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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 22 Jun 1990

Vol. 400 No. 4

Private Business. - National Treasury Management Agency Bill, 1990: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

When I reported progress last evening I was speaking about the need for a modern and independent Civil Service and questioning this mechanism of rewarding existing civil servants who are doing a very difficult and important task by hiving them off into a new agency so that we can pay them more remuneration for the work they do. I maintain this is very bad. As we move towards the 21st century, not alone do we need to update the procedures of this House but to modernise the Civil Service. It has been said that it would be difficult to select individual members of the Civil Service for special payments because of the workload and the importance of the job. I would like to ask the Minister if any discussions or negotiations have taken place with the Civil Service unions in respect of the need to modernise and update what we have at present. The trade union movement must, at this time, consider new ways and means of allowing for individuals within the Civil Service to be remunerated without affecting other sections of the public service with knock-on payments. It is bad idea to select individuals within the Civil Service structure and hive them off to an agency in order to give them job satisfaction or higher reward. I also said I thought this would create a precedent for the future so far as one can go to many other Departments within the Civil Service structure and find individuals doing very important jobs who are highly qualified and whose attractiveness to the private sector is enormous. It is a bad thing for any country to have a Civil Service that does not have the best personal available to it.

I am concerned also at the fact that we are going outside the normal appointments structure within the Civil Service so far as the Minister will appoint the chief executive of the new agency. The tradition is that we have an independent body selecting people for promotion and you, a Cheann Comhairle, would have experience of this as chairman of the Civil Service Appointments Commission. It is important to this country that we have an independent body selecting individuals both in respect of joining the Civil Service and also later for promotional opportunities.

I note from the Bill that we will have an advisory committee. I fail to see what an advisory committee will be doing in this set up. This committee is to consist of not less than five and not more than seven, one of whom will be the chief executive who shall be appointed to be such member by the Minister. What type of individuals will be appointed to serve on an advisory committee? Surely it is sufficient that we have professional people doing a professional job in the area of debt management without the interference of some class of advisory committee with their own chairman. The chairman and members of this committee are to be remunerated. We have no idea what the total cost of the new agency will be. When one looks at the overall cost of running an agency of this kind we would be far better off negotiating with the Civil Service unions to bring into place new structures to allow individuals within the structure to be rewarded according to the work they do. Those individuals should be retained within the Civil Service in order that their expertise and knowledge can be available to the whole Civil Service.Particularly since the last Government's attempt to reform the Civil Service, giving individuals an opportunity of moving throughout the Civil Service rather than being confined to one Department, it is vitally important that we retain the expertise we have within our present structures, which should be modernised. It is important that those individuals bring with them the experience they have gained in various Departments and at various stages throughout their careers. By setting up these agencies we are taking these people away from the Civil Service structure. That is a bad move.

I am anxious to know if any discussions have taken place with the trade union movement in relation to modernising our Civil Service and bringing into place new payment structures. It is sad, of course, that we need this agency and that we should have individuals managing a debt of this magnitude.

For the benefit of those on the Government benches who were supplied with scripts and who came in here yesterday and lambasted the previous Coalition Government for doubling the national debt between 1982 and 1987, I would like to inform them that the Fianna Fáil Government of 1977-81 managed to treble the national debt.

(Limerick East): That was when Deputy Roche with former Deputy Martin O'Donoghue was a major contributor to the national debt.

One must be realistic and look at the reasons the national debt was doubled between the years 1982 and 1987. It was doubled because we inherited a national debt of £12 billion in 1982. The interest payments alone on £12 billion are sufficient to drive it up to a totally unacceptable limit. It should not be forgotten that in our attempts to rectify the position during that period we did not receive one iota of co-operation from the Deputies who spoke here yesterday from the Fianna Fáil benches. I recall every morning on the Order of Business, when we were in Government, the Fianna Fáil publicity machine telling their Front Bench members to shout across at the Government that they were monetarists, Thatcherites and book-keepers. What I would say to the Deputies is that if we had got 1 per cent of the co-operation that was given to Fianna Fáil between 1987 and 1989 — by a responsible Fine Gael Opposition — the national debt, for which we are now setting up a national agency to manage, would not be what it is today. If the responsible politicians had got the acceptance of the general public when they pointed out that a country of this size could not sustain a national debt growing into £25 billion all of us would be better off.

It is important to correct mis-statements that were made by Government speakers yesterday. Between the years 1977 and 1981 the national debt was trebled.As a result we have growing unemployment and an economy in a shambles. The trade balance in 1981 reached a record deficit of £1.8 billion. For the information of those who perhaps do not get the opportunity to read anything other than what they are supplied with by the Fianna Fáil Press Office, that Government managed to turn that trade deficit into a trade surplus of £315 million in 1985. This was the first trade surplus in 40 years. I would also like to remind the Members on the opposite side of the House that when we came into Government in 1982 the inflation rate was 21 per cent. For the benefit of Fianna Fáil Ministers who use every opportunity they get to point out that the Fianna Fáil Government of 1987 brought down the rate of inflation, with the result that it became attractive to invest in the economy, the inflation rate in 1986 was 3 per cent whereas the inflation rate last year was 4.7 per cent. Therefore, we should put the record straight and have informed comment and criticism in this House from Members on the opposite side.

On a television programme in 1986 I castigated the building societies for raising the mortgage interest rate by 3 per cent, which in December 1986 stood at 9.5 per cent. Listening to Ministers today one would think that we never had a single interest rate or inflation rate until they arrived on the scene. In 1986, the mortgage interest rate was 9.5 per cent while the inflation rate was 3 per cent. Despite opposition from Fianna Fáil, the Thatcherites, the book-keepers and the monetarists in the Fine Gael-Labour Coalition achieved much in trying to rectify the economy. Fianna Fáil, who are now in Government with the Progressive Democrats, should recognise that because action was taken between 1987 and 1989 the national debt is not increasing at the rate it once was in the past. If I recall correctly, another £500 million will be added to the budget deficit this year. Therefore, those who think we are on the road to recovery and reducing the national debt had better think again.

I recall Government speakers telling us that even the Coalition Government could not learn their lesson and kept on spending money. The then Leader of the Opposition, Deputy Charles J. Haughey, availed of every opportunity to castigate the Government for adopting Thatcherite policies and to argue that what we needed was selective borrowing for capital investment. In 1981, when we took over the reins of office the Exchequer borrowing requirement was 20 per cent of GNP. As Deputy Noonan said, Deputy Roche will recall the period between 1977 and 1981 very well when the great guru arrived on the scene to advise us on how to straighten out the economy and how to get it moving. This great guru, Professor Martin O'Donoghue, is now advising the Progressive Democrats on what their economic policy should be. I certainly hope the advice the Progressive Democrats are giving to the Government is a little bit better than the advice they got between 1977 and 1981 when the Exchequer borrowing requirement was 20 per cent of GNP. The last budget produced by Fine Gael Ministers in 1987 proposed an Exchequer borrowing requirement of 10 per cent of GNP.

The Deputy is dwelling too much on the past. He should stick to the present. What is Fine Gael policy?

As the Minister of State is aware, I have been dealing with the contents of the Bill, questioning the wisdom behind the setting up of this agency, the role of the Civil Service and its independence, and arguing in favour of a modern Civil Service and a continuation of the reforms introduced by the former Deputy John Boland while Minister for the Public Service.

You banished him.

It is only right and proper that one should clarify the matter for people. As the Minister of State is aware, we all learn when we get the facts. It is important to get the facts and put them on the record of the House.

I am not sure whether they are facts.

It does not suit the Government's PR machine to produce the real facts as the apple cart may be upset and Fianna Fáil speakers may have to rewrite their scripts. When we left office in 1987 the Exchequer borrowing requirement was 10 per cent of GNP. This is not something to boast about but at least we were heading in the right direction. It is also worth pointing out that in 1986 the balance of payments went into surplus. Listening to Fianna Fáil Ministers one would think we never had a balance of payments surplus, a trade surplus, low inflation or low interest rates until they arrived on the scene.

I am delighted to have this opportunity to put the real facts on the record. Yesterday, during the course of the debate on this Bill, the previous Taoiseach, Deputy Garret FitzGerald, was criticised when a rather insulting remark was made. It was said that he was a person who was unable to think, but I would remind the Deputy who made the remark and the Members on the Government side of the House that on the night of the election in 1987 Deputy Garrett FitzGerald made it a precondition to Fine Gael support for the incoming minority Fianna Fáil Government that there would be no public expenditure control. It was something new for Fianna Fáil to have constraints imposed upon them, to have to take steps in an effort to rectify the economy and to have to get rid of the bad habits they picked up when in Opposition, when they came into this House almost on a daily basis to argue there was no need for cuts in public expenditure.

We went through the same exercise when it came to the Anglo-Irish Agreement.They acted irresponsibly in sending the Presidential candidate, Deputy Brian Lenihan to Washington to try to scupper the Anglo-Irish Agreement. One may ask why am I bringing the Northern Ireland issue into this debate. The reason is that people do not seem to realise that as long as the Northern Ireland tragedy continues the gentleman who will head up this agency will continually have to seek more money because of the costs imposed on us. We spend hundreds of millions every year, much of it borrowed, because of this tragedy. Again, I refer to the recklessness of Fianna Fáil in this area between 1982 and 1987.

It is important that people realise that some progress has been made by this Government in controlling the national debt. I would maintain that this is due to the passive support which we in Opposition gave them for a short period to get this country back on track. It is important to remember that we played a major role between 1982 an 1987 in achieving what I have just outlined.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted, and 20 Members being present,

There are various reasons for the debt that this new agency is to manage. The Minister for Finance will know that he contributed a great deal to the creation of this debt through his recklessness while in Opposition. I remember the Tánaiste, when on this side of the House as Deputy Leader of Fianna Fáil, calling us monetarists, Thatcherites and book-keepers. That is the reason we have this agency.

I am anxious to hear from the Minister why we need an advisory committee since I have grave doubts about the appointment of committees when it comes to doing work. I am certain there are sufficient people capable of doing a job without having to answer to an advisory committee. I am extremely nervous about this new concept of taking outside the structures of the Civil Service the task of debt management. This is a role for Government, the Minister for Finance and his Department and the Civil Service.It is part and parcel of overall Government policy. I would hate to think that we would see the spectacle of a Minister for Finance having public debate with the chairman of this new body, who would appear to be independent of Government structures. I am not speaking about the present Minister for Finance or about the person who may head this agency in the immediate future, but when setting up this type of agency we must think ahead. There is grave danger in having outside normal Civil Service structures a semi-independent body with an advisory committee, perhaps expressing their own views about debt management, the level of debt and what we should or should not be doing. This is properly a matter for Government and the Civil Service.

There is nothing wrong with current structures for dealing with debt management except that the individuals who take responsibility for this task are attracted to the private sector and it is difficult to retain them in the Civil Service.This does not apply simply to debt management but right across the Civil Service. It will be a sad day if we do not try to modernise the Civil Service and bring it into the 21st century. There is a responsibility resting on the shoulders of all politicians to argue for a modernisation of the Civil Service and the updating of payment of structures. We must put in place discussions with the trade union movement and face up to the reality that if we have top-class people doing a professional job within the Civil Service there is a possibility we will lose them unless we change the manner in which they are remunerated and the manner in which they are allowed to do their job. During my limited experience in Government I found that civil servants were not solely concerned with their level of remuneration but also with job satisfaction.It is ridiculous that Ministers are asked to carry out day-to-day management jobs which should be done by civil servants.

The setting up of this agency is not the right approach in dealing with this overall problem. The Minister, who also has responsibility for the public service, might say whether he has approached the Civil Service unions to see if there is a possibility of renegotiating the present system of remuneration so that we can retain the Civil Service people of calibre, independent mind and talent and every time we have a difficulty we do not go off on this road of hiving off one section of the Civil Service to some independent agency. On appointment to the Civil Service one individual could be sent to the Department of Finance and find himself or herself in the Estimates section and somebody else is sent to the Department of Industry and Commerce. Where one finds oneself initially is the luck of the draw. One could find oneself with a job which is more attractive from a financial point of view than that of some other person who is doing equally important work which is less attractive to the private sector from the point of view of poaching. We cannot afford to lose people of calibre from the Civil Service. It is time we faced up to this fact and sought negotiations with the trade union movement to bring the Civil Service into the 21st century.

I am grateful for the opportunity of saying my few words in relation to this legislation and putting on the record of the House some of the real facts about the economy. I am grateful for the opportunity of being able to point out that our national debt was doubled between 1982 and 1987, but that it was trebled between 1977 and 1981 — none of which any of us can boast about. I am grateful for the opportunity of being able to say that my party — whether people like to admit it or not — have played a major role in bringing sanity back to control of public expenditure. We brought the Exchequer borrowing requirement down from 20 per cent to 10 per cent, inflation to 3 per cent, and interest rates to 9.5 per cent in 1986, introduced the balance of payments surplus in 1986 for the first time in decades, and we brought into place a balance of trade surplus from a deficit of £1.8 billion in 1981. These were all fine achievements, and I ask the Deputies from Fianna Fáil who will be contributing and have contributed in relation to the economy that they deal with the facts as they are, not as people would like to think they are. I hope the lessons about short term political gain from opposing everything have been learned and we never get back to where unfortunate individuals, whether within this agency or the Civil Service, are traipsing off every year trying to negotiate loans, looking for more and more money that politicians want to spend recklessly.

I could be wrong, but I believe that the agency are being set up for the wrong reasons — the Minister may convince the House that my point of view is wrong. We must be realistic. The real reason is not that the individuals who are doing this job at present are not capable of doing it and we need new people in to do the job. We have excellent people of the calibre any country would be delighted to have within its Civil Service doing the job at present. It is not a question of looking for new people. Really, we as politicians and the party opposite as a Government are not facing up to the reality of the late 20th century: that every day of the week top-class civil servants will be leaving the service because the private sector is becoming more attractive, not just from a remuneration point of view but from a job satisfaction point of view, which is also important. People can have money in their pockets, and that is important; but job satisfaction is equally important. The opportunity of promotion, of being able to do your job without interference or not having to delay until you see your Minister so that he can put his trick at the bottom of 50 files that you then have to deal with, all are important.

What an antiquated, outdated system we have, and we are not facing up to it. At least the Coalition Government of 1982-87, through their White Paper, faced up to this. Unfortunately, we were not there long enough to implement all that is in that White Paper, but I have heard not one utterance from this present Government or the previous Fianna Fáil Government of 1987-89 about anything to do with reform in the public service, as if there is no problem.

There is a huge problem, and it is with bad management, not because of bad quality of personnel but because of bad systems. I do not want to see people forced out of the Civil Service through frustration or because we as a people are not prepared to face up to the fact that we must pay these people what they deserve. I do not go along with the view that we cannot really do it within the present structures because it would have knock-on effects and would increase the pay bill because the trade unions will immediately seek parity and so on. How can you say that when we have not approached the trade union movement or sat down with them and teased out the realities of today's world and what it is going to be like in future? As we have seen through their participation in the Programme for National Recovery, the trade union movement have a very refreshing attitude to the realities of life. One could argue that perhaps in the past the same reality was not there; but attitudes are changing and now people within the trade union movement can see that present structures; whether of remuneration or promotion, just will not do for the next ten or 15 years and into the 21st century. They know that as well as I do, but we must show the leadership and this Government must get up off their backsides, get out and start negotiating, introduce the new systems and bring about the necessary reforms. Nobody will rush to ask them to do it. It is up to them to do it.

