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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 8 Mar 1990

Vol. 396 No. 8

Financial Resolutions, 1990. - Financial Resolution No. 9: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motions:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(The Taoiseach.)

Is léir go bhfuil ag éirí leis na céimeanna ar glacadh leo le cúpla bliain anuas chun cúrsaí airgeadais a chur faoi smacht agus chun feabhas a chur ar staid eacnamaíochta na tíre. Táim sásta go mbeidh sé soiléir d'aon duine a scrúdóidh an cháinaisnéis seo go bhfuil comharthaí dóchais láidir le feiceáil inti do na blíanta amach romhainn. Ní shárófar fadhbanna na tíre mura dtuigfidh an pobal go soiléir an ghéarchéim atá romhainn agus mura mbeidh a gcomhoibriú ar fáil lena réiteach — agus is deimhin liom go raibh an chomhoibriú sin ar fáil go fial le cúpla bliain anuas. Táim cinnte go leanfar leis sin agus, cé go bhfuil roghanna deacra romhainn fós, go mbeidh forbairt agus dul chun cinn i ndán dár muintir uile ach tarraingt le cheile go fonnmhar in aon iarracht amháin ar mhaithe lena chéile. Cé go bhfuil cúrsaí airgeadais feabhsaithe go mór, bheadh sé tubaisteach dá n-éireodh muid bogásach anois. Tá tuilleadh dul chun cinn riachtanach agus ceapadh an cháinaisnéis seo ar dhóigh a chinnteoidh go gcabhrófar leis an dul chun cinn seo agus go dtreiseofar é.

Níl dabht ar bith ach go bhfuil an dífhostaíocht ar cheann de na fadhbanna is mó atá le sárú againn sa tír i gcoiteann agus, ar ndóigh, sna ceantair Ghaeltachta a bhfuil freagracht ormsa ina leith. Ní mór a chinntiú, mar sin, go mbeidh tionchar ar an bhfadhb sin ag aon phleananna forbartha a chuirfear i gcrích. Díreofar ar an t-airgead atá ar fáil a chaitheamh ar bhealaí fiúntacha d'fhonn torthaí réalaíocha a bhaint amach agus poist sheasmhacha a chruthú in ionad an t-airgead sin a bheith á chur amú ar thograí nach mbeadh inmharthana. Tá mé bródúil go bhfuil áit lárnach ag Údarás na Gaeltachta san straitéis seo agus déanfaidh mé tagairt níos leithne don ról atá acu ar ball beag.

Tá sé tábhachtach go mbeadh cothrom na Féinne le fáil ag gach saoránach ó aon cháinaisnéis a mholann Rialtas agus tá mé sásta go bhfuil an riachtanas sin á chomhlíonadh ag an gcáinaisnéis seo. Mar shampla, tá an ráta cáin ioncaim le laghdú arís is mbliana — ó 32 go 30 faoin gcéad — rud a chabhróidh le gach duine atá ag íoc cánach. Tá an barr-ráta den cháin ioncaim á laghdú freisin ó 56 go dtí 53 faoin gcéad. Maidir le cáin bhreisluacha, tá an gnáthráta á laghdú ó 25 faoin gcéad go dtí 23 faoin gcéad, beart a chabhróidh le praghsanna a ísliú ar raon leathan d'earraí sna siopaí.

Ag an am céanna, tá soláthar déanta sa cháinaisnéis le haghaidh méaduithe suntasacha sna rátaí leasa shóisialaigh agus tá méaduithe níos airde le tabhairt dóibh siúd atá dífhostaithe ar feadh tréimhse fada. Nuair a smaoinítear ar na harduithe a tugadh le cúpla bliain anuas, agus nuair a ghlactar leis go bhfuil an ráta boilscithe níos ísle ná an bunráta méadaithe, is léir go mbeidh na daoine sin atá ag brath go mór ar an gcóras leasa shóisialaigh i bhfad níos fearr as i mbliana.

Is cúis áthais ar leith domsa go bhfuil ré na n-iasachtaí mar leigheas ar an ngátar airgid a bhí ag brú ar an tír seo le fada thart agus go bhfuil cúrsaí airgeadais an Stáit á gcur ar shlí a réitithe. De thoradh na cáinaisnéise seo, meastar go mbeidh laghdú £305 milliún ar an méid a bheidh ar an Rialtas a fháil ar iasacht i mbliana i gcomparáid leis an suim don bhliain seo caite. Agus, ar ndóigh, b'iontach an rud é go raibh an tsuim a fuarthas ar iasacht anuraidh níos lú ná leath den mhéid a measadh dó i gcáinaisnéis na bliana sin. Fós féin, is costas trom é ar an Stát an t-ús ar na hiasachtaí go léir — ús de dhá billiún punt nó mar sin atá i gceist i mbliana. Is ionann é sin agus beagnach an méid iomlán a íocann lucht cánach PAYE. Caithfidh an Rialtas ualach na n-iasachtaí a laghdú tuilleadh agus tá céimeanna suntasacha glactha sa cháinaisnéis seo i ndáil leis sin.

