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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 6 Nov 1991

Vol. 412 No. 2

Criminal Damage Bill, 1990: Committee Stage (Resumed).

Debate resumed on amendment No. 9:
In page 8, lines 16 to 19, to delete subsection (3).
—(Deputy S. Barrett.)

Section 9 (3) reads:

(3) A compensation order shall not be made unless both the owner of the property concerned and the approximate cost of making good the damage to it (or, where appropriate, of replacing it) are readily ascertainable.

This is one of the most important Bills that will pass through this House this session, which, unfortunately, is not receiving the attention it deserves. Built into this Bill is our overall approach to the problems of criminality and those who will commit serious offences in the future. Here we are talking about something very close to the problems confronting many residents of this city and country, that is, damage to property whether by way of stolen cars, joy-riding, damage to property itself, causing injury to the ordinary person in the street going about their daily business.

What we are endeavouring to do by way of the provisions of this Bill typifies what is wrong with our whole penal system. We are giving the courts a choice of whether they should commit somebody to prison or impose a fine on them. For the first time in our legislation we are attempting to give the courts that little additional power, that is, to make a compensation order but we are going halfway only. We are beginning to pull back in that we are going to impose all sorts of restrictions on a victim, the person who has suffered at the hands of a criminal. We are saying that the courts cannot make a compensation order unless the owner of the property, the person who suffered, and the approximate cost of making good the damage are readily ascertainable. Why should a person who suffers damage to their property have to go to the trouble of ensuring that the actual cost of the damage is known?

I do not understand the thinking here. What happens daily in our courts is that people come before them, the judge looks at the Act under which he will hear the relevant offence and examines the options open to him. He may say: "I can impose a fine that probably relates to a law that dates back 50 years, the fines themselves are out of date or, alternatively, I can impose a prison sentence of, say, six or 12 months." Rather than let somebody away with a miserable fine he imposes a prison sentence and the person in question finds themselves in prison. In order that that person may go into prison somebody who has committed a much more serious offence is released from prison. As the Minister knows, we have approximately 2,000 prison places only to accommodate approximately 7,000 people. Therefore, there is this merry-go-round, of somebody going into prison while somebody else is released to make a place for them, all because of bad legislation.

Compensating the victims of crime — which we are attempting to do here — is a means for our courts to impose a practical penalty on somebody who commits an offence which involves damage or loss to some other person. I do not believe we should tie the hands of the courts by making certain that they cannot make a compensation order unless both the owner of the property concerned and the cost of making good the damage are readily ascertainable. No obstacle should be put in the way of the courts if they decide it is better that a person should make good the damage he has caused and compensate the owner rather than spend a month or six weeks in prison so that he will become a better criminal while he is there.

I am asking the House to agree to amendment No. 9. The deletion of the subsection would strengthen rather than weaken the Bill.

When we last dealt with this Bill on 19 June I understood that amendment No. 9 was to be withdrawn on the basis that it would be considered again by the Minister together with amendment No. 8 and that the matter would be raised again on Report Stage. As Deputy Barrett has made a comment, I should like to make an observation on what has been said.

Section 9 provides for the imposition of an order directing a person convicted of having caused malicious damage to make compensation, possibly in addition to a term of imprisonment. Deputy Barrett has suggested that it would be an alternative to imprisonment and I wish to correct that. Earlier in the debate I tabled amendment No. 6 a in an attempt to achieve what Deputy Barrett believes to be provided for in the Bill. This is important legislation, a new departure in our legislative code. Given the overcrowding of our prisons and the little practical benefit of locking people up, other than keeping dangerous people out of circulation, as well as the huge cost to the taxpayer of keeping people in prison, it is important to devise means to avoid putting people there. If we provide for the adequate compensation of a victim, the court should be entitled to consider that as reasonable grounds for making an order as an alternative to imprisonment. However, subsection (1) provides for the possibility of making an order in addition to the imposition of a term of imprisonment. I had argued in my amendment that an order should be an alternative to a prison sentence. When a person is committed to prison and a compensation order is attached, there is no practical hope that the compensation will be paid. The person imprisoned will have no incentive to abide by the compensation order. The matter should be dealt with on the basis of imprisonment only, from the point of view of the offender. I argued that the provision should be couched in strict terms as an alternative to imprisonment but that was not acceptable. The section will be weaker as a result.

