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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 18 Dec 1990

Vol. 404 No. 1

Estimates for Public Services 1991 and Public Capital Programme: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil Éireann takes note of the 1991 Estimates for the Public Services (Abridged Version) and of the 1991 Summary Public Capital Programme.

It has been the practice since 1987 to afford this House the opportunity to debate the Government's spending plans for the following year before the Christmas recess and I am once again happy to be able to facilitate such a discussion.

The publication of the Estimates this year somewhat later than in previous years stems from the difficult task which faces us on the budgetary front in 1991, and the painstaking and detailed way in which the Government set about the job of determining the Estimates, line-by-line, so as to keep expenditure at its lowest practicable level in 1991.

Policy on public expenditure is part of the Government's overall economic and budgetary strategy. That strategy has been, and remains, to secure the highest possible rate of sustainable economic growth. The objective is not just growth itself, rather the employment opportunities for Irish men and women, the higher living standards for those at work, and the extra capacity to serve the disadvantaged which growth makes possible. These are the essentials of the better future and a fairer deal for everyone which our efforts aim to achieve.

As a small open economy, our fortunes are inescapably linked with developments in world markets, and determined by our ability to exploit those markets. We must be recognised as a stable, competitive economy if the investment necessary for future growth is to be made here rather than go elsewhere. These simple facts of life dictate the key strands of policy — economic, monetary and budgetary — which make up the strategy.

Our firm commitment to maintenance of the value of the IR£ within the EMS is central to investors' perceptions of stability. This commitment to maintain the value of the IR£ will continue.

Just as important to investment perceptions and indeed to interest rates is the fiscal stance. A public debt which continues to decline as a share of GNP, lessening the burden of debt/service and the associated need for taxes, is essential if the gains of recent years in terms of improved interest rate differentials are to be consolidated and built upon. This is one of the reasons we are committed to bringing the debt/GNP ratio down towards 100 per cent by 1993. The other is to remove the risks that go with having a debt/GNP ratio that is too high. We have already achieved very significant progress in that regard with the debt/GNP ratio falling from 131 per cent in 1987 to 119 per cent in 1989. I expect that the final figures for this year will show a further significant reduction in the ratio.

Continued moderation in cost developments right across the spectrum is a third vital ingredient. I say "right across the spectrum" because I want to emphasise that its not just a matter of wage moderation. We must all be prepared, employers and workers, sheltered and exposed sectors alike, to tailor our demands to a basic reality. Our costs cannot outpace — indeed, must rise more slowly than — those of our narrow-band EMS partners if we are to prosper in the years ahead.

This brings me to a fourth strand of policy — structural reform. Old ways of organising our affairs are far from ideal in the integrated world markets of the nineties; and have not delivered adequately, down through the years. We have to get our priorities right. Public policies must concentrate on the avenues which best enhance our capacity for growth, while underpinning the position of the genuinely disadvantaged. We have to get our incentives right. Effort and enterprise must obtain fair reward.

We have to utilise all our resources to the best effect. If changes in existing practice or regulation can better serve our aims for growing employment and income, we must bring about these changes. We must use the resources we can devote to social policies so that they have the greatest possible impact in tackling real social problems and help the genuinely disadvantaged as much as possible.

The economic and budgetary strategy we have followed for the past few years has been clear, consistent and credible and it has delivered results. It is essential that we build on those results.

The Government welcome the report of the National Economic and Social Council, A Strategy for the Nineties. This report states that the outstanding lesson of the Programme for National Recovery 1987-1990 is that economic stability and a competitive development of incomes are vital to economic progress. It sees continuity in the fiscal policies, which have been so successful under the programme, as essential. It endorses the Government's key fiscal target of a national debt/GNP ratio of about 100 per cent by 1993, and also recommends that the current budget deficit and the EBR be kept on a sustained downward path in the interim. The council consider that to achieve these goals, there should be no real increase in public sector activity on average over the years to 1993.

The economic environment within which our economic and budgetary policy will operate and develop in future years will be different to what it has been up to now. The European Community dimension, consequent upon our participation in economic and monetary union, will assume increasing importance. Indeed, we have already embarked upon the first stage of that union which will see closer co-ordination of economic and monetary policies generally.

Starting on Saturday last, 15 December, the Community began negotiations on the Treaty amendments necessary to secure EMU. Fundamental to the success of that union will be sound and sustainable financial and budgetary conditions. Agreement has already been reached that excessive budget deficits will be avoided. Furthermore, monetary financing of budget deficits will be expressly prohibited. Both these measures will be reflected in the text of any amended Treaty which emerges from the conference on EMU.

With the entry of sterling into the exchange rate mechanism of the European monetary system, a welcome element of stability has been introduced into the management of our economy. Another vital element of stage one is the complete removal of exchange controls. We have already moved a long way towards our goal of full capital liberalisation. Recently I announced a series of significant measures, which will advance our progress further.

The true test of the value of the economic and budgetary strategy which we have been pursuing is whether it actually delivers results. By any standards, the progress achieved already has been remarkable. Growth in output and employment has been strong, inflation has been low and very substantial progress has been made in correcting budgetary imbalances.

The average rate of growth in real GNP of 4 per cent in the period 1987 to 1989 was double the rate achieved in the early eighties and was higher than the average of about 3½ per cent in the European Community as a whole. This year GNP growth is likely to be close to 5 per cent — broadly similar to the 1989 performance and again will be ahead of the expected EC average.

This recovery in our economic performance over the last few years has not been confined to a narrow area of activity. It is broadly based, covering both the foreign sectors and the domestic economy. There has been a significant increase since 1987 in the volume of personal consumption, in contrast to the first half of the eighties. The combined effects of increased disposable income following growth in employment, cuts in personal taxation, increased consumer confidence, and falling interest rates were largely responsible for this turn-about. The strong performance of the tourist industry, as borne out by the increase in the number of people visiting this country in recent years, has also undoubtedly played a part.

While consumer spending increased by 5¼ per cent in 1989, some slowdown in the growth rate is indicated by the trend in retail sales in 1990 to date. Nevertheless, personal consumption is likely to increase by about 3½ per cent this year.

A major element of economic strategy has been to lower inflation and to keep the rate of increase in our costs in line with, or preferably, below that of our trading partners.

Before the Gulf crisis broke, inflation here had been brought down to just under 3 per cent — around the same as the German rate and well below the double digit level then prevailing in the United Kingdom. While the higher price of oil was an inflationary force this autumn, its impact was more than offset by lower food prices, lower import prices for other goods and — most importantly — by our own sensible behaviour in regard to wage increases under the Programme for National Recovery.

A most encouraging feature of recent economic developments has been the very strong investment performance. Last year, after a period of almost continual decline since 1982, investment grew strongly with both the main components of investment — machinery and equipment and building and construction — contributing.

Investment is again performing strongly in 1990. In the first ten months of the year, imports of capital goods were up by an estimated 8 per cent in real terms on the same period in 1989, indicating that business is continuing to invest in new machinery and equipment. In the building and construction area, activity remains strong particularly in areas such as infrastructure assisted by the EC Structural Funds programmes, and commercial construction.

Industrial output has also been quite buoyant in recent years, rising at an average rate of just over 9 per cent between 1987 and 1989. The manufacturing sector has been the main source of this growth. High technology sectors were to the forefront in the earlier years. However, more recently the contribution of the traditional sectors improved.

This year industrial output has risen by just 4 per cent in the first eight months. This slowdown relative to last year's growth has been most evident in the high technology sectors. The remainder of manufacturing, which includes the more "traditional" sectors, has maintained satisfactory growth.

The balance in our trade and payments with the rest of the world also improved considerably following decades of deficits in the current account. We are now paying our way in the world. In 1988 and 1989 we had a balance of payments surplus of around 2 per cent of GNP and the surplus is being maintained this year.

This balance of payments surplus reflects: the continuing strong performance of our exports which have grown by an estimated further 8 per cent in volume in the first ten months of this year; increased Structural Funds transfers from the European Community under the Community Support Framework which are underpinning stronger investment and helping us prepare for the challenges of "1992"; higher EC agricultural transfers which are helping to ameliorate the difficult situation facing farmers this year in relation to agricultural exports and prices; and the increased numbers of tourists who visited this country this year.

Despite having to pay more for our oil imports, the balance of payments will remain in substantial surplus this year. With a surplus of over £400 million in the first half of the year, the current account surplus for the whole of 1990 should be in line with that of 1988 and 1989, if not better.

By far the most conclusive proof of the success of the economic strategy pursued in the last few years has been the growth in employment. The preliminary results of the 1990 Labour Force Survey indicated an increase in total employment of 30,000 in the 12 months to April 1990. All indicators in the period since April give clear evidence of further growth in employment: in the three months to June manufacturing employment — seasonally adjusted — increased by over 2,000, giving a net annual increase of 7,000. Non-agricultural employment growth has been better than I expected at budget time. Employment in the larger private sector firms in building and construction grew by 9 per cent in the first nine months of this year as compared with the same period last year. Private sector services employment has grown strongly, particularly in tourism-related areas.

Over the duration of the Programme for National Recovery, total non-farm private sector employment will have increased by about 70,000. This provides the clearest demonstration of the gains resulting from the consensus achieved under the programme and shows that further gains can be achieved if this consensus is renewed.

In 1989, we improved our competitiveness, in terms of hourly earnings in manufacturing industry, against most of our trading partners. Moderate pay increases, combined with a general fall in the Irish pound's exchange rate, made this possible. This year there has been some minor erosion of these gains, though not against the other EMS narrow band members, because of a strengthening of the Irish pound.

Despite the gains in employment, unemployment is still a major problem. For 1990 as a whole, unemployment, as measured by the live register, should fall on average by some 7,000. This fall is less than had been forecast at budget time. The shortfall is due to a slowing of emigration because of the deterioration in the UK and US economies. All the evidence points to this reduction in emigration, rather than any under-performance on employment growth as the explanation for the live register position.

This year's budget continued on the path of responsible financial management which is so important to economic progress. It was widely welcomed as a sympathetic and balanced response to the needs of those seeking jobs, of taxpayers and of the least well-off in the community, through a well-thought-out package of measures aimed at bettering job prospects on an enduring basis, improving the structure of taxation, and looking after those on social welfare and on low incomes.

It could be said that the 1990 budget represented the culmination of the Programme for National Recovery. It was, indeed, a justification of the overall economic strategy pursued in accordance with the programme, since it was the strategy's wider success that made these provisions possible. The measures introduced last January, together with the steps taken in 1988 and 1989, met in full the commitments given by the Government in the programme. In fact, they went further in many respects, making a significant start towards the objectives established in the Programme for Government. It should be clear to all that the difficult decisions we took over the past few years have paid off, not only by way of growth and jobs, but also in terms of enabling us to address the issues of taxation and poverty in a very tangible way.

I am glad to say that the improvement in budgetary performance is being maintained through 1990. The trends reflected in the end-September Exchequer returns indicate that the level of borrowing by the Exchequer this year would be broadly in line with the budget estimate of 2.1 per cent of GNP. Developments since then indicate the prospect of Exchequer borrowing coming in below the budget target for the fourth year in succession.

The main contribution to the good budgetary performance this year is once again coming from the buoyancy of tax revenue. Corporation tax revenues are running well ahead of expectations and PAYE receipts are also set to come in ahead of projections. Corporation tax receipts could end up over 50 per cent above the budget estimate. This dramatic improvement reflects, of course, the introduction of self-assessment for companies as well as the cumulative effects of the changes made in the corporation tax regime over the past few years. Though some of the buoyancy now evident may reflect timing factors, notably a bringing forward of receipts under the self-assessment system, the size of the increase testifies to the success of the Government's policy of raising the tax yield from the corporate sector.

The PAYE improvement reflects a combination of better collection from employers and a better employment performance than had been expected. At budget time, the expectation was that non-agricultural employment would increase by 16,000. The present indications are, however, that the actual figure could be over 20,000.

On the expenditure side of the 1990 budget, the indications are that there will be some overruns in the current and capital areas. There is also likely to be a shortfall in the planned receipts from the EC, mainly down to timing factors. The improved tax revenue receipts are, however, more than compensating for the higher expenditure and the lower EC receipts with the effect, as I have said, that the budget target should be bettered once again this year.