If I am convinced that this country and its taxpayers will be better off as a result of having an agency as against civil servants who are doing an excellent job in the same area, that this is a better way, then I will withdraw my remarks. But I hate to think that the real reason we are setting up this agency is to retain the staff we have at present or attract people in to replace those who were there previously at the present perhaps inadequate remuneration within the Civil Service structure. If we do that it is a slap in the face for those in the Civil Service. A person may think that because we are not setting up an agency to deal with his bailiwick he is not as good as the person in another Department. This will do nothing for morale within the Civil Service.We can do much more for morale and also modernise the Civil Service if we are prepared to tackle the issues and are realistic.

I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say about the points I have raised. If he convinces me that what I have said is inaccurate or wrong, I will be prepared to withdraw my remarks. I am in favour of doing anything which will save money for the taxpayers and give people better job satisfaction. I am not convinced that this will be the case and I will listen carefully to what the Minister has to say when he is replying to the debate.

When some people on this side of the House were delving into historical statistics yesterday they were told they should not be referring to scripts and were told by the Acting Chairman, with whom I agreed, that they should stick to the point. I intend to stick to the point.

The creation of semi-autonomous bodies is not a new concept. Since 1927 we have effectively been hiving off various public service administrations from the concept of ministerial responsibility and have chosen a variety of ways in which to do this. Deputy Michael Noonan, who made one of the most interesting contributions on the Bill, tried to focus on the most appropriate model for doing certain things. Since 1927 we have adopted a variety of models for handling issues outside the strict limitations of ministerial responsibility.

Given the function which will be transferred by this Bill, I believe the model being adopted is right and proper. Deputy Noonan questioned whether the appropriate institutional model was being adopted in the Bill. I think he can set his mind at rest on this issue. As the Minister has pointed out, it would be highly inappropriate to follow the traditional State-sponsored body model in setting up an agency to deal with the national debt. It is obvious, given the nature of the task, that a different model has to be used.

I take issue with those Fine Gael speakers who said that the setting up of this agency is akin to appointing another Minister of State. This is not true. Although in institutional terms this agency will be a derivation of the model of hiving off part of the administration in the Finance areas to a semi-autonomous board, as happened, for example, in the case of the Revenue Commissioners, the difference is that the staff will be recruited from outside the normal Civil Service staffing structures. Deputy Barrett dealt with this issue at some length as did Deputy De Rossa. If the Deputies consult any standard work on the establishment of State-sponsored bodies — for example, the work written some years ago by Deputy Garret FitzGerald on the foundation of State-sponsored bodies, the work written by Tom Barrington and, I do not wish to be modest, some of my contributions to the academic field — they will see that one of the reasons such bodies were set up in the past was specifically to avoid the strictures of the staffing structure.

A number of Deputies suggested that one could accommodate the new needs of a treasury management agency within the existing staffing structures of the Civil Service. If the Deputies give this matter further consideration I think they will see that this could patently not be done. Some personnel in the Department of Finance are highly regarded by the outside world and there are personnel throughout the Civil Service who are very highly regarded. A previous student of mine, who has recently finished a B. Comm. public management degree and who works in the Civil Service has, without seeking alternative employment, received six offers of work from companies both inside and outside the State. The point I am making that the excellent and specialist knowledge which people in public administration have acquired is now being recognised. It is appropriate and right that it is being recognised. In effect, the Government in this Bill are giving recognition to the qualities certain people have in specific areas and are proposing the establishment of an institutional arrangement which can accommodate their qualities. Anyone who consults the standard works on the foundation of State enterprises will see that this is not at all unusual.

If the Minister's sole rationale for establishing this agency was, as has been suggested, to pay higher salaries, that would not be novel in itself. There are many precedents for establishing State bodies simply because one wanted to retain or attain people who have an appropriate background, training and knowledge. We have to live in the real world, which makes it very clear that in, for example, the financial services sector relatively young people can command starting salaries of £60,000 plus. It is not at all unusual for people in the financial services sector to earn £100,000 plus. That is the reality we have to face.

Deputy De Rossa has said that the Minister could achieve this by adjusting Civil Service scales. That is patent nonsense.It would be patent nonsense to pay principal officers in the Department of Finance who are involved in the debt management function a salary scale 50 per cent above other principal officers in the Civil Service. It would also be a formula for a disastrous round of relatively claims. I agree with Deputy Barrett that since the Government started to achieve things in office the trade unions have become very constructive. Even though the trade unions have faith in the Government, as they had in the previous Fianna Fáil Government, and have been willing to become partners in the Programme for National Recovery, it would be beyond the bounds of patriotism to suggest to them that a principal officer in the Department of Finance should be paid 50 per cent, 60 per cent or 70 per cent more than principal officers in other Departments.

Deputy De Rossa in his contribution wandered backwards and forwards across this issue without ever dealing with the facts. He referred to the burden the national debt has placed on us and on our capacity to create jobs. That is a problem the Government and the two previous Governments have had hanging around their necks. If Deputy De Rossa is truly concerned about job creation he should have a word with his colleagues in Bray Urban District Council and ask them to stop trying to put a halt on urban renewal programmes there. I do not want to be too parochial about this issue——

They are against the development plan.

That is correct, and they have now opposed the development. The Labour Party are adopting a far more reasonable attitude there.

Deputy De Rossa disputed the need to hive off the agency and said there was no need to do so. He suggested the Minister could handle the work but a few minutes later — this is an indication of the contradiction in the Deputy's speech — said that if the Minister set up the new agency he could not fulfil the role he envisages for himself in the Bill. Clearly, there is a contradiction there. If Deputy De Rossa believes the Minister can handle this work — I have every confidence that he can do so — it is strange that he should also argue the opposite.

The setting up of a debt management agency is a new and interesting departure which deserves our support. The concept of debt management is not very specific. Deputy De Rossa asked why the Government, who can handle medium and long term economic policies, think debt management policy should not stay within the Department of Finance. The answer to that is simple — the debt management function is so specific that it can be readily hived-off and institutionally dealt with in a different way to medium or long-term economic policies.

Deputy Durkan appeared to follow the argument taken by Deputy De Rossa — I apologise to Deputy Durkan if I misheard him — and make the point about the appropriateness of hiving off any specific portion of economic policy. However, in reality the Bill does not do that; it goes half way towards doing that. It creates a semi-autonomous agency which is fully under the control of the Minister. The Minister and the Government will retain responsibility for and be answerable for the national debt and how it is handled. The Minister will be answerable to the House. The role of the Comptroller and Auditor General and other institutions of State are maintained in the structure the Minister is attempting to establish.

The Bill is in every way forward looking.It deals with a specific problem in a specific way. Within the encompass of public administration there are other areas which could commend themselves to this type of treatment. Deputy Barrett suggested that there was a need to change the Civil Service institutions. I accept that, although I dispute his interpretation of the amount that has been achieved, or not achieved, by various Governments; but that is a debate for another day. Within the Civil Service there are areas where the concept of ministerial responsibility and the linkage to the common staff structures are good, but there are other areas in the Civil Service where the common staff structure, common staff recruitment system, common system of grading and where, above all, the dead hand of ministerial responsibility imposes such strains that it is impossible to make progress.

The Minister's initiative in this regard and in other areas is worth commending. A point was made by a Fine Gael Member yesterday about adding the function of the National Planning Agency to that of the National Debt Management Agency. At first I thought that view was worth some consideration, but then the Deputy who made the suggestion — I do not wish to embarrass the Deputy by giving his name — went on to suggest that the National Planning Agency should handle the design of motorways, sewerage systems and so on. If the confusion evident in the thinking there is illustrative of the type of thinking that existed when Fine Gael were in Government, it clearly indicates a certain confusion about what is appropriate economic policy, a confusion that does not lend support to any of the views put forward in that contribution.

Deputy Barrett dealt extensively with a regurgitated view of economic statistics. He also referred to the fact that I served in the Civil Service for a long time. I did, and I am very proud of that. I served in the Department of Finance for a long time and I am proud of that. During his contribution I was reminded that I served when former Deputy Ryan, a man for whom I have tremendous respect, was Minister for Finance. If we wish to bandy statistics about who doubled, quadrupled or quintupled the national debt, Deputy Barrett should look at the statistics for that period. That is history and one cannot change history, but one can influence the future. Deputy Carey is waving some papers at me but my sight is not that good and I cannot read what is on the papers. However, I should like to say to the Deputy that if the statistics on that paper go back far enough he should look at the numerical increase in the national debt between 1973 and 1977. He will note that it quintupled.

Fianna Fáil since they returned to Government in 1977 have controlled the national debt. They have sponsored growth and produced a historic divergence in interest rates between ourselves and our competitors. We have got back to the stage where the trade union movement accept that we are on the path to growth, not just in economic terms but in employment. If Deputies opposite wish to make comparisons between 1981 and 1977 they should look at the figure for unemployment when they took office and when they left and, of course, they should look at the level of the national debt. Yesterday, a Member from this side of the House was censured for dealing almost exclusively with statistics for another year. They, I believe, should be the subject of an economic debate on another day and not for today.

The decision to establish the agency represents forward thinking. The concept of an advisory committee, which would draw on expertise not just from within our shores, is a very good one. It is an entirely new suggestion. I can recall officials in the Department of Finance in the late seventies discussing that in the context of a world where interest rates changed for a variety of local reasons, of a world where exchange rates dramatically changed from day to day and from month to month. We should consider what happened in the last 12 months and what is likely to happen in the next 12 months with the unification of Germany and the consequent change in the value of the Deutsche Mark.

It is obvious that those with this expertise in the Department of Finance should be properly remunerated. I do not see anything wrong with setting up the agency if the sole reason for doing so is to give people a career and salary structure that would keep them within the public service. Patriotism, in a practical sense, keeps many high quality people within the Civil Service; but it would be wrong if we tried to retain them on that basis. If people can obtain high salaries working elsewhere they will be attracted to leave the Civil Service. What has happened when people from Government Departments went on job experience in the banking and financial sectors? A high proportion of them were headhunted and did not return to the Civil Service. Even if the sole purpose of this is to set up an agency where we could have a sui generis career structure I would endorse it, but that is not the sole purpose. The purpose of the agency is more ambitious: it is to adopt a task force approach to getting the national debt down. That has everything to commend it and the Bill has everything to commend it.

I want to make a brief intervention in the debate prompted by the Minister's address rather than being drawn into the stroll down memory lane which seeks to work out to whom we allocate the greater proportion of the blame for the mess we are in. It is a bone I am quite happy to let the two sides fight over. It is not an accolade that brings any pride or any sense of achievement to our people. One finds it difficult to do that in the face of the typical type of provocation that Deputy Roche seems to offer my party. One needs a hard neck in this business but one certainly cannot compete with Deputy Roche, who was the man behind the man who made the greatest contribution to the accumulation of the national debt. It is extraordinary that Deputy Roche, as the architect behind the architect of that disaster, should seek to lecture the rest of us in the House on fiscal rectitude and on the way forward. He is completely unashamed——

I was a humble Assistant Principal in the Department of Finance.

——from one day to another in putting forward whatever view it is that leads him to believe that sooner or later his piece from the backbenches will be acknowledged. In the interests of the House I hope it is sooner rather than later in the hope that it will confine him to whatever minor brief he may be given.

My initial response to the Bill was to give some credence to the idea that any restructuring that would enable us to make some savings on the crippling burden of repaying interest on the level of the national debt ought to be seriously considered. Having looked at the text of the Minister's address I have very clearly come to a different point of view.

Deputy Roche said that there was nothing new about areas of the public service being hived off and that it has been done in this country since 1927. He did not, to my knowledge, give many examples but I respectfully suggest that he could not give an example analogous to the situation before us. I am not talking about hiving off the contract for catering in the House to a private agency, I am talking about hiving off what has been generally described as the management of our greatest economic problem. We are supposed to treat it as if it was some other aspect of the public service which we could hive off and that there are prudent managerial reasons for doing so.

What about the IDA?

The IDA are not comparable as they operate within definite parameters which bring them within the remit of economic policy generally but there is no problem confronting this economy of the order of the challenge now facing the State to trade out of the accumulated national debt. This legislation raises very serious questions. First and foremost, it seems to be a vote of no confidence in the Civil Service. The Minister said that it is well recognised internationally and at home that the Department of Finance have done a good job in negotiating loans and in achieving a well balanced debt portfolio. As I understand it, from reading the remarks of the financial commentators, that is the view, especially over the last couple of years. Of course it should be prefaced by saying that nobody during my time in the House on this debate has said that of course effectively managing the portfolio depends on the size of the national debt and, as the national debt was allowed to accumulate to its present level, it is much more difficult to manage.

On one hand the Minister praised the performance of the Department of Finance and then concluded that we need to give the handling of the national debt to an outside agency. I cannot see the logic in that. We are not just talking about any particular aspect of financial or fiscal management or economic policy, we are talking about an area that goes to the core of the constitutional responsibilities of the Minister for Finance and that is central to the economic management of the country. To propose that we hand that over to an outside agency who will have a chief executive officer directly responsible to the Minister for Finance, without being subject to any monitoring, rigorous or otherwise by the Department of Finance, who will have a theoretical responsibility to this House, seems to be very dangerous and ill-conceived legislation.

I do not know of any precedent where a chief executive does not have a board. It is all very well to say that we reckon we can make annual savings of the order of £35 million provided we have this whizkid expertise — which by implication we do not have in the Department of Finance — but how will this saving be measured? Is somebody seriously suggesting that the Minister for Finance — any Minister for Finance, a hands on Minister with a detailed technical knowledge of the area about which we are talking or a Minister merely filling the portfolio and being guided by the Department of Finance officials — can supervise and monitor the performance of this agency and chief executive? I do not believe that it is possible.No Minister for Finance, having regard to the range, complexity and onerous nature of his duties, can possibly even express an opinion on how well — or how badly — this portfolio is being managed in the national interest. That is very regrettable and is not in the national interest.

The Minister also said in his speech that there will be no board of directors between the Minister and the agency. Will the Minister say what will happen in the day-to-day performance of these functions? Will the Department of Finance have a right to intrude and to express an opinion which is guaranteed to carry weight? Is it not more likely that the chief executive officer of the new agency will tell the Department of Finance where to get off? No chief executive officer given these powers — especially having regard to the nature of the area about which we are talking — will pay any attention to officials from the Department unless it suits him. He will point to the legislation and tell them that he reports directly to the Minister for Finance and does not have to pay any attention to officials. He will also say that it was handed over to the agency because departmental officials were not up to the job. He will not listen to the officials unless it suits him as he will say that he advises the Minister and that the Minister told him he thought he was doing a very fine job. The more I think about it the more appalled I am.

For a number of years, every conventional economist and so-called commentators said that the national debt is the most serious problem confronting the country. The method of handling it up to now has imposed terrible hardship on the most vulnerable sector of our people. We have been told that this, unfortunately, is the price we must pay for the mistakes of the past. Then what happened? The management of the burden of the debt of £25 billion is to be handed over to an outside agency, to a person who is not a civil servant and who has a theoretical responsibility to this House, which is a regrettable decision.

The Minister also said that the powers of the Minister for Finance will not be diminished in any way. Maybe that is the case but the powers of this House are being dramatically diminished in a crucial and central area. That should be the preoccupation of the House because, to suggest that there is theoretical accountability through the Minister to this House and that we are expected, within the framework now laid down in the Bill, to accept that and to make an informed comment on it, is ludicrous. I understand from some of the comments written about this that the chief executive officer will be the accounting officer, will be liable to be summoned by the Committee of Public Accounts in the normal fashion as in the case of any accounting officer. I am not sure how that fits in with the role of the Secretary of the Department of Finance.

