ideology to come together to form an administration. Despite the advances made by The Workers' Party and the Labour Party the right still has the majority of Deputies in this House and the obligation is therefore on the members of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats to work out arrangements to give this country a Government. When we have an overall majority we will of course be glad to accept that obligation. We are not going to throw a lifeline to any of these three parties. Our position will remain constant. Irrespective of what happens here today, we are not going to vote for any candidate of the right today, tomorrow or next week.
What about the centre?
Bon voyage.
A Cheann Comhairle, may I commence by offering you my congratulations on your re-election and my best wishes to you for a successful and happy tenure of office during this present Dáil? During the last general election campaign the Progressive Democrats made two clear and unequivocal commitments to the electorate. First, as part of our pre-election programme for Government with Fine Gael, we committed ourselves to supporting Deputy Dukes on the vote for Taoiseach. That commitment necessarily implied that we would not support any other candidate and indeed that we would vote against any other nominee for Taoiseach. Moreover, shortly before polling day we, together with Fine Gael, took the opportunity unambiguously to restate our position by stating that we would be voting against Deputy Haughey when the vote for Taoiseach took place immediately following the reassembly of the Dáil. We intend thereby to fulfil our pre-election commitments today.
Should it happen that this House is unable to elect a Taoiseach today, then the parliamentary party of the Progressive Democrats, in common with the other parties in the Dáil, will reassemble to monitor developments. It must be remembered however that if the eventuality of having no Taoiseach elected does come about there is a fundamentally changed situation. No longer may anyone claim that there can be a unilateral determination of any aspect of the process of the formation of a Government. In future stability will arise from consensus between political parties. That consensus must be both bilaterally agreed and enforceable.
Ar dtus ba mhaith liom comhghairdeas a dhéanamh leatsa as an post ard mar Cheann Comhairle a bhuachaint arís. Tá a fhios agam go dtabharfaidh tú cothrom na Féinne dúinn ar fad mar a rinne tú cheana.
As an Independent Member of Dáil Éireann, my position with regard to the vote on the nominations for Taoiseach is guided by the record of the candidates and the policies of their respective parties. In the past two years, harsh Government measures were directed against the less well-off in our society. There were the attacks on our health services, the cutting-off of resources to our schools, the spiralling tragedy of the numbers of our people forced to emigrate, the absolute failure to provide jobs for the 250,000 unemployed, the refusal to tackle poverty, or even to accept the seriousness and extent of the problem of those living in poverty, with one-third of our population existing on social welfare and the architect of these measures was the outgoing Taoiseach, Deputy Haughey. Two years ago at the previous election, he sought a mandate from the people, with policy slogans such as "Health cuts hurt the old, the sick and the handicapped", but when given that mandate he cynically launched a crude attack on our health services. When he had to face the people in the recent election, rather than admitting to being wrong, he tried to evade his responsibility by suggesting that he was not aware of the problem.
Dishonesty appears to have been the hallmark of Fianna Fáil policy during the past few years, whether it be on the issue of health services or on the U-turn — one of many — on the extradition of our citizens to Britain, to a system which continues to deny justice to the Birmingham Six, the Guildford Four and others. Equally cynical and dishonest were the Leaders of Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats who collaborated for two years with the Fianna Fáil Government's health cutbacks and facilitated the harsh measures to which I have referred. How many times did we hear the Leader of the Fine Gael Party state that he was in agreement with the general thrust of Fianna Fáil Government policy, to the point of suggesting that it was Fine Gael policy that was being implemented? When the recent election was called, did we not hear the Leaders of Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats state that the election was unnecessary?
Of course, when the anger of the electorate became evident on the issues of the breakdown of our health services, the failure to provide jobs, the trauma of emigration, then we saw the opportunism of Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats in their attempts to disown the very policies that they themselves had permitted the Fianna Fáil Government to introduce. Fine Gael told the people they would put the country first. Let them now follow the logic of that commitment. Since there is no major policy difference between themselves and Fianna Fáil, let them show responsibility, put mere party considerations behind them and give the country stable government. That is what Fine Gael claim to have been doing during the past two years.