Setting the expenditure allocations for 1991 proved to be an extremely difficult task. A number of inescapable factors combined to put upward pressure on expenditure, such as the £100 million carryover cost of this year's budget welfare increases, the need for us to spend more on programmes attracting EC Structural Funds, and the carryover cost of sanctioned special pay increases. The Government were determined to avoid taking measures which would adversely affect the less well off, or would damage vital public services.

As in previous years, and notwithstanding pressures and demands for additional spending, the Government's approach in settling the Estimates was firmly based on the principle that there must be continuing constraint on expenditure. Public spending is and will remain under firm control. In its deliberations on the Estimates the Government actively searched for ways to reduce spending by curtailing allocations to programmes not deemed to be absolutely essential, and by seeking greater efficiency in the use of resources in all programmes, even the most essential. Allocations for 1991 were allowed to increase only where there were decisive economic or social arguments for it.

The results of our work are an increase of 4 per cent in the provision for non-capital spending in 1991, marginally above the projected inflation rate of about 3 per cent and an increase in Exchequer-funded capital investment of 5 per cent, with the total Public Capital Programme set to rise by 7 per cent. Total Exchequer-funded expenditure, current and capital, is set to rise by about 4 per cent.

I would like to emphasise that the work on the 1991 Estimates does not stop here. The Government intend to review the published Estimates allocations before budget time to seek out further reduction possibilities in the light of the emerging outturn figures for this year and the changing domestic and international economic environment. Other Government Ministers contributing to this debate will be discussing in more detail the implications of the Estimates for their own spending areas, but I would also like to make some general comments on the major spending allocations.

The provision showing the largest nominal increase in spending is that for the health services. The net total Vote for health in 1991 amounts to £1,355 million, representing an increase of over £100 million on the budget provision for 1990 and a cost of about £25 per week for every household in the country. When account is taken of the 1990 outturn, after the Supplementary Estimate of almost £38 million, the increase is about £63 million or under 5 per cent. This rate of increase shows that there is no relaxation on the part of the Government in maintaining control on health spending.

While respecting the constraints imposed by the need to bring order to the public finances, welfare rates since 1987 have been increased by this Government at least in line with the rate of inflation and, in some cases such as the long term unemployed, substantial additional increases have been given. In fact, nobody who must rely on welfare for support has been left behind in the general recovery in the economy.

The published provision for social welfare at £1,554 million is £78 million or 5 per cent higher than the 1990 budget allocation and reflects in large part the carryover costs of this year's budget welfare improvements.

We have also been both imaginative and innovative in our approach towards helping those on welfare. There have been new schemes such as the carer's allowance; an overhaul of the plethora of existing schemes for lone parents into a new, consolidated lone parent's allowance; and extensions such as the supplement to the fuel allowance scheme for additional smokeless fuel costs. These changes are the mark of a Government who are actively concerned about improving the plight of the less-privileged.

There has been inadequate recognition of the extent of the upratings and reforms in welfare provision carried through by this Government over the past few years. These have been expensive; improvements since 1987 account for about £500 million of 1991 gross social welfare expenditure before any 1991 budgetary increases. This should be borne in mind by those who propose additional welfare expenditures, proposals which at times are unrealistic by reference to our resources.

Given all that we have achieved on the welfare front, and the difficult budget facing us in 1991, it is essential that there is a sense of balance and realism in considering what can reasonably be achieved in the short term.

The Government's commitment to law and order is reflected in the 1991 allocations for the Justice group of Votes. Overall expenditure next year will increase by £30 million. Expenditure on prisons will increase by 11 per cent. We intend to significantly strengthen the staffing of the prisons and provision has been made for the recruitment of up to 170 prison staff, including medical orderlies, by reducing the very high level of overtime in the prisons. An extensive refurbishment programme is underway in St. Patrick's Institution. This will include significant improvements to the women's prison. The construction of an infectious diseases unit in Mountjoy will commence to provide the proper hygienic accommodation for offenders suffering from Hepatitis-B and the AIDS virus. I am also making provision in the education area for the construction in Finglas of a new centre for young girl offenders. The facility for boys at Ard Mhuire in Lusk which at present is not in use will also benefit next year from a major refurbishment prior to reopening.

The funds made available for the prevention of crime and traffic law enforcement have considerably increased over the past two years. In the coming year, funding is being provided to bring Garda numbers close to an all time high. Including recruits in training, numbers will increase to over 11,000 by the end of 1991. We will also have increased by the end of the current year civilian staff to a level of 600, thereby releasing an equivalent number of gardaí onto the beat.

Other areas which the Government intend to strengthen include the scheme of civil legal aid and advice and the Garda Síochána Complaints Board. The financial allocations for both these bodies are being substantially increased. Deputies may have noticed that the financial provision for the Criminal Injuries Compensation Tribunal is being reduced for next year. However, a Supplementary Estimate for £4 million has been introduced this year to significantly reduce the backlog of outstanding awards.

The provision for Exchequer pay and pensions already included in the Estimates is £3,264 million, an increase of 4.5 per cent on 1990. The pay and pensions bill now accounts for almost 54 per cent of total net spending on non-capital supply services.

Deferred implementation of the full costs of special pay increses under the Programme for National Recovery gave the Exchequer some breathing space during 1988, 1989 and 1990. However, large liabilities have accrued which fall to be met in 1991 and 1992. These commitments are now placing a considerable and increasing burden on the Exchequer.

The 1991 Abridged Estimate Volume already includes an additional £54 million in respect of the cost of sanctioned special pay increases. The outcome to a number of other claims, which are currently being processed, is expected shortly. A further provision will have to be made in the 1991 budget for any increases in pay recommended on foot of these claims.

Negotiations are taking place on a new pay agreement as part of the current discussions on a new programme for economic and social development. The cost of any general round increase that may be agreed will have to be provided for next year. It is not possible, at this stage of the negotiations with the social partners, to predict the level of increase that may emerge.

The numbers employed in the public service in 1990 averaged approximately 197,000. It is expected that there will be a slight increase in numbers in 1991 to around 198,000. This is due mainly to increased staffing levels in the health sector because of the implementation of the 39 hour week and improvements in the child care and mentally handicapped services.

While recruitment may be permitted in areas of particular need, the emphasis in 1991 will continue to be on consolidating the reductions in staff numbers already achieved. There is no question of a general resumption in public service employment creation.

On the question of the costs of running the Civil Service administration, I said as far back as my 1989 Budget Statement that I was examining the possibility of fixing Departments' administrative budgets on a three year cycle which would involve a real reduction in funding each year because of greater efficiency but which would allow greater managerial flexibility within these budgets. A three year administrative budget has already been agreed for the Department of Social Welfare. Under this agreement the management of the Department of Social Welfare have certainty in relation to the administrative resources at their disposal for the next three years and much greater discretion as to how they deploy these resources. In the context of settling the 1991 Estimates, the Government decided that these arrangements should be extended to all Departments by 1 March 1991 at the latest. I am certain that this approach will stimulate improved management practices in all Departments while at the same time ensuring that the cost of running the Civil Service remains in harmony with the Government's overall public expenditure plans.

This year the Abridged Estimates Volume shows for the first time the allocations of national lottery funds for 1991. Lottery funded items are provided for the identified subheads in the relevant Votes, while an annex at the end of the volume brings them all together. This presentation was used in the Revised Estimates Volume for 1990 but this is the first time lottery allocations have been listed in the Abridged Estimates Volume.

Nineteen ninety-one will see real growth in the Public Capital Programme for the second year in succession. The 1991 programme, at £1,811 million, is 7 per cent up in cash terms on 1990.

Exchequer-financed expenditure is up by £39 million while non-Exchequer financed spending, which consists for the most part of spending by the commercial State-sponsored body sector, will grow by £79 million. The Exchequer will spend an additional £50 million during 1991 on PCP programmes supported from the EC Structural Funds. In order to accommodate this, aggregate expenditure on other Exchequer-financed programmes has been reduced. The Government are confident that the higher level of public sector investment next year will consolidate recent upward trends in the construction industry.

The provision in the PCP affecting the building industry is £51 million, or 5 per cent higher than that provided in the current year, with a £15 million increase for roads, £12 million for construction in tourism areas, a £14 million increase in industrial sector construction and an increase of £24.6 million in the Exchequer's provision for local authority housing.

The allocation for agriculture is up by 10 per cent to £126 million. This increase reflects, in the main, spending under the integrated rural development programme, which is an operational programme under the Community Support Framework which we expect will be approved shortly by the Commission, and for which £11.5 million Exchequer funding has been allocated as against less than £1 million this year.

Tourism allocations will increase by more than one third from £43 million to £58 million. The operational programme for tourism under the Community Support Framework provides for an extra £10 million for Bórd Fáilte and for SFADCo for first, a scheme of grants to private operators for non-accommodation tourism projects, and second, grants to local authorities and regional tourism bodies for non-commercial tourism projects. There will also be a major expansion of investment in forestry, again under the Community Support Framework.

A major expansion in Exchequer investment in regional technical colleges from £8.5 million to £14 million is also provided for. This is being supported under the Community Support Framework and provides for the building of Tallaght RTC and the enhancement and replacement of existing RTC/DIT buildings.

What I have said makes clear the important influence which the Structural Funds now have on our spending and investment programmes.

The Community Support Framework for Ireland concluded more than a year ago has been translated into increased spending at programme level. Already nine of the operational programmes under the CSF have been approved and the remaining three programmes — rural development, vocational training infrastructure and training of trainers, and objective 4 — occupational integration of young people — are expected to be approved shortly.

The total commitments made to Ireland in respect of 1990 expenditure amounted to 631 MECU or almost £487 million. The commitments for 1991 will amount to almost 767 MECU or £591 million, which shows an increase of 21.5 per cent over the commitments relating to 1990.

I now want to deal with prospects for the coming year. The Government are now engaged in important negotiations with the social partners on a new programme to succeed the Programme for National Recovery. It is our aim to achieve the same type of consensus in this new programme as we did in the PNR. The objectives for the economy have not changed; they are to maximise sustainable employment growth and to continue the path of fiscal adjustment. In order to attain these twin objectives the terms of any new programme must ensure that we have pay moderation so that we can continue to improve our competitiveness against our narrow-band EMS partners in Europe. This is essential if we are to have the investment and employment growth which the economy requires, particularly with the completion of the internal market coming ever closer. These terms must also be consistent with the Government's medium-term fiscal objectives which have been endorsed by NESC.

At the beginning of the PNR, our economy was in dire straits but the international environment was good. Since then our economy has improved considerably and is now much healthier than in 1987, but the external environment facing us in 1991 will be a lot tougher. The short term outlook for our major trading partners has, at least temporarily, been clouded both by the Gulf crisis and by the advent of recession in the United Kingdom and the United States. It would be unrealistic for us in this country to expect to remain immune from the impact of a slowing down in our export markets. Slower growth among our trading partners places an even greater onus on us to remain competitive so as to increase our share of markets which are less buoyant.

Despite the Gulf situation and the more pessimistic view of the external environment, the domestic economy is still growing at a satisfactory pace though somewhat less quickly than in the recent past. The inflationary impact of the Gulf crisis in 1991 may not be too severe because the substantial fall in the exchange rate of the dollar against the EMS currencies this year has mitigated the impact of higher oil prices on import prices.

However, the potential inflationary impact of the crisis would be much greater if price increases were also to include extra profit margins or if workers were to seek compensation for the transfer of purchasing power to the oil producers. Accelerating inflation, loss of confidence in the economy, declining employment and rapidly increasing unemployment could follow. However, if the crisis is peacefully resolved, as we hope it will, we can expect oil prices to fall with a resulting easing of inflation.

It is generally accepted that oil prices have risen so rapidly and are remaining so high because of uncertainty and the risk of war in the Gulf rather than because of any major shift in the fundamental balance between supply and demand for oil. When the Gulf crisis is resolved oil prices may begin to fall again fairly quickly. All of us, Government, business and trade unions alike, should bear in mind in our assessments the likely rate of inflation for next year and beyond. We must not allow present uncertainties to distract us from the longer-term fundamentals which on the whole are favourable.