But, leaving that aside, I can say to this House, as a member of the Committee of Public Accounts, we do not have the back-up or professional expertise to express more than a vague view if the accounting officer comes before us and says: "Well, I did very well with the portion of the 60 per cent of the debt that rests domestically. I have made the best possible arrangements and rearrangements one could within the parameters of the fact that 60 per cent of the total debt rests domestically." I do not think we are in a position to offer more than an opinion on that. I certainly do not think that, if an accounting officer tells us: "Yes, we achieved the saving target of of £35 million, or we achieved a target of £25 million of £50 million" we are in a position to argue with that. We have no particular expertise. I cannot even envisage it being contemplated that we should have sufficient expertise to consider whether the portfolio has been well managed vis-á-vis the falling rate of the yen or the central currency within the EMS. I just cannot see how one can expect Members of this House to express an informed opinion on that.

At least we can expect the traditional public service commitment from Department of Finance officials if they are to express an opinion. I say that as somebody who would be extremely critical about the very orthodox, conventional approach of senior departmental officials in the Department of Finance concerning how the national debt should have been managed over recent years. I will make a couple of points on that later. At least, I am prepared to accept their bona fides, their dedication as public servants, their sense of commitment to this House. Quite frankly, I cannot accept that that will be the case within the new structure.

Although the Minister praises the role of the Department of Finance, he went on to say this in the course of his introductory remarks:

However, as debt service costs became a major burden on the Exchequer it has become increasingly clear that the executive and commercial operations of borrowing and debt management require an increasing level of specialisation and are no longer appropriate to a Government Department.

What really does that sentence mean? On the one hand the Department of Finance officials, the Minister tells us, have done — what word did he use — a good job. I suppose that is a neutral enough word really when one thinks about it — a good job in negotiating the loans and achieving a well balanced debt portfolio. On the other hand, he says it is now becoming so complex one could not expect this level of specialisation from civil servants and that it is no longer appropriate for a Government Department.

Why is it no longer appropriate to a Government Department? Is somebody trying to tell me that it is beyond the ingenuity of civil servants to acquire the specialisation or update themselves on the specialisation involved here when they have been doing it since the State was founded, when they did it during the darkest days of irresponsible fiscal management on the part of successive Governments over the past ten years?

Somehow now, all of a sudden, this specialisation is beyond the ken of departmental officials. I fail to understand how, suddenly, they are not up to doing the job. Indeed, I take offence at the statement — that this level of specialisation is no longer appropriate to a Government Department. Therefore the Government now propose to hand outside the most major area of economic policy, that is, outside the direct Government area where we can influence it.

The Minister went on to say that with the growth in the financial services area, the Department have been losing staff who are qualified and experienced in the financial area and it has not been possible to recruit suitable staff from elsewhere. I suggest that is the answer to the problem. People of talent have been poached from the Civil Service since it was founded. Many of them have gone outside to contribute to the development of other economics. For example, it has been going on for a great many years within the sphere of competence of the Revenue Commissioners — expert tax officials have been poached by the private sector, unfortunately in many cases with the purpose of teaching the private sector how to evade or avoid paying their fair share of income tax. It is a phenomenon to which we are well accustomed. It is not surprising that it should go on in the Department of Finance.

Indeed, it is one of the ironies of the proposal to set up this agency that the hope is that it will win back some former departmental officials who left to go to the private sector or under the early retirement, voluntary redundancy package.It is an irony that it is now hoped to win back people who took the lump sum in order to avail of their accumulated expertise. There are some suggestions that this idea may have sprung from a particular senior civil servant who perhaps was targeted for a great role in the agency and is no longer available. It shows one the fickleness of the dynamic with which we are working. Is anybody seriously trying to tell me that if one trebles the salaries available for personnel in the National Treasury Management Agency it will render them impervious to offers from the private sector? Of course, it will not; the marketplace will determine that. The private sector will be simply up the ante; the private sector will be quite anxious to get their hands on some of these guys because of their peculiar dimension of knowledge, experience and expertise. I predict that what will happen — as soon as one takes it out from under the maw of the Department of Finance, releases it from alleged, dark, archaic managerial procedures, removes the Gleeson salary ceiling and sets a whole range of new salaries and possibilities in terms of a remuneration package — will be that the private sector will up the ante and make offers to these people they cannot refuse. Of course, some of them will not want to refuse because, in my view, they will not have the same public service commitment as career civil servants who, by and large, as Deputy Barrett said earlier, have done the State some service.

The Minister says now that what is vital if we are to get the most benefit from all liability management opportunities, including the raising of money, is to have a dedicated team of well motivated professionals to do the job. I believe this dedication he is taking about is incompatible with the nature of the financial services sector out there at the moment and that by continuing to depress the salary potential of people inside the Department he is killing off the dedication that is indisputably there.

Reading the ministerial address and looking at the Bill, I have formed the view that this is a particularly damaging, ill-conceived piece of legislation which, contrary to what Deputy Roche said about discussions going back years about it, is one of those ideas the Taoiseach is prone to picking up from his financial toyboys who enjoy his favour from time to time. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle would not appreciate my mentioning names so I will not do so in order to maintain the new equilibrium that has befallen the House since I got on my feet.

It is an understandable decision of the House. Deputy Rabbitte will accept, as a man of equity and justice, that if people are not present it would not be fair to criticise them, they not having the same opportunity as people here would have of defending themselves. It is not my ruling. It is the ruling of the House.

Thank you, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. I accept that entirely. I was only putting it forward as the reason I was not adducing names in the House. The Taoiseach, as you know, has a habit of acquiring such financial whizz kids in his retinue every so often, they come up with some fantastic trendy notion of the moment and the Taoiseach espouses it with all of the energy and drive that we associate with him. I think that somewhere, some night, in some discussion some financial whizz kid suggested that what we needed to do was to take that whole business out of the Department of Finance; that we could not expect civil servants, with their old-fashioned, stultified traditional procedures, to be able to cope with the difficult, demanding complex financial world we operate in today, that what we need is to set up a new agency and that he has in mind just the person who would head it up. I suspect that that is what has happened. I think if the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance reflected some more on what is being done here they would conclude that one should listen to some of those financial toyboys with care, because what is being set up here holds a lot of potential for the private sector.

Some of the private institutions out there would give their left hand to get a hold of this particular account and, of course, that is what they are angling for ultimately. There is a lot of money to be made from so doing. How could one compare the dedication I have spoken about and the commitment to confidentiality and so on that has been traditional in the Civil Service to a situation where we would have high flyers in the financial world, attracted for a period, usually on contract, and with an eye to the next stockbroking agency with whom they will continue their career after they leave the national debt agency? Can we seriously expect from them the same commitment in the dynamic of the business world out there? Those guys will know that their stay with the debt management agency will be a brief one and that they will be going on from there to whatever prestigious stockbroking agency they choose. They will be able to name their price and they will bring with them a lot of information — some, I submit, that ought not, even in the vaguest sense, be made available to such financial institutions.

There will be a conflict there which I do not believe can be resolved in the interests of the taxpayer. It is an unfortunate and unnecessary development that, as Deputy Barrett said, will further damage the morale in the Civil Service. For so many years now we have relied on the Department of Finance to do this job for us. Whatever criticisms I would make from my political point of view of their orthodoxy and conservatism, there is scarcely an area where those qualities are more suited than the handling of our debt management portfolio.

The prime reason the Department of Finance is under pressure on this one is of course the level of Civil Service pay scales. I could deal with this area at some length. However, I do not think that the point needs to be made. All sides of the House accept that if one pays peanuts one gets monkeys and the curbs on pay in the Civil Service for senior people, especially those with the expertise we are now talking about, is ridiculous compared to what the market place offers. In that situation it is unreasonable to expect that the team in the Department of Finance will stay together interminably irrespective of trends in the marketplace. There is even a situation where areas of the Civil Service that were hived off in the past, like telecommunications, have pay scales that are quite superior to comparable ones in the Civil Service grades. I do not believe that most of the officials caught in this Catch 22 in the Department of Finance are seeking the going rate in the marketplace in any absolute sense. I believe that if they were paid roughly commensurate with the job they would be very happy to continue with their commitment and dedication and put their talents and expertise at the disposal of the public service for the public good.

The problem is that they have fallen so severely out of line. Deputy Barrett is right when he says that there is a mood of realism out there, including among the trade unionists, concerning the fact that one has to pay a person the going rate for a job or near enough to it. Some trade union leaders in the past criticised the salaries recommended by the Devlin Review Body, but now that those trade union leaders have themselves retired it has emerged that they were on considerably more in terms of remuneration than were the public servants they criticised.I have never held that view. I believe that one must pay people and reward them commensurate with their talents and abilities. The State must get the best. The task we are talking about here is such that we must ensure we have the most up-to-date expertise within the Department of Finance. If that means paying these people the going rate, so be it. I do not accept it is beyond the combined ingenuity of the Minister and the people who handle industrial relations within the Department to work out a system that could meet the modest ambitions of departmental officials in this area. As I have said, they are not looking for the kind of salaries they might command in the City of London. If the will was there, it could be done but the will is not there because somebody has sold a trendy idea to the Minister for Finance, the Taoiseach and the Government that you hive off this vital issue for the common good to an outside agency, established in the legislation in a manner that is without precedent.

Deputy Roche heckled me earlier to suggest that the IDA is a comparable case. That is not so, but the IDA chief executive officer has to seek the approval of his board, which is appointed for the purpose of supervising the utilisation of the vast amounts of public money this House votes to the IDA for the purposes of industrial promotion. No chief executive officer of the IDA, at his own whim, could dispose of that money. Very definite guidelines are laid down as to the allocations he and his inner cabinet, so to speak, can make, and amounts above that figure must be approved by the board and brought to Cabinet. In this legislation, the chief executive officer is virtually entirely without constraint. He may handle the management of the nation's debt portfolio in whatever way he pleases.

I very much look forward to the Minister addressing precisely what is the interaction between the Department of Finance and his chief executive officer. I would like to hear how we would divide the functions of the Minister and the chief executive officer. The chief executive officer will effectively be calling the shots. I do not care what Minister comes in here to read whatever script is supplied to him, there is no conceivable why he can keep an eye on whether the Yen is going up or down or what is happening to the Deutsche Mark. He will have to accept the word of this individual who will quite obviously have a vested interest in telling the Minister and the Dáil that not only is he doing a very good job but that he is doing a better job than the Department of Finance because that is why he is there in the first place. It is a self-fulfilling prophecy.

The Minister has told us no more than that this person will have an advisory committee. Note the way the sentence is phrased. It says there will be no board of directors but "instead there will be an advisory committee to whom the chief executive can refer". Is that not very gracious? If the chief executive feels he should take counsel, he can refer to this advisory committee. I do not know who will comprise this committee. Suppose the Minister realises that this is a critical point and that he is vulnerable on it, he can say that the committee will include, for example, the secretary of the Department of Finance, but I would like to know what power have the secretary of the Department of Finance and this advisory committee. It seems to me transparent that the chief executive can ignore the advisory committee if he so chooses.

We, the representatives elected by the people, will never know what goes on behind closed doors. We will not know if the departmental secretary recommends that, having regard to the public good, such-and-such a line would be folly but nonetheless, this chief executive officer proceeds with it at a cost to the taxpayer, at the cost of making the State solvent again, and we will not even know about it. In all probability we will not know about it when the Cabinet papers are released. No Minister sitting around the Cabinet table can get to the bottom of the complexity of an issue like this. If a detailed paper is prepared for submission to Cabinet, maybe Ministers, in broad terms, can query aspects of it but they cannot deal with the detail for which this agency is being set up.

The Bill provides that the agency staff will not be civil servants. It is without precedent that not only is the Minister for Finance sticking his finger in the eye of the civil servants but he is statutorily precluding them from being involved in the fundamental issues we have been discussing during this debate. I am amazed that this has not attracted more comment.Some of the comment has been very facile. The thesis seems to have been accepted by most financial commentators that all you have to do is put the Colm McCarthys and Diarmuid Desmonds in an agency called the debt management agency and they will do what committed, long-serving public servants, who have been doing this job since the State was founded, cannot do. I do not believe there is evidence to support that thesis and I certainly do not understand how the confidentiality that is so critical in this area can be absolutely observed. I do not mean that remark to refer to the individuals I named; I am speaking generally.

In the nature of the dynamics of the private sector, people will come into the possession of information which could make very large sums of money for private institutions which they will subsequently join. Stock broking agencies and others will be seeking to poach them and they will have that information. There is a very narrow dividing line between when absolute confidentiality is maintained and when it is not. It is not possible in the area we are talking about.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,

I was making the point that the issue is why the Minister for Finance cannot pay the people who have been charged with this task down the years a salary roughly commensurate with those responsibilities. I suggest that when the Minister said we have to pay market rates for the right people he was really doing no more than giving credence to the view of the trade unions representing those particular grades that the people concerned are seriously under-rewarded.Examples have been given of the salaries that are commanded by civil servants in these positions compared to guesstimates of what the market would pay for this particular task.

In addition, I was making the point that confidentiality could be a major factor here. After all those employed in the agency will be drawn from the financial area of the private sector and will, no doubt, return there in due course. In the meantime they will have access to sensitive information of national importance, which could have ramifications for financial institutions and industry. Those on contract to the agency would see their market value in employment terms soar if they hoped to return to the private sector.

I sincerely hope the Minister will deal with those points when he is replying because the rather facile script with which he introduced this debate does not deal with them. I would like to quote again from his script as follows:

The choice of the Government and for me as Minister for Finance is whether it is tolerable to continue to lose experienced and qualified people and expect that somehow the Department will cope or whether the risk of letting our debt management lag behind other treasury management structures, either in Ireland or elsewhere, is too great and the consequences too costly.

I do not believe that is the choice facing the Minister: the choice is whether to continue to pay inadequate salaries to the people in these posts or to devise some method of ensuring that they are paid salaries roughly commensurate with the responsibilities.

I want briefly to make some comment on the wider issue of the national debt because I do not want the position of my party to be misinterpreted. I have said I agree that the national debt is a major issue confronting the country and our people and, therefore, that the management of that portfolio ought not pass outside the public service. I have some areas of difference in approach to handling that wider economic problem. I would argue that the national debt is not the central problem but is a reflection of our central economic problem which is caused by the failure of the predominantly private sector of the economy to create sufficient jobs for all our people. The reason the debt has accumulated in the manner it has, apart from the recklessness of politicians who sought power for power's sake at any cost and putting the country on the verge of ruin, is that there are not enough people at work, there are not enough people generating wealth, there are not enough people paying tax and there is too heavy a burden of social welfare recipients on the back of the state because of our endemic unemployment problem. This problem is as old as the State, if not older, and is fundamentally a production problem. We need to create sustainable jobs producing goods and services which are internationally tradable.

There must be a two pronged approach to the debt problem. On the one hand, there must be an expansion of the tax base and, on the other hand, simultaneously there must be a reform of State spending both on the current and on the investment sides within the public sector and in subsidies to the private sector. I can enlist in support of that view the very conservative Economist magazine which has called Ireland a “tax-fiddler's paradise” which is “awful for earners, lovely for property and profits”. It stated:

No durable recovery will be possible in Ireland until it tackles the lunacies of the taxation system. To subsidise foreign firms at the expense of indigenous employers and to tax labour to reward capital is self-defeating.

The Government strategy on the national debt is flawed. It focuses almost exclusively on the spending side and ignores the revenue and taxation side. I am convinced, as Deputy Barrett said, that there is room for public service reform at all levels and that, in turn should lead to reduced public spending.

However many of the cuts being made are inequable and impose the most serious burden on those least able to bear it in society. Some of the cuts at least will cost more than they will save. For example, the pay back period under the present programme for redundancies in the public service is very long and will place a very heavy burden on the taxpayer.As I said earlier, it is ironic that the hope has been expressed that this agency will attract some of the departmental officials who left under the early retirement scheme. Any strategy which concentrates on increasing unemployment will effectively lead to an increase in welfare payments and result in lower taxes.