During those same two years it was only the parties and Independent Deputies of the left — Labour, The Workers' Party, Deputy Kemmy and myself — who consistently voted against and opposed the Fianna Fáil Government Thatcherite policies. That fact, which is on the record of the House, was recognised by increasing numbers of the electorate in the general election and resulted in greater support for all outgoing left-wing Teachtaí Dála and the election of new additional Deputies of the left parties. In that sense, the recent election represents a significant breakthrough, with many of the electorate beginning to break with traditional party allegiances and vote, perhaps for the first time, on social and economic issues. Many people began to identify the real interests of the political parties and to recognise that the priorities of the conservative right-wing Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Progressive Democrat allegiance were not the poor, the old, the sick or the unemployed.
I believe this new political awareness will continue to increase, despite the attempt of Fianna Fáil to stifle critical voices, as evidenced in the cutting back by one-half of the budget and staff of the Combat Poverty organisation, the one Government-funded agency brave enough to speak out in the interests of the disadvantaged. Attempts such as this to silence criticism will not stop the new awareness among the electorate that the parties of the right have for decades failed the people on the issues of poverty, emigration, unemployment and inadequate resources in our schools and health services.
In this context, it is now essential that the left-wing parties and Deputies unite to present the only genuine alternative, a socialist alternative which will put the people first and give priority to the poor. If this unity is projected within the Dáil, I am confident that the left will be supported outside this House by the many concerned social organisations, whether they be church, trade union or community groups and in turn, will be supported by the electorate in future elections. In the vote on the nomination for Taoiseach, I shall be supporting the leader of the largest left-wing party in the Dáil.
A Cheann Comhairle, I——
I now call Deputy Roger Garland.
(Interruptions.)
A Cheann Comhairle and Members of the Dáil, as already indicated at the Green Party Conference last week, I shall be voting against the nomination of Deputy Haughey as Taoiseach. Indeed, I propose to vote against the nomination of Deputies Dukes and Spring, also.
(Interruptions.)
Lest people feel this is a negative attitude——
(Interruptions.)
——I should like to point out that the right-wing parties control 80 per cent of the Dáil and that a clear responsibility rests with them to elect a Taoiseach and form a Government. I made clear my position on this matter at the earliest possible moment, to remove uncertainty.
Everybody in this country knows there is not a tittle of difference between the policies of the three parties of the right. It is all about personalities and style and not about issues. The electorate are sick and tired of party games. I appeal once again to the leaders of these parties to sink their historic differences and come together to elect a Taoiseach. Ideally, we would like to see a Green Government. However, none of the other——
(Interruptions.)
On a point of order, is a new Deputy not entitled to decorum in the House for his maiden speech? This is absolutely ridiculous.
It is usual to show the utmost courtesy to a Deputy making his maiden speech, such as we are hearing now. Deputy Garland, without interruption, please.
None of the other parties will provide us with anything approaching a Green-type Government, as they all pursue consumerist policies which cause many of the world's most serious environmental problems, due to the resultant increase in the consumption of scarce resources. I must, therefore, vote against all the nominations for Taoiseach coming from these parties.
There has been surprise expressed by some political commentators that I shall not be voting with the left on this occasion. I want to make it quite clear that my party are not a left-wing party; neither are they a right-wing party nor a centrist party. The Greens want the security of socialism, combined with the freedom of capitalism. At the moment, we have the bureaucracy of socialism combined with the inequality of capitalism. Thus, in their endeavours to find common ground in the centre, both right and left take the worst from both ideologies and try to combine them, whereas we in the Greens take the best.
Much of the struggle between left and right in the First World countries is the struggle over the spoils of exploitation of the Third World. It seems, from speeches made so far, that we are heading for a constitutional crisis, as it seems unlikely that any nominee for Taoiseach will have the support of the majority of the House. Clearly, this is a very serious situation in which we find ourselves and it is the responsibility of one person, Deputy Charles J. Haughey, Leader of Fianna Fáil and the Taoiseach. It was he who called this election in an effort to gain total power for himself and his party. Fortunately, the electorate are mature enough to have seen through this ploy and they rejected it decisively.
In the event of the House failing to elect a Taoiseach this afternoon, there appear to be two alternatives. One is to seek the adjournment of the House for a short period of time, perhaps a week, to facilitate further negotiations to be carried out between the party leaders or, secondly, the Taoiseach could request the President to dissolve the Dáil and hold another general election. I would very much favour the former. The latter option — another general election — is clearly against the wishes of the people. Not that we in the Greens would have anything to fear from another general election because I am convinced that not only would I hold my seat but that the Greens would be elected in other constituencies as well. However, apart from that, another general election would have the undoubted effect of leaving the parliamentary arithmetic basically unchanged.