Tá fadhb amháin a bhfuil a réiteach ag brath ar gach uile dhuine sa tír agus is é sin fadhb an truaillithe. Tá a lán airgid á chur ar fáil sa cháinaisnéis seo mar chabhair chun an Plean Náisiúnta Comhshaoil a fheidhmiú ach saothar in aisce a bheidh ann mura nglacann gach aon saoránach an fhreagracht atá air féachaint chuige nach ndéanfar truailliú de bharr aon ghníomh dá chuid. Tá dualgas ar gach uile dhuine bheith faichileach sna gnóthaí seo lena chinntiú go dtiocfaidh torthaí fiúntacha as an airgead mór atá á chur ar fáil faoin gcáinaisnéis don phlean náisiúnta seo.

Maidir leis na freagrachtaí sonracha atá orm féin go pearsanta, tá breis agus £19.5 milliún á chur ar fáil ag an Rialtas i mbliana lena chaitheamh chun leas na Gaeltachta agus na Gaeilge a chur chun cinn. Is airgead vótáilte breis agus £16 mhilliún de sin agus tá sonraí faoin gcaitheachas measta tugtha sna Meastacháin i gcóir na Seirbhisí Poiblí. B'fhearr liomsa, ar ndóigh, go mbeadh níos mó ar fáil ach, ag an am céanna, tá méadú de 27 faoin gcéad déanta sna Meastacháin i mbliana i gcomparáid le soláthar na bliana seo caite, rud a léiríonn go soiléir seasamh an Rialtais seo i leith na Gaeilge agus na Gaeltachta.

Maidir le Údarás na Gaeltachta — an gléas forbartha tionscail atá ag an Rialtas don Ghaeltacht — is cúis sásaimh domsa go raibh méadú substaintiúil arís ag deireadh na bliana seo caite, don ochtú bliain as a chéile, i líon na ndaoine a bhí fostaithe go lánaimseartha i dtionscail sa Ghaeltacht a fuair cúnamh ón eagraíocht. Ar 31 Nollaig 1989, bhí breis is 54,000 duine fostaithe go lánaimseartha i dtionscnaimh éagsúla sa Ghaeltacht faoi scáth an Údaráis agus is ionann é sin agus glanmhéadú de 30 faoin gcéad ó 1982 ar aghaidh. Tuigim ón Údarás gur cruthaíodh 1,098 bpost nua breise lánaimseartha ar an dtalamh sa Ghaeltacht i rith 1989. Bhí sprioc de 600 post nua breise leagtha síos don Údarás sa Phlean Téarnaimh Náisiúnta le haghaidh 1989 agus is ábhar dóchais dúinn uile gur sáraíodh an figiúr sin de bheagnach 500 post. Tá fostaíocht sheasúrach ríthábhachtach don Ghaeltacht agus mhéadaigh líon na bpost páirtaimseartha-séasúrach go dtí os cionn 2,000 anuraidh.

Tá tacaíocht nach beag tugtha don Údarás ag an Rialtas seo le cur ar chumas na heagraíochta cúnamh a thabhairt do thionsclóirí chun tionscnaimh a lonnú sa Ghaeltacht d'fhonn deiseanna fostaíochta a chur ar fáil don phobal ansin. Aithníonn an Rialtas go maith na deacrachtaí bunúsacha a bhíonn ag an Údarás agus é ag iarraidh saol eacnamaíochta, sóisialta agus cultúrtha na Gaeltachta a chur chun cinn agus caighdeán maireachtála muintir na Gaeltachta a ardú oiread agus is féidir. Mar fhianaise ar dháiríreacht an Rialtais maidir le cabhrú leis an Údarás san obair sin, tá méadú suntasach déanta ar an gcúnamh atá á chur fáil don Údarás i mbliana.

Beidh níos mó ná £13 mhilliún ar fáil ón Stát don eagraíocht i 1990 i gcomparáid le breis is £10 milliún anuraidh. Is airgead vótáilte a chuirtear ar fáil trí Vóta Roinn na Gaeltachta £9.65 milliún den soláthar iomlán, i.e., suim £2.25 milliún mar dheontas-i-gcabhair do chaiteachas reatha agus suim £7.4 milliún mar dheontas-i-gcabhair do chaiteachas caipitil. Úsáidtear an soláthar caipitil sin chun deontais a íoc mar chabhair chun tionscail nó scéimeanna táirgiúla fostaíochta a bhunú, a fhorbairt nó a chothabháil sa Ghaeltacht. Is méadú de 54 faoin gcéad an tsuim atá á cur ar fáil i mbliana chun deontais a íoc i gcomparáid leis an tsuim a cuireadh ar fáil anuraidh. Anuas ar sin, tá beagnach £3.5 milliún údaraithe don Údarás mar airleacain ón bPríomh-Chiste chun monarchana a thógáil nó a athchóiriú, infheistíocht a dhéanamh i scaireanna, i bhfochuideachtaí, agus i gcomhchuideachtaí, agus chun maoin a cheannach. Leis an airgead méadaithe sin, táim cinnte go mbeidh ar chumas an Údaráis brú ar aghaidh leis an obair thábhachtach atá ar siúl aige ar mhaithe le gach gné de shaol pobal na Gaeltachta a fhorbairt.