That the 1991 budgetary position for next year is particularly difficult is evident from the published Estimates. There is a small real increase in overall allocations. On budget day, provision will have to be made for agreed special pay increases, in addition to the cost of any new general pay agreement and for welfare improvements. It is abundantly clear that there will be very limited room for manoeuvre in next year's budget if we are to stay on course for our medium-term goals.

Beyond any temporary slowing down which may occur in 1991, the longer-term prospects for growth in our trading partners, especially our continental European Community partners, are still very promising. How much we can benefit from this depends greatly on our own conduct. We as a Government, will continue to implement the appropriate economic policies. Likewise, businessmen and employees should appreciate the pay-off in terms of job security and real gains in disposable income which continued cost moderation delivers. Business, in particular, must plan to exploit fully new market opportunities especially in the Europe beyond 1992. If we continue to pull together sensibly, I am confident that we can look forward to stronger economic growth in the medium term.

(Limerick East): As war clouds gather over the Persian Gulf there is widespread uncertainty about the future. Uncertainty about the future is undermining profits and is already deepening the recession in the United Kingdom and magnifying the economic problems in the United States. Ireland cannot stand aside from the effects of world events. There are no barriers behind which we can hide and remain immune from changing international circumstances. Our volume and value of external trade is comparatively high and consequently international events impact very quickly on our economy. This is especially true of events in the UK which impact almost immediately on us. Against this background a Minister for Finance must be prudent. He cannot control international events. His influence over such events either alone or within the context of the EC is slight, and yet he must make budgetary decisions against an ever-changing international background. It is a year when a prudent Minister should be cautious. He should not act in a manner which reinforces adverse international forces. He should not undermine confidence in our economy.

I regret that this is precisely what the Minister has done in this Book of Estimates. The Minister has commenced a budgetary process which will undermine confidence, will increase interest rates, will put pressure on the exchange rate, and damage the national interest. This Book of Estimates is increasing spending by far too much. If we accept the Minister's figure overall, spending will increase by 4 per cent, but when allowances are made for the carry-over effect of last year's budgetary decisions, for a modest increase in pay and social welfare in the 1991 budget, for special pay increases in the pipeline, spending overall will increase by 81 per cent, which is more than three times the rate of inflation based on last week's leaked inflation rate figure of 2.7 per cent. Three times the inflation rate in expenditure in one year is a major increase indeed, especially against such an uncertain background.

There will not be sufficient buoyancy of revenue next year to meet this increase in expenditure. If there were, our staggering high national debt together with our scandalous unemployment and emigration levels should dictate other priorities. The Government are taking a grave risk in this Book of Estimates. It is clear that the Minister for Finance lost the argument in Cabinet and the lion Departments for the second year in a row are increasing public expenditure by far more than the rate of inflation. The Minister for Finance, or at least his officials, know this. In the press statement which accompanies the Book of Estimates the Minister said that the Government were determined to continue with the policy of expenditure restraint which had contributed so significantly to the recovery in economic performance of the past few years and which was endorsed by the NESC in their report "A Strategy for the Nineties" and that between now and the budget the Government would review the scope for further reductions in the light of the outturn figures for this year and the change in domestic and international economic environment.

This clearly lets the cat out of the bag, and the Minister in an exercise of whistling past the graveyard is threatening his Cabinet colleagues that he will look for cuts between now and budget day. He has some chance of getting them. This statement by the Minister included in the press statement, no doubt on the advice of his wiser civil servants, is a stronger and more damaging criticism of this Book of Estimates than any remarks which will be made in the House today. The Minister through his failure to control public spending has left himself with two options, one to increase borrowing and the other to increase tax. The Minister has commitments however, at domestic and EC level which will make it very difficult for him to significantly increase taxation, and I am afraid that he has left himself with little option but to increase borrowing.

If the Minister returns again to the strategy of the late seventies and early eighties of paying for increased Government spending through increasing the Exchequer borrowing requirement, he will have struck a fatal blow to the prospects for economic recovery and will have condemned a generation of young Irish men and women to the dole queues and the emigration ship.

When the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the Taoiseach were last in Government from 1977 to 1982 they trebled the national debt. It took the rest of the decade to loosen the iron grip of this debt on our national life. Under the Minister's predecessor, the present Commissioner, Mr. Ray MacSharry, supported by Fine Gael with the Tallaght strategy, great progress was made in controlling public expenditure and reducing the Exchequer borrowing requirement. This Minister is losing control of public expenditure. This is the second year in which he has increased public expenditure by more than the rate of inflation. He got away with it this year because strong revenue buoyancy kept him out of trouble. I doubt if he will be so lucky next year. This Book of Estimates not only undermines confidence but the adverse effects of the undermining of confidence will follow quickly in its wake. Interest rates are already set to rise. The Central Bank, by intervention in the market, has prevented an increase over the last three weeks. Yesterday, they threw in the towel and all independent commentators believe that a rise in interest rates is now inevitable. For the first time in six months the exchange rate has come under pressure and while it is hoped that as interest rates increase this will stabilise the exchange rate, there is no guarantee of this, especially in circumstances where the Government policy on both interest rates and exchange rates is increasingly uncertain and unclear.

The recent growth in this economy has been based on lowering the Exchequer borrowing requirement every year, maintaining a strong exchange rate and aiming for low inflation, low interest rates and low competitive costs. The Minister continues to be verbally committed to these policies but, by his deeds, is undermining the very policies in which he expresses commitment. By doing so he condemns the country to lower growth, continuing high unemployment and emigration, high tax and under funded services. I believe the Minister for Finance now has priorities other than the control of public expenditure: the crisis in agriculture, the negotiation of the next pay agreement, the problems with the partners in Government — the Progressive Democrats — the rifts within Fianna Fáil and the smouldering leadership contest within that party are now dictating the pace. The next budget which will flow from this Book of Estimates will be first and foremost a political budget dictated by political considerations rather than by considerations of economic management.

I sincerely hope that the Minister, because of the present political problems of the Administration, does not take short term, ill conceived decisions which will condemn the country to poverty and stagnation through the nineties. It is important to learn from the lessons of the past. The conventional wisdom is that since 1987 public expenditure has been cut right, left and centre and that the declining Exchequer borrowing requirement is as a result of slashing public expenditure. This is partly true; it is about 30 per cent of the truth.

Most of the progress in reducing the Exchequer borrowing requirement was achieved, not by cutting public expenditure, but by very strong revenue buoyancy. Real expenditure has increased under this Minister in this year and will increase dramatically next year. If we have a year — and next year with the clouds of war over the world may be such a year — when increasing expenditure is paralleled by a fall in revenue we will be plunged into crisis. We will be back to the days of those forgotten Ministers for Finance: Deputy Michael O'Kennedy and Mr. Gene Fitzgerald, when Government Estimates were a wish list and budgets a work of fiction, when spending plans bore as little relationship to matching revenue as a child's letter to Santa Claus does to the income of a parent on the dole.

I am constantly surprised that the Government have not taken the opportunity in recent years to restructure public expenditure. It is much easier to restructure expenditure in a growing economy than in a static one and a major opportunity to do this restructuring has now been lost. Despite the cutbacks of the eighties almost every spending programme is still in place in the Book of Estimates. Many of these programmes are under funded according to civil servants, the Ministers and their parent Departments. The Estimates campaign is a struggle by the lion Departments to ensure adequate funding from the Department of Finance for these programmes. The lion Departments will always win when a weak Minister, hungry for popularity, is Minister for Finance. A thorough restructuring of public expenditure, after a carful examination of all the programmes, which would result in the dropping of programmes no longer considered necessary seems to me a more fruitful way to make progress.

I want also to ask the Minister for Finance to make clear in a statement at the conclusion of this debate what the Government policy is on the sale of State assets. What is the scope of the policy in this respect? Does it extend beyond Irish life, the Irish Sugar Company and ICC? What criteria do the Government apply when deciding to sell an asset? Are they committed to dedicating the proceeds of the sale to the reduction of the national debt or are there circumstances in which they would envisage the proceeds of such sales being used to fund current expenditure? I would be grateful if the Minister in his reply would make a clear statement on Government policy in this respect.

My Front Bench colleagues will comment on individual Estimates. In dealing with individual Estimates I will confine my remarks to two particular Estimates: the Vote for the Central Statistics Office and one subhead in particular — Gl — in the Department of Justice Estimate. That Vote, to which the Minister referred in his speech, is an absolute disgrace. It relates to the criminal injuries compensation tribunal. The Minister for Justice has gained an amount of favourable publicity in announcing an increase in his Estimate of £20 million, presented as a package to fight crime. The Minister will bring law and order to our streets and slam trouble makers into jail before riding off into the sunset at a mere additional cost of £20 million to the taxpayer.

At the same time, in Vote Gl, the vote which compensates victims of crime for injuries inflicted on them by criminals there is a reduction of 50 per cent, the allocation being reduced from £2 million to £1 million. This is done where there is already a two and a half year waiting list for payment for those who have agreed the level of compensation.

Mr. A. Reynolds: You missed it.

(Limerick East): I will deal with the Minister's point. It is not those who have been injured, not those who have made application but those who have entered into agreement with the tribunal on a settlement figure: there is a two and a half year waiting list from that point.

Mr. A. Reynolds: We wiped it out this year by way of the supplementary Estimate.

(Limerick East): That is not so. It is running at a level of £2 million a year and there is a two and a half year waiting list from the time of agreement. The Minister for Justice has agreed with the Minister for Finance to put in a provision which will fund half year claims. You will reduce the waiting list with the Supplementary Estimate but you certainly have not provided sufficiently in this year's Book of Estimates for injuries inflicted by criminals on victims. I could understand if it was an Estimate cutting public expenditure but the Minister would have to go right through the Book of Estimates to find another cut of that significance. This is in a vote for Justice which increases expenditure by about £30 million. It is a mean, callous, uncaring cut and certainly presents a different image of the Minister for Justice from the one he likes to present when he is announcing good news on the media.

The Estimate for the Central Statistics Office is dramatically increased. I presume the increase of over £10 million or 109 per cent is due mostly to costs arising from the 1991 census of population. I have always found the Central Statistics Office both efficient and helpful. They have figured prominently in the media in recent days arising from the leak of the inflation figures to certain players in the stock market. I am surprised at the Taoiseach's attitude in trying to talk down the damage caused by this leak but I am even more surprised at his attempt to pin the blame for the leak on the CSO by appointing its director to investigate the leak. This morning The Irish Times editorial dealt with the issues in a very precise way and it is worth quoting their remarks:

Whoever leaked the information, whether through carelessness or in a calculated way, has done no service to the development of the Dublin financial markets.

A thorough investigation is necessary to reassure the public and the international investment community that standards matter in the State's financial affairs. Even more important is the coming into law of the provisions of the Companies Bill 1987 which makes insider dealing an offence.

Arising from that the Taoiseach's inquiry is totally inadequate. I call on him now to institute a full inquiry with terms of reference to include the power to call witnesses and sub-poena evidence so that the source of this leak, no matter at how high a level he serves, is identified and that arrangements are put in place to prevent a recurrence. The information on the inflation figure was available not only to officials at a senior level in the Central Statistics Office, it was also available to members of the staff in the Government Information Service who report to the Taoiseach and it was available to certain senior officials in the Department of Finance. I presume it was also available to certain senior Ministers and it certainly was available to the Taoiseach himself. I do not understand then why, when an inquiry is instituted, it is confined in its scope and in its power in effect to the Central Statistics Office because the director of the Central Statistics Office has no power to inquire outside his own area of responsibility. He has been given no power to inquire outside his area of responsibility, no power to call witnesses, no power to sub-poena evidence from other Departments, no power to investigate the stock market and no power to gain access to their records. It seems that the Taoiseach is merely instituting an inquiry in a pro forma way and would be just as happy if he did not find the source of the leak.