Another alternative worthy of consideration would be a national all-party Government. The great advantage of this would be that the best talent of the House could be utilised in the selection of a Cabinet. This could be done by extending our PR voting system to the Dáil for its selection.
This country faces very serious environmental, social and economic problems and it needs a constructive Government of consensus, not another disruptive general election.
I agree with the point made by Deputy Mac Giolla, that it is quite an ordeal for a Deputy to come into the House to make a maiden speech. I know the trauma a person goes through in such instance. Having said that and being the last speaker on the left in this House it might be considered churlish of me to take issue with Deputy Garland.
However, he made a fundamental mistake in deciding to abstain on such a fundamental issue as the election of a Taoiseach because people who vote do not put you in this House to abstain from voting on fundamental issues. He and his party made a grave mistake in deciding not to vote for Deputy Spring because the left have much in common with the Green Party and a party will not survive if they do not vote on fundamental issues. However, far be it from me to give advice to Deputy Garland or his party, I have learned that through the hard school of knocks in this House and outside it. It is wrong for a person to abstain on issues fundamental to the people who elect him or her to Dáil Éireann. If this constitutes the greening of Dáil Éireann we will not gain much. It is sad to have to say all this but I could not let those points pass. The people have spoken through the ballot box and we must all respect the wishes of the electorate. There is no point in wishful thinking about what might or should have been. We all like to engage in daydreaming at times but this is a different ballgame. A decision must be made today and wishful thinking will not get the country anywhere.
Our people are well aware of the fact that the country is going through a deep, fundamental crisis and that we are approaching a crossroads in our history. We heard a lot in recent months about the climate of confidence. I move around the constituency of Limerick East and I see very little evidence of this climate of confidence; 250,000 people are unemployed, emigration is in full spate and one-third of our people are living on or below the poverty line. I see little evidence of the climate of confidence, words bandied about by the media, but I see a lot of evidence in regard to what Deputy Garland spoke about, the freedom of capitalism. In terms of this kind of freedom we must be one of the freest countries in the world to do as we like and pay little or no taxes. Indeed, as I said here before, if Lester Piggott had been living in this country, instead of getting a jail sentence for evading payment of taxes he would have been brought into the Seanad. That is the kind of respect we have for people who evade taxes.
There are long waiting lists for beds in hospitals and long queues for medical treatment. We have one of the most fundamentally lopsided and unjust taxation systems in the world and I certainly see little evidence of a climate of confidence in that regard. One could go on until the cows come home listing the ills and abuses in the country and that is why it is essential to have a good Government as soon as possible. There is no reason for Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats making such heavy weather of the business of forming a new Government because they got more than 80 per cent of the seats and votes in the recent election. Parties who have so much in common should be able to form a Government because, as other speakers pointed out, there is little or nothing between them. Their policies are very similar, nothing divides them except the Civil War — which was fought 67 years ago — and some personal differences between the Leaders. There is no valid reason for these parties not coming together, merging their differences and forming a Government because at present the country appears to be operating on automatic pilot. Former Deputy John Kelly said that the traffic lights will still work and that life will still go on, which is not a bad argument for forming a Government as soon as possible.
There has been a consensus in this House for the past two years and it could work in the formation of a new Government, which is the most important task facing the House. The left got less than 20 per cent of the seats and votes in the last general election and if we had got 80 per cent of the seats we would say that we were entitled to form a Government immediately. We did not get that mandate from the people but those who did must get on with the business of forming a Government. The people have voted for change, a fact we cannot ignore. The left made small but significant gains and let us hope we do not throw them way in the future but use them as a base to build a strong, viable socialist movement.
What we have seen in the House today has been a kind of aberration in Irish politics. However, it is very common to have a multiplicity of parties on the European continent, some on the right and some on the left. Indeed, one-party rule in Europe is almost unknown and nearly all European countries have strong socialist parties which have contributed to making those countries better places in which to live.
(Interruptions.)