Is éineacht le tacaíocht a thabhairt chun tionscail dhéantúsaíochta, fheirmeoireacht éisc-saothrú na mara, forbairt achmainní nádúrtha, etc., sa Ghaeltacht a chur chun cinn, tá béim ar leith á cur ag an Údarás ar thionscnaimh straitéiseacha. Tá straitéis fhad-thréimhseach acu chun tionscal teileachumarsáide agus faisnéise a bhunú sa Ghaeltacht agus, mar chuid den phlean, tá dhá chuideachta nua — Telegael Teo agus G-Com Teo — bunaithe. Is cuideachta í Telegael Teo atá ag cur réimse cuimsitheach de shaoráidí táirgthe agus iartháirgthe chlár teilifíse ar fáil, ar bhonn trádála, do léiritheoirí neamhspleácha agus do RTÉ féin. Bunaíodh G-Com Teo mar chomhlacht forbartha teicneolaíochta teileachumarsáide agus faisnéise. Is é an aidhm atá leis na tionscnaimh straitéiseacha seo ná a chinntiú go mbeidh an Ghaeltacht ar chomhchéim iomaíochta le ceantair eile sa tír i réimsí infheistíochta nua-theicneolaíochta a mhealladh chun na Gaeltachta.

Tá grinnscrúdú á dhéanamh ag an Údarás ar riachtanais eacnamaíochta sóisialta agus cultúrtha na Gaeltachta sna nóchaidí agus ar an ról a bheidh ag an Údarás chun na riachtanais sin a shásamh. Tá an eagraíocht ag ullmhú le haghaidh dúshlán na haoise seo agus do na deiseanna a bheidh ann do thionscail Ghaeltachta nuair a bheidh Margadh Comhaontaithe na hEorpa i réim in 1992 Cinnte beidh buntáistí fiúntacha ar leith le fáil ag an nGaeltacht ón margadh sin, ach na tionscail éagsúla inti a bheith ullamh agus eagraithe chun na deiseanna gnó a bheidh ann a thapú. Beidh an tÚdarás ag cabhrú leis na tionscail sin chun tairbhe a bhaint as na deiseanna a bheidh ar fáil. Díreofar ar thograí comhaontaithe ceadúnais mhargaíochta agus dhéantúsaíochta agus aistriú teicneolaíochta, d'fhonn deiseanna i margadh na hEorpa a thapú. Chomh maith leis sin, bainfear feidhm as gníomhaíocht dhíreach nuair is gá.

Is í an Ghaeltacht foinse ár dteanga agus ár n-oidhreachta agus glactar leis go coitianta nach mbeidh an rath ar an nGaeilge mura mbeidh ceantair bhríomhara ann agus an Ghaeilge á labhairt iontu mar ghnáth-urlabhra an phobail. Ní mór mar sin a chinntiú go mbíonn na saoráidí cuí sna ceantair Ghaeltachta ionas go mbeidh ar chumas na ndaoine caighdeán maireachtála sásúil a bheith acu inti. Ceapadh scéimeanna feabhsúcháin Roinn na Gaeltachta, mar sin, chun bun-struchtúr na Gaeltachta a fhorbairt d'fhonn caighdeán maireachtála sásúil a chinntiú don phobal. Tá scéimeanna éagsúla ann a chuidíonn le gach saoráid atá ag teastáil — bóithre, uisce agus séarachais, saoráidí calaíochta, chomh maith le saorádí spóirt agus caithimh aimsire ar nós hallaí pobail, páirceanna imeartha, agus mar sin de. Is cúis áthais dom go bhfuil an soláthar airgid do scéimeanna feabhsúcháin mo Roinne-se méadaithe ó £1.492 milliún i 1989 go £1.755 milliún i mbliana — méadú de bheagnach 18 faoin gcéad.

Is bealach an-mhaith chun ceantar a fhorbairt ná lámh a bheith ag an bpobal áitiúil i bpleanáil agus i gcur i gcrích na forbairte: sin mar a tharlaíonn le comharchumann gníomhach áitiúil. Tá an cúnamh a bheidh ar fáil do scéim mo Roinn-se faoina dtugtar cúnamh do chomharchumainn Ghaeltachta méadaithe i mbliana go breis agus £0.5 milliúin — méadú 21 faoin gcéad i gcomparáid le soláthar na bliana 1989. Is léiriú é seo ar an tábhacht a bhaineann leis na comharchumainn Ghaeltachta i dtuairim an Rialtais.

