Last evening I laid emphasis on the constitutional doubt that hangs over section 6 of the Bill. I do not want to reiterate those arguments, but I want to repeat my request to the Minister or the Minister of State to answer the points I made in relation to the inhibitions that have been placed in the way not only of military personnel but of ordinary citizens.
I will summarise the arguments I made last evening. It would be extraordinary were a Minister for Defence to initiate legislation in this House which sought to circumscribe not only the rights of the enlisted men and women for whom the Minister of the day had responsibility but also sought to extend that proscription on free comment to ordinary citizens. Thus I find it quite outrageous that any Minister appointed under the system of powers we have would seek to limit a citizen's right to advocate trade union membership in the Army.
One point I did not make which I have some questions about is in relation to section 2 (4) which provides that a member shall not join any trade union or any other body — those three words are the most important — which seeks to influence the remuneration or other conditions of service of members of the Defence Forces. That exclusion in itself is so general as to be entirely unsatisfactory. It is providing that a body, which it has been decided will be the one to which people shall be organised for representative and consultative purposes, shall be the only body which one should join. One is in an interesting position here. If somebody through, let us say, membership of some social welfare body or other such body was addressing the issue of low pay in the armed forces and produced a report which commented upon the inequity of people being on low pay, to avoid sanctions, one would be required automatically to leave that body. The sweeping generalisation of this exclusion is outrageous. I warn that the tests of this provision on legal grounds will not only be in relation to the Constitution, but they will be in relation to the other charters which preserve, quite correctly, the right of speech, assembly, and so forth.
I do not intend to dwell on these points in the few minutes I have left because they have been made extensively. However, I want to stress a few other points in the Minister's speech. Reading it one would get the impression that what is being proposed in the legislation is the outcome of a long and satisfactory consultative process. From meeting people involved directly it is very clear — unless the Minister demonstrates otherwise that this is far from so. The Minister might like to tell us about the difference between what the Gleeson Committee would have liked to do, and sought to do, and what they were allowed to do. I understand that the view presented to the Gleeson Committee was that after pay the structures of representatives were the most important issue in the Army. In relation to the Gleeson Committee's remit being extended to enable them to consult with those who were organising themselves at that stage, there was a Government refusal. Nevertheless, some of the groups who now find themselves threatened in a sense in terms of their freedom by the proposed legislation met with the Gleeson Committee and I understand they found that committee anxious to deal comprehensively with the remit they have been given in the medium term rather than the short-term. It is very important to relate to the question of the study group. I understand the briefing notes which Opposition Members spoke about last night were distributed on 5 January. The study group met with one of the groups who were very interested in this legislation, the NCO group, on 8 January. They were told that the sole topic for discussion would be the briefing notes. Here one is uncovering the whole authoritarian ethos of discussions that took place with people not being able to sit down together in a reasonable fashion with an open agenda that would have as its purpose the evolution of democratic and consultative structures. Consider a study group meeting with a group who are affected by the sets of draft regulations you have distributed a few days earlier and then say, "We cannot discuss what might be in your minds; we can only discuss what we have circulated". To people involved in organised trade union activity, or any other forms of democratic activity, that smacks of the authoritarian ethos that has led up to this draft legislation.
Many people have come to me at different times to discuss what might emerge in relation to the structures. People wanted an association and they said so. They expressed themselves as being disappointed. At this stage I appeal to the Minister again to try to save something from the position. The one way to do this is to amend this legislation comprehensively but, above all, to create an atmosphere of openness.
For all these reasons the Labour Party put down an amendment. We find the legislation constitutionally flawed, it emerged out of a consultation process that was inadequate and it is in the interests of nobody — the Army, the Oireachtas or the public. We strongly appeal to the Minister to move back from an entirely wrong structure.