In the light of the comments in the international press it is a very careless and casual way to address an issue which is a major concern now and which will have an adverse effect on the financial markets in Dublin and on Dublin as a financial services centre, unless the matter is cleared up and clarified immediately and arrangements put in place to ensure there is no recurrence of this leak. Finally, I wish the Minister well in his budgetary plans and any other plans he may have. I am afraid he has made a bad start to the budgetary process in this Book of Estimates and has left himself with very little scope to mend his hand on budget day.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Eireann" and substitute the following:

"Notes that the Estimates will do nothing to repair the social and economic damage of the last three years, and notes in particular that:

—no money is provided for the hiring of one extra teacher at primary or secondary level — as a proportion of GNP, overall education spending is 5.6 per cent — the lowest level since the start of the 1980s;

—third world aid, which has been savagely cut in recent years, has been cut again in real terms;

—increases in health spending are totally inadequate to meet the needs of long queues for services, and will neither reopen beds nor hire sufficient extra staff — the proportion of GNP spent on health, according to these Estimates, will be no more than 6.3 per cent;

—the Social Welfare Estimate will not even begin to paper over the cracks in the extent of poverty in Ireland;

—the revenue available to local authorities, many of whom are in crisis, is frozen for another year;

—there will be almost no public housing starts next year, and Dail Eireann further notes that in capital terms, there is a shift in spending away from social infrastructure towards other sectors. Critical capital needs in the health and education areas are not going to be met for another year, and calls on the Government to take note of these major concerns and criticisms in the framing of the budget for 1991."

One would get the impression from listening to the Minister's speech and subsequently reading it that he was describing a different place to the country in which I live and in which so many of us have to try to survive. The Minister slowly but surely began to accurately describe the real world towards the end of his speech but one did not get the impression at the beginning of his speech that he was aware at all of the reality of the crisis in our society at present.

In so far as the Estimates represent a recognition by the Government that there is pressure for change in the area of health expenditure, we welcome the increases which have been identified by the Minister. However, until such time as the Minister for Health, whose responsibility it is, can indicate to us that there will be a reduction in the inordinate queues for acute operations in many of our hospitals, these increases, welcome and all as they are, will have no impact on the general public.

In the area of public housing, one can state that the increase indicated in this year's Estimate relative to last year's for local authority housing is welcome because the provision last year did not effectively materialise. The increase will not have any impact on the rapidly growing housing lists in all our local authority areas. If the Minister is not aware of these demands then his back bench colleagues in urban areas must surely be aware of them or else the people have simply given up going to the clinics of Fianna Fáil Deputies seeking assistance in trying to be housed. I should add that the housing problem will be compounded next year when the level of emigration to which the Minister referred starts to fall and people do not solve the Government's housing policy by emigrating to other countries.

The Estimates represent the level of spending the Government propose to undertake for 1991. There is an overall increase of approximately 4 per cent on the provision of 1990. Fifty-four per cent of the total amount of the Estimates will be absorbed by pay and pensions. We believe that the way in which the services of the 190,000 employees in the public service, Civil Service and extended public service combined, are delivered to the rest of us as a community must be dramatically transformed. If we want to respond to the increasingly competitive world economy in which we must survive we need to become much more efficient in the way in which we organise our services and be much more competitive internally in the way in which these services are delivered.

There is a particular need for the managers within the various sectors of the public service, particularly the Civil Service Departments, to ensure that they maximise the potential for efficiency and courtesy within those Departments, having regard to the high percentage of taxpayers' money which is absorbed in the first instance. I make this point consciously as a Labour Party Deputy because the vast majority of the working people have to depend on public services in respect of education, health, transport and housing.

To that extent I welcome very much the announcement in the Minister's speech —I do not think this is the first time he made it — that he is extending to all the Departments of Government by March 1991 provisions for an administrative programme whereby budgets can be planned for three years by the managers of those Departments. I hope that announcement will be followed by a transformation in the culture of the Department of Finance which will enable Departments to do what is intended, that every degree of flexibility which they will seek to implement will not be stolen back by the Department of Finance, and that they will not be second guessed by junior officials in the Department of Finance who, without having had any experience in the matter themselves, seem to think they are experts in matters relating to field operations.

I should like the Minister to outline clearly the way in which he proposes to provide for training and management development for the public sector in general and the Civil Service Departments in particular. I would remind the Minister that he is not just the Minister for Finance but is also the Minister for the Public Service. The benefit of giving autonomy in the operation of Departments on a yearly basis over a three year cyclical period will not be maximised unless proper management training provision is made for the civil servants currently working in those Departments.

The Labour Party believe there is a clear need for the Government to recognise that if we do not have economic growth we will not be able to provide the wealth this country needs to generate the services and employment all of us want to see established in this economy. Various assessments have been made of how this economy is likely to perform or should perform over the next number of years. The favourable wind which was behind the backs of the Government from 1987 onwards has turned in their face at this point in time. I do not think there is any room for being optimistic that the Government will achieve the targets they have set for themselves. It is clear that relative to this year economic growth next year will be halved. As the Minister said, the inflationary impact of the Gulf crisis is difficult to analyse at this point in time. I believe from previous experience that after a particular economic or political crisis has resolved itself it has taken the oil companies too long to reduce their prices in real terms for the benefit of the consumer. Therefore, I ask the Minister to ensure that the Government will pass on any reductions in the real cost of oil to the market place if there is a satisfactory and, I hope, peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis.

I want to deal with another area which affects the Estimates in general and the economic management of the economy by the Government. It is clear that during the next three years that either the Minister for Finance, or any future Minister for Finance, will find his traditional room for manoeuvre seriously curtailed. This, in theory, will be offset by the advantages which will accrue from our participation in a much larger and wider economy which will enable us, if we maintain our competitive position, our productivity and efficiency, to dramatically increase our share of markets and the wealth of the nation.

The Labour movement, in the document published by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, recognises the new reality which faces everybody on the continent of Europe and that a market led economy provides opportunities and possibilities for all of us on this island, but that system of economy must be regulated in an open and transparent manner. If workers are to provide the flexibility and moderation the Minister is looking for in the current round of negotiations at the end of the Programme for National Recovery the concomitant quid pro quo must be fairness in the administration of our affairs and a clear, open and transparent set of arrangements which treat all players in the economy equally and do not give favoured status to some above others.

We are not satisfied that this administration have grasped that nettle alongside the repeated calls for pay moderation which are more or less ritualistically sent out at this time of the year, and particularly at the commencement of negotiations for a new programme for economic and social development. I say to the Minister, and to his colleagues in Government, that any new programme which might be negotiated — it will be negotiated with great difficulty — will have to contain a clear commitment that all the provisions of, for example, the Companies Act which was recently passed by the House will be implemented with the necessary resources being made available without delay, to ensure protection for small businesses. It is not clear from these Estimates if that will be the case.

I would like to make one final point on the economy. There has been a substantial increase in the Estimates for the Department of Labour. They recognise, perhaps belatedly, that notwithstanding the general improvement in some macroeconomic figures, having regard to interest and inflation rates, the underlying trend in the labour market is such that the country will face substantial long term unemployment figures between now and the end of the century if we maintain our current socio-economic policies. There will have to be a massive intervention in the labour market if we are to deal with structural and long term unemployment. The policy of this and previous Administrations has been to group all the long term unemployed into one category without differentiating between the social and economic needs of a 59 year old long term unemployed person in rural Ireland or on the west coast as against an 18 to 22 year old person who has been unemployed for two years in an urban area.

There is a need to analyse the labour market in its entirety to get the balance right as between training and retraining and early retirement out of the direct labour market for those who could exercise that option. A whole area of social policy has been neglected by this Administration. The responsibility for the administration of some of the interventionist measures in the labour market concerning the long term unemployed has been devolved on FÁS, which is an amalgamation of AnCO, the National Manpower Service and the Youth Employment Agency. The theory behind the proposal to set up FÁS, which I initiated at one stage and supported, was that the vigour, enthusiasm and the "can do" attitude, as typified by AnCO, be transferred to the National Manpower Service. If anything the virus of the minnow has infected the energy of the major fish with the result that FAS are now regarded by many people on the receiving end of the social employment schemes, the other training schemes or the training related labour market schemes, as a bureaucratic, slow and cumbersome organisation who lack vitality and sensitivity.

That brings me back to the point I made on the question of the 54 per cent of total expenditure going on pay and pensions. We have to generate efficiency and effectiveness into the public sector having regard to the large amount of money devoted to it. The people most affected by the indifference, incompetence and general low morale which typifies so much of the public sector are the weaker and poorer sectors of society. They are the people who have to depend upon the public sector for public health beds, local authority housing or public education. In the nineties we will have a much more vulnerable and open economy. Because of this we need to exercise effective control over that sector of our society which is sovereign to us. The morale of the public sector is not determined by Brussels, or by the outcome of the Gulf crisis or international trading conditions but by what we do within the House and in the administration of this Republic. Other than the indication from the Minister that he is going to give Government Departments responsibility over a three year period to plan their activities, there is little or no indication to suggest that the personnel in the public sector are going to be revitalised. That will create problems for us.

The reason I stressed that point at some length in this debate is because the Labour Party believe that the State can play a positive role in the economy. There is a positive role for a firm and effective public sector which provides a framework within which enterprise can strive. We believe the State should be behind the economy and those trying to create wealth and jobs in society and not in front of them blocking and impeding them and creating bureaucratic obstacles for them. That is the perception of many people who are trying to create additional jobs in our society. I say to the Minister for Finance that in many respects these Estimates fail to recognise reality. The increases being provided for health and housing will not make a significant impact on the length of queues. I hope the Minister is aware of this and will respond on budget day. These Estimates form part of an overall package which has to be put together and announced on budget day when we will get the picture for 1991.

In conclusion, during the nineties, the last decade of this millennium, we will have an opportunity, as set out in the strategy document of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions and reflected in the NESC study, to make a real success of the economy having learned from the mistakes made in the seventies and early eighties. We will have to do this together and there will have to be a degree of trust. If we call, on the one hand, for pay moderation without ensuring on the other that there will be a fair law for all and a clear regulatory framework, under which all offenders, no matter how big, influential or well connected, will be promptly and effectively dealt with, we will not reap the benefits from the new opportunities in front of us.

Proinsias De Rossa: I ask the House to take account of The Workers' Party's intention to move an amendment to the Estimates. The amendment is as follows:

To delete all words after "Dáil Eireann" and substitute the following:

noting that the 1991 Estimates for the Public Service and of the 1991 Summary Public Capital Programme provide for increases in expenditure only generally in line with inflation, and will therefore be inadequate to undo the damage done by the cutbacks of recent years to essential services, especially in the health, education and local goverment areas, noting in particular the continuing crisis in the health services in such areas as the provision of services for the mentally handicapped, rejects the Estimates and calls on the Government to redraft them to ensure that essential public services are reestablished on a sound basis and to enable unemployment and emigration to be tackled by stimulating a far more rapid rate of job creation.

On 6 December last the Taoiseach addressed a Cairde Fáil function in Dublin and, according to the newspaper reports, urged the Fianna Fáil members and supporters to speak out about the economic miracle this Government had performed.

The Irish Times of Monday last carried a picture of a scene at St. Luke's Hospital in Kilkenny, showing a series of beds in a corridor, with the nurses trying to cope with impossible conditions and provide medical care with a degree of privacy and dignity for the patients. Similar photographs have appeared in newspapers all over the country, as the appalling conditions experienced in St. Luke's can be found in hospitals in virtually every county. This is the dark side of Fianna Fail's self-proclaimed economic miracle.

On 7 December, the day after the Taoiseach's address, the unemployment figures for November were published. These showed that there were 222,943 people on the live register, an increase of more than a thousand on November 1989, despite the fact that emigration continued throughout the year at an appalling rate. Many of these are people facing their fourth or fifth successive Christmas on the dole. These are people who have been abandoned by the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government and for whom the Taoiseach's claim of an economic miracle is a very sick joke.

The Combat Poverty Agency last week published their pre-budget submission, entitled Tackling Poverty in the Nineties. I want to quote a brief extract from the very first page:

The phenomenon of child and family poverty has emerged as a serious issue in recent Agency research. During the 1980s in particular, the percentage of children in poverty rose dramatically mainly as a result of increased levels of unemployment. Other categories with a high risk of poverty include children in families relying on low pay and small farms as well as those in larger families. These results pose a serious challenge to a society which has traditionally placed a very high value on children and families.