Ach má táthar chun an Ghaeilge a chur chun cinn, ní leor go mbeadh sí á labhairt sa Ghaeltacht amháin. Tá dualgas ar gach aon duine againn ár gcion féin a dhéanamh ar mhaithe leis an nGaeilge. Is beag duine anois nár fhoghlaim Gaeilge ar scoil agus, cé go bhféadfadh meirg a bheith tagtha ar chuid mhaith di de bharr easpa cleachtaidh, tá an cumas ionainn go léir, ach an toil a bheith ann, roinnt éigin Gaeilge a úsáid inár ngnáthshaol. Ní féidir an dualgas seo a fhágáil faoi mhuintir na Gaeltachta amháin — má dhéantar amhlaidh, cruthófar meoin an "ghetto" sul i bhfad. Tá obair mhaith déanta ag Bord na Gaeilge chun an dualgas atá leagtha air ag an Oireachtas a chomhlíonadh — úsáid na Gaeilge mar theanga bheo agus mar ghnáthmeán cumarsáide a chur chun cinn.

Ceapaim go mbeidh sé tráthúil beagán a rá faoin ard-chaighdeán díospóireachta a bhí againn inniu. Glacaim leis an deis seo chun tréaslú a dhéanamh leis na Teachtaí go léir a tháinig isteach inniu agus a thaispeán go bhfuil an oiread sin suime acu sa Ghaeilge. Is beag duine nach bhfoghlaimíonn Gaeilge ar scoil agus caithfear, mar sin, glacadh leis go bhfuil Gaeilge ag gach duine sa Teach seo.

Tá roinnt scéimeanna cultúrtha á reachtáil ag mo Roinn féin chun úsáid na Gaeilge sa phobal i gcoitinne a fhorbairt. Tugtar cúnamh do thréimhseacháin éagsúla i nGaeilge agus do nuachtán seachtainiúil Ghaeilge, cuirtear cúnamh ar fáil chun cabhrú leis an drámaíocht Ghaeilge agus cabhraítear le cuid mhaith eagras atá ag obair go tréan d'fhonn an Ghaeilge a chur chun cinn.

Ba mhaith liom mo bhuíochas a chur in iúl leis na coistí deonacha atá ag fáil tacaíocht ón Roinn, as ucht an obair iontaigh atá á dhéanamh acu go léir. Tá a fhios agamsa agus ag saol mór amuigh nach féidir an teanga a athshlanú, a chaomhnú, le hairgead amháin. Is cuidiú é, ar ndóigh ach tá an-tábhacht ag gábhail leis na daoine atá ag obair go deonach ar fud na tíre, sna coistí sin. Is eol dom go bhfuil an cuspóir céanna ag na coistí sin go léir.

Is é an ceann is tábhachtaí agus is costaisí de na scéimeanna cultúrtha agus sóisialacha a bhíonn á reachtáil ag mo Roinnse ná Scéim na bhFoghlaimeoirí Gaeilge, faoina n-íoctar deontais díreach le mná tí sa Ghaeltacht a mbíonn foghlaimeoirí aitheanta ar iostas acu. Bhí ar mo chumas i mbliana an deontas sin a mhéadú go dtí £3.50 in aghaidh an lae do gach dalta — sin méadú de 40 pingin. Is méadú suntasach é sin agus tá mé cinnte go gcabhróidh sé, ní amháin leis na mná tí a dhéanann sár-obair as son na Gaeilge sa samhradh, ach do na coláistí samhraidh féin, mar cuirfidh sé ar a gcumas an táille a íocann tuismitheoirí a choinneáil ag leibhéal inghlactha. Is cuid an-tábhachtach d'eacnamaíocht na Gaeltachta na coláistí samhraidh. I 1989 d'fhreastail beagnach 17,000 foghlaimeoirí ar cúrsaí Gaeilge na Gaeltachta, gan trácht ar chuairteanna ó thuismitheoirí, cáirde agus mar sin de. Tionscal turasóireachta iontu féin iad na coláistí samhraidh gan aon dabht. Mar aitheantas speisialta ar na cúrsaí trí-mhí a eagraíonn Gael-Linn, ba chúis áthais dom bheith in ann a fhógairt go mbeadh deontas £5 in aghaidh an lae á íoc ag mo Roinnse i leith gach dalta scoile a fhreastalaíonn ar na cúrsaí seo i 1990. Tá an deontas breise seo tuillte ag na mná tí mar go mbíonn an dalta scoile ar iostas acu do thréimhse níos mó ná 80 lá de ghnáth. Ó thaobh fhoghlaim na Gaeilge, níl sárú na gcúrsaí seo le fáil.