Deputy Barrett's amendment is an attempt to compensate the victim. One of the principles of court proceedings is that there, must be a finality in criminal matters. I do not see how a court could order the payment of compensation to a person whose identity was not ascertainable at the time and where it was not possible to establish reasonable cost. I have no particular difficulty with sub-section (3) but I believe that section 9 has been weakened by the failure of the Minister to appreciate that a compensation order should be a strict alternative to imprisonment.

Section 9 (1) states:

On conviction of any person of an offence under section 2 of damaging property belonging to another, the court, instead of or in addition to dealing with him in any other way, may, on application or otherwise, make an order (in this Act referred to as a "compensation order") requiring him to pay compensation in respect of that damage to the owner of the property.

That would suggest that the court is being given discretion by the inclusion of the words "instead of or in addition to dealing with him in any other way". Section 2 gives the court discretion whether to impose a fine or a prison sentence. I would argue that the court does have discretion to make a compensation order rather than to imprison the person.

Perhaps because I am not a lawyer I look at legislation differently. Precedent built up in the courts does not make sense to the ordinary person. If somebody is brought before the court having damaged property to such an extent that it constitutes a serious offence and if the owner of the property cannot be ascertained and the cost of repair and replacement is not known, the judge should be able to tell that person to come back before the court in three or four months, having completed the necessary investigations. We should not be bound by the custom which has been established in the courts that a matter must be dealt with finally on a particular day and cannot be left over.

If somebody takes my car and rams it into a wall, damaging both the car and the wall, it does not do me any good if that person is sent to Mountjoy and kept there for a week at a cost of several hundred pounds to the taxpayer before being released due to overcrowding in the prison. If it takes ten years for that person to make good the damage, paying even £1 a week, he should be made do it. The real deterrent is hitting somebody in the pocket. He would think a second time before taking a car again. If he is simply sent to prison for a month it will not cost him a thought, especially since he is likely to be released after a week. Taxpayers have to foot the bill for such people in Mountjoy Jail for one or two weeks. That is no deterrent.

I do not think it makes any sense whatsoever to include in legislation provisions which tie the hands of the court in making common sense decisions in the future. Can someone explain the common sense behind providing that a compensation order shall not be made unless both the owner of the property concerned and the approximate cost of making good the damage are readily ascertainable? I want the Minister to tell me the common sense — I do not want him to read his script — behind incorporating such a provision in the law. Why should we tie the hands of the court by including the words "readily ascertainable" in this subsection? If the courts want to spend three months finding out what damage was caused and who the actual owner of the property is, we should let them do it and not tie their hands.

We have to approach legislation like this from a common sense point of view. We must realise that what we are doing at present will not solve our problems. Our prisons are full and some prisoners are being let out to accommodate others. The whole system is a sham. It is costing the taxpayers but is not solving our difficulties. Prisons are institutions to which people who commit serious offences should be sent. These people should serve their sentences and be given help so that when they leave prison they will be able to fit back into society. Prisons should not be used as places to which people are sent for a week or fortnight without any treatment being given to help them fit back into society. We are achieving nothing if these people have to go through this whole process again.

Why should criminals not be made refund to their victims what they have lost? We now have the opportunity to provide for compensation orders for damage to property; this happens regularly. At present people who cause damage to property get a prison sentence or have a miserably low fine imposed, but what about the unfortunate victims? They should be compensated in some way. We should give the courts the discretion to decide even if it takes two, three or four years, whether to make an order to make good the damage caused to property. Why should we tie the hands of the court simply because there appears to be precedent in the courts? It is time we did away with that precedent and started to deal with such issues in a common sense way.