These are the families for whom Fianna Fail's economic miracle has made no difference at all.

The truth, of course, is that the Fianna Fail economic miracle is, for most people, a mirage. The closer you look at it the more phoney it becomes. More respectable looking firgures on a balance sheet do not constitute an economic miracle. An economic miracle will have been performed when all those who can work can get well paid productive jobs, when those who cannot work are protected from poverty and want by a humane social welfare system, supported by a tax system which redistributes income equitably and when we have health and education services which cater for people on the basis of need, rather than ability to pay. Fianna Fáil may have performed an economic miracle for a small, wealthy elite, but for the lives and living standards of the majority, the improved economic figures have delivered nothing.

Inflation is a case in point. It is all very well for the Government to brag about this country now having the same low levels of inflation as West Germany, but unfortunately these figures have not brought West German levels of wages and social welfare or West German employment levels. A large part of the credit for the reduced inflation figures must go to workers who have, under the terms of the Programme for National Recovery accepted pay increases at or below the level of inflation. This is in stark contrast to many employers who saw their employees' restraint as simply an opportunity to reap even greater profit, much of which was transferred out of the country.

The Minister in his speech acknowledges this fact but does not indicate any measure to stem the haemorrhage of profits out of the country or to prevent profit-taking by companies who have benefited. The only serious criticism he makes is of employees who he warns, must not under any circumstances attempt to gain wage increases which would, as he sees it, upset the delicate balance he is trying to establish.

Between 1986 and 1989 the national wage bill rose by 15 per cent from £10 billion to £11.5 billion. In the same period profits rose from £4.3 billion to over £6.1 billion, a rise of 42 per cent. Throughout the eighties when inflation was at a higher level successive Governments and right-wing economists told us that unemployment could only be tackled when inflation had been brought under control. Inflation is now around half the level it was in 1985 but the numbers on the dole are virtually the same and in the same period some 200,000 of our people have been forced to emigrate.

If we want a genuine economic miracle, steps must be taken to ensure that the benefits of lower inflation are shared out to all sectors of society based on the ICTU's proposals for a programme for economic and social development. In particular measures must be taken to ensure that profits are used not simply to stuff the bank balances of employers, but to increase the levels of income, especially of those on low pay, and for investment to create substantial additional employment and thus reduce the huge numbers still without work.

The sacrifices which workers have been called on to make year in and year out for almost a decade have not been repaid. Increased productivity and trade figures have not brought higher wages or sufficient jobs or ended emigration. Increased tax revenue has not brought any real tax equity.

Figures revealed in the report of the Revenue Commissioners for 1989, published in September, illustrated graphically how little progress had been made in tackling the disproportionate tax burden carried by the PAYE sector. Not only had the PAYE tax take increased by some £56.8 million between 1988 and 1989, but the overall proportion of income tax paid in PAYE increased in the same period from 74 per cent to 82 per cent. This further increase in tax paid by the PAYE sector has to be seen against the background of the decrease of more than £31 million in the total paid in corporation tax and a drop of more than £7 million in capital gains tax in the two years in question.

Indeed, there has been a decrease in the returns from virtually all tax categories other than PAYE. What is clear from the report is that despite all the promises of tax reform and despite all the minor juggling around with tax rates and bands, and the claims by the Minister that he has reformed the system, the PAYE sector is being bled dry while other sectors continue to escape with little more than a token contribution to the Exchequer.

In addition, the pillars of society listed in the report who were convicted of tax offences or from whom the Revenue Commissioners extracted overdue tax shows quite clearly that many of those in the business and commercial sectors take a cavalier attitude to their tax obligations. What is needed in the next budget is an onslaught on tax evasion and avoidance and the transfer of a substantial portion of the tax now paid by PAYE workers to other sectors.

Even at this stage Fianna Fáil's paper economic miracle looks decidedly shaky and uncertain. There has been a major outflow of funds. Our reserves have fallen from £3.7 billion in mid-November to an estimated £3.25 billion in mid-December. Most observers believe that this will lead to a jump of at least 1 per cent in interest rates within weeks.

From my reading of the headline in an evening paper, I understand a 1 per cent increase has already been announced in mortgage rates. In turn this will increase inflation and add to job creation difficulties. The Central Bank have estimated that growth in gross national product next year will amount to 2.25 per cent only, less than half the estimated level of growth in 1990. Many economists believe that we will be doing well if there are 12,000 new jobs created in 1991 compared with an estimated 26,000 this year.

The recession into which the British economy is now rolling will also have an impact here. For much of the eighties emigration, mainly to Britain, acted as a pressure valve and eased pressure on housing, employment, social welfare, and other services. With the decline in emigration to Britain pressure is going to increase on all these services.

This then is the background against which the Estimates and Public Capital Programme must be viewed. Most disappointing of all is the failure to provide any additional funds to tackle the continuing unemployment and emigration crisis. Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats seem quite prepared to allow the two most important social problems facing the country to continue at their present appalling level.

Conservative governments, such as this administration, always claim that they cannot create jobs, and concentrate instead on establishing what they describe as the right climate for private enterprise. But the Public Capital Programme is one area where everyone agrees that decisions of the Government can create jobs. The Public Capital Programme is a measure of the Government's commitment to investment in job creation. In that regard this year's programme is most disappointing, indeed is a slap in the face for the unemployed.

The Government press statement issued in conjunction with the estimates claimed an increase in the 1991 Public Capital Programme of £118 million or 7 per cent, over 1990. While this is technically true, it is only part of the picture. The Public Capital Programme for 1991 is virtually the same as it was in 1982, but when allowance is made for inflation, this represents a decrease of around 50 per cent. If we look at table 3, of the Public Capital Programme affecting the building industry — a major source of employment in Ireland — we see an even more dramatic decline. While there is a 5 per cent increase over last year, there has been a decrease of around 19 per cent since 1982. However, when allowance is made for inflation the decrease is of the magnitude of around 70 per cent.

No sensible person would argue for additional capital spending simply for the sake of spending. But there are many infrastructural problems crying out for development which will bring social and economic benefits to this country as well as providing badly needed additional employment. There is a particular argument for increasing Exchequer Public Capital Programme spending on Structural Fund-related programmes, where the EC matches our level of spending. In other words, for every £1 we commit we get the value of £2.

In our amendment seeking rejection of these Estimates we cited, as one of our principal objections, the absence of measures to enable unemployment and emigration to be tackled by stimulating a far more rapid rate of job creation. Our other main objection was that the increases for most Departments, generally in line with inflation, will not be sufficient to undo the enormous damage inflicted by the cutbacks of recent years to a wide range of essential services, especially in the health, education and local government areas. Our amendment refers particularly to the provision of services for the mentally handicapped, an area where the cutbacks have caused enormous hardship not just for those with mental handicaps, but also for those who have to look after them.

There cannot be a Member of this House, on any side, who has not been approached by the parents of children — and sometimes adults — with a mental handicap who have been driven to the edge of despair, by the impossible task of caring for their loved ones, without proper support services, year in year out, every day of the week, often 52 weeks of the year.

The situation in the Eastern Health Board area is one of the worst in the country. There are 642 people on the waiting list for services. Of those 202 have no services at all and must sit at home while a further 440 require a service adjustment. Promises made by the Minister for Health last year that he would protect the services for the mentally handicapped sound very hollow indeed to parents who are under such pressure. Any state which does not provide proper care and attention for those with mental handicaps does not deserve to be able to call itself civilised.

There are many particular items in these Estimates I could refer to but, in the time available, I can deal with just a few. I want specifically to deal with the housing situation as it is now clear that we are again on the verge of a major housing crisis and there could well be serious social consequences unless there is a substantial increase in the level of local authority house building.

Despite the fact that there are more than 20,000 applicants on local authority waiting lists, construction of public housing was at a virtual standstill. The amount allocated in the current year for construction of local authority housing at £33 million is around only one-seventh of the annual funds allocated in the mid eighties. The number of local authority houses to be built this year represents only around one-fifth of the level achieved in the mid eighties. Last year we were promised 900 houses starts, but by the end of the year about 300 only had been built.

At the present rate of construction it will take 20 years simply to deal with the current waiting list. The situation would have been far more critical had it not been for the fact that more than a quarter of a million of our people emigrated during the past decade. If, as the Government suggest, emigration is slowing down, the pressure on housing will intensify accordingly, and many local authorities will face an explosive situation. Unlike in the sixties it is not simply a problem facing the large cities. There are serious housing problems in virtually every town throughout the country.

Housing must not be seen simply as an economic issue: it is primarily a social issue. It is an indictment of our record as a state that, more than 70 years after independence, tens of thousands of families are awaiting proper housing, many of whom live in grossly overcrowded and unhygienic conditions, often exploited by landlords who offer substandard accommodation at inflated prices. The misery caused by inadequate or poor housing can have a knock-on effect on many areas of life. It can lead to marital tension and even breakdown; it can damage a family's health; can result in educational and behavioural difficulties for children. If anybody doubts that contention they need only talk to teachers in our schools, particularly national schools.

While private landlords are probably the worst offenders in regard to conditions, parts of the housing stock of many local authorities are also in a deplorable state. There are 2,500 local authority houses in Ireland without a toilet and 8,000 local authority houses without a bathroom. This is nothing short of scandalous.

The response of the Government to this crisis in these Estimates is derisory. The 1991 Estimate for the Department of the Environment allocates £30.6 million plus £32 million from the sale of local authority housing, which gives a total allocation of some £62.6 million. This compares to a totally inadequate £51 million last year. It will mean an increase of about 200 only in the number of local authority housing approvals over last year's figure. There is also the appalling plight of our travellers who live in dreadful conditions in caravans and still die in ditches at the side of the road.

This neglect of those in need of housing would be in itself sufficent grounds for voting against these Estimates, but the Government's approach to housing is indicative of their wider approach to social and economic matters. These Estimates reflect the conservative values of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. They have increased spending by the minimum amount defensible. There is no commitment to ending unemployment or emigration. There is no commitment to restoring essential public services to an acceptable level. That is why we are opposing them and urging this House to reject them.

Before moving directly to my own Estimate, let me be allowed to observe that the social conditions about which the leader of the Workers' Party has been complaining are so very much better, so very much enlightened, so very much more effective than the communist systems which he and his party would have us espouse. It is time that simple fact was stated to The Workers' Party. The communist system has broken down before our eyes and he and his party would have us espouse here a system which the people of Eastern Europe have themselves rejected. It is time we told The Workers' Party directly that it is too easy to make these general complaints and too easy for them to ignore the total injustice that has been a consequence of the systems they would want us to adopt here. I am glad we operate a better system, a truly democratic system which, whatever faults it may have, is in every sense more just, more balanced and more efficient than the systems his party were founded to introduce into our country. That has to be said for the record.

I propose to speak to my Estimate, Agriculture and Food, which at £392 million gross is about 25 per cent above actual expenditure in 1989 and the original Estimate for 1990; and also to deal with the general framework of GATT developments, developments in Eastern Europe and the most recent indications of CAP policy changes.

The Uruguay Round of the GATT negotiations which began in 1986 was due to be completed in Brussels during the first week of this month. However, this was not possible and the difficulties on agriculture were certainly a factor. The aims of the negotiations in relation to agriculture were agreed in 1986 and were to achieve greater liberalisation of agricultural trade and to bring all measures affecting import access and export competition under strengthened GATT rules. This was to be achieved by improving market access, disciplining all direct and indirect subsidies and other measures affecting agricultural trade and by minimising the adverse effects that sanitary and phytosanitary regulations have on trade. From the commencement of the negotiations in 1986 the European Community was committed to reducing support and protection levels.

While the Uruguay Round has been ongoing for four years, it is only in the last year or so that a degree of urgency has entered into the negotiations. During Ireland's EC Presidency in the first six months of this year I was able, as Chairman of the Agriculture Council, to focus the attention of my fellow Ministers on the Uruguay Round. This enabled the Council to take a strong position in defence of the Common Agricultural Policy and, in fact, to unanimously declare that the principles of the CAP were non-negotiable in the GATT discussions. This strong stance set the scene for the Community's firmness on agriculture in the face of the severe pressure which has been brought to bear on it in the last few months. It was also an important element in framing the Community offer on reductions in support and protection levels for presentation to the GATT talks.