Deputy McGahon should learn to be a democrat for a change. Many people spoke about instability in the country and said that business people were frightened of people like me and others in this House. However, the only instability I have seen in recent years has been among the poor, the unemployed and the young people leaving the country in increasing numbers. They cannot live here — that is the instability. These matters are not discussed in the House.
I am voting for Deputy Spring today because he is the Leader of the Labour Party, the largest left wing group in the House. I do so unashamedly because I am a democrat as well as a socialist. If Deputy De Rossa was the leader of the largest left wing group in this House he would get my vote. I know Deputy Spring will be well and truly beaten today but I hope that the day is not too far off when we will have a socialist Taoiseach and Government in this House.
I add my few words of congratulation to you, a Cheann Comhairle, on your re-election. At the same time, I wish to explain why I did not vote for you. This did not come easily to me because I respect you as a person and as Ceann Comhairle. I did so as a protest, being the only weapon left to me on behalf of individual Independent Deputies such as myself, Deputy Gregory, Deputy Kemmy, Deputy Foxe, Deputy Garland and the party which do not come up to the magic number seven.
We are not being dealt with properly. It is not your fault, Sir, but the orders of the House deny us the rights that should be accorded to the elected representatives of the people, no matter where we come from. I regret that the vote on your appointment was the one on which I had to abstain but I have given my reason. We must have changes in the rules of this House to enable all and sundry, no matter how few they are and even if they do not belong to a party, to have their say. I should like to thank the Chair for allowing me to make that statement.
On the matter of the election of a Taoiseach, I should like to recall what happened on 10 March, 1987 and, indeed, on many other dates when Taoisigh were elected; the date 10 March, 1987 stands out in my mind when, as it so happened in the game of numbers, it was my vote that elected Charles J. Haughey as Taoiseach. I voted for him without, as I said publicly on that occasion, doing any deals, written or understood, but on my expressed understanding that the things I stand for, and which I believe are of essence to our people and our country, were very near to the lines that had been expressed by the Fianna Fáil Party during the previous election campaign.
If ever anybody was disappointed and disillusioned, and quickly, I was. After the House had reconvened following the election of Taoiseach, we had the announcement of the members of the Government followed by the Leader of the Opposition — I will paraphrase his statement and he will pardon me if they are not his exact words — saying, in effect, that if the Taoiseach, and his Government, did as Fine Gael wished them to do, Fine Gael would support them. Each of the other parties did likewise in various form of words. It was then that the matters which I considered important, and still consider to be important, were thrown out the window before one evening of the new Government's term of office had passed.
I cannot disregard that sort of behaviour on the part of Charles Haughey and his Government. I cannot depart from this House this evening without putting on record my view that the policies followed in the past couple of years were, in effect, Fine Gael and Coalition policies as practised by them during their previous four years in office when they were supported by Deputy Spring, the Leader of the Labour Party, and his Labour Deputies. I find no solace whatever in what has been said on behalf of the left. I find a great contradiction in the contribution by Deputy Kemmy who exhorted those on the right to get together and form a Government while, at the same time, saying he would support somebody whom he accepts cannot and will not be elected. Are they not standing aside? Are they not capable, with this left alliance they now talk about, of getting together with the major party in the House in the interests of the country and forming a Government rather than saying to Fine Gael, or somebody else, that they should do it, that it is their job to do it? I say to the Labour Party, and to those of the left, "It is equally your job to do that".
Responsibility for the mess our country is in is equally shared by the parties that have been talked about and who have nominees before us this evening. The mess did not start in 1987; it was merely continued in that year. It had already been embarked upon for the four previous years, and a number of years before that. Anybody who stands up and says that the ills of today are the product of the past two years is not being honest. Anybody who says that had there been a different grouping in power in the past two years but with the same outlook things would have been different is being dishonest. I am totally and absolutely disillusioned by the dishonesty of the House in relation not only to the economic affairs and the economic ills of the country but to the national affairs, to the extradition of our people and to the collaboration with our occupiers. It is because those issues were forgotten that we find ourselves where we are today. Forget your national background, forget your national spirit and your national ideals and you get what we have, an inconclusive situation that leaves people talking about a national crisis, a constitutional crisis and so forth. At your peril you did it and, as a result, we have what we have today.