Cuirim fáilte ar leith roimh an gcáinaisnéis seo. Níl aon amhras ach gur plean réalaíoch é don bhliain seo — plean a chabhróidh le gach aicme den phobal. Tá mé cinnte go mbainfear amach na spriocanna airgeadais atá leagtha síos ann agus tá dóchas mór agam go n-éireoidh leis an Aire Airgeadais cáinaisnéis níos fearr fós fiú a chur inár láthar an bhliain seo chugainn.

If I was confident enough to deliver my speech in Irish I would start by thanking the Minister of State for providing a translation of his speech. I notice he stated that there is no doubt that unemployment is one of the biggest problems we have to resolve, not only in the country in general but in the Gaeltacht, in the area he represents. I would like to make some reference to the area I represent and to the unemployment problem there.

In the past number of years the need to bring the public finances under control was so urgent that very little effective political choice was left to Government in relation to financial matters. I have witnessed over a long number of years successive Ministers for Finance having to deal with large budget deficits. I was elected to this House in 1982 and because of irresponsible borrowing by the previous Government the budget deficit stood then at 22 per cent of GNP. As a result of the tremendous efforts of that Government, when they left office in 1987 the deficit stood at 12 per cent of GNP. The present Government in the following two years with the responsible support of the Fine Gael Party in Opposition were able to reduce the deficit substantially, to such an extent that the present Minister for Finance was able to come into the House this year and open the budget with a modest surplus. I believe it is now within our power in the years ahead to balance our budgets without further reference to significant borrowing.

Our priority now must be to reduce the national debt. This was clearly emphasised by the Central Bank in their recent report.

The benefits of the budget were aimed principally at the top and bottom of our income tax scale. Social welfare recipients will also have an increase in benefits from July, with some of the worst off getting above average increases. At the other end of the scale, the tax changes will for the most part confer benefits on those in the upper income groups. Almost everyone will benefit to some extent from the tax changes in April. There are three basic concessions. The 32 per cent standard rate is reduced to 30 per cent, the tax band for married couples is widened from £12,000 to £13,000 and the final concession is the lowering of the 56p band to 53p. It can be fairly said that the Minister gave a little here and a little there in the hope of satisfying everyone but failed to meet the real challenge facing society, namely job creation and the elimination of poverty.

Social welfare increases can certainly help the less well off but they are not a solution to their problem, which can only be resolved by gainful employment. It frightens me at times to find in certain parts of my constituency whole families who have not been in gainful employment for many years.

I accept that the Minister for Finance managed to put a substantial amount of money into the economy in the hope that it will boost consumer spending and overall economic growth this year. The Department of Finance estimate that growth will be 1 per cent higher in 1990 due to the budget and they are now predicting an increase of 3.75 per cent in GNP. Faster growth would mean more jobs and the Government are now estimating a 13,000 increase in total employment this year. These are only estimates; they are not real jobs. Even if they did materialise, would they be sufficient? I do not think so. This is the main weakness in the budget.

One only has to look at the situation in Dublin to understand the real problem of unemployment. For years it was accepted that Dublin was capable of looking after itself. It was the policy of successive Governments in the sixties and seventies to encourage the IDA to promote the rest of the country for industrial expansion at the expense of Dublin. As a result Dublin's share of industrial employment in new overseas industries is well below the average for the rest of the State. Between 1975 and 1987 State grants and capital expenditure on industrial development in Dublin increased from £5 million to £39 million, as compared with an increase from £38 million to £107 million in the rest of the country. The long recession has bitten deeper in Dublin than in the rest of the country. This is clearly demonstrated by the fact that Dublin, with 28 per cent of the population and 31 per cent of the labour force, has 33 per cent of national unemployment. The measures taken by the Minister for Finance in this budget to cope with the problems of unemployment fall well below the target as far as Dublin is concerned.

To hold unemployment at its 1989 level, allowing for emigration, Dublin needs 8,000 net new jobs by 1996. To halve the 1989 unemployment level, over 40,000 jobs would be required. The problem is so severe that a five or seven year perspective is needed to create reasonable prospects of dealing with it. By 1996 the labour force in Dublin will have grown by 58,000. If no new net jobs are created total unemployment in Dublin will rise to over 106,000.

For too long public representatives for the greater Dublin area have appeared to be shy about promoting the needs of the capital city. I make no apology for putting on the record of the House during this debate the substantial problem which faces the Government in providing jobs for the city of Dublin and the greater Dublin area. It is not realistic to contemplate zero unemployment in this city. A very challenging target would be 50 per cent of 106,000, namely 53,000 jobs, leaving 11 per cent of the labour force unemployed, as against 17 per cent at present. This target would be set by the year 1996. This is a challenge to any Government and to any Minister for Finance because since 1985 only 3,000 net new jobs have been created in the capital city. To achieve the target of 53,000 net new jobs by 1999, job creation must be stepped up from 750 jobs a year to almost 7,500 jobs a year. This is a major challenge. I regret that in his budget speech the Minister did not refer to this matter and did not say what measures he intends to take to resolve the problem.