The more of our people who can be put back to work the better in that that would result in more wealth being generated, more tax being collected and in a reduced amount being paid out in social welfare payments. As I said earlier, the national debt is not the main problem but a reflection of it which is the failure of the chosen engine of growth of successive Governments to create jobs. Cutting spending is deflationary, because this destroys jobs and reduces growth. Spending cuts may reduce the debt in time but they also reduce the size of the economy and lower living standards. There is room for reform of public spending, such as directing expensive public subsidies and tax breaks from private interests to new productive State enterprises or joint ventures or selected private companies who have the capacity to grow and create more jobs in the domestic economy.

We also need to raise taxes from the avoiders and evaders because at the end of the day the debt repayments will have to be met from taxation. We cannot repay this massive debt through the making of cuts alone. All the parties in this House and the trade union movement agree that the debt must be stabilised as a proportion of gross domestic product. However, they disagree on the way this should be achieved. I take the view that the financial crisis of the State is not the real problem but a reflection of a deeper underlying problem which is one of economic growth and employment.

The increase in day to day public expenditure and investment spending during the years which have been referred to throughout most of this debate was too rapid and unplanned in some areas. It took place within a highly questionable theoretical framework which stated that by pumping money into the public sector the private sector could automatically be pushed into sustained growth. Underlying this assumption was the basic relief that by priming the private sector one boosted economic activity and employment, an expensive strategy which has been tried and failed too often.

In addition to the growth in current expenditure, publicly funded investment grew rapidly in the seventies and early eighties. A great deal of this went to the private sector in businessman's dole who did not deliver the jobs. Much public investment was ill-conceived and unplanned.Not alone did it fail to generate returns, it resulted in increased public spending in several cases subsequently. It must also be admitted that there were cases of incompetence within the public sector, a number of which have been highlighted during the course of the debate.

If all the parties are agreed on the frightening dimension of this aspect of economic policy — it is only one instrument of economic policy — the Government should come into the House to suggest that the way forward now, having accumulated this enormous problem in the first place, is to pass it out of our hands and give it to some private sector agency who in theory will be accountable to this House. As I have said, I do not accept that this is the way it will work in practice. We are putting our faith in the private individuals — they will not be civil servants — to be employed by this agency. Effectively, we are being asked to buy a pig in a poke. The Minister for Finance thought it necessary to remind us that each of the 1.1 million persons at work on average pays out of his or her pocket about £2,000 each year just to meet the interest payments on the national debt — not clear it. As I have said, half of that sum goes abroad. The debt represents almost £23,000 for each member of the population at work.

The Fianna Fáil portion of the Government would be negligent to the point of irresponsibility, having contributed to the building up of this enormous burden on the backs of the taxpayers, to say they do not think they managed the economy that well, notwithstanding the flim-flam about the civil servants doing a good job, that they really were not up to it but that they know a number of whizz-kids in the financial services sector and they are going to pay them enormous salaries. If I recall correctly, between 12 and 14 people deal with this area within the Department of Finance. It is likely that the salary bill for two or three of these whizz-kids in the debt management agency will be far greater than the amount being paid out currently for the entire staff of the section in the Department of Finance handling this issue. The people are being asked to believe that these whizz-kids will turn around the problem and be able to handle changes in the currency market much more prudently than the people who have carried out this task down through the years. The Minister will take the chief executive at his word and report to the House accordingly.

In conclusion, this is a sad day for the financial management of this State. I did not think Fianna Fáil would ever ascribe to this kind of policy approach——

Right wing.

—— having regard to the origins of that party and their stated commitment to the institutions of the State. I did not think they would be persuaded by the agents of these financial toyboys, the Progressive Democrats, to hand over the responsibility to manage one of the most crucial areas of the State's affairs to a few private individuals who will come from the private sector and will pass back to it. As sure as night follows day, this will be a prestigious place in which to spend a few years with salaries on a level not paid to officials in the Department of Finance. As soon as they acquire this sensitive information, expertise and knowledge they will pass it back to the private institutions whence they came who inevitably will benefit from that move. That is unfortunate and therefore we will be opposing the Bill.

I have listened to the various contributions to this Bill which proposes the setting up of a new agency. While some of the contributions have been humorous others have made reference to good economics, poor economics and poor politics. However, I am glad we have been given the opportunity to discuss what I believe is the main problem and that is the lack of understanding of a national debt. Historically, is was claimed that borrowing was done by reckless people. When Fianna Fáil were led by the late Eamon de Valera debt was an outrageous thing to consider. There was a change of thought following his demise and the current Taoiseach is of the opinion that it is not too bad to borrow if the money is used productively. Some of his colleagues have been painfully recalling the reasons for the accumulation of this debt and the reasons certain politicians are continually chasing the rainbow. Some politicians want power for power's sake and it is fair to claim that the Taoiseach is one of them. Why would he have taken the unholy step of joining the Progressive Democrats, that extreme right wing party, and committing Fianna Fáil to further stringent measures, affecting the ordinary common people? Fianna Fáil like to think they have the common touch, but when it comes to the national debt they do not have it. The common touch is lacking in relation to this proposal since this will be a most exclusive agency.

There should have been greater examination of the downstream effects of this proposal within the public service and in the financial services sector. Public servants should be properly paid because they do quality work. As in any large scale organisation, people should enjoy a reasonable standard of living based on the work they are doing.

The chief executive of this agency will be asked to look after a national debt of some £25 billion and to vary the currencies involved. These at present include sterling, US dollars, the Deutsche Mark, Dutch guilders, Belgian francs and Swiss francs. At one time we had borrowed yen and the currency of the United Arab Emirates. I suppose that was after a trip to Libya when we decided we might make friends with the other side by having a few more Arabs to look after us. We also borrowed Kuwaiti dinars. This is a skilled area requiring expertise. The setting up of this agency may prove in the long run to have been a magnificent decision. It will certainly have a dramatic effect on the public service.

The accumulation of this £25 billion national debt did not come about by sleight of hand. Decisions were taken by politicians and public servants and the debt was allowed to rise. If this agency is successful and there is a scurry in the public service to claim parity of salary, there will be a shambles which will have a very bad effect on public service morale. Each of the sectors should complement the other. The Minister for Finance should have given some indication that in the long run he would see reform of the public service and proper pay scales as an ideal for the future. At least that might prevent the exodus from the public service.

The Minister estimates that the establishment of this agency will save this year some £35 million and he referred to other magical figures. Possibly the establishment of the agency will help to eliminate some of the figments of the imagination conjured up by various Ministers for Finance when presenting budget figures. We may benefit by having firmer figures, but there is the limitation that the chief executive will be taking decisions on his own, without any reference to a board of directors. Surely the Minister should insist on some kind of lever since the chief executive cannot make all the decisions correctly. Unfortunately, the State has a history of ignoring this difficulty.

When the then Minister responsible learned of the problems in Irish Shipping he discovered that forward contracts had been made by the outgoing chief executive which had not been brought to the notice of the board. The acculumated debts arising in that case have been felt by the State and will be felt in the future. A hard lesson was learned by the failure of the chief executive to communicate decisions to the board. The Minister is proposing here to establish the same kind of system where one person will be totally responsible for initiation and final decision. I regret that some additional stay is not being put on these decisions such as a board of directors would provide.

I thought the Deputy might tell us who pulled the plug on Irish Shipping.

I do not mind telling the Minister who pulled the plug. When it comes to accountability I do not mind putting my party's record on the line. I am glad the Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Daly, is back in the House. He spoke last week about accountability and got a little publicity in The Sunday Press to which he was not entitled. He claimed the Deputies were scurrying in and out of the House——

The Deputy was not here at all.

I had made provision for it.

He failed to turn up.

I can tell the Minister that he was missing from many things that I can highlight in future when he makes decisions to do these little things.

(Interruptions.)

Tell us who pulled the plug on Irish Shipping. I thought he would tell us as he was coming out from the balcony.

When Deputy Jim Mitchell was Minister with responsibility for transport he did an outstanding job.

I ask the Deputy to keep his contribution to the National Treasury Management Agency Bill, please.

He did the right thing. When it comes to making a decision in the national interest I hope Deputy Lyons will do the same thing. I hope he will acknowledge he has been given responsibility to look after the taxpayers' money——

I will not pull the plug on anyone.

——to see it is properly disbursed, that chief executive officers do not go around willy-nilly in the future commiting the State to long-term contracts that cannot be fulfilled. Fortunes were lost on long-term contracts that Irish Shipping undertook, badly at the time. I do not know whom Deputy Lyons knows in Irish Shipping but the board of directors were appointed by a Fianna Fáil Government——

List them out.

——and the board of directors did not do their job.

Acting Chairman

Let me interrupt. Address the issue before the House, the National Treasury Management Agency Bill, please.

I do not mind engaging with the Minister of State at the Department of Tourism and Transport about my party's attitude to the control of expenditure and the part we played in Government in bringing about, as other Deputies have said, an air of realism. All you have to do is look at what has happened to the national debt since 1970. In 1970 the national debt was £1 billion and in 1990 it is £25 billion. On that record Ministers in the present Government got money to spend and what real return have we for it? We have 46,000 people emigrating each year, the greatest blow to the economy, when one third of the graduates who will be coming out of the universities in a couple of weeks will be taking the emigrant boat and will be gone for ever because they have no confidence in what politicians in this House and in the Departments are doing with taxpayers' money.

They left the ships abroad and pulled the plug when they were in foreign ports.

I am in no way ashamed of any tough decision that Government made. It was in the national interest that tough decisions should be made, and damn well the Minister knows it. When Deputy Daly was elected in 1977 in Ennis I heard him say, "God, it is great to get elected. I got 13,000 votes from the Clare people, but where is the money to come from to pay for our promises?" What did that Government try to do? They tried to implement the promises. In 1977-79 the number of public servants employed by this State increased three or fourfold. There were 5,000 jobs in the health boards. Can Deputy Lyons say we got value in the health boards for the increased national debt incurred as a result of all these new people being employed? In 1979 there was a new awakening and the Messiah came into place. We had the election of the now Taoiseach, Deputy Charles Haughey, to leadership of Fianna Fáil. He went on television and outlined in 1979 that the national debt was a big problem. We have been at this for some time now.

And then they came in and made it worse.

Does he want me to trot out the figures? In 1979 the national debt was £6.540 billion and when Deputy Haughey left in 1981 it was £10.195 billion.That is a nice little gap. That was what they called cutbacks and tough decisions.

When the Deputy's party left it had doubled to £24 billion.

Acting Chairman

Deputy Carey, I ask you to address the Chair and not be responding to interruptions across the floor. Address the issue before the House, please.

I was asking a question.

He is getting a plug in.

I do not know what plug he is getting in. He pulled the plug on Ringaskiddy in his time.

No, no way. We gave them the cranes. They were four years waiting for them.

I am thinking about the contract between the public service and the political masters. In regard to the national debt, the Minister seems to be allowing the chief executive some freedom and at the same time he is hauling it all back and saying the Minister himself will be responsible to the House and implying there is a sort of partnership there. Now that Deputy Lyons has brought it to my notice, is it fair to say that the vast increase in the national debt is a result of the dominance of political leaders on the public service or did the public service agree with the extensive spending sprees various Government Ministers indulged in?

When this national debt agency are in being how often will they report to this House, or will we know whether any progress is being made towards saving the £35 million or £20 million, as the Minister has revised it downwards? Will a system of reporting be established? Will it be quarterly? Will it be set out indefinitely like the cost of living index? Can the Minister say for certain what the position will be when this agency are up and running?The ordinary people are very confused by the information, or lack of information, except when it comes to budget time or preparing for the next Estimates when there is a softening up process and the people are told they will have to prepare, there will be a tough budget or tough Estimates and cutbacks here and cutbacks there and they hear terminology like "gross domestic product", "gross national product", and so on. The ordinary person is totally turned off by all that.

The Minister mentioned the follows paying £2,000 tax to pay the interest on the debt. I do not know whether the ordinary PAYE fellow really realises what he is sticking his money in for. In regard to the interest that has accumulated, there is a necessity for some kind of accountability. If a report on a continuous basis issues from the agency, unless the information is put in simple terms I believe it will be of no real value to the ordinary person in the street. There is a great need for national awareness of this. It will dampen people's expectations of what can be achieved.

The contributions made by some Deputies were very heartening. Deputy Rabbitte made a strong case for the retention of this unit within the Department of Finance and said that the State should intervene more in the productive processes of the economy. I do not agree with him because national debts have been the downfall of the Eastern European countries and it looks as if it will be the downfall of the Russian economy. For example, Romania and Germany cannot sustain the economic growth necessary to repay the loans they have been advanced. Even though I believe there is room for such an agency in the private sector, it will cause severe problems in the public sector. I would have preferred more consideration to have been given by the Government to overall reform of the Civil Service before they brought forward this Bill which proposes the setting up of a new agency.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): Caithfidh mé a admháil go bhfuil díospóireacht bríomhar againn inné agus inniu agus is dócha go bhfuil an-suim ag na gnáth Theachtaí Dála i rachmas nach bhfuil acu féin nó b'fhéidir i bhfiacha atá acu féin ach tá an Bille seo tábhachtach, mar tá baol ann nach mbeidh go leor airgid againn má leanaimid ar aghaidh mar atá muid ag dul.

This Bill does not have to serve as a reminder of our national debt and why it is so high. As my colleague, Deputy Carey, said the Taoiseach made a very famous speech on television in 1979 where he assessed the facts and pointed out what had to be done. However, he then forgot about the problem and increased our national debt.

Deputy Garret FitzGerald took over the running of the country at a time when people should have got gold medals for taking on responsibility for an economy with a 20 per cent inflation rate. This point is very often forgotten. I was disappointed at the comments made by the Minister of State, Deputy Lyons, on Irish Shipping and the decisions which were taken.

Does the Deputy want me to refer to them again? The workers of Irish Shipping picket outside the gate of this House every Wednesday and I have to meet them.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): When the newly elected members of Fianna Fáil talk about what happened in the 1982-87, period, they seem to forget that they were involved too; they seem to think the problem existed only for the Government at that time. Decisions had to be made on finance and Irish Shipping. Fianna Fáil wanted more money to be spent——

Was the Deputy happy with the decision?

I ask the Deputy to deal with the Bill before the House and the Minister to refrain from interrupting.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): I am trying to explain why our national debt is so high. I was dealing with the good old days of the great slogan writers. Deputy Garret FitzGerald who had the gumption to take tough decisions was referred to as a Thatcherite, monetarist, bookkeeper——

And two odd shoes.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): That is a very witty remark which does the Minister's status a power of good.

It just occurred to me.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): I left in such a hurry this morning I could be wearing two odd shoes. It is not a great crime and it shows that the important matters are passing the Minister by.

Deputy Garret FitzGerald was accused of having no interest in the people but where have the titles gone? In 1987 Fianna Fáil said there was a better way to manage the economy and people were led to believe that balancing the books and living within our means was nonsense.They were told there was a better way of doing things and there was far too much talk about cuts. However, the reality is that Fianna Fáil had to introduce twice as many cuts.

There is a better way and we have it.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): That is a subjective view. The Minister is giving me a lot of ammunition. I have a problem so far as our national debt is concerned.

We will solve it for the Deputy.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): A constituent of mine who has a serious heart complaint was advised by his doctor not to get excited.

I hope it does not happen to the Deputy.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): This is a serious matter. When this man visited a consultant in a Dublin hospital he was told that he needed a triple bypass operation immediately but it could be two years before the operation could be carried out. In the meantime he has been told by his doctor not to get excited. This man would not want to be in this House where he would be interrupted by a Minister who is being selective in his comments.Our national debt may have been brought under control and the Minister may think this is a better way, but the people who have to rely on the public health services do not think that better, I can assure the Minister that it is not a better way.