There was considerable difficulty in reaching agreement in the Council on the proposals put forward by the EC Commission, and seven meetings of the Council were needed before agreement was secured at that level. The delay in reaching agreement at the Council indicated the level of concern which the majority of Ministers had with the details of the proposal and the insistence by some Ministers — and we were to the fore in this — that producers would have to be compensated for possible losses.

The Community offer which was ultimately agreed provides for a 30 per cent reduction in support for groupings of the main products over five years from the 1986 levels with a 10 per cent reduction for other products. All non-tariff border measures would be converted into tariff equivalents subject to certain conditions including rebalancing. There would be a fixed component covering both tariff equivalents and existing tariffs and a corrective factor which would compensate for all currency fluctuations and for part of world price changes. Export supports would not be subject to any specific level of reduction but would be reduced as a result of reductions in support and protection.

The agreement of Ministers was secured only after the Commission had accepted some amendments to its initial proposal and entered into a number of undertakings. These dealt principally with the matter of complementary measures, the ensuring of Community preference, a clearer commitment on safeguarding export refunds and a strengthening of the rebalancing proposal.

In so far as the compensatory measures are concerned there is an acceptance by the Council and by the Commission that any future adaptations to support arrangements that may be necessary will take account of the difficult situation of certain categories of producers and certain regions. In particular, the Commission has stated that it considers that the total level of assistance to the less favoured regions should not be reduced as a result of the implementation of the outcome of the Uruguay Round negotiations. The Commission has undertaken to submit concrete proposals, supported by appropriate financial solidarity, to ensure a viable future for Community farmers based on, inter alia: reorientation of support to producers taking account of diversity of the structure of farms and production; and reinforcing structural assistance, including production neutral income subsidies, concentrating on producers and regions which have most difficulties in adapting to changes and measures to protect the environment and to improve product quality.

At the Brussels meeting, there was very little real negotiations. The US and the Cairns Group held to their proposals for a 75 per cent reduction of internal supports and protection and for a 90 per cent cut in export subsidies over ten years from 1991. They also continued to demand specific commitments on improved access and on limiting export subsidies.

Despite the fierce pressure brought to bear on the Community during the week, the Council of Ministers remained solidly behind Commissioner MacSharry in defending the Community's position. Such unity of purpose will be more important than ever when the negotiations resume early next month. I would like to assure this House that I will continue to defend the interests of Irish agriculture in the future negotiations. I will be seeking to limit the impact of any GATT concessions not only on our farmers but indeed on the wider economy. The compensatory package to which I have referred will be a major factor in such limitation and will be a vital element for me in considering any overall GATT agreement.

Since the middle of 1989, worldwide attention has been focused on the momentous political events in Eastern and Central Europe on which I have just touched in my response to some of the remarks made by Deputy De Rossa, events motivated by people wanting the real basics of democracy as distinct from the facade of democracy which had been current in those countries for so many years. The nations of the Western World welcomed the movement towards democracy in those countries and were quick to act to provide practical assistance where necessary to support the reform process and ensure stability in the emerging democracies.

If the countries of western Europe were surging towards introducing and accepting the positions which have been current in the totalitarian states of Europe, imagine the sermons we would get from the Workers' Party. They should acknowledge that they have been wrong, that they have been misguided.

On a point of order, perhaps the Minister would like to check the record of this House for the past eight, going on nine years now, and if he can find any reference whatever to me or any other Workers' Party Deputy promoting the system of eastern Europe or any other Communist system. I would welcome it if he would point it out. Otherwise let him move on with his speech and stop this nonsensical ranting.

That is really not a point of order.

The record will speak for itself. I want to ask who was supporting The Workers' Party, where they were getting their funds, their support and every other endorsement. The record speaks for itself.

The Minister should stick to his brief or he will end up having to come back into this House to make an apology.

Acting Chairman

Please permit the Minister to continue without interruption.

I will not have to apologise. When I hear The Workers' Party criticise the inadequate social conditions and the inadequate housing, I have to say that the people of the Soviet Union, of Moscow, Bulgaria, Romania, East Germany, would give everything to have the social provisions we have and it is time The Workers' Party recognised that.

In response to the understandable revolution that occurred in eastern Europe, Ireland, together with the other member states of the European Community, assisted in the preparation and operation of an emergency action plan. The developments in Eastern Europe continue to give rise to speculation regarding the impact they will have on existing international political, fiscal and commercial structures and it is very difficult at this time to be in any way precise in predicting what implications these changes will have in the long term. I believe that we should not look at Eastern Europe as an entity but rather we must consider each of the constituent nations in the light of its own level of development and state of commercial and marketing infrastructure and degree of self-sufficiency in each commodity area. The economic requirements of these countries differ and the direction their economies will take in the future will differ also.

These developments present the Community with a number of challenges. The Commission has been given the task of co-ordinating the overall western assistance by the group of 24 major industrialised nations and that assistance is urgently needed to help these countries to recover from the totalitarian regime which has been a feature of those countries for so many years. This involves assessing and determining the needs of each of the countries of central and eastern Europe and establishing the elements of such assistance ranging from short term emergency humanitarian help to longer term economic aid. The Commission is also responsible for overseeing its own assistance measures and co-ordinates the aid of individual member states.

Ireland has actively participated in the Community's discussions on all aspects of policy towards central and eastern Europe. We have also provided bilateral economic assistance to Poland and Hungary. In time the opening up of new and large markets in east Europe will provide opportunities for trade from Ireland particularly, I feel, in the area of processed agricultural commodities.

So far as the USSR is concerned, the Community will be making available food aid up to an amount of 750 million ECU, 250 million of which will be in the form of gifts under the 1990 EC farm budget. This country expects to supply some of these requirements. I am glad to say that the Estimate we are discussing has specific provision for special food aid programmes in respect of this action programme on the part of the European Community. No less would be expected of a democratic country like ours that has always been sensitive to what real democracy means as distinct from what has been a facade for democracy in the totalitarian states of Eastern Europe up to this moment.

On EC agricultural policy Members of the House will, no doubt, be interested in the proposed radical reorientation of the EC's Common Agricultural Policy which was signalled last week by the Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Development, Mr. MacSharry. As the formal proposals have yet to emerge, it is obviously not possible at this stage to make any detailed comment in respect of them. Broadly speaking, however, it is understood that the Commission intends a major overhaul of the existing product support mechanisms involving a general switch away from commodity price supports and towards the alternative of direct supports to farmers.

A major objective of the proposed changes is, of course, to ensure that, in future, a significantly greater proportion of the Community's total spending on agriculture and food finds its way towards smaller and medium sized producers and, in particular, towards producers who are located in the more vulnerable, less favoured areas. The achievement of an improved balance between rural and urban development and maintenance of family farming, which is a feature of socio-economic conditions is in our own country, as distinct from more intensive, factory type production, as the European norm is also fundamental to the Commission's present thinking and as such, these are objectives with which we, in Ireland, broadly sympathise. I would go further, they are objectives that we would enthusiastically endorse and I have already conveyed to the Commissioner, subject to seeing the detailed proposals, that I certainly sympathise with the general outlines of what he has indicated, namely, that the funding which comes through from the CAP should be targeted specifically on family farms. I also told him that I too support the orientation by which he would hope to ensure that the 80 per cent of farmers would get a little more than 20 per cent of the support. I think that on any basis of social equity all in this House would share that position.

When did you discover that?

Ten years ago you did not think of that.

I discovered it long before The Workers' Party. They looked to the system that they were asking us to introduce here. They will see what that did for the peasant farmers of Russia, Poland, Hungary and everywhere else. They will see what injustice meant. They will see where the rural communities of Romania were literally not just being moved from their own places but were wiped out without any regard for human dignity, and I am glad to say that under any system that any party on this side of the House——

That has been your policy down through the years, to wipe out the small farmer. It is a sad indictment of your party policy.

We would never tolerate that. For once we were on the same side, if the Deputy had been listening.

Given the recent re-emergence of substantial intervention stock levels throughout the Community in several product sectors and the failure of stabiliser arrangements to sufficiently curb output, further adjustment to the CAP's various common market regimes is inevitable. This is particularly true in view of the budgetary situation that is evolving at present and, indeed, change would now be required even independently of the Uruguay Round trade negotiations which are likely to resume early in the New Year.

As I have said, it is impossible to be specific in regard to details. However, reduced price support, milk quota reductions — especially for larger dairy farmers — increased use of "set-aside" or land fallowing and the promotion of organic faming in place of more intensive production methods are among the various ideas which are now being mentioned. Any changes are bound to have major implications for an economy such as ours which remains massively dependent upon production and trade in agricultural produce. Accordingly, when the Commission's proposals are formally submitted to the Agriculture Council, I shall be particularly vigilant to ensure that they do not adversely affect the interests of Irish agriculture and that, in fact, any changed emphasis in the CAP will facilitate a genuine redistribution of resources from richer to poorer farmers and regions, and I presume Deputy Sheehan would share that priority with me.

I have been advocating that since I came into this House.

Acting Chairman

I must advise the Minister that he is running out of time.

I have all but said what I have to say. What we are doing is in line with commitments we have already given in the context of the formulation of the Community's negotiating mandate for the GATT. My guiding principle will be to see to it that the proposed reorientation of EC agricultural support will, as intended, cushion the impact of reform for smaller, more vulnerable producers while ensuring that the further development of our food processing industry is not put in jeopardy. Beyond these few general observations, I do not believe that it would be appropriate for me to comment further at this stage.

In so far as specific subheads of expenditure and receipt are concerned I do not intend at this stage to go into the substance of them in anticipation of the detailed Estimates discussion in the new year. I would, however, confirm both that the moneys provided for in the Supplementary Estimate last month will be spent, including the bringing forward of payments of farm improvements and headage grants, and that the 1991 Estimate is reasonably satisfactory from the agriculture viewpoint.

What about reactor grants that were due last October and have not been paid yet?

Reactionary grants.

The reactionaries are over there.

The transfer of income from the rich to the poor——

I wish to make a few comments as Chairman of the Committee of Public Accounts and do so in a non-party political manner. I will not point the finger at any section of the House or at any Minister. I wish to comment on the way the public service is audited and controlled. I hope my comments will be taken into account urgently.

The House has been negligent in its duty in not seeking to update the powers of the Comptroller and Auditor General and the Committee of Public Accounts who are the watchdog for this House. I wish to pay tribute to the members of the committee. When the committee were appointed they found that no report had been published since 1979. There are many people who say that this is a great committee to be a member of because they get great publicity and so on but the committee work on mundane matters for most of the time and these do not get any publicity. The committee meet week in, week out, sometimes twice a week. They meet during the recess. The only time they do not meet is during the month of August. The committee have not only published all reports to date, including those which were outstanding, but have also had a number of interim and special reports the most recent of which was a special report on computer security in Government Departments which will be laid before the House tomorrow.

The committee work well. The members are diligent and put a lot of effort into doing their job and into seeing how their job and that of the Comptroller and Auditor General, could be made more effective in the future. I pay tribute to the Department of Finance who have encouraged the Comptroller and Auditor General to develop, albeit in a non-statutory way, a certain value for money audit type approach to his work which he has done on a limited basis. I also thank them for courtesies extended to me as Chairman in my efforts to try to keep the work of the committee going in an efficient manner.

The Comptroller and Auditor General is an officer appointed under the Constitution. He is appointed in the same way as a High Court judge and given absolute independence under the Constitution reporting to this House. He is not a civil servant. He does not work for the Executive. He is the only person, apart from the officials of the House, who works for the House. Yet he is not an officer of the House but rather of the Constitution. We give him this absolute independence and authority. He can only be appointed and removed by the House and by the Seanad for stated misbehaviour in the same way as a judge. Having given him this absolute independence we then tie his hands behind his back by giving him powers which were passed when Gladstone was Chancellor of the Exchequer — he had not even become Prime Minister — under the 1866 Exchequer and Audit Departments Act.