The best hope for Dublin in resolving its problems lies in the service industries and in tourism. I welcome the £2 million allocation to Bord Fáilte for promotional activities but this amount will fall short of the minimum necessary to meet the target of 50 per cent growth in tourist numbers by 1990. The additional £2 million is to be matched by the tourism industry and I understand that Bord Fáilte are currently engaged in discussions with the industry to increase their participation in a wide range of promotional activities.

Dublin is unsold as a tourist destination. Is is losing a great opportunity in the midst of a world boom in travel. More and more people are in search of new and interesting destinations. Dublin needs to be repositioned as the year-round flagship of Irish tourism. The thrust must come from a vibrant tourist authority promoting year-round visits to Dublin.

Direct access from the USA to Dublin would benefit Irish tourism without damaging Shannon. Dublin Airport's place in international air transportation is being constrained by the special position of Shannon which requires trans-Atlantic scheduled services to stop there. The case for the retention of this constraint is no longer justified by the circumstances of Shannon. The ending of the mandatory Shannon stopover would free Dublin Airport to develop as a major international air transportation hub as an inevitable alternative to the crowded airports of London and continental Europe. There is now just one North American carrier willing to serve Ireland. Within hours of the UK Government's announcement that the Prestwick monopoly on Scottish trans-Athlantic flights was being lifted, two North Atlantic carriers announced that they were prepared to serve Glasgow directly. It is clear from the responses of the DKM survey of North American carriers that at least three of them are interested in direct services to Dublin. These services would involve up to 250,000 extra seats to Ireland. The impact on tourism, not just in Dublin but throughout the country, would be enormous because every 40 tourists creates one extra job. Therefore, a load factor of 70 per cent extra flights would mean more than 4,000 extra jobs.

Dublin Airport are losing more than tourists as Irish traffic to north America is going through London at the rate of 80,000 passengers per year to avoid the compulsory stopover at Shannon. Aer Lingus are losing business and they would expand employment at Dublin Airport if they could compete more effectively with London. However, they cannot do this without direct flights. The defenders of the Shannon monopoly must be sweet music to British Airways who are the major beneficiaries of the current policy. Dublin is the only capital in Europe where direct North American air services are prohibited. This is hindering economic development and job creation in the city of Dublin where unemployment, as I said, is substantially above the national level. To achieve this change substantial political initiative is required. I call on Deputies from all parties representing the greater Dublin area to support this initiative.

To ease unemployment in Dublin tourism must be vigorously promoted. Use could be made of Dublin all the year round, especially its attractions. Above all, we need a national convention centre to handle international conventions of 2,000 people and more. If Dublin had this kind of facility it would have a galvanising effect on tourist development.

Birmingham has such an investment; like other cities which fought their way back to economic growth through tourism they find that the convention centre is the core investment. Tourist related jobs in Birmingham increased from 10,000 in 1975 to 69,000 in 1985 and to 90,000 last year. The conference centre is expected to lead to the creation of 12,000 to 15,000 additional new jobs. To get this facility for Dublin the Government would need to show the same enthusiasm and support which they gave to the Custom House Docks development and the Financial Services Centre. I am sure, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, that you are aware of the 156,000 container units which are lost to Dublin port every year because they do not have proper access. They now go on to Larne but if access roads were available to the port this problem would be resolved. I hope the necessary finance will be provided by the Minister for Finance for these roadways and that local authorities will have the courage to implement them.

In his speech the Minister stated that there was a significant growth in the proceeds from the sale of State assets. These sales have been carried out in pursuance of the Government's view that it is not in the best interests of the State — any more than it is of business — to hold on to assets which are not providing an adequate return. The State assets I have in mind differ very much in degree from what the Minister had in mind. There is a number of housing sites in the Dublin area, especially in my area of Beggar's Bush. Unfortunately, due to the lack of finance when the Department of the Environment built houses, Dublin Corporation are now forced to sell these sites. This is a retrograde step because housing is badly needed. The site at Beggar's Bush is particularly suitable for senior citizen accommodation. Dublin Corporation were negotiating with the Office of Public Works and the Department of Finance to purchase this site for a nominal price but, unfortunately, I understand that these negotiations have broken down. I ask the Minister for Finance to intercede with his Department to enable Dublin Corporation to purchase this site at a nominal price, which was the original intention.

The Minister for Finance, in presenting his budget, failed to address the serious problems of unemployment and emigration. However, I admit that it was a politically astute budget which will keep our finances on the rails.

I thank Deputy Doyle for the many constructive points he made. The national budget tries to do two things each year which in many ways are contradictory. On the one hand it is a major annual vote-keeping exercise; it sets spending and revenue raising agenda for the 12 months ahead but within this broad framework the Government and the Minister for Finance tend to balance the multitude of conflicting demands, pressure and priorities in a way which best serves the needs of the community as a whole and as many individuals as possible within that community.