Another reason our national debt is so high is that Fianna Fáil printed posters about the health services and how the cuts hurt the sick, the old and the handicapped.They were marvellous posters and the captions are still true. They also put up posters about emigration, as if it was something that had come in during the 1982-87 period and the fifties never existed. I would classify that as irresponsibility by an Opposition who make no effort to help us to straighten out the country. We had to make some very hard decisions and if the opposition had supported us at that time our economy would be in a much better position today.

Yesterday another Minister asked about the 1982-87 period. I do not want to go over what my colleague, Deputy Barrett, said about this period but I want to refer to the two main factors which existed when we came into office — an inflation rate of 21 per cent and bank interest rates of 17 per cent. How could any Government run a country in those circumstances? I am not surprised that there was almost a crisis when Deputy FitzGerald saw the books. It is fine to talk about how bad a Government were but what Government could deal with an inflation rate of 21 per cent? We reduced the inflation rate to 3 per cent——

Did the Deputy say they brought it down to 3 per cent?

(Carlow-Kilkenny): Yes, we brought the inflation rate down from 21 per cent to 3 per cent. The Minister for Finance regularly claims that Fianna Fáil brought inflation under control.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): The Fianna Fáil Party would want to change their name. The rate of inflation was 21 per cent in 1981 and 3.8 per cent in 1987. Will Fianna Fáil not give credit to the Government who handled this most difficult problem?

During the eighties there were problems in the world economy. The Government at that time had to take tough decisions but they did not get the support they needed. Our national debt now stands at £25 billion. It is so easy to refer to this amount of money but it is hard to understand what it really means. Obviously I will never have this amount of money and I am sure the Minister of State, Deputy Lyons, despite his great future, will not have it either. Most of the tax paid by PAYE taxpayers pays the interest on our national debt and many taxpayers feel aggrieved because they cannot see anything being done with this money. so far as they are concerned paying the interest on the debt is a waste of time because the debt was accumulated in the past. People would regard the payment of income tax as a patriotic duty if they could see that something was happening that would benefit their locality. If one was to think seriously about the national debt one would have a nervous breakdown because it continues to rise. I love meeting people who are able to quote figures supplied by the headquarters of political parties about the percentage of the debt and so on. The percentage of GNP is improving but our debt is increasing. I hope we can find a better way to bring our debt down.

The Minister told us that there are 1.1 million workers here and that, on average, they pay £2,000 each to cover the interest on our debt. He told us we have borrowed almost £23,000 for each person who is at work. The reality is that we have been living beyond our means and, despite the best efforts of Governments, we continue to do so. It is easy to say that we should balance our budgets but it is not possible although, obviously, we will have to get closer to doing that. I read the Bill carefully but I could not understand what was proposed in it. However, following Deputy Noonan's speech I realised we are in danger of losing skilled personnel in the Civil Service.I learned that the danger is that they will be picked up by private companies and be well rewarded for their skills. It is difficult in a democracy where there has to be uniformity of payments, and a standard payment for work done, to deal with that problem. However, there should not be a limit on payments for expertise. We cannot pay enough for expertise.

We are fortunate that since the foundation of the State the Civil Service stood so bravely behind all Governments in an effort to keep the country going. Politicians claim credit for announcements they make but, in fact, the thinking is done for them by civil servants. It must be frustrating for civil servants to be subject to standard payments. In the Civil Service, like in all areas of work, there are very dedicated people and those who do not have much interest in their job. However, as in all walks of life, the rate of pay is the same for all.

I do not have any objection to paying extra money to those who have something to contribute. If they can juggle our investments and buy a better value we should pay them extra. I accept this may cause a problem because the civil servants who are left behind may feel they are being asked to do work that is as important. Human nature being what it is, everybody looks after himself or herself.In taking civil servants out of the Civil Service structure and paying them more we will be getting over a problem in regard to salary but we may be creating further problems. A rose by any other name smells just as sweet but the phrase now may be that a civil servant by any other name costs twice as much. There is a lot to be said for rewarding those who work extremely hard and for the loyality they give to the State, the organisation or the school they work in. Unfortunately, it is not easy to sort that out.

I have a problem with the Bill and that may be because of my inexperience in reading legal documents. The more I read the English in those documents the more I wonder how I passed any exams. Section 2 states that the Minister may appoint the day to be the establishment day for the purposes of the Bill and section 3 states that on the establishment day there shall stand established a body to be known as the National Treasury Management Agency. I should like to know who appoints the members to the agency. I am reminded of the phrase about mushrooms, fás aon oíche, and I hope the agency will not be a fás aon oíche because they might get the mushroom treatment.

The Bill states that the advisory committee will be established by the Minister but where will the members come from? There may be a simple answer to that question and it may be that I do not understand the legal terminology. It appears the agency will make their own financial arrangements. That is strange. Everything seems to be up in the clouds. Section 6 refers to the appointment of the chief executive officer, the only official referred to in the Bill, and he will be carrying the can for everybody. The Second Schedule states that the Minister may at any time remove a member of the committee from office and that he may remove the chairman of the committee from office. The Bill does not outline the grounds for removal and there is no indication in it that the individual will have a right of appeal. There is no doubt that the person removed from a position, if he or she wished to return to the Civil Service, would carry a mark on his or her character. There would be a question mark over the removal of that person.

I hope that the Bill, and the experts it seeks to reward, will help to sort out our debt problem. Anything that prevents us spending the take from PAYE workers on the interest on our debt will be welcome.I hope the Minister will not take credit for the good decisions of the agency and blame the agency for anything that goes wrong. There is no doubt there is a terrible risk involved in transferring borrowings. The value of the dollar, and other currencies, can fluctuate and the advisers working with the agency will be on a hiding to nothing if they do not succeed in varying the amount of our debt. They will not be given any credit but will get all the flak. I hope that in 12 months' time we will be able to say: "Well done, thou good and faithful non-civil servants."

Obviously, this would not have been an appropriate time to make a telephone call as I have waited since 10.30 a.m. to contribute. The Labour Party consider this to be extraordinary legislation. We are concerned about the need for this agency, the procedures to set it up and the consequences for the national interest, the Houses of the Oireachtas, the Committee of Public Accounts, the Department of Finance and their experts and the role of the Minister.We are concerned that the Government should have chosen a legislative vehicle to semi-privatise the national debt. Perhaps none of us is guiltless in regard to the national debt of £25 billion. People are confused by that figure, but if you refer to it as £25,000 million it sounds even more extraordinary. A sum of £9 billion is in foreign currency debts. On 19 June I asked the Minister to give an estimate of the amount of foreign reserves at present. He replied that at the end of April — the last month for which there were published figures — the official external reserves stood at £2,831 million. If our repayments equal our reserves obviously it is a major problem for those in public life, in Government or in Opposition.

The Labour Party do not consider that this problem should be diverted to an outside agency, who will obviously take it on board with a profit motive. An elite chief executive officer will be appointed and he will have an advisory committee available to him. The Minister and most Members who contributed so far rightly recognised that the Department of Finance have done a good job in negotiating loans and in achieving a well balanced debt portfolio.

In this year's introduction to the Economic Background to the Budget the Minister for Finance praised the economy. He said that the main features of economic prospects for 1990 were a growth in the domestic output of about 4.5 per cent and a GNP growth rate of close to 3.75 per cent; an increase in private consumption approaching 4 per cent, a rather more moderate pace then in 1989; continuing strong expansion in investment, public and private, underpinned by the Community support framework; continued progress in industrial output and exports, despite some moderation in the rate of growth of demand in external markets; growth in non-agricultural employment of about 16,000; and a reduction of about 10,000 in the number on the live register. Of course, that figure conceals the trauma and haemorrhage of emigration of possibly 50,000 this year.

The Minister went on to say that there would be a progressive easing of the rate of inflation to under 2.5 per cent by the end of the year, that the Exchequer borrowing requirement would be 2.1 per cent of projected GNP and that there would be a further significant reduction in the ratio of the national debt to GNP. If the economic outlook is as good as the Minister outlined why is our debt problem being hived off to an elite group? We are not sure about the link they will have with the Department of Finance, which has the constitutional responsibility to the country, the Oireachtas and the Government for the management of our national debt. They were so efficient in doing this in the past that the Minister was able to make those remarks.

The Labour Party represent those who are least well off. They have a responsibility to the poor, homeless, people in need of housing, health care and education.The Conference of Major Religious Superiors asked if these people must always wait. The Government did not give priority to these people and they allowed people representing the poor — the Combat Poverty Agency, members of local authorities and health boards — to cope with the problem. The function of the Department of Finance is, and always has been, to maintain a steady hand on the overall financial affairs of the country, borrowings and spending in the public sector and the distribution of the benefits from their management of the economy. In that context one must have the gravest suspicious regarding the reasons for setting up an agency of this kind. If the Department of Finance were so efficient at doing the job — and the poor have reasons to believe that they were — why do the Government consider it necessary to set up this superior structure which will act independently and secretly most of the time? They will never act with the same degree of integrity as the Department, their officials and the Civil Service. There has always been a special link between the two sides which is a very difficult ethic to transplant to an agency.

Other speakers suggested that the agency is being set up because of the inability of the State to cope with the problem and to reach an agreement about proper compensation for people at this high level of expertise and overall responsibility. If that is the reason for the establishment of this agency it is an indictment of all of us who failed to grasp that nettle. I have no doubt that if an agreed mandate of this House were extended to the Gleeson Commission to study this problem — if that is the problem — all Members could arrive at an agreed formula to allow people with this special expertise to be adequately compensated or, in the words of the factory worker: "receive a fair day's work for a fair day's pay." I have no doubt that such would be forthcoming. I sincerely hope that Members on this side of the House will not live to regret the passage of this Bill for that extraordinary reason.

In any negotiations on any programme for national recovery with the trade union movement — considered by all sides to be vital to our future economic growth — if that case was laid before them — I have no doubt they would consider that the overall national responsibility for the management of the affairs of the State should lie within the Civil Service where it has lain since the foundation of the State and which was inherited from the previous regime here.

The Minister correctly says that our Department of Finance have been recognised at home and abroad as doing a good job. In the introduction to a document emanating from the European Community entitled "Facing the Challenge for the Early 1990s" it is stated:

The state of the Community economy at the outset of the new decade is quite promising. Important steps have been taken towards economic, financial, monetary and social integration. Fundamental improvements which have been achieved during the 1980s are resulting in a significantly better growth and employment performance.

Unemployment is still very high, however, and levels of GDP per head are still very different throughout the Community. In addition, there is the risk that a persistence or indeed the worsening of certain negative features which have characterised the Community economy over recent years — inflation, current account imbalances and budgetary disequilibria — could endanger the continuation of the present expansion and of further progress towards monetary stability in the Community.

Economic policy in the Community faces two major challenges: (1) to strengthen further the determinants of growth, (ii) to improve convergence towards stability. The first arises out of the need to reduce unemployment further and to ensure that the less prosperous regions continue catching-up.

The second results from a double necessity; on the one hand, that of preventing a resurgence of inflationary expectations from endangering the continuation of growth; on the other, that of improving the conditions for exchange rate stability — and for the success of stage one of EMU — by reducing the divergences in inflation, in current account balances and in budgetary positions.

That introduction — which encompasses the challenge facing all of us, emanates from the EC of which we are a member. It was written on the basis of the existing performance of officials of the Department of Finance who have a national responsibility for the existing management of our debt, of course, subject at all times to their political masters. I suppose their political masters have been the culprits responsible over the years, on the part of all Governments, who determine at any given time what should be the correct approach either to retain or recover power. I suppose it is true to put on record that originally it was a Fianna Fáil Government who decided to introduce the concept of deficit budgeting on the basis that one could borrow productivity to get one's way out of any economic depression that might have arisen. Of course, as an island nation, as part of the Community, which will still have all the disadvantages we have now — particularly when Britain becomes connected to the Continent after the opening of the Channel Tunnel — our economy will have to come to grips with those disadvantages in spite of the benefits of any Structural Funds that might accrue to us. That places a major responsibility on all of us, in the public and private sectors. In the future — whatever about in the past when our nearest neighbour was our best customer — if we are to survive in the Europe of the nineties and beyond the year 1992, it is obvious that changes leading to greater efficiencies, which will affect all of us, employers, employees and Governments alike will have to be effected.

Under the heading “Ensure Favourable Prospects for the 1990s” this document has this to say:

The two economic policy challenges facing the Community —strenghening further the determinants of growth and improving convergence towards stability— require a determined effort.

If anything is true of Ireland, that comment is. The article continues:

The reinforcement of the determinants of growth requires above all that the structural policies which have been implemented over the last decade must continue to be applied. In this area there is a a marked complementarity between national and Community policies. Efforts undertaken at the national level are receiving and will continue to receive considerable support from the rapid implementation of the Community policies.

It is not always possible for an island nation to easily perceive those benefits. Of course, statistics will prove that basically we are major beneficiaries through our membership of the Community. Nonetheless it has created problems for traditional industry where most of our job losses have taken place. We must remember that, when job losses occur, there will be people dependent on the State for sustenance, dependent on the State to provide services they can no longer afford. It is within that context that demands are made on the Exchequer and on the Department of Finance, to release some of those funds to ensure that people, at that level, have as good a standard of living as is possible especially within comparable terms throughout the Community. The document goes on to say:

Control of the growing macroeconomic disequilibria is essentially, but not uniquely, a task for macroeconomic policies implemented by each individual member state. Their effectiveness will be greatly enhanced by strengthened co-ordination at the Community level.

If one reads any of the documentation filtering through to the Joint Committee on Secondary Legislation of the European Communities — on which I serve along with other colleagues — one sees the complexities of many of these directives as they affect us, particularly with regard to policies which will become binding on us, and policies we should have liked to have been binding on us — but which have been watered down — particularly those affecting the social partners. The document continues:

The suppression of all frontiers for products and factors of production aimed at in the White Paper and the broader Community policies are increasingly being integrated with a set of structural reforms at the level of the Member States. The opening of frontiers will increase competition and the ability to achieve economic gains through greater efficiency and specialisation in production and increases in consumer choice. This process will result in an improvement in productivity which would allow investment, output and employment to expand substantially without giving rise to inflationary pressures.

I would ask Deputy Ferris to narrow his range more directly towards the National Treasury Management Agency.

This National Treasury Management Agency will be applying its economic expertise to managing our economy within Community regulations and guidelines, and this is what has been published in connection with it. I referred initially to the Minister's introduction to this year's budget when he claimed a certain amount of achievement. They are certainly questionable achievements. I was setting that in the context of the performance of the civil servants, the best brains we have available. In spite of that competence the Minister wants to transfer the responsibility to an outside agency. I am not sure where this agency will be located. Will it be in a grandiose headquarters outside Government? Will it be in the special financial services centre that is being developed at the docks? Will it have expertise available to it from the private sector given that it is being said that the whizz kids are only available in the private sector?

That brings me to the section of the Bill that deals with penalties for members of the agency. At section 14 (2) it is provided that a person who contravenes subsection (1) shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding £1,000. Is that the sort of fine the Oireachtas considers appropriate to somebody given the responsibility of managing the national debt and the nation's borrowings, if he misbehaves? Is that a sufficient deterrent?I suggest that it is not. When dealing with civil servants in the Department of Finance there is no need for such a penalty because these people have pride in their job and a spirit of dedication when they offer themselves to the public sector to serve. As the Minister has said, they are doing a good job. The statements I have quoted from the Minister and the Community prove that they are doing a good job. I would suggest that they have done their job so well that some of the poor are unable to put their hands on some of the benefits that result from that good job; the benefits accruing to the economy as a whole were not, necessarily, passed on to those in greatest need.