The purpose of this amendment is to delete subsection (3) in its entirety. This subsection provides that a compensation order shall not be made unless both the owner of the property and the approximate cost of making good the damage to the property or of replacing it are readily ascertainable. In other words, it provides for the simple straightforward case. The object is to ensure so far as possible that the compensation order which is made on a conviction is based on readily ascertainable facts and is, therefore, likely to be reasonably accurate. It would not be appropriate for the Criminal Court to enter into complicated inquiries about the extent and cost of the damage. The civil courts are better equipped to do this.

I have sympathy with what Deputy Barrett said. He has put across his case in a very sincere way. I understand the demands he is making for flexibility. He wants to ensure that compensation orders are made in as many cases as possible. However, there is another side to this issue. It would be unwise to put the Criminal Court, which must deal quickly with the question of guilt, in the position that it would have to go into the exact amount of compensation payable. This would have to be done in such a way that no unfairness would be done to the owner of the damaged property. This would take some time.

If the owner can produce reliable evidence of the cost of the damage the court can make the order there and then — there is no problem with that. No doubt that would be the proper and most fair way. If the owner cannot produce this information he cannot complain if the judge does not make an order. How can a court make an order to pay compensation if it does not know the owner of the property, the value of the damage done to the property or the cost of replacing the goods damaged? The courts must have these facts available to them. We have to take all these issues into account. We cannot allow for a grey area or vagueness. The law must be clear in the direction it gives the courts.

As Deputy McCartan rightly said, when we discussed both this and the previous amendment on 19 June last, I undertook to look again at the adequacy of the reference to the word "owner" in subsection (1). This has implications for this subsection also and, when we have fully completed our deliberations, may involve the introduction of a consequential amendment on Report Stage. I want to assure the House again that I will take into account all that has been said during this debate. I intend to further consider this matter in detail with my officials and I hope to come back with a better amendment on Report Stage.

With respect to the Minister, my experience with the Department of Justice since 1987 has been that nothing is given on Report Stage. When the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Collins, occupied the Minister's seat between 1987-89 some of our amendments were accepted. However, one has to be realistic and remember that they were a minority Government and during that time we had some good debates in this House. This proves that Committee Stage debates can improve legislation. It is irrelevant whether legislation is improved by this side of the House or the other side; if it is good legislation and is in the interests of the public, I go along with it. I have no hang-up about whether Deputy McCartan, Deputy Bell or anyone else puts down the amendments so long as the legislation is improved.

What the Minister has just said does not make sense. Under our system of justice, the victim very often is not informed of a court case. How many victims of crime have complained to us as public representatives that they heard no more about their cases until they picked up the evening paper or local paper and read that the person who committed the crime was in court? These people are not informed of the court case; they are disregarded. That is our criminal system.

The Minister said it would be unreasonable to expect the court to start treating this as a civil matter. Why would it be unreasonable to treat it in the manner I have suggested? We are talking about a form of punishment which would be far more advantageous to the victims. Who can afford to go to a civil court to get compensation from the person who damaged a vehicle or property? The criminal will be able to get free legal aid but the person who suffers will not and therefore will not go into the civil courts. They have to depend on the criminal courts to get this compensation.

The Minister said it would be unreasonable to expect a court to postpone its decision until the victim produced, to the satisfaction of the court, the value of the property damaged. He also said the owner may not be known. If the court was not considering a compensation order, how would it know who was the owner? This is a criminal offence. Since the owner of the property may not even know that a court case is proceeding, how would he be able to present himself in court as the owner of the property? Who would get this information for the judge? We should be practical and reasonable about this. With respect to the Minister, what he said does not make sense because the owner of the property may not be in court, may not know about the court case, and may not know that he should be there, knowing the actual value of the property——

Or it may not be known at all, that is the key.

Surely the judge can say: "I am thinking of imposing a compensation order and before doing so I want you to go away, find out for me who is the owner of the property, what was the damage caused to that property and come back to me". We are saying he cannot do that. What sort of legislation are we talking about? The judge cannot do that because it is not the done thing in the courts. This is 1991 and crime is rampant in the streets. The public are asking me, Deputies Briscoe, Bell and Callely and the Minister to sort out this problem and pointing out that the present system is not working.