A budget is, of necessity, a balance between bookkeeping and social action, taxation and spending, rich and poor, the present and the future. A budget is also, unfortunately, a prisoner of the past. Each day we spend £6 million or £7 million paying interest on past borrowings. There are people in this House who think we should keep on borrowing so that the State can become more and more dominant in all aspects of everyday life. These people, who represent the Left, seem to be unaware of what is happening all round us in Europe and elsewhere. Once it was the proud boast of leaders in Eastern Europe that they were left-wingers and Marxists and that they presided over workers' republics. As we have seen, the workers did not agree with them and their leaders are, for the most part, gone. Unfortunately, the legacy of their Marxist workers' republics remains after them, debt, despair, repression, shattered infrastructure, filthy polluted environments and a disillusioned people whose confidence has been undermined.

There are parties in this House who think that we should lead our people down the Marxist road. Those parties share a basic ideology with the former dictators of Romania, East Germany and the USSR. Of course they do not advocate dictatorship but how can they avoid it? Is it not necessary to establish a dictatorship of the people in order to have a full flowering of Marxist ideology? I am told that The Workers' Party are a Marxist party. If that is the case they should say so. More importantly they should tell the people that they are a Marxist party and people will then be able to look to those states which have lived under Marxism for 40 years to see what Marxism in action really means.

There are also Marxists of a very militant variety in the Labour Party. Deputy Spring did his best to root them out as he knows how dangerous Marxists can be but I think there are a few left. The Green Party are part of the Left alliance and I do not know what to say about them. They do not know themselves. Recently the Fine Gael Leader, to our surprise and disbelief, said that Fine Gael are moving to the Left.

They want a just society.

They, too, have turned their soul and disturbed the stormy waters of the Left. How typical of them when, all over the world, many nations and parties are turning from the big brother politics of the Left. This is a cynical decision and a strategy to go where votes may possibly be won. That is the prerogative of Fine Gael but they are unsuited to this direction. I have no doubt that they will put their plans together and theorise endlessly about the propriety of this or that social attitude or stance. They will provide beautifully written dissertations to the great and pressing questions of the day. Their analysis will, by their own sketchy standards, be quite good but do not ask them to put their theories into practice. The gulf between saying and doing has always been too wide for Fine Gael to cross and I say this more in sorrow than in anger. History is our instructor. They are like a well turned out horse flying towards the jump, snorting and puffing with leathers flying but always unable to take the jump, always refusing at the last moment, forever disappointing all those who were impressed by the well groomed look and the impeccable manner.

The Taoiseach had a few fences to climb but he did not get over them.

Time will tell. As I have said, the recent movement towards the left is a strategy, but obviously the people of Ireland will decide on that.

You obviously have no strategies.

Let me get back to the real world, a world in which we must pay our debts and make adequate provision for our people, the disadvantaged, those with no jobs and those who want a future here. People want a clean environment, free from pollution and nuclear waste, free from fear of crime and war, and free from inequality and injustice. The most important point is that people feel free.

It is a tall order to have to put together a budget, so how did the budget measure up? I would like to deal with one or two specific points and maybe make some suggestions because it is the rôle of backbenchers to make suggestions. The business expansion scheme deserves a mention in this debate. The success of this scheme is entirely due to the amendments of the 1987 legislation introduced by Fianna Fáil, when the tourist sector and shipping activities were included as qualifying activities. In his budget speech, the Minister indicated that he was asking the Revenue Commissioners to look at some schemes being submitted to them within the framework of the existing legislation. Some groups have attempted to use the scheme of tax relief to provide what is effectively loan capital to projects while dressing this up as equity participation through share issues which qualify under the business expansion scheme. The scheme has many beneficial effects.

Wider share ownership is being promoted and there should be substantial improvements, to the tourist infrastructure through the development of hotels and other leisure facilities. The Minister for Tourism and Transport has expressed reservations about property developers making use of the scheme. I share his concern but I would ask the Minister for Finance to retain his essentially positive attitude towards the scheme when considering any legislative changes to be made in the Finance Bill.

The principal area of potential abuse, if I may call it that, is in the hotel building sector. I would suggest that if the Minister were to ensure that funds raised had to go to build new facilities rather than fund the purchase of existing facilities, the more obvious seams would be prevented. A critical examination of the guidelines laid down by Bord Fáilte would serve to restrict manipulators of the scheme. Companies are only allowed to spend limited percentages of the money raised under the scheme on land and buildings. However, the application of these guidelines laid down by Bord Fáilte is far from clear. A hotel is restricted to 65 per cent of the amount of its total assets to be employed in land and buildings. One way of restricting and controlling the use of the business expansion scheme in this area would be to critically examine the application of the guidelines, possibly reducing them but definitely laying down stricter criteria as to their application.