We question the need for Government to legislate in this way. Certainly the figures are frightening. They are so vast that people cannot possibly comprehend them. The figure is put at £2,000 per head of those working in the country. That is only a statistic but one that is intended to frighten people. It is not the working people of the country, however, who are responsible for the creation of that debt. They are certainly given the responsibility of paying back most of it through taxation and otherwise and that has been proven by statistics. Certainly the creation of this debt cannot be totally attributed to them because very little of this borrowing was carried out to look after the poor, the sick and the homeless. Much of this money was raised for productive purposes. Money was given to assist private companies who had run into difficulties. At the moment there is other legislation to prohibit the public sector from being effective in advertising in the market place and this is being done for the benefit of the private sector.

From one piece of legislation to another there are reverse ideologies as to when the State should or should not intervene and as to how self sufficient the private sector should or should not be. It is as if the private sector was totally exempt from having created any of this national debt. Much of the money was ploughed into products and industries that the Government hoped would generate an income by creating employment. In introducing the budget the Minister said that employment figures had improved but for a real improvement there must be an annual increase of about 2 per cent; otherwise there will not be a net decrease in the unemployment figures.We are also depending on the safety valve of emigration.

It is our belief that the responsibility for the management of our affairs should lie within the normal structures of the Department of Finance responsible totally to the House. It would be a pity if this vehicle were used only to compensate those people who work in that area because there are so many more imaginative ways that they could go about that business — by way of contract services, negotiations with the trade union movement, all party agreement in the House — without bringing in legislation that gives certain power to the Minister, and to the Minister only, to appoint this agency responsible to him and indirectly to the Oireachtas committee.

This procedure has not been very successful in the past. On a weekly basis the Committee of Public Accounts are critical of how funds are used and misused.It will be very difficult for any committee of this House in the future, with all their expertise and competence, to bring this super-human person before them. There are many whizz kids waiting to grab the compensation that is available, but these people will build up additional expertise and then leave for the wider fields of the private sector. The State should be able to look after its own staff and compensate them in a way they deserve. The dialogue that goes on between Departments, Ministers and ourselves would then continue, but not in a transparent way as set down in this Bill.

We will be opposing Second Stage of the Bill. No doubt the Government will want to have it passed because, as is obvious to anybody who knows anything about this matter or has listened to or read debates on it, already people are being lined up for the prime posts in this agency, with salaries of up to five times that of the Taoiseach. It is extraordinary that we are responsible for setting up this agency which will have no responsibility to report back to us. We will have no way of questioning them or dealing with this matter by way of legislation or other debates in this House. When dealing with matters such as this most of us have to rely on the limited information that is available to us. We have the ability, through dialogue with Ministers, to tease out information, but that may not be an efficient procedure when dealing with this chief executive officer.

The most serious aspect of this matter is that people may lack confidence in this post, which will be very different from any in the Department of Finance. We are concerned that for the first time a private or semi-private agency, whatever way you want to describe it, will have the power to manage or mismanage our affairs, our national currency, economic development, our borrowing requirements and our debt repayments, external and internal. It is frightening to think that we are providing by legislation such a vehicle when we have an efficient Civil Service who does the work so well that most of us complain about the tight rein they hold on the purse strings. We have reservations about this agency. There is concern as to how they can be brought to accountability. No doubt we will have a lot more to say about this matter.

I have no hang-ups about the exclusion of Members of the Oireachtas from the committee because it could be considered that there would be a conflict of interests, and we should be extremely careful to avoid conflicts of interest. The overall responsibility vested in the elected Members of this House and the Government rests within the existing structures. Nobody in the Government was elected to initiate this kind of procedure. One has suspicions as to where the idea came from and the reason for it. For the people who have already been consulted as to their availability for this post, there will be grave disappointment if the Government are unable to carry through this procedure.

This is an agency that will be monitored extremely closely in its infancy and when it first reports back to the House. If we in the Labour Party, in view of the fact that this Bill will probably be passed, consider it necessary at any time to dismantle this arrangement we will use every parliamentary procedure at our disposal to do so. We will certainly be considering the possibility of amending this legislation on other Stages so as to protect the national interest. I am talking about everybody in the country and not just those who are privileged with wealth or the opportunity to create wealth. I am talking about the poorer sectors of the community, the people whom I have been chosen to represent. If this private sector agency who are being appointed to manage our economic affairs do so at the expense of those people, the Government will be held responsible for setting in train the legislation that is removing direct accountability from the actions of an elite group with no board. This body will be in charge of the finances, responsibility for which up to now has been vested in the Minister for Finance in consultation with his colleagues in Cabinet. This is a major break with the traditions of the State and the legislation is unwelcome.

The fact that the Government feel we need a special agency to manage the national debt is an appalling indictment of the gross mismanagement of our national finances which has taken place for almost 20 years. The Minister highlighted this when he said the average worker pays about £2,000 a year to service this debt. While I commend the Minister for his frankness, nevertheless he has failed to apologise for the part — and it is a very major part — successive Fianna Fáil Governments have played in allowing this huge mountain of debt to accumulate. There was not a bleat from the spokesmen for Fine Gael or the Labour Party, no apology for their contribution to this disaster. In fairness, Deputy Ferris made a very fleeting reference to it in his speech. What is left of the Progressive Democrats cannot pat themselves on the back, as they too played their part as Ministers in Fianna Fáil administrations. All these parties have engaged in the most blatant form of vote buying to the detriment of our national finances.

I give this Bill a guarded welcome. Certainly, it will need to be looked at closely on Committee Stage. The Fine Gael Deputies have been rather coy about whether they will be supporting the Bill. However, the Labour Party and The Workers' Party have indicated they will oppose it, a clear case of ideology triumphing over commonsense. Deputy De Rossa and his party are committed to democratic centralism, so any diminution of the all-prevailing power of the State would not be to their liking. The basic reality must be faced. Because of the enormous size of our national debt the greatest possible expertise should be obtained to manage it. With respect to the Civil Service, in general the training and motivation of these very worthy people is not geared towards the day-to-day debt management problems. It is inevitable that the best brains have and will continue to depart to the private sector. It is no good for the parties of the Left to get up on their ideological hobby horses and complain about their excessive salaries and so forth. We have to face reality. In the capitalist world in which we live the market decides, and the job market in financial specialists is no exception to this rule.

I would like to deal briefly with the points made by Deputy Garland. First, Fine Gael are not opposing this Bill on Second Stage. We are supporting it in principle, but that is not to say we will not table amendments on Committee Stage. The criticism about Fine Gael and Labour and their contribution to the accumulation of the debt is unfair, as I will now explain to the Deputy. Undoubtedly the view he expressed is one which is frequently perpetrated.One will hear Fianna Fáil propaganda — picked up by some commentators — that the debt was doubled by the Government who were in office between 1982 and 1987. In numerical terms it is true that the debt doubled between 1982 and 1987. The doubling of that debt resulted mostly from commitments made prior to 1982 and the repayment of interest on the debt borrowed or committed before 1982. It is also true that the Government led by Deputy Garret FitzGerald brought down the public sector borrowing requirement from 21 per cent, if I recall accurately, to just over 10 per cent in that period. Substantial progress was made notwithstanding the awful legacy that that Government inherited. At the same time, we inherited an inflation rate of 21 per cent, twice the European average, which we brought down to 3 per cent in 1986, half the European average. In other words we quartered the inflation rate compared to Europe and we did it against the trend. The British inflation rate was less than half that for Ireland. Before we left office the British inflation rate had exceeded ours. Inflation has been kept down at around the same level since then but was brought down to 3 per cent by that Government.

Second, when that Government took office in 1982, because of this borrowing and the sucking in of imports we had a crisis in our balance of payments. In 1982 we had the biggest trade deficit in our history, £1,800 million on top of which was to be added the outflow of interest payments on debt. By the time that Government left office we had our first trade surplus in 40 years which was achieved in 1985. We have had trade surpluses ever since. We now have balance of payments surpluses also.

Third, that Government inherited a State sector in which every single State company, without exception, was losing money, most of whom are now making profits. Those companies who were not making profits were on their way to making profits, so much so that the Government can actually tackle a State company, like RTE, because they are making profits. They consider it right to divert money to the private sector. That transformation of the State sector did not happen by chance. The drag on the Exchequer was an enormous contributor to the debt problem.

The golden rule for appointments to State boards prior to 1983 was that one had to be a party hack in order to be appointed, full stop. Even to become a member of a prison visitors committee one had to be a party hack. We stopped that practice. We set about appointing high level boards regardless of the party political affiliations. For example, I appointed Paul Kavanagh — a well known leading fund raiser of Fianna Fáil — to the board of Telecom Éireann because he is a successful, bright businessman.

I appointed Hugh Coveney to the Cork Free Port Authority in 1989——

Thanks very much.

——and also ex-Senator Pat Magner of the Labour Party.

To be fair to the Minister of State, Deputy Daly, if all the members of the present Government were as far-seeing and as generous — I do not mean that as a joke — it would be better for the party of which he is a member and would be better for the country.

The House will appreciate that internal citations of ills, real or imaginary of the past are only acceptable in so far as they would be relevant to the legislation we are discussing.

The record will show that they are reasonable.

One swallow——

It has only been done on the basis that there would be unreasonable or a lack of reasonable approaches to the appointments of the treasury management.

This is very pertinent. I do not know when that one appointment was made by Deputy Daly. One swallow never made a summer.

That appointment was made.

In general that was the case. I am not saying it was the exclusive property of Fianna Fáil Governments. All governments up to then had the habit of appointing to boards only people from their party or parties in power. It was like a substitute honours system. Most of the people appointed were worthy individuals but frequently there were people who were not particularly equipped for the job of being a director of important companies.

We found that most of the Departments of State did not have accountants. Certainly that was true in the case of the Department of Transport, later the Department of Communications, who have responsibility for a number of State companies; CIE had a turnover at that time of £300 million; Aer Lingus, £500 million; Telecom Éireann a few billion pounds; An post, a huge turnover — employing between them 60,000 people; B & I, Irish Shipping, RTE, and all the harbour boards in the country including the Dublin Port and Docks Board. There was not an accountant in the Department who could analyse the accounts for the Minister and highlight the questions that the Minister should be asking. I brought in an accountant to discover that Irish Shipping, because of the absence of any accountant, had completely gone off the rails in a disastrous and heartbreaking way for a company that had been a great success. We had to do something similar to what is being done in this Bill without having a Bill, we had to pay the going rate and we found a way of doing it.

Let me conclude my remarks on the State sector, who contributed to the debt but who are now making profits, with the following point. We insisted that each State company draw up a five year plan to be updated each year. Deputy Garland who is an accountant will understand the point I am making. Prior to the making of that demand State companies did not have to submit any budgets to the Government. We had nothing with which we could check their performance. Shortly after becoming Minister I asked a State company, which I will not name for good reasons, to show me their budget for the year in question but I was told it would take three weeks to compile the information. I wanted this information for a Cabinet meeting the following day. I asked the chairman of the board to explain, given this information, how they judged the performance of the management.Having regard to the fact that the company did not have a budget, is it any wonder we were in such a mess? We insisted that they draw up a budget each year to be submitted to the Department in advance. We also insisted that they submit reports every four weeks with the result we were able to see if anything was going astray. That is how we transformed the State sector.

Let me mention in passing that some of the worst enemies of the State sector as I indicated at the time were those broadly to the Left and committed to State enterprise. At that time there was resistance to any change or development which greatly hampered the State sector but this has changed. The trade unions now realise that they contributed to the problem and have changed their position dramatically.In early 1986, Mr. Bill Attley, who was then Assistant General Secretary of the Federated Workers Union of Ireland, made a very far-seeing speech. Mr. Attley who is now joint President of SIPTU is a man who should be listened to as he is certainly one of the great thinkers in this country today. According to a report in today's edition of The Irish Times he has warned the Government not to proceed with the Broadcasting Bill. I hope they listen to him.

That is how the State sector was transformed and that segment of the national debt brought under control. However, that was not the only achievement of that Government. The designated areas, where so much development is taking place, were introduced by my colleague, the former Deputy John Boland who did marvellous work when Minister for the Environment.He also established the Dublin Metropolitan Streets Commission which unfortunately was chopped. That was a pity because if one looks around Dublin they will see, despite the development taking place, that the centre of the city is in urgent need of upgrading in a planned and co-ordinated way.

It is unfortunate that you fired him from the Front Bench.

That was most unfortunate.

Could I ask the Deputy——

I could not resist.

——to take a leap into the present? He has set a very sound foundation and I would like to hear some mention of the National Treasury Management Agency.

Despite what Government backbenchers, sent in with their PJ Mara scripts, may have said it is not true that the national debt doubled while we were in office. Even taking inflation into account it did not double. It should also be remembered that most of the increase in the debt can be accounted for by commitments already made.

The seeds of economic recovery were sown by that Government. For instance, we reduced the top rate of VAT from 35 per cent to 25 per cent while we reduced the top rate of income tax to 58 per cent. We also introduced the major national road building programme in 1984. The only thing that has happened since Deputy Haughey and Deputy Flynn have returned to power is that expenditure on road construction has been cut in real terms in each of the past three years.

That is the background against which we are disussing this Bill. I do not expect Fianna Fáil or Progressive Democrat Deputies to admit in public that 1977 was a disastrous year. The problem then, as it is now, was a political one. When Minister in 1986 I indicated to the National Executive of the CII that we did not have an economic problem — we had an awful summer for the second year in a row, with widespread flooding — but rather a political problem. All that is needed to sort out our economic problems is the political will. This did not exist at the time Fianna Fáil stirred up every single interest group who had their expectations raised. Not alone did they accuse the Government of doubling the national debt but also of being monetarists, Thatcherites and bookkeepers. These were intended as words of abuse. They also said we were mean, too tight-fisted and cutting back too severely. The truth is that Government struggled manfully to get the legacy of the Government of 1977 to 1981 under control.

We should never allow the events of 1977 to recur. This Bill presents us with an opportunity to impose legal constraints on the Executive and Parliament. I said in the speech I made to the CII in 1986, to which I have already referred, that a proposal that there be a phased reduction in the level of the debt over a period should be put to the people by way of referendum. In order to ensure targets were met and to develop confidence in the marketplace that this would be the case, I felt something like that was necessary. It showed that people, properly led, would respond and support the necessary austerity, as they did once they were told there was not an easier way. That only happened when we became the Opposition in 1987.

I said we would support this Bill in principle but I am very concerned about its shortcomings. I should like it to incorporate annual targets for reducing the total debt as a percentage of GNP. Our debt problem is not by any means solved. Contrary to the impression many people may have, it is still rising each year. It has fallen somewhat as a percentage of GNP but not nearly enough. There is always the danger that we could have three or four bad summers in a row. It happened to Disraeli whose Government was nearly crucified by five bad summers. We could return to a period of international depression, decline or instability.We have elections very frequently in this country and we might be tempted as a political establishment to ease up on the targets and to revert to the sort of promises it is hard for the electorate to refuse. Those of us in politics need to impose rigid economic discipline on ourselves.

I should like to see inserted in this Bill a certain number of key economic requirements. We should set down a target for the total amount of debt permissible as a percentage of GNP for each of the next five years and we should agree on a target for the maximum percentage of GNP that can be borrowed after the fifth year has elapsed. I would suggest a figure in the region of 60 per cent of GNP — certainly not more than 75 per cent. The servicing of that debt pre-empts so much of our national resources, increases taxes, stifles enterprise and initiative and causes unemployment.

Because much of the national debt is in foreign currency it is possible that it may fluctuate upwards when our punt depreciates. Without borrowing an extra penny, the vagaries of the exchange rates could increase our national debt substantially.About half the debt is in foreign currency, which means that £12.5 billion are borrowed in foreign currency. If our punt were to depreciate by, say, 10 per cent, it would mean that our debt in dollars or Deutsche Marks could increase by as much as £1.25 billion. The Bill is very deficient in that it sets no clear targets for the national debt agency. The Minister might consider accepting the proposal that we insert a new part in the Bill dealing with the level of national debt compared to gross national product that would be permissible in each of the next five years, in descending order, with a clearly stated objective for five years' time which would become the ceiling for years to come. It is one way of imposing on ourselves, as politicians, the sort of discipline that was so sorely absent in 1977. It took until 1987 to get an all-party consensus that there was an economic crisis and that dramatic steps had to be taken to deal with the problems created ten years previously.