I cannot bring myself to vote for any of the three candidates. That comes very hard on me because I agree with the sentiments expressed by Deputy Kemmy that the role of a Deputy is not best fulfilled by not voting. However, I do so because of my experience and because of the state the country is in. Economically we are in dire trouble, despite the fact that we may be lauded internationally for reducing interest rates, improving our balance of payments, bringing down inflation, cutting services and increasing taxation. However, we owe more money than we did two years ago when we elected the last Government and nobody should forget that. We have an exodus from the country of young and old people. In fact, whole families are leaving as a result of the cuts, the mismanagement and the belief that book-keeping is more important than people. The queues of our unemployed are stretching further and further and there is not proper accommodation for them in inclement weather.
Every Member of the House is aware of the scene and they should try to get their act together. If a Taoiseach is not elected this evening the present officeholder may go back to the people but will the result be any different? I do not know but if that is the choice of the Taoiseach, so be it. On the other hand, if that is not the choice all Members should stop playing games and come out honestly and declare where they stand on economic issues, on the cuts in health and education and on the closing of wards in hospitals. For instance, wards have been closed in the hospital in my home town of Letterkenny while £35 million was spent in another county building accommodation for my people. Is that sanity or is it party politics in its lowest form?
Let us have an end to the myth that we are doing well. We are losing our population and our jobs. The new jobs created are cancelled out by the jobs we have lost. Let us face the reality that we are in dire straits and we should not be afraid to tell the world that that is the case. Those parties, big and small, who have got a mandate from the people should put their heads together and form a Government. Any Government who are prepared to put the people first, who will look after the sick and the unemployed, who will look after the education of our young and stem emigration by reintroducing the only thing that can help, building grants, and will sanction the endless thousands of house grant applications in the Department of the Environment, will get my absolute guarantee that I will continue to vote for them through thick and thin, regardless of what my sad experience was in the past.
I do not think we will have a result this evening and my vote does not matter but my voice does. The hypocrisy of this Parliament of ours is equalled nowhere in the world. I will not vote for any of the three candidates who have been put forward.
Question put, "That Dáil Éireann nominate Deputy Charles J. Haughey for appointment by the President to be Taoiseach."
The Dáil divided: Tá, 78; Níl, 86.
Tá
- Ahern, Bertie.
- Ahern, Dermot.
- Ahern, Michael.
- Andrews, David.
- Aylward, Liam.
- Barrett, Michael.
- Brady, Gerard.
- Brady, Vincent.
- Collins, Gerard.
- Connolly, Ger.
- Coughlan, Mary Theresa.
- Cowen, Brian.
- Cullimore, Séamus.
- Daly, Brendan.
- Davern, Noel.
- Dempsey, Noel.
- Dennehy, John.
- de Valera, Síle.
- Ellis, John.
- Fahey, Frank.
- Fahey, Jackie.
- Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
- Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
- Flood, Chris.
- Flynn, Pádraig.
- Foxe, Tom.
- Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
- Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
- Haughey, Charles J.
- Hillery, Brian.
- Hilliard, Colm.
- Hyland, Liam.
- Jacob, Joe.
- Kelly, Laurence.
- Kenneally, Brendan.
- Kirk, Séamus.
- Kitt, Michael P.
- Kitt, Tom.
- Lawlor, Liam.
- Lenihan, Brian.
- Brennan, Mattie.
- Brennan, Séamus.
- Briscoe, Ben.
- Browne, John
- (Wexford).
- Burke, Raphael P.
- Calleary, Seán.
- Callely, Ivor.
- Leonard, Jimmy.
- Leyden, Terry.
- Lyons, Denis.
- Martin, Micheál.
- McCreevy, Charlie.
- McDaid, Jim.
- McEllistrim, Tom.
- Morley, P.J.
- Nolan, M.J.
- Noonan, Michael J.
- (Limerick West).
- O'Connell, John.
- O'Dea, Willie.
- O'Donoghue, John.
- O'Hanlon, Rory.
- O'Keeffe, Ned.
- O'Kennedy, Michael.
- O'Leary, John.
- O'Rourke, Mary.
- O'Toole, Martin Joe.
- Power, Seán.
- Reynolds, Albert.
- Roche, Dick.
- Smith, Michael.
- Stafford, John.
- Treacy, Noel.
- Tunney, Jim.
- Wallace, Dan.