The budget for the Civil Service servicing the then United Kingdom of Britain and Ireland was £7 million. In 1990 the gross budget for the Republic of Ireland will be of the order of £20 billion taking into account debt repayment, debt servicing and grossing up the supply services figure, yet the Comptroller and Auditor General operates under legislation which was passed in 1866. That is totally unsatisfactory. It is a scandal which this House has allowed to continue.

The first thing the current committee set about doing was publishing the outstanding reports and then they set out to assess what should be the current role of the committee and of the Comptroller and Auditor General. The 1987 committee set up an advisory group on public financial accountability under my chairmanship with the Comptroller and Auditor General of the day, the Director of the Institute of Public Administration of the day, the immediate past President of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of the day and the Director of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of the day and the Director of the Institute of Certified Public Accountants of the day. That group met and worked extremely hard. They brought over the English Comptroller and Auditor General, Sir Douglas Henley, when they abandoned the 1866 Act and brought in the National Audit Act, 1983. They spoke to the Secretaries of the Departments of Health, Finance and the Environment for different reasons to do with the local government audit and the health board audit and issued a first class report which was debated subsequently in the House. It was given a very warm welcome in the House. The Dáil was then dissolved and nothing has happened since.

I am aware that the Heads of a Bill have been circulated. The Committee of Public Accounts met with the Minister for Finance but, to be fair, the Minister was busy in the first six months of this year with the European Presidency. It is this House which has been negligent. Constitutionally the Seanad do not have an audit function. It is the duty of this House to ensure that our auditor — the person who audits the spending of this money to ensure that it is properly spent — has sufficient powers. He does not have modern powers, nine years before the 21st century. He should not have powers which were passed in the last century. I ask the House to take note of this point.

In its day, the 1886 Act was significant but it should be updated and a national audit Bill should be brought in which would confer on the Comptroller and Auditor General power to carry out VFM audits based on three Es, efficiency, effectiveness and economy. That is what a modern enterprise requires and managing the public purse is a modern enterprise. The audit function needs to be updated.

If you take 1 per cent of £20 billion you come up with the figure of £200 million. There are salaries and many other things involved in that, but does anybody believe that there is not 1 per cent of waste that could be identified and cut out? Look at all that has turned up under the traditional powers the Comptroller and Auditor General has as regards spot checks. Of course there is constant wilful, wasteful expenditure week in and week out, being funded by borrowings which we cannot afford and by taxes which we are taking from workers, money which we need not be taking from them, or perhaps from enterprises that could be profitable. This is being done because we are not cutting out wasteful expenditure in an organised and proper way. We are not allowing the one man who is totally independent and who cannot be given direction by anybody the power on behalf of the taxpayer and of this House to identify where that wasteful expenditure is occurring so that we, through the Committee of Public Accounts which has been a traditional forum for this House, should be able to call in the Accounting Officers, ask why this is happening, and tell them it has to end. That power must be given to the Comptroller and Auditor General. It is totally wrong of this House to deny him those powers.

In Britain Norman St. John Stevas, then a member of the House of Commons, introduced a Private Members' Bill which the Government of the day agreed to take on board. Despite the fact that there was a general election there, the Government, on their return to Office, introduced a Bill which not only provided that the Comptroller and Auditor General would have powers to do value for money audits based on the three Es that I mentioned but also gave him a budget to cover outside consultants who would help him measure the waste.

This State ordered two ships from Verolme Cork Dockyard for fisheries protection. It only got one ship but paid what was contracted to be paid for two ships. Maybe we got value for money, nobody knows, but maybe the ship was worth only a half or a quarter of what was paid for it. The Comptroller and Auditor General should be able to report to the Committee of Public Accounts not only what happened in such a case but also what should have happened. He should be allowed state the value of the ship, what was paid for it and what should have been paid first. Until the Comptroller and Auditor General is given such powers, the House, the Government and the taxpayer will continue to be ripped off. It is totally negligent of the House not to give him those powers.

We have had our amusing moments at the Committee of Public Accounts. I came to know what the word "philoprogenative" means when I discovered that one lady was collecting children's allowance for 86 children. Lest we think this is the only country where that sort of thing happens, when I mentioned it to the Canadian auditor general he said it was nothing compared to what happened in his country where there was a horse on the payroll in the Department of Defence. It is an amusing aside but it can happen. In the management of funds one man is given responsibility for auditing and reporting to this House, and that is the Comptroller and Auditor General but it is wholly unacceptable that as we head into 1991 — in nine years' time we will be heading into the 21st century — the Comptroller and Auditor General is operating under powers passed in 1866.

I want to praise the current Comptroller and Auditor General for the work he has done in trying to develop his role, albeit on a non-statutory basis, and the Department of Finance for encouraging him to do so. I also want to praise his predecessors. The State has been and is very well served by the accounting officers statutorily appointed by the Minister for Finance to account to the Committee of Public Accounts. The public service is greatly criticised and is constantly in the public gaze, but during my term of office as Chairman of that committee I, more than most Members of the House, have come in contact with senior civil and public servants and, despite the wrongs that are there and the fact that we are being negligent in providing the proper powers for audit, the country and the State is very well served by these people who, almost without exception, operate to very high standards and take their duties as accounting officers very seriously. That is something I might not have said a number of years ago without the experiences I have gained in the meantime.

It is Parliament which provides funds. The Government of the day do not have money at their disposal. It is this House and the Seanad, but primarily the Dáil, that provides the money. We take that money from the taxpayer and therefore it is to Parliament — specifically to the Dáil — that there must be accountability for the spending of that money. It is absolutely essential that this matter be given priority. I hope that in the new session a Bill will be introduced in this regard. In the event that a Bill is not introduced in the next year I will introduce a Private Members' measure because it is time the House took the matter seriously.

I want to make it very clear that I am not pointing at anyone in particular. This is a matter for the House to consider, given the specific job of the Comptroller and Auditor General.

In Britain not only is the Comptroller and Auditor General independent — his nomination is brought before the House by the Prime Minister for appointment — but his appointment is effectively made by the Public Accounts Committee. The Prime Minister simply endorses it. Over and above that they have appointed what they call a Public Accounts Commission which is similar to the Speaker's Commission. The Public Accounts Commission, chaired by a Member of the House, decides on the budget for the Comptroller and Auditor General. The Treasury there do not have the right to determine the budget. Parliament have told the Treasury that it is none of their business, that the Comptroller and Auditor General works not for the Civil Service but for Parliament, and it is they who decide what budget to give him. They give him an adequate budget to pursue the spending of taxpayers' money and, as we have recommended in our case here, he has the power to pursue not just the spending of moneys by Departments but, for example, in Britain it was the Comptroller and Auditor General and the Public Accounts Committee who pursued the spending of money in the De Lorean case. It was they who held public hearings on that matter.

We have recommended, for instance, that if the IDA or any Government Department were to give £1 million, £500,000, or any other figure to industry and we suspected that the money had not been adequately or properly used, this Parliament should have the right to inquire where the money went. This Parliment will cut off somebody from unemployment assistance or disability benefit for the sake of £5 or £10 perhaps, if, they have not their t's crossed or their i's dotted. We have taken substantial amounts of money in that way, and we have recommended that that should be the case. I would go further and say that if we give substantial amounts of money to voluntary organisations we should have the right to inquire where the money is spent and ensure that it is adequately and properly spent.

I have deliberately spent my time making this contribution because I believe it needs to be made. There are two reports on the Order Paper, one of which is a special report, which I will be moving tomorrow morning for distribution to the House, and the other an interim report on which I am seeking a debate. It concerns Tara Mines and the lack of powers of the Committee of Public Accounts and the Comptroller and Auditor General to find out what went on there. This House provided moneys out of which £660,000 was paid to one firm, without going to tender, to carry out a report for a Government Department concerning Tara Mines. Not only will they not show the report to this House, they cannot do so because the Attorney General has advised that, under contractual arrangements which they made with the company concerned, they cannot, without being in breach of contract, disclose the contents of that report.

These are all matters which parliamentary committees, especially the Committee of Public Accounts, should have modern powers to pursue and the Comptroller and Auditor General should have powers based, not on the 19th or even the 20th centuries, but the 21st century. The Comptroller and Auditor General should have powers which will see him well into the 21st century and I appeal, on a cross party basis, for those powers to be given to him.

It is a very valuable use of time to look at Estimates on spending coming to the end of the year. Everybody can be satisfied as we look back at the very creditable economic performance of 1990. Despite an increase in oil prices a very good economic performance was recorded in 1990. GNP is up between 4.5 per cent 5 per cent; the inflation rate of 3.5 per cent — 3.4 per cent on average — in 1990 sees Ireland very well in line with her narrow band EMS partners and considerably below that of the United Kingdom.

The situation regarding employment has already been spelt out, it is certainly better than was forecast earlier. The ESRI now estimate that there will have been a 40,000 increase in the number of people at work between the middle of April 1989 and the middle of April 1991.

The target for the 1990 Exchequer borrowing requirement looks as if it will be achieved, if not bettered. The strategy for 1991, of course, is now preoccupying Government time and we are determined to continue with the policy of expenditure restraint along the lines put forward by NESC in their document A Strategy for the Nineties. This means maintaining downward pressure on the borrowing and debt ratios. There will of course, be a more difficult external environment facing us after 1990, a weakening world economy, possible higher oil prices and a general situation in which confidence is not as high as we would like. A lot of this was brought about by events in the Gulf and there is uncertainty about how we will all handle the transition of Eastern Europe towards a market economy.

It is important how Ireland responds to this slow-down in world economic activity. One thing is certain, it will affect Ireland in the sense that it cannot be immune from what goes on in the global market-place. However, the degree to which we are affected will depend crucially on how we react to these circumstances. In this context, it is now more imporant than ever to keep costs under control, to make sure that we stay competitive and that competitiveness remains the key word in business and in the economy generally. Both, even in those difficult circumstances, can be realised despite the deterioration in the external environment because Ireland retains sufficient positive elements to permit moderate economic expansion in 1991, especially if we keep our eye on the ball and watch the competitive aspect of the economy. The global market-place is quite ruthless and, if we are not competitive, we will not survive in it. We must ensure that we do not stray off that particular focal point which is critical to a healthy economy.

The projections for 1991 are for real GNP growth of between 2.25 per cent, which the Central Bank have put forward, and 2.75 per cent, the figure suggested by the ESRI. If we attempt to compensate ourselves for higher oil prices by greater public spending, higher wages or bigger profit increases, our competitiveness will be directly affected through higher inflation and much weaker growth potential. That possible reaction to the situation in the Gulf is simply not available to us; we must ensure that competitiveness remains at the centre of the economic strategy and of Government economic performance.

Of course the operational programmes from the European Community are designed to gear the economy to prepare for the more open market post-1992. I am referring to the operational programme on peripherality. For example, in my own Department, on the transport side over £140 million has been invested in airports, ports and public transport infrastructure up to the end of 1993 which will assist underlying growth potential and help to cut transport costs. On the transport side, the EC programme will directly upgrade and assist our transport infrastructure.

On the tourism side, the operational programme for tourism from the EC comes to £145 million, the amount of EC aid available to the country. It is geared towards improving the quality and expanding the range of holiday products on offer in Ireland. I assure the House that I will take every care to ensure that the agencies carry out these programmes in an efficient, cost effective and creative way. These funds, which we are fortunate to have negotiated, will be put to the best possible use under the criteria agreed between the Government and the European Community. I see these funds, not so much as money for spending, but as money for investing. I am sure all Members of the House fully understand the difference between spending and investment.

As the House knows, a new programme for economic and social development is being negotiated which can provide an ongoing framework for consensus and discipline over the coming years. The Government, through a partnership with the social partners, have demonstrated that economic performance can be improved through programmes for national recovery and I very much look forward to the next one being successfully negotiated. I know that all sides of the House are anxious to achieve this.

I should like to refer to some developments within my own area of responsibility. My priority over the coming 12 months will be to provide the necessary support through leadership, finance and regulatory arrangements so that the tourism and transport sectors achieve their full potential for the year.