In fairness to the Government — I give credit to them for this — this is the first time we have seen the light and, in a Criminal Damage Bill, we are giving powers to the courts to impose compensation orders. However, like everything else, we are afraid to go the full step; we are afraid of precedent. The attitude is: we have to be careful here and it would not be right for the courts. I do not worry about the courts; I worry about the people. I want to see more people being compensated for the damage caused to their property, in many cases by young hooligans who know that if a fine is imposed they cannot afford to pay it and if they are put into prison they will be released after one week. We all know these hooligans who are going around town wrecking people's property. When they go into court they smile at the judge and at the prison officer who is taking them away for a week or a month because they know they will be out again. What happens to the poor unfortunate victims? Their insurance premium is increased and they lose their no claim bonus——

Everybody else's insurance premiums increase.

——there is damage to property and the merry-go-round continues. This is a perfectly reasonable request to the Minister. The Minister cannot say he has to check the wording with the parliamentary draftsman because I am not changing any wording, I am proposing to delete words.

The totality.

If I asked Gay Byrne in the morning to ask his listeners if they agreed with this, the phone calls afterwards would say: "No way, my friend, let us sort this thing out". I know the answer. It is because we are worried about precedent in our courts we have to tie the hands of the courts. I do not see the reason for it. The Bill states:

A compensation order shall [not may] not be made unless both the owner of the property concerned and the approximate cost of making good the damage to it (or, where appropriate, of replacing it) are readily ascertainable.

That is clear.

How can a judge have that information available to him on the spot if the owner of the property does not know that the court case is being heard? He will not be in court and may not have been informed. We all know that happens every day of the week. The owner of the property certainly would not go to court armed with a valuation from one of our leading auctioneers or one of our top motor garages because they do not know. Therefore, how will they have this information readily available. This does not make sense. I will put this amendment to the House if the Minister is not prepared to accept it. I am not playing party politics here. There are a sufficient number of people in Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats who are as concerned as I am about this issue. I hope they will persuade the Minister, through their contributions, to see sense and delete this subsection.

I am very sympathetic to and supportive of Deputy Barrett's amendment. If it comes to a vote, naturally, I will have to vote with the Government. That is the reality of life in politics but I support what Deputy Barrett has said. People are fed up to their teeth about the record wave in crime. People are entitled to be compensated. We are aware that a civil action costs a fortune. People cannot afford to engage lawyers. We are trying to reach a situation where the courts can administer justice. Sadly, today we have lawyers and judges who are concerned only with the technicalities of the law but the people in the streets are crying out for justice. I ask the Minister to give us an undertaking. He said he cannot accept this amendment now but that he will come back on Report Stage and say whether this subsection can be deleted. As Deputy Barrett has said I do not think a change of wording will do anything. I was the first Member to advocate that parents should be held responsible for the actions of their 14 and 15 year old children. Some compensation must be paid to the victims of crime.

Last night I witnessed a crime and helped to make a citizen's arrest of a young fellow. As it so happened I had come from a meeting on vandalism. One of the people who had attended the meeting had his car broken into. He caught this young fellow in the car, wiring it up in readiness to steal it. He ran off and was caught. I helped the person who made the citizen's arrest on him. A short while later the inspector, who was also at the meeting, came along and marched him off to the garda station. That young person was laughing. He said: "Inspector, you will have to wait until next year; I am only 15 now, and you cannot do anything with me now". The State should make some recompense to the man whose car was ripped apart while it was being wired up by the young person in order to steal it. If his parents are in receipt of the children's allowance it should be taken away. This is not good enough.

A district justice has said there is no way of knowing who the person was whose property was either stolen or damaged. Let us implement a system under which people will be compensated. The courts have what is known as the poor box and let us have a compensation box into which the parents of the guilty youths should pay compensation. For those over 15 years of age the way to stop them committing crime is by awarding damages against them. Last night the young person was mocking. I said to him that he would spend the rest of his life in and out of prison, that he would end up as a toothless old lag and that life would pass him by. The inspector said to me: "That does not mean anything to him, he does not care, he does not know". There are many people like him going through our streets. I urge the Minister to do something now. The legislation before us has been welcomed by the Opposition parties and let us make it work.