It would be very unwise to assume that the political system has matured beyond the recklessness of 1977 and that it would not be possible to return to that recklessness again. On the contrary, there is an enormous in-built propensity in our electoral system for global promises and promises to individual constituencies, especially where the last seat is marginal. As long as we have our existing electoral system we will have an in-built magnet for expensive, attractive promises, at least in the short term. I hope we will take the next step in the process of maturing politically and economically, the next step after the Tallaght Strategy without which the necessary measures would not have been taken because the Government would have been brought down within weeks and another general election held. The Tallaght strategy was thrown back in the face of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil ran to the country because they believed opinion polls and they came back with fewer seats.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,

We need to impose on ourselves as a political establishment the sort of discipline we lack, not least because of our present electoral system which has an inbuilt propensity to induce promises at election time which is the source of so much of our trouble.

This Bill before us is an opportunity, if it is taken by the Minister, to set targets for our debt in relation to the GNP. It is still extremely high by international standards and I hope, now we have the Minister and other Members of the Government present momentarily, that they will consider that. This is not a totally new idea. The US have the Gramm Rudman Act. It has not been especially successful there, so the fact that it is put in legislation does not guarantee success, but it would make it more difficult for a Government to ease up on the targets we all know are highly desirable.

The main purpose of this Bill, is, in effect, to retain highly skilled personnel in the services of the State. Unfortunately, we are losing highly skilled personnel from most Departments of State. We have an excellent Civil Service. In my experience those in the Civil Service who get to the top do so because of their ability, yet frequently we might have, for example, an assistant secretary on a very low salary being responsible to the Minister and Government for perhaps three, four or five State companies where the salary of the chief executive is considerably higher than that of the assistant secretary. If you think that is bad, bear in mind that the remuneration of the chief executive of the State company is almost invariably a great deal less than what a person with equivalent responsibility in the private sector would get in terms of salary, conditions, perks, etc. That is a very short-sighted approach. I know there would be a great fear that if we were to start remunerating our top civil servants properly to enable us to retain in and recruit into the Civil Service people of the top class and if we were to pay them such salaries, this would have such a "gi-normous" knock-on effect on the entire public service pay bill that it is just not feasible. I do not think that is necessarily the case.

A major player in this issue, just as they were a major player in the transformation of the semi-State companies from loss making to profit making, are the trade unions. We have later this year the prospect of negotiations for a second Programme for National Recovery, and it seems the Government would be well advised to put on the agenda for the negotiations the whole question of top pay in the public service sector.

If the Government could get a gilt edge guarantee from the trade union movement to a policy of properly remunerating top executives in State companies and top civil servants which would not lead to relatively claims from the rest of the public service, it would be a very major achievement and contribution to the State.

I am sure that the trade unions would not be unsympathetic to such a proposal because, as I said earlier, the leading light of the trade union movement, Mr. Bill Attley, joint president of SIPTU, the biggest union in the country, is one of the new thinkers and has led the way in transforming the attitude of trade unions to the role of the State sector. He has played no small part in transforming the State sector from a totally loss making sector into a relatively profit making one. The trade unions have a strong commitment to State enterprise. They realise that if State enterprise is to have the best chance of succeeding it needs the best possible leadership.

It is true that despite the low salaries in the State sector and the Civil Service we have managed to get people of very high calibre who are clearly motivated by very high national ideals. However, it is wrong that they and their families should be at such a financial loss because of their patriotism.

In a sense this Bill is too narrow because it seeks only to deal with the problem in one small important area of the public service, that is the national debt. It is well known that the extremely skilled people who have worked in that area for years have served this country extraordinary well. While the Civil Service are often derided for trying to be the permanent Government, I can well understand the frustration civil servants, particularly in the Department of Finance, felt when they saw politicians making a mess of the economy, against their advice, from 1977 to 1981. The debt which built up was not contributed to by the civil servants but was built up consistently against their advice year in, year out. If that Government had listened to the civil servants we would not have the debt problem we have today, and we might not need a national debt agency.

The Bill is too narrow in its focus because there are many areas of the public service where civil servants of very high quality and frequently of high academic achievement are being paid much less than they could earn outside. There has been a drift by these people out of the public service — a surprisingly small drift when one considers the gulf in their earnings compared to their potential earnings — and it would be wrong to assume that this trickle will not develop into a flood. I should like to see a totally new approach being adopted to remuneration at the top level of the public service.

When I was Minister, following the circulation to Government Departments of the draft White Paper on reform of the public service by my former colleague and then Minister for the Public Service, Mr. John Boland, I strongly advocated the inclusion of a complete new section in the White Paper on merit pay in the public sector. This would have given us a way of rewarding conspicious achievement and commitment in the public sector. The principle of my proposal was accepted and a paragraph was inserted into the White Paper before it was published, but while it genuflected to the idea of merit pay, unfortunately its provisions were very restrictive.

I should like to see extensive merit pay becoming the norm at the top level of State companies and the Civil Service. I know that if merit pay is introduced without careful guidelines on its implementation, we could eventually end up having to pay everybody merit pay, thereby dramatically increasing our total pay bill while at the same time removing the incentive to work. We should set up a board and appoint three successful business people from outside the Government service — for example, a former secretary of a Department and two top businessmen — who would have available to them a specific sum each year, say, £4 million or £5 million, and to whom a case would have to be made in respect of senior civil servants and top State company executives. For example, in the case of the senior civil servants the case could be made by the Minister for the relevant Department. We would also have to confine the number of people in any Department who could be awarded merit pay in any one year. I am not talking about buttons; it would have to be significant merit pay, perhaps thousands of pounds, would have to be made available to reward conspicuous achievement and commitment in the public sector. This is the only way in which the State sector will be as motivated as the private sector. It should be possible to do that without adding enormously to the public service pay bill. I am aware that is the only consideration standing in the way of remunerating properly those at the top of the Civil Service commensurate with their ability.

In a supplement to today's issue of The Irish Times, “Working and Living”, there is an article by Lorna Siggins entitled “The flight from the public sector proves lucrative for most”. The article refers to people who have left the State sector such as David Kennedy, former chief executive of Aer Lingus, Padraic White, former chief executive of the IDA, John Kerrigan, former secretary of the IDA and Sean Condon, former chief executive of Córas Tráchtála. However, there are many people in the public sector who would earn a great deal more tomorrow if they went to a private industry. If they left the State would lose millions because there would be a great loss of leadership and, undoubtedly, the performance of State companies would fall. I have in mind people like Paul Conlon, the chairman and chief executive of the CIE group, an outstanding public servant. He has managed to bring down the level of the CIE deficit in each of the last six years. It is worth recalling that the CIE deficit rose from £2.5 million in 1969 to £109.5 million in 1982, seven times the rate of inflation at a time when inflation was rampant. In each year since 1983 the real level of the deficit in CIE has reduced in accordance with the formula I introduced as Minister. That success was presided over brilliantly by Paul Conlon and it was achieved without any public irritation.There were no strikes in CIE as a result of the reductions or any diminution in the company's services to the public. We did not have any parades in the streets or lobbies from any constituency. Paul Conlon executed the changes in a brilliant fashion. He cut out the fat and brought in more efficiency. He is being paid one-third to one-half what he would earn in the private sector. Paul Conlon is an example of the dedicated public servants we have.

The second reservation I have about the Bill is that it is too narrow, it deals with only one area of the public service and does so in a way that people will be pushed out of the public service. Have the Government, or the Minister, reflected on the effect on morale in the public service following the passage of the Bill? I should like to refer to the air navigation services office in the Department of Tourism where highly qualified officials are being paid salaries in accordance with Civil Service limits. However, they deal with airline employees who do not have the same responsibility but are paid higher salaries. It is not surprising that the Department have difficulty filling some of the technical jobs. As a result approvals for air worthiness and so on take longer to obtain here than under other civil aviation administrations. What can take two weeks in Britain can take six months here. There is a delay in getting aircraft on to registers, having them approved and so on. Is the Minister aware that the private sector have offered to pay for the employment of extra staff in the air navigation services office? They offered to pay those officials higher salaries but the Government have had to turn down that offer although it would not cost them anything and would benefit the State.

Eolas, formerly An Foras Forbartha and the IIRS, have an extensive remit under law but it takes Irish industry longer to get approval from them for televisions, telephones and so on than it takes in Britain due to a shortage of staff. Again, industry has offered to pay for the employment of more staff but the Government cannot accept that offer because such a move would breach public sector norms. The same applies in most Departments. We could employ people profitably in the Department of Communications to deal with electronics. We would reduce industrial costs dramatically if approvals were issued as quickly as in Britain. However, because it takes so long to get approval industrialists go to other administrations. Our unemloyment is very high, there are many vacancies in the public sector and, although industry is prepared to pay to fill those vacancies, the Government cannot take up the offer.

I have no doubt that, following the passage of the Bill, there will be a lot of envy in the public service that the prince of Departments, the Department of Finance, are able to establish the Agency. The Department of Finance are responsible for the finances of the country and for our public service. The Minister for Finance has established an agency for his Department but other Departments will not get a look in. I hope this move does not have a demoralising effect on other areas of the Civil Service. The debate on the Bill should lead the Government to put the question of pay for top public servants on the agenda for the next programme for national recovery. The Government should reach a deal with the unions to allow an iron circle to be drawn around the pay of top public servants so that relativity claims will not follow.

In recent years in the United Kingdom the fixed pay level for top civil servants has been abandoned. Their equivalent to our Secretary of the Department of Finance is paid a certain figure while the Secretaries of other Departments receive a little less. The salaries of all top civil servants apply to the person holding the post at the time. It does not mean that the next person who takes up the job will necessarily get the same salary, it depends on their attributes and whether they are badly needed in that area. That is a more sensible approach than to say that the secretary of every Department must be paid at the same level, although there are a number of exceptions. Some Departments are more important than others and their work-load can be greater than in others. It is obvious that at certain times some Departments are crucial although that can change. Sometimes particular attributes are needed to deal with certain issues and problems.

I remember very well the transition of the Department of Posts and Telegraphs to Telecom Éireann and An Post which needed very astute management and leadership because it was a major reform of the public service: half the Civil Service were transferred to two semi-State companies. The legislation was drafted and prepared over a period of years and the transition was managed without the slightest ripple or hiccup. That is a tremendous tribute to the then Secretary of the Department, Mr. Seán Ó Ceallaigh and the Deputy Secretary, Miss Ita Meehan. They both retired early, I regret to say, although I heard that they are enjoying life and they deserve to. All the assistant secretaries, principal officers and assistant principal officers were involved in planning and executing that major change and they deserve more than just praise in this House. We were not able to financially reward those people for an extraordinary brilliant job, over and above their normal day-to-day work. They had to continue running the service while they were planning and executing this major transition. There were no bonuses — apart from token ones — awarded for merit. A Minister can make a case to the Minister for Finance for making an exceptional payment but the limit is very small. I hope, therefore, that before the end of this year we will address the question of top pay in the public service which should be on the basis of reward for achievement or commitment instead of narrowly focusing on one, admittedly vitally important, area.

On Committee Stage I hope the Minister will insert a new Part in the Bill dealing with the question of capping — the "in" word — the proportion of debt to GNP on a descending scale for each of the next five years. Our debt represents no more than 60 per cent of GNP and it should be capped on that basis for ever. That is the only way in which the political establishment will discipline itself, and the fear of the polls should not push us into making attractive offers at elections because it would mean that the electorate would have to repay a very hefty bill, with interest, for years to come.

Like Deputy Mitchell, I also see the Bill as a widening of horizons and adapting to change which, perhaps, we should have undertaken many years ago and which might have obviated the need for such an agency. The concept of this kind of accountability and change and the use of our expertise and skills is welcome. I see the Bill as not just the beginning of a debate but the adaptation and change of systems and structures which are outdated to the point of being damaging and destructive ends in themselves.

We all agree that in former times, with less complicated and sophisticated methods of industrialisation, perhaps the same mechanisms were not needed. The same levels of skill and expertise were not called upon but, as we face into the 21st century and as we recover — this is the main thrust of the Bill — from the devastating blow the country experienced through this debt that almost engulfed us, it is right to look at systems and structures which will monitor, administer and, above all, act as an early warning system which will ensure that never again will our country and economy get into such a state. Sadly, it will take another generation to clear it.

We are all aware of the very basic fundamental concepts of economics, particularly debt and its repayment. It must be repaid at a high price and great sacrifice, and I hope the experience has been so searing and deeply felt that such a situation will never again arise. This agency will go far in ensuring that this will not happen again but, like the majority of speakers, I too should like to reflect on the past by paying tribute to what were then nameless and faceless civil servants who took on the incredible responsibility on our behalf with great skill, sensitivity and expertise and negotiated loans to endeavour to pull us out of the desperate situation in which we found ourselves. They did it so well that, not alone did they save the country financially, they also saved its image and credit-worthiness.

It is said that real learning is painful, a theory to which I subscribe. It is what makes us grow, enriches us and deepens or experience so that — I hope — we never make the same mistakes again. Nobody can deny that Ireland and its economy have come through probably the most traumatic, painful and fearful experience since the foundation of the State. It is incumbent on us to build on that experience, learn from the pain and sacrifice to ensure that such debt burden never recurs but that we deal with it as effectively, efficiently and quickly as possible so that we do not pass on such a doubtful inheritance to generation after generation. We should also learn from events leading to the structures being established alongside the inception of this agency, when many lessons can be learned and applied to our benefit in the future.

One of the most devastating lessons we have learned is how little any of us in our normal lives is prepared to cope or become involved in the overall sense of our economy, particularly the need for a well-run economy, the need for information and education from a very young age so that, not merely as politicians, but as voters we realise its true state at any given time. There is a vast mystique abroad — represented by ignorance and fear on the part of many of us — that economic terms, budgets, the running of the nation's finances are so technical, overwhelming, so beyond our comprehension, knowledge and information, we cannot become involved. This has lead to huge debts having been incurred in our names without or realising their repercussions or endeavouring to call a halt. It would be my hope that, within our educational system today we would begin to imbue young people with a sense of economics which would not be overtechnical, or fearful, that would enable them as citizens, voters and particularly as taxpayers, to recognise not just the complexities of annual or long term budgeting but which would enable them to understand and become aware immediately of the kinds of dangerous currents in which we were becoming engulfed when the downward spiral began in the late seventies and eighties and when we lost control over management of our budget and overall finances.

There has been a denial of information at that level which has been to the detriment of all of us. Certainly it is detrimental to the people who attempt to budget for us in so far as there is no clear understanding on the part of various interest groups who expect their groups to be served regardless of the sacrifices made by others. There is no collective sense of responsibility here as to what might be — if I might describe it as such — the holistic approach to our economy. That kind of divisive ignorance of how our economy worked has led to interest groups demanding over and above what was politically or financially attainable. Education at the most basic level would enable our voters of the future to maintain a watchful eye, feel some sense of responsibility and accountability vis-á-vis their financial future and that of the nation's overall. We must remember that, otherwise, we shall all end up paying for such mismanagement, not just at the time of borrowing but as we attempt to repay by way of high interest rates.

I welcome the fact that a report from the new National Treasury Management Agency will be supplied not alone to the Minister but laid before the House. I cannot over-stress that information consitutes the key to enabling choices be made and power reside where it should. Without that type of information people cannot make choices or undertake any knowledgeable monitoring of events as they take place. The more information that can be supplied, the greater the openness with which we can display our books and budgets to the nation, the more collectively we will involve our people in what has to be paid and the manner in which that should be done. It is my belief that our people have a tremendous capacity for responding in a generous, self-sacrificial way once they are made aware of the effects of such payments whereas, without that knowledge, they are reluctant to pay anything, which is a measure of their intelligence. I contend we insult their intelligence when we deny them basic information which would give them a sense of collective responsibility or accountability.