- Wallace, Mary.
- Walsh, Joe.
- Wilson, John P.
- Woods, Michael.
Níl
- Ahearn, Theresa.
- Allen, Bernard.
- Barnes, Monica.
- Barrett, Seán.
- Barry, Peter.
- Bell, Michael.
- Belton, Louis J.
- Boylan, Andrew.
- Bradford, Paul.
- Browne, John.
- (Carlow-Kilkenny).
- Bruton, John.
- Bruton, Richard.
- Byrne, Eric.
- Carey, Donal.
- Clohessy, Peadar.
- Connaughton, Paul.
- Connor, John.
- Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
- Cotter, Bill.
- Creed, Michael.
- Crowley, Frank.
- Currie, Austin.
- D'Arcy, Michael.
- Deasy, Austin.
- Deenihan, Jimmy.
- De Rossa, Proinsias.
- Doyle, Joe.
- Dukes, Alan.
- Durkan, Bernard.
- Enright, Thomas W.
- Nealon, Ted.
- Noonan, Michael
- (Limerick East).
- O'Brien, Fergus.
- O'Keeffe, Jim.
- O'Malley, Desmond J.
- O'Shea, Brian.
- O'Sullivan, Gerry.
- O'Sullivan, Toddy.
- Owen, Nora.
- Pattison, Séamus.
- Quill, Máirín.
- Quinn, Ruairí.
- Farrelly, John V.
- Fennell, Nuala.
- Ferris, Michael.
- Finnucane, Michael.
- FitzGerald, Garret.
- Flaherty, Mary.
- Flanagan, Charles.
- Garland, Roger.
- Gilmore, Eamon.
- Gregory, Tony.
- Harney, Mary.
- Harte, Paddy.
- Higgins, Jim.
- Higgins, Michael D.
- Hogan, Phillip.
- Howlin, Brendan.
- Kavanagh, Liam.
- Kemmy, Jim.
- Kenny, Enda.
- Lee, Pat.
- Lowry, Michael.
- McCartan, Pat.
- McCormack, Pádraic.
- McGahon, Brendan.
- McGinley, Dinny.
- Mac Giolla, Tomás.
- McGrath, Paul.
- Mitchell, Gay.
- Mitchell, Jim.
- Molloy, Bobby.
- Moynihan, Michael.
- Reynolds, Albert.
- Reynolds, Gerry.
- Ryan, Seán.
- Shatter, Alan.
- Sheehan, Patrick J.
- Sherlock, Joe.
- Spring, Dick.
- Stagg, Emmet.
- Taylor, Mervyn.
- Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.
- Timmins, Godfrey.
- Wyse, Pearse.
- Yates, Ivan.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies V. Brady and D. Ahern; Níl, Deputies J. Higgins and Boylan.
Question declared lost.
I am putting the question: "That Dáil Éireann nominate Deputy Alan Dukes for appointment by the President to be Taoiseach".
Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 61; Níl 103.
Tá
- Ahern, Theresa.
- Allen, Bernard.
- Barnes, Monica.
- Barrett, Seán.
- Barry, Peter.
- Belton, Louis J.
- Boylan, Andrew.
- Bradford, Paul.
- Browne, John.
- (Carlow-Kilkenny).
- Bruton, John.
- Bruton, Richard.
- Carey, Donal.
- Clohessy, Peadar.
- Connaughton, Paul.
- Connor, John.
- Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
- Cotter, Bill.
- Creed, Michael.
- Crowley, Frank.
- Currie, Austin.
- D'Arcy, Michael.
- Deasy, Austin.
- Deenihan, Jimmy.
- Doyle, Joe.
- Dukes, Alan.
- Durkan, Bernard.
- Enright, Thomas W.
- Farrelly, John V.
- Fennell, Nuala.
- Finnucane, Michael.
- FitzGerald, Garret.
- Flaherty, Mary.
- Flanagan, Charles.
- Harney, Mary.
- Harte, Paddy.
- Higgins, Jim.
- Hogan, Philip.
- Kenny, Enda.
- Lee, Pat.
- Lowry, Michael.
- McCormack, Pádraic.
- McGahon, Brendan.
- McGinley, Dinny.
- McGrath, Paul.
- Mitchell, Gay.
- Mitchell, Jim.
- Molloy, Bobby.