We had a period of peace in the sixties during which much legislation was updated and changed. When the whole situation deteriorated and we had vandalism on an unprecedented scale, suddenly we needed the old laws. When we closed down Letterfrack and Daingean reformitories — it was correct that that should have been done — we did not open up any new secure detention centres. The reason the situation has got out of hand is that many of those people have no respect for the law.

I urge the Minister to accept this amendment. The idea of forcing victims of crime to go through a civil procedure to get compensation is not on because they cannot afford it. Law is too expensive today. This is a wonderful opportunity to finally make people amenable to the law. The only way a person who sets a car on fire will understand the gravity of his actions is when he is made to pay compensation. Let the criminal pay. If we have to take 10 per cent from his social welfare benefit for the next 20 years, I do not care. The compensation should be payable to the victims.

The law works on the side of the criminal, there is no question about that, and it is about time it was weighted on the side of the victim. Not a day goes by without calls to my office from suffering constituents. It occurs not just in Dublin and in other cities, it occurs throughout the country. We have a real problem on our hands and I urge the Minister to get tough on this. I do not want to starve people or put them into concentration camps, as some people imply when I suggest that the law should be weighted on the side of the victim. In this Bill we have a chance to compensate the victim. I urge the Minister to consider this and not to allow these cases to go from the District Court to a higher court where few people will be able to afford costs, either the victim or the criminal.

I absolutely agree with Deputy Briscoe. I live in an urban area and as recently as last weekend a young fellow with a balaclava over his head smashed half a dozen shop windows in the main street of the town and was heading out of town before the squad car picked him up, still wearing his balaclava. This fellow, whom I know, has been convicted on a number of occasions on similar charges. He is on unemployment assistance and he knows that the State cannot get anything from him, and that he will be put into prison for perhaps six months when he comes before the courts again. All the people whose shop windows were broken still have to pay for them and their insurance premiums go up while the criminal is laughing at everybody. It does not cost him anything. If he had to pay £10 or £20 a week from his unemployment assistance he would not break any more windows. We must hurt the criminal where it really hurts, in the pocket. It is not a good idea just to put some of these young scoundrels into detention centres most of which are inadequate, leaving the bill for the victim. Deputy Barrett's case for his amendment has been well made and I will support his amendment if it is put to the vote.

I cannot disagree with what has been said by the last few speakers. We are all aware of what is happening on our streets and of the attitude of the individuals concerned. This Bill seeks to amend the law relating to damage to property. Deputy Barrett in moving his amendment welcomed the section as a whole and acknowledged that it is the first time an order including compensation has been included in a Bill of this nature. This is a welcome and historic step in the right direction.

Deputy Briscoe referred to the law working on the side of the criminal. With respect, Deputy Briscoe does not actually believe this is the case.

Perhaps the Deputy does, but unfortunately——

(Interruptions.)

Unfortunately the public perception is that on occasions the law is working on the side of the criminal. In the light of the way Deputy Barrett explained his amendment, one cannot disagree with him. This matter needs to be addressed urgently. We need to get tough in this area. We are well aware of individuals who have no respect for the Garda Síochána, the Judiciary or the courts. They know they will get away with their crimes. I totally agree with Deputy Bell in that the criminal must pay.

Recently we dealt with the Environmental Protection Agency Bill and there were calls from all concerned to make the polluter pay. Surely we can apply the same principle in this case?

I welcome the Bill and congratulate the Minister on including for the first time a compensation order and on the fact that he has indicated he will accept an amendment of the nature suggested on Report Stage.