I should like to believe that the establishment of this agency will augur the beginning of structures — introduced by this Legislature — that will enable greater information, education of our electorate, and trust in them, in the sense that those who pay the piper should call the tune. I should like to think that the establishment of this agency will augur the opening of doors, information and horizons in a manner that has never been afforded or entrusted to the electorate heretofore.

I should also like to think that one of the monitoring agencies that the National Treasury Management Agency and Government will be able to employ — and the many agencies to which Deputy Jim Mitchell referred, — in which daily public servants strive on our behalf, undertaking an extraordinarily faceless, selfless task, backed up with the wealth of technological knowhow now available to us — will be used in the most efficient manner. In the exchange and sharing of information — which modern technology affords us to do and build on which was not possible heretofore — we will be able to eliminate wasteful duplication of work so that we will not be replicating work undertaken by some other agency, but sharing information, so that much of the wasteful repetition of work undertaken by various agencies heretofore will be eliminated. In that way we will be able to share in the task of this new agency, not merely the management and repayment of national debt in the most effective manner possible but also ascertaining ways and means of eliminating anything that is wasteful, inefficient and financially demanding on our people. We have the modern technology and expertise with which to undertake that task. But, above all, we must resist the temptation not to share vital information, of keeping it to ourselves, fearful that we may lose some of our effectiveness by sharing it equally with others; we will not.

Something that gives me great hope, and always will, is the resources of Irish people when their backs are to the wall and yesterday evening's event goes to show that. It shows the amazing resources we have if they are harnessed and channelled in the right way. I am constantly aware, despite the difficulties we have come through and the devastating debts we have managed to run up, that we still have, within a very complicated world, a homogenous society and people who respond generously once they know what the call is about. We have a less complicated and less diverse society than many other countries have to cope with. We have 3.5 million people with more or less goodwill and a high level of education and intelligence. If we use those resources and expertise and reward our people accordingly we will overcome the difficulties we are at present dragging ourselves out of. We could set up a society here that would be a model and would work as well as some of the Scandinavian models. I am not saying we would impose their background and culture on our people but what they show is that models can work if citizens are treated as mature and responsible. The Scandinavian countries have always managed to do that. They use their skills to monitor and plan and I am sure the people staffing this agency will do this as well.

One of the biggest lessons we have learned, in the context of our debt collecting, is that we can never again attempt to set up economic plans without taking into account the social implications. It is because we did not do this that so many mistakes were made.

One of the things I am always aware of is that as a State that started 60 years ago with nothing, literally building itself up from the bottom, we must remember to be proud of the efforts that were made to bring us to where we are today and to use that to show how much better we can do. A constant negative self flagellating approach to ourselves and our psyche is the last thing we need. We need to celebrate what has been accomplished as well and to build on that. Apart from learning from our mistakes we should celebrate our accomplishments and build on them and in that way give confidence to the young people coming after us. In doing that we should always set up models that would look at the social implications of our economic planning as well — and there is not one financial political or economic decision made on a daily basis that does not also have huge implications which, in the long run, become more important and even more fundamentally disturb our financial picture than sheer economics alone. We must take cognisance of the payment of our debts and we must do so as well in the budgets and the planning for the next decade. We must carry out research, gather statistics and publish them and educate people into realising that producing them is a practical skill and not some kind of mysterious power that other people have, that is denied to most people.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted and 20 Members being present,

Section 9 of the Bill states that there shall stand established a committee to be known as the National Treasury Management Agency Advisory Committee, which will be referred to as the committee. I except that committee, which will be set up as a support and an assistance to the agency, will be as representative as possible. I hope that expertise, which has not been sought or acknowledged on other committees and boards, will be represented on this committee.I cannot let the opportunity go by, with the setting up of such a committee, particularly in an advisory capacity, without asking that women be represented on it. I am sure I can rely on the Minister not to suggest that there would not be an adequate number of women who could serve on such a committee, considering that, without being facetious, so many women operate on a day to day budget. I am now asking the Minister to ensure that the committee, which will have a wide and specialised representation, will include women.

I am not talking about just one woman but many women. I take the Minister's response as a commitment.

Does the Irish Goods Council not comprise 50 per cent women?

Fifty per cent would be fine.

The Deputy has encouraged the Minister to be very much out of order in addressing her while leaving the Chamber.

I welcome your allowing the Minister's disorder in such an important area. I take it the Government will allow a debate on the report of the agency to be laid before the House. As I have said, the more knowledge and information all of us have on the amount of debt to be repaid, the more responsibility and accountability we will have. I hope that, perhaps as a result of a lot of the specialised work of the agency, and certainly side by side with it, there will be planning and reform of taxation to ensure a fairer distribution of tax. At present certain sectors of the community are expected to pay a far greater amount of taxation than others. This is a national debt and all of us should be responsible for repaying it. I hope that, through the agency and through reform of taxation, particularly in the next budget, there will be a fairer method of tax collection. A lot of the money borrowed goes towards the community as a whole and everybody, particularly those who are most able, should help repay the debt.

As I have said, agencies such as this should not only provide a more effective way of managing our affairs but should also provide information on these matters.If we are expected to pay the debt we should at least have some say in how the money is spent. Finally, I would like to think the agency will have adequate resources and staffing. We must always provide for this in legislation of this kind. I have seen too many Bills in this House that have promised a lot but have not provided for sufficient resources to carry out the job. I hope this agency will have the resources and the staff to carry out their work. Above all, I hope that, in working towards repaying the large national debt, they are working towards the day when they will not be needed for this purpose. Perhaps in the future the agency could be employed in a much more positive and profit-making way.

I welcome the opportunity of speaking on this debate. I agree with the principle of putting in place some type of debt management agency. Like other speakers from this side of the House, I am apprehensive in relation to the explicit need for a new and separate independent agency outside the aegis of the Department of Finance. Even though civil servants per se are not in a position to declare their personal views on this new agency, at the same time I have a feeling there must be, within the Department of Finance, some resentment, which is understandable. Despite the good work they have been doing on an ongoing basis over the years and the fact that their advice may not have been taken by successive Ministers, at the end of the day when it comes to putting in place a new mechanism to control the national debt and bring it within manageable proportions, the Minister decides to go out into the public arena and trawl in some so-called experts to advise the experts within the Department.

I do not see the need for this new superstructure — this new independent agency. I share the views of some Members, in the collective Opposition, that there is reason to believe that some of the traditions, the norms, the conventions and the ethics that have always applied to the public service may not be observed if people, other than people in the public service, are charged with this responsibility. The information will be important, it will be confidential and it will be vital in relation to where we stand at a particular time. There is need for some mechanism but we would prefer to see that mechanism as being a special task force within the Department of Finance. Unquestionably there is consensus on all sides of the House that the national debt is one of the major burgeoning problems that has, by and large, gone unresolved. As Deputy Barnes has said it is to our eternal shame collectively that we have in this arena voted moneys over the years for policies which are beyond our means. There is a myth abroad that we are slowly bringing the debt problem under control. There is a great illusion of economic wellbeing, the impression that some economic miracle has been performed. I will not go into the details in relation to unemployment and emigration — which we would regard as the litmus test as to whether the policies are working — but to the vast majority of the 215,000 people who signed on for the dole last Friday and the 46,000 who emigrated last year, this so-called economic miracle would seem more like an economic mirage.

Deputy John Bruton proposed at some stage that it would have been wise had we imposed on ourselves a constitutional obligation to cut out deficit budgeting. It is a pity it did not happen. Unfortunately we are now in a situation where irrespective of the amount of progress that has been achieved we still have not brought down the national debt to an acceptable level. The idea is a good one and the Minister should look seriously at the reservoir of experience he has available to him within the Department of Finance rather than going outside into the public marketplace. We have sent people from the Department of Finance to the highest levels in Europe. We have sent people from the Department of Foreign Affairs who are capable of becoming and acting as Presidents of the United Nations. We have people in the public service who can hold their heads high with any of their peers anywhere throughout the world. We have people in the Department of Finance who have taken over the role of Governor of the Central Bank and have done it with aplomb, style and efficiency. There are people advising the Minister today in this House who, it is probably, would be capable of managing the National Treasury Management Agency.

Economic recovery will not father national solvency. Despite the advances we are still deeply in debt and we have only prevented further deterioration. We are running very hard to stand still. The national debt ratio has not improved despite the fiscal rectitude and economic stringency that has been imposed and for which there was political consensus over the past few years. It is just that it has not become worse, and I do not wish to detract from the Government's achievement in stabilising the national debt as a proportion of GNP.

Ireland's national debt would never have been tackled in the absence of the political consensus and support which was exhorted on the Government from this side of the House during the Tallaght Strategy. Despite all this Ireland's national debt is still remarkably high. Unfortunately it will be a plague on economic policymakers and planners for at least a decade. It is important to explode the blue lagoon myth that the debt crisis has been resolved. Once that idea takes root incredible political pressure will come to bear on everybody to abandon the corrective measures. It is on the way to being resolved but it will be a good decade down the road before it will be obliterated. It would be a catastrophe if the impression got out that there was any relaxation in this regard. In 1988 the debt reached a shade under £25 billion. In the course of that year the level of Government borrowing reached £1 billion bringing it to a grand total if £24.160 billion. If the level of debt were to be apportioned equally among the population every man, woman and child would be in debt to the tune of £7,000. The Minister gave his own figures but individually every one in this country is deeply in debt.

In 1987 the national debt as a proportion of the gross national product reached a new peak of 133 per cent. The stabilisation of the national debt during the 1988-89 period has turned a peak into a pleateau. Ten years earlier, in 1978, the gross national debt stood at the equivalent of 78 per cent of the national debt-GNP ratio. The situation, therefore, is that there has been a considerable deterioration in the debt over the years and particularly over the past 15 years and it became particularly pronounced in the eighties. The debt problem has reached such proportions that we had no option but to take firm and definite action.

When there is a national debt of this proportion everything is crippled. National indebtedness imposes weighty annual interest bills on those economics which have allowed debts to accumulate. The Minister in his speech yesterday addressed this House on the individual liability in terms of actual amounts owed, both in absolute terms and in the annual interest rate bills. The only way such high interest bills can be met are by imposing additional high taxes or from additional borrowings or, as happens in this case, from a combination of both. The whole ongoing burden of the national debt and its servicing means that there are constant distortions on our economic life. These distortions inhibit the attainment of high levels of economic growth — growth which is needed to relieve the effects of our high indebtedness. The options therefore, for us are limited. On the one hand if the decision is to finance the interest on the national debt from taxation the inevitable result is that high tax rates weaken the incentives of people to stay here, weaken the incentives for those who are producing here, weaken the attractiveness of producing more, weaken our general level of productivity and invariably lead to a situation where emigration is being promoted and stimulated.The inevitable consequence — and this is happening — is that there will be a brain drain from the country. The best and the brightest people who should be here helping to bring the debt within manageable proportions are gone and foreign economies are benefiting rather than the national economy which bred and educated them and which should have enabled them to have a future here.

While interest payments on the national debt are financed from additional borrowings, additional debt is created which helps to perpetuate the vicious circle and makes debt servicing even more difficult in future years. The problem is further compounded when a large slice of the national debt is again owed to foreigners. The annual interest payment on that segment of the national debt flows out of the country. Effectively, what we are doing is collecting taxation for export to foreign debtors and lending institutions because of our inability to manage the economy. These interest payments amount to a major drain on our resources which could be used to stimulate growth by way of incentives.

In 1989, the Government set the Exchequer borrowing requirement at £1,055 million while interest payments on the national debt amounted to £2,048 million. Can one imagine what we could do for the school children in the Gallery who have come to see the way in which the Legislature functions if we had this money at our disposal? Their futures cannot be guaranteed unless we reduce the national debt to manageable proportions within the next four to five years. We need to impose constraints and introduce fiscal measures to try to eliminate the national debt as soon as possible. Can one imagine what we could do for the people in Boston, Birmingham and Brisbane, who were not able to eke out a living here because of the profligacy of the past, if we had that money at our disposal?

A surplus would permit tax cuts across the board, allow us to encourage increased output, stimulate the creation of employment, generate economic growth and activity. We would also be able to create the conditions in which development could take place. In short, it will take us a decade to repay the borrowings of the past few years. Having regard to the fact that the annual interest payment on the national debt on average is over £2 billion, taxes will have to remain high and we must continue to borrow money. If the interest bill was financed by way of taxes alone it would absorb 83 per cent of all revenue brought in by way of income tax and one-third of total tax revenue. However the annual interest payment is met by way of taxes and additional borrowings, with the result that high taxes have had to be imposed which in turn has led to an increase in the cost of goods, unrealistic demands from trade unions and interest groups and our competitiveness being eroded.

Having regard to our high debt GNP ratio, as compared with those of the counties we trade with we are at a competitive disadvantage. Because our production costs are too high the cost of our goods is too high as a consequence. Therefore we are unable to compete with others on what should be a level playing field. We need to compare our debt GNP ratio with those of other countries. The most successful countries have a debt GNP ratio of between 25 per cent and 30 per cent. In 1988, the GNP ratio in Ireland stood at 133 per cent whereas in Belgium it was 118 per cent; Italy, 98 per cent; the Netherlands, 58 per cent; Britain, 39 per cent; Canada, 37 per cent; Spain, 31 per cent; United States, 30 per cent; France, 27 per cent; Japan, 25 per cent; The Federal Republic of Germany, 24 per cent; Denmark, 23 per cent; Sweden, 7 per cent, Finland, 0.3 per cent and Norway, 0.2 per cent.

This is a bit like the Eurovision Song Contest.

Our performance is in sharp contrast to that of the United States. Despite large deficits year after year, the debt-GNP ratio in the United States has remained at around 30 per cent. It must be emphasised that Government efforts to reduce the debt to manageable proportions can only be successful in a climate of political co-operation.Deputy Dukes has never received the credit he deserves from the public or the political magnanimity one would expect from the main beneficiaries for the initiative he took in September 1987. As Deputy Mitchell said, the Coalition Government of 1983-87 were the first Government to hold a mirror up to the nation to see how we were managing our affairs. Even though our credit worthiness was still reasonably good, they asked if we could continue to live beyond our means.

I hope the Deputy is not going to bring us back along the well worn cobble stones of memory lane.

Deputy Higgins is merely trying to put things in perspective. He is asking people to acknowledge that we created the conditions in which progress could be made.

The people rejected you.

We were the first Government to argue that the wanton profligacy of the past had to come to an end, yet Fianna Fáil claim that they were the first to argue that things would have to change and we would have to try to make amends. However they are to be commended for arguing that our debt-GNP ratio, which is substantially higher than those in other countries, is unacceptable.Stabilising the debt could actually mean over a period of time that our performance in managing the debt may have deteriorated. We are not the only country who are trying to stabilise the national debt. It so happens other countries are doing exactly the same. Since 1985, Denmark has reduced its debt-GNP ratio from 35 per cent to 23 per cent while Britain, with recurring public sector surpluses, has cut its debt-GNP ratio from 47 per cent to 39 per cent. Sweden has also reduced its debt-GNP ratio from 16 per cent to 7 per cent over the same period. It is clear, therefore, that our performance at this time is inadequate. If we get all the breaks we require during the next decade, an annual growth rate of 3 per cent, a reduction in the Exchequer borrowing requirement to 3 per cent of GNP, no world recession and no excessive exchange rates or interest rates, it is just possible we may reduce our debt-GNP ratio to acceptable proportions.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 4 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 27 June 1990.
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