The European Community, as Deputies are aware, is pushing hard towards completion of the Single Market and nowhere is this more important than in the transport sector, because transport provides the means by which we can have closer integration. As I said many times at European level, I do not believe we can build a single market if we do not build a single market in transport because, without it, you cannot move the citizens of Europe around the Community. Therefore, the completion of a Single Market in transport activities, air, rail, road and sea, is critical to the development of economic performance.

Significant progress has already been made in liberalising air and road freight. Ireland will be playing a full and positive role in progressing remaining measures for completion of the internal market in transport by 1993.

At home my Department are constantly working towards raising standards so that we will be able to compete on the international stage. For example we have just launched a campaign against unlicensed operators and those who employ them. Professionalism is critical to the operation of the transport industry.

As Deputies will be aware, a major equipment renewal programme is well under way at the State airports. The main elements of the programme which affects all three State airports include new radar systems, complete replacements of the main VHF communications systems and replacements of most of the existing navigational aids. The programme will be completed by 1992 at a total cost of about £28 million within budget.

I would like to take this opportunity to refer to a recent exciting development in the configuration of Irish airspace. Under an agreement concluded with the UK earlier this year, Ireland will assume responsibility from 10 January 1991 for the provision of air traffic control services in the block of airspace to the southwest of Ireland known as SOTA-Shannon Oceanic Transition Area. SOTA will in effect double the size of Irish airspace. I am delighted to say that, as a result of the re-equipping programme, Ireland will be able to provide full radar and VHF coverage in the SOTA area which will allow operators to avail of optimum flight levels and thus increase the efficiency and fuel-effectiveness of their aircraft. It is a pretty technical area, but what it means in effect is that we have negotiated the doubling of the size of Irish airspace.

It is not enough.

If we double it regularly, we will have all the air.

The late eighties have been a boom time for the air transport industry. The moves both within the EC and moves globally also towards greater market freedom have allowed airlines greater flexibility to respond to consumers' needs and to compete for new markets. The Government has consistently pursued radical air transport policies aimed at increasing competition through opening up new markets, lessening restrictions operating in the existing markets and giving airlines greater pricing freedom. As a result traffic through our airports has almost doubled in the last five years and international services now operate from a total of nine airports within the State.

Both Aer Lingus and Ryanair have been operating this year in increasingly difficult conditions such as rising costs, interest charges on necessary fleet acquisitions and an economic downturn in important markets like the US and UK. I am confident that both companies can, with a determined effort on the part of all concerned, return to profitable operations in the short term.

Aer Lingus are pressing ahead with the fleet replacement programme and during 1991 the company will be accepting delivery of eight new aircraft.

There will also be significant capital expenditure in a number of Aer Lingus's subsidiary companies during 1991. In particular, I should mention the Team-Aer Lingus project which will create a further 560 jobs over the next five years. The project involves the construction of a major new £35 million hangar at Dublin Airport which will greatly expand Aer Lingus's capacity for aircraft overhaul. The IDA, with Government approval, have contributed a significant capital and training grant package which will underpin the long term potential of the enterprise.

A further major development is the PWA international project which is a joint venture between Aer Lingus's subsidiary, Airmotive, and Pratt and Whitney, a leading US engine manufacturer. This involves the operation of a jet engine case repair facility which is due to commence operation in January 1991. It will employ 175 initially, and will eventually employ 290. The coming together in a joint venture of a leading Aer Lingus company with one of the aviation industry's largest and most prestigious technology corporations is of major significance for the Aer Lingus group and for the long term development of the aerospace industry in Ireland.

The CIE subvention of almost £110 million for 1991 is the main expenditure item in my Department's Estimate. CIE have responded well to the new challenges facing the group in recent years and this is appreciated by both the travelling public and the Government. However, the substantial Exchequer support which the organisation continues to need, puts an onus on management and workforce to continue to strive for further improvement in the quality and cost efficiency of their services. There is provision for over £36 million for CIE in the 1991 Public Capital Programme for a number of bus and rail projects, some of which will receive funding from the European Regional Development Fund under the Peripherality Programme already mentioned.

As the House knows, I recently gave approval to CIE to increase their fares, due to the need to compensate for higher costs which arose mainly from the Iraqi Gulf crisis. This is the first increase I approved since coming into office and indeed I had refused to approve a number of earlier applications. However, I have made it clear to CIE that my policy continues to be that where they have to bear increased costs these should be compensated for by improved cost efficiency and marketing of their services rather than by increasing charges to the travelling public. In that regard, in the recent round of CIE fare increases — the only one in two years, as we refused earlier ones — I specifically asked CIE to freeze the fares of children travelling on services. It is important to hold children's fares at the existing level. Unfortunately, that means that fares for the other travelling public had to be increased proportionately. I know they will not object to that, given the necessity for our children to be transported.

In future ferry services to the Aran Islands will be provided by private operators and the Government recently approved the award of the contract for new improved services, to Doolin Ferries Ltd. The bulk of the allocation of £0.5 million in the 1991 Estimate will be spent on the provision of the new service from Galway and I am also exploring the possibility of effecting improvements during the current winter season in the provision of passenger services between the three islands and Rossaveal.

I am currently in the course of finalising my proposals for a new bus competition Bill which I hope to submit to Government some time in the New Year. While it is not possible to be specific about the details of the new legislation until after they have been approved by the Government, I can assure you that the Bill will provide for and facilitate a considerably greater degree of competition in the transport industry than is possible under existing legislative provisions. I am confident that the new provisions will give rise to significant improvements in the quality and range of bus services available to the general public throughout the country. I have no doubt that the excellent staff of CIE, given their experience, expertise and commitment will be able to meet any competition that comes along. Our State companies in the past showed that they can do that. I have no doubt that they can do it in the future. All of our State companies have come to realise that competition in an economy such as ours is essential to the smooth operation of that economy, and that it does not spell difficulties for the State company but rather spells an exciting new phase for their new development.

Ask RTE about the effects of the Broadcasting Bill on the Chamber Choir, or Aer Lingus about the level playing field.

I hope Deputy Byrne is not going to start broadcasting illegally, because it will not be tolerated.

Nobody doubts that the Deputy and I have different philosophies. That is why we are on different sides of the House. I have a philosophy of which I am proud. I am for a choice for the consumer, and for competition. I have to compete for my seat and everything else, as has the Deputy. I do not see why our State companies should not have to compete. That is not Deputy Byrne's philosophy. The Deputy is entitled to his philosophy——

Some competition, when you give Ryanair exclusive rights.

I am for competition.

That is some competition.

You are not for competition. The public will judge who is right and who is wrong.

Ask anybody what sort of competition that constitutes.

Gabh mo leithscéal——

(Interruptions.)

Against your nature, Minister, I would ask you to control your courtesy, and I would ask Deputy Byrne——

We will argue it out on Parliamentary Questions.

I thought I should use the occasion of my Estimates, given that there are a substantial number of State companies under my Department, to say that I have discussed this approach with all of them and that they are all fully satisfied, prepared and even excited about the notion of competing fairly and squarely with other people in the same business. I have the height of respect for and give full encouragement to our State companies. They have my fullest confidence, but they know that I require them to work within a competitive framework. That is my philosophy and they know where they stand with me.

Finally, the Government continue to target tourism as a major axis for economic development. Our confidence in the industry's ability to earn foreign revenue and create sustainable jobs was expressed in concrete terms in the very ambituous performance targets set out in the Programme for National Recovery. The programme called for a doubling of foreign visitor numbers to over 4 million by 1992, an increase in tourism revenue of £500 million and the creation of an additional 25,000 jobs. I should like to report to the House now that we are halfway into the period covered by the programme that the sector is directly on course to meet the ambitious targets set some years ago. This year we can expect to see overseas visitor numbers exceed three million. We can expect to see total revenue pass the £1 billion mark for the first time and sectoral employment reaching about 80,000, representing an additional 15,000 jobs in the three year period since 1987.

Tá an tám istigh.

Tá mé críochnaithe.

Come in No. 1, your time is up.

That could be taken for another meaning, too.

I want to say loud and clear that the message from this side of the House is that the Government are unwavering in their commitment to achieving growth in Irish tourism. We are on course for the country's most ambitious tourism growth target and I am setting about a phased orderly introduction of competition to the transport industry and its reform in that way.

I would like to use my time in this debate to focus on a couple of areas rather than speak in global or general terms. I realise the pattern in debates on Estimates, whatever they come, is for Members on the opposite side of the House to stand up and say how wonderful and marvellous the Minister, the Government or the economy— or all three — are. People on this side of the House stand up and say that that is not the case and point out the shortcomings of Government policy in the year as specifically related to individual Departments. It is a seasonal ritual. It is necessary for an Opposition party to be able to point out the shortcomings that would not be highlighted in the plethora of PR activities that take place in Government Departments.

However, I would like to take this opportunity, as my constituency colleague who is sitting across from me was the last contributor, to say a few things to him. I commend him on the hard work he has done in the wide range of areas in which he operates and wish him well in the future.

That is the easy part.

I would like to refer to a few local needs and ask him if he is aware — I am sure he is because he lives in the middle of it — that we have manic proportions of traffic problems in Dublin South. I do not believe there is anywhere else in Dublin, other than St. Stephen's Green at 9 o'clock every morning, where there are worse traffic problems. As a representative for Dublin South the problems of traffic, speeding and hold-ups in the morning are as bad as any I have every been asked to deal with. It is a huge problem. I am not suggesting the Minister can with the stroke of a pen do something about it: it is inter-related to a whole lot of other things such as the southern cross and so on.

The constituents of Dublin South are slowly going mad and I am sure they have been in contact with the Minister, have called to his clinics and his office. There are chronic problems around Dundrum, Churchtown and Goatstown. They are probably the worst areas. The Minister must be aware of them because he lives there. It is causing grave problems because people decide their own short cuts and speed through estates and avenues which were never intended for huge streams of traffic. This is dangerous for old and young people apart from being very stressful for people who live there.

I cannot give any hope to the people who contact me. They ask about the proposed busway, if the railway line will be reopened. They are living in hope but I have to tell them that, in my opinion, the whole area will come to a stop some morning and everybody will be locked in — wall to wall — in cars from St. Stephen's Green to Dundrum village unable to move.

I put it to the Minister that whatever spending is done on roads — I accept there are enormous improvements on the main road — in Dublin South the position is absolutely dreadful. I would like to think the Minister who has such a pertinent responsibility in this area would be able to give some hope to the people who are slowly going mad because of the awful traffic problems they are experiencing from Rathfarnham to Stillorgan.

I will not address myself in global terms to the macro economics of this financial debate. I would like to take the opportunity to concentrate on a couple of areas in which I have a particular interest and which have not had the focus of attention nor the general political appeal of many other issues. The first relates to the problems in prisons, specifically women's prisons. I appeal to the Minister for Justice to address seriously the question of Mountjoy women's prison and allocate the necessary funds to upgrade the women's accommodation and facilities, work which was recommended as long ago as the Whitaker report. I ask him to end the promising and the faint commitments made in speeches and begin effective action.

The question of accommodation and facilities generally in the women's prison has been an issue for 20 years. I regret that in that time no noticeable change or reforms have occurred. The grievance today is the same as in the past over-crowding. In the most recent Mountjoy visitors' report it was stated that there are three or four women to a cell. There is no segregation of hardened criminals from short term inmates, no place for remand prisoners, very inadequate work facilities, poor educational facilities and no leisure or exercise facilities. We are talking here about a very small number of about 30 to 35 women as compared to the thousands of male prisoners. Few of whom are in for serious crime; most are there because of social problems which relate mostly to alcohol, shoplifting or crimes of that nature.

This year we had a tragic suicide of a young woman offender in Mountjoy. Understandably, at that time there was great media interest and focus on Mountjoy Prison and the women there. There was a certain degree of anguish from the Minister and the Department of Justice. Some commitments were given subsequent to that publicity.

I must interrupt Deputy Fennell now who is in her seventh minute. She has 13 minutes remaining. I understand there is agreement that the Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach, Deputy V. Brady, will make an announcement to the House which must be made before 6.30 p.m.

Debate adjourned.
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