- Nealon, Ted.
- Noonan, Michael.
- (Limerick East).
- O'Brien, Fergus.
- O'Keeffe, Jim.
- O'Malley, Desmond J.
- Owen, Nora.
- Quill, Máirín.
- Reynolds, Gerry.
- Shatter, Alan.
- Sheehan, Patrick J.
- Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.
- Timmins, Godfrey.
- Wyse, Pearse.
- Yates, Ivan.
Níl
- Ahern, Bertie.
- Ahern, Dermot.
- Ahern, Michael.
- Andrews, David.
- Aylward, Liam.
- Brennan, Séamus.
- Briscoe, Ben.
- Browne, John.
- (Wexford).
- Burke, Raphael P.
- Byrne, Eric.
- Calleary, Seán.
- Callely, Ivor.
- Collins, Gerard.
- Connolly, Ger.
- Coughlan, Mary Theresa.
- Cowen, Brian.
- Cullimore, Séamus.
- Daly, Brendan.
- Davern Noel.
- Dempsey, Noel.
- Dennehy, John.
- De Rossa, Proinsias.
- de Valera, Síle.
- Ellis, John.
- Fahey, Frank.
- Fahey, Jackie.
- Ferris, Michael.
- Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
- Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
- Flood, Chris.
- Flynn, Pádraig.
- Foxe, Tom.
- Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
- Garland, Roger.
- Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
- Gilmore, Eamon.
- Gregory, Tony.
- Haughey, Charles J.
- Higgins, Michael D.
- Hillery, Brian.
- Hilliard, Colm.
- Howlin, Brendan.
- Hyland, Liam.
- Jacob, Joe.
- Kavanagh, Liam.
- Kelly, Laurence.
- Kemmy, Jim.
- Kenneally, Brendan.
- Kirk, Séamus.
- Kitt, Michael P.
- Kitt, Tom.
- Barrett, Michael.
- Bell, Michael.
- Brady, Gerard.
- Brady, Vincent.
- Brennan, Mattie.
- Lawlor, Liam.
- Lenihan, Brian.
- Leonard, Jimmy.
- Leyden, Terry.
- Lyons, Denis.
- Martin, Michéal.
- McCartan, Pat.
- McCreevy, Charlie.
- McDaid, Jim.
- McEllistrim, Tom.
- Mac Giolla, Tomás.
- Morley, P. J.
- Moynihan, Michael.
- Nolan, M. J.
- Noonan, Michael J.
- (Limerick West).
- O'Connell, John.
- O'Dea, Willie.
- O'Donoghue, John.
- O'Hanlon, Rory.
- O'Keeffe, Ned.
- O'Kennedy, Michael.
- O'Leary, John.
- O'Rourke, Mary.
- O'Shea, Brian.
- O'Sullivan, Gerry.
- O'Sullivan, Toddy.
- O'Toole, Martin Joe.
- Pattison, Séamus.
- Power, Seán.
- Quinn, Ruairí.
- Rabbitte, Pat.
- Reynolds, Albert.
- Roche, Dick.
- Ryan, Seán.
- Sherlock, Joe.
- Smith, Michael.
- Spring Dick.
- Stafford, John.
- Stagg, Emmet.
- Taylor, Mervyn.
- Treacy, Noel.
- Tunney, Jim.
- Wallace, Dan.
- Wallace, Mary.
- Walsh, Joe.
- Wilson, John P.
- Woods, Michael.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies J. Higgins and Boylan; Níl, Deputies V. Brady and J. Browne (Wexford).
Question declared lost.
I am putting the question: "That Dáil Éireann nominate Deputy Dick Spring for appointment by the President to be Taoiseach".
Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 24; Níl, 138.
Tá
- Bell, Michael.
- Byrne, Eric.
- De Rossa, Proinsias.
- Higgins, Michael D.
- Howlin, Brendan.
- Kavanagh, Liam.
- Kemmy, Jim.
- McCartan, Pat.
- Mac Giolla, Tomás.
- Moynihan, Michael.
- O'Shea, Brian.
- O'Sullivan, Gerry.
- Ferris, Michael.
- Gilmore, Eamon.
- Gregory, Tony.
- O'Sullivan, Toddy.
- Pattison, Séamus.
- Quinn, Ruairí.
- Rabbitte, Pat.