Before I leave this topic I would like to suggest that the Minister consider introducing a form of roll-over relief for capital gains tax purposes in connection with business expansion scheme shares. An individual who sells his shares within the five year period and who would normally incur a claw-back if he rein-could defer this claw-back if he reinvested in further qualifying shares. This measure would create a market in the shares of many of these companies and would promote wider share ownership in general and the business expansion scheme in particular, with no cost to the Exchequer.

On the question of tax rates it has to be pointed out that between 1987 and 1990 the top rate of tax has been cut by 5 per cent, from 58 to 53 per cent, and the standard rate has also been cut by 5 per cent, from 35 to 30 per cent. This dramatic reduction in tax has been achieved despite the grim state of the country's finances which faced the Fianna Fáil Party when they took office after the chaos left by the fire-backed Coalition. I consider these achievements to represent nothing short of a triumph for this administration and I would warmly applaud the Government and the Minister for their significant contribution to this achievement. The contribution of some of the Minister's Deputy Reynolds, predecessors does not, unfortunately, shine forth in the same manner. Deputy Dukes, in his years as Minister for Finance, had little to show other than the inequitable and aborted farm tax and residential property tax which, to my mind, were badly drawn up and continued many serious inequities. Fine Gael showed themselves incapable of grappling with many of the structural problems affecting the tax system but Fianna Fáil are now doing this.

Private sector employment depends largely on confidence. Individual employers will not take on people when they are uncertain about the future of the economy and do not feel confident about the future of their own businesses. Successive surveys of Irish business people show that business confidence is building under this Government. I firmly believe this will translate into job creation in the private sector. The reduction in tax rates, the increased numbers exempt from PRSI and the general air of business confidence, despite unwelcome development on the international front, will bring about much needed improvement in employment. This degree of confidence is shared by many international bankers. Having talked to many people in the financial world, I firmly believe that if offered the prospect of anything other than Fianna Fáil in Government, the business community both at home and abroad would take a far less sanguine view of the Irish economy as a place to leave their funds.

The Programme for National Recovery has been referred to by many speakers in this debate. This was derided by many of our political opponents and by various press commentators as an election gimmick, but it has proved to be anything but that. The dramatic revitalisation of the tourist industry, the potentially enormously successful international Financial Services Centre, the commitment and adherence to the reduction of the tax burden on the average worker, were all well signalled in our programme. No matter how our opponents wish to twist the facts, there is no way they can dispute the success of this programme.

We are paying our debts. My income tax — and we all feel the same about income tax — is high but not as high as it was last year or the year before. Income tax rates are coming down and the Fine Gael Party should note that in particular. Last year we commenced a process of tax reduction, we are continuing it this year and next year there will be more cuts in tax — there had better be because the rates are still too high. At the end of the day what we must draw attention to is the average worker because his tax is still too high. This is the object lesson which Fine Gael have never learned. Action, even a small action, is better than verbiage. We had plenty of verbiage from the last Coalition Government and also over the last two years.

There is hardly need for the Government to restate their commitment to the poor, the disadvantaged and the unemployed, those who are most in need. Our proud record over the last two years can stand up. We can reassure the people that our priorities exist in actions, and not just in words. Of course we will give disproportionately large allocations to help those most in need and we do not claim any credit for that. We have always done that and we will always do it. It is our philosophy. It is not to be wondered at; justice demands it.

I read in this morning's paper that the Central Bank said that tax concessions and the social welfare measures were too generous. That shows the stark difference between Governments, financiers and banks. We do not believe these measures were too generous, and that is the direction in which we will proceed. We will provide hope for the future and we have a right to claim credit for giving hope to the people of Ireland. In the last two years, the outlook for thousands of people has been changed utterly for the better. People have hope and they know things are getting better slowly but surely. More jobs are being created, although not nearly enough and progress has been made and much more progress will be made in the years ahead.

With falling personal tax rates, one of the major constraints to the creation of jobs and the exploitation of enterprise and talent is being removed. I welcome this move to lighten the burden of direct personal taxation. I see the way ahead as a continuation of this process, that is, a redistribution of direct taxation away from the individual and towards the corporate sector. While we must continue to raise revenue, there is a real limit to the amount of saving and cutting back that can be done. I have no doubt there are still areas where further savings can be made and we must find these areas and make these savings but as a community of people, it is our duty to regulate our affairs in such a way that all members of society receive equitable treatment.

I am particularly pleased that real moves will be made over the next years to deal with the problem of urban smoke pollution.

I look forward to the day when we will no longer dread the approach of November with its inversion into consequent smog. The living environment is of such crucial importance that we must, if we are to survive as a civilised nation, devote increasing resources, nationally and internationally, to cleaning our planet. I am satisfied that the measures being taken will lead to an increase in environmental awareness, the necessary prerequisite to introducing and sustaining long term major energy, land and resources, planning and social programmes which are specifically designed to improve and preserve the environment. We are the people who will take the action; we will get the job done. The budget continues a momentum which has been gathering pace over the last few years.

Debate adjourned.
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