- Ryan, Seán.
- Sherlock, Joe.
- Spring, Dick.
- Stagg, Emmet.
- Taylor, Mervyn.
Níl
- Ahearn, Theresa.
- Ahern, Bertie.
- Ahern, Dermot.
- Ahern, Michael.
- Allen, Bernard.
- Andrews, David.
- Aylward, Liam.
- Barnes, Monica.
- Barrett, Michael.
- Barrett, Seán.
- Barry, Peter.
- Belton, Louis J.
- Boylan, Andrew.
- Bradford, Paul.
- Brady, Gerard.
- Brady, Vincent.
- Brennan, Matthie.
- Brennan, Séamus.
- Briscoe, Ben.
- Browne, John.
- (Carlow-Kilkenny).
- Browne, John.
- (Wexford).
- Bruton, John.
- Bruton, Richard.
- Burke, Raphael P.
- Calleary, Seán.
- Callely, Ivor.
- Carey, Donal.
- Clohessy, Peadar.
- Collins, Gerard.
- Connaughton, Paul.
- Connolly, Ger.
- Connor, John.
- Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
- Cotter, Bill.
- Coughlan, Mary Theresa.
- Cowen, Brian.
- Creed, Michael.
- Crowley, Frank.
- Cullimore, Séamus.
- Currie, Austin.
- Daly, Brendan.
- D'Arcy, Michael.
- Davern, Noel.
- Deasy, Austin.
- Deenihan, Jimmy.
- Dempsey, Noel.
- Dennehy, John.
- de Valera, Síle.
- Doyle, Joe.
- Dukes, Alan.
- Durkan, Bernard.
- Ellis, John.
- Enright, Thomas W.
- O'Connell, John.
- O'Dea, Willie.
- O'Donoghue, John.
- O'Hanlon, Rory.
- O'Keeffe, Jim.
- O'Keeffe, Ned.
- O'Kennedy, Michael.
- O'Leary, John.
- O'Malley, Desmond J.
- O'Rourke, Mary.
- O'Toole, Martin Joe.
- Owen, Nora.
- Power, Seán.
- Quill, Máirín.
- Reynolds, Albert.
- Reynolds, Gerry.
- Fahey, Frank.
- Fahey, Jackie.
- Fennell, Nuala.
- Finnucane, Michael.
- FitzGerald, Garret.
- Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
- Flaherty, Mary.
- Flanagan, Charles.
- Flood, Chris.
- Flynn, Pádraig.
- Foxe, Tom.
- Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
- Garland, Roger.
- Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
- Harney, Mary.
- Harte, Paddy.
- Haughey, Charles J.
- Higgins, Jim.
- Hillery, Brian.
- Hilliard, Colm.
- Hogan, Philip.
- Hyland, Liam.
- Jacob, Joe.
- Kelly, Laurence.
- Kenneally, Brendan.
- Kenny, Enda.
- Kirk, Séamus.
- Kitt, Michael P.
- Kitt, Tom.
- Lawlor, Liam.
- Lee, Pat.
- Lenihan, Brian.
- Leonard, Jimmy.
- Leyden, Terry.
- Lowry, Michael.
- Lyons, Denis.
- Martin, Michéal.
- McCormack, Pádraic.
- McCreevy, Charlie.
- McDaid, Jim.
- McEllistrim, Tom.
- McGahon, Brendan.
- McGinley, Dinny.
- McGrath, Paul.
- Mitchell, Gay.
- Mitchell, Jim.
- Molloy, Bobby.
- Morley, P.J.
- Nealon, Ted.
- Nolan, M.J.
- Noonan, Michael.
- (Limerick East).
- Noonan, Michael J.
- (Limerick West).
- O'Brien, Fergus.
- Roche, Dick.
- Shatter, Alan.
- Sheehan, Patrick J.
- Smith, Michael.
- Stafford, John.
- Taylor-Quinn, Madeline
- Timmins, Godfrey.
- Treacy, Noel.
- Tunney, Jim.
- Wallace, Dan.
- Wallace, Mary.
- Walsh, Joe.
- Wilson, John P.
- Woods, Michael.
- Wyse, Pearse.
- Yates, Ivan.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Howlin and Quinn; Níl, Deputies V. Brady and Browne (Wexford).
Question declared lost.