I disagree with this section because I cannot see how the victim of crime will be protected by it. The section is wide open to error and abuse. If the State wants to wriggle out of its responsibility, it can do so here. I submit that the State is wriggling out of its responsibility daily in that our streets are becoming theatres of crime. I experienced this personally in the past 24 hours in seeing how innocent people are becoming victims and are being terrified in their homes because of the nature of the crimes being committed in our cities. The State is reneging on its responsibilities because it is not allocating adequate resources to combat criminals throughout the country. Of the last 206 gardaí who qualified in Templemore only two have come to my city and county, a city and county with a population of 250,000 people. There is lip-service by the Government and Government Deputies to the wages of crime and the victims of crime but when it comes down to putting into operation the only effective mechanism to prevent crime, the garda on the beat, we are not providing the resources.

I am afraid we are straying away from the amendment.

I am just giving that as an example.

I would be grateful if the Deputy would address his remarks to the section and the amendment before us.

I am dealing with the victims of crime.

No, the Deputy should deal with amendment No. 9, section 9, which is before the House.

I have just outlined the manner in which the State and the Government are reneging on their responsibilities to the public. Here, again, the victims are being left on the hook. The victims may never know that there is a court case involving the criminal and suddenly can find themselves high and dry without any compensation. There is no real service to help the victim to get over the trauma. We are all hung up on the question of monetary compensation and compensation for loss of property. What about the psychological damage done to people because of criminal activity? I had personal experience of this in the last 24 hours. The continuing trauma for a victim in the days and weeks ahead cannot be quantified. There is no professional therapy service available. There are a number of people who, out of their own resources, in their own time and through their own efforts, are helpful to victims of crime. However, the State has opted out from offering any help or therapy for victims.

What about victim support?

Eight thousand pounds in one year is pathetic.

You postponed Garda recruitment.

The Deputy said there was no victim support.

I already said that through their own resources and in their own time, some people help, but they get very little help from the State — only £8,000 per year.

They got a 100 per cent increase this year.

Eight thousand pounds is a pathetic amount to deal with the very important area of compensation for the victims of crime to help pay for the psychological therapy that is required because of the damage done to individuals. We are here talking about the most exposed in our community, the elderly, who are attacked daily——

I am glad I prompted the Deputy to recognise the necessity for victim support.

Instead of paying lip service to the victims of our negligence, we should be giving support in a more meaningful way.

I would like to make one more point. Often the victim of a crime is intimidated. When the amount of damage to their home or car has been assessed, the people who perpetrated the crime threaten that victim. They say that if he appears in court his house will be burnt down, with him in it. With the best will in the world, legislation often does not achieve what is intended because of victim intimidation.

Perhaps the Minister would look again at this section and provide that, where damage has been assessed by the Garda an assessor, or a reputable garage or other body, such as the Automobile Association or the RAC, that money would be paid into the court and held in what I would term a victim compensation fund. The perpetrators of crime should be made to pay whether the victim turns up in court where the Garda can produce some evidence of the value of the property damaged.

Ordinary people are frightened. Only this morning I had a telephone call from one of my constituents who would not even give me his name. Victims of crime are afraid to give their names. This is what we are up against. The Department of Justice needs to take a good hard look at some of the fear being generated in victims of crime. We have an opportunity here. Let us give this legislation teeth. Let us get around the problem of the victim being afraid to go into court so that the judge can say to the perpetrator of the crime that, as he burnt a car, he should pay such an amount to the court compensation fund. This money can be reallocated to the victim support fund. Let the criminals pay for the damage they do. That is the best recipe I know for the reduction of crime in our cities.

I would be interested to know if the Minister considers that subsection (3) is unduly restrictive. Other Deputies have adverted to the fact that this is the first time that compensation has been given the statutory force of law, although it is fair to say that in practical terms courts have been ordering compensation in favour of victims over the past number of years.

I agree with what Deputy Barrett said. Is it necessary to make the compensation order so restrictive? I believe that the operational difficulties of sub-section (3) will make it somewhat difficult for courts to award compensation in certain circumstances. The wording is "a compensation order shall not be made". It does not give the court the opportunity to use its discretion, depending on the circumstances of each individual case, depending on the facts placed before the court or on any given set of circumstances. There will be circumstances in which it is difficult to carry out a professional evaluation of the damage and the manner in which this subsection will be construed by the courts could give rise to a more restrictive position than operates at present.

I certainly welcome the contents of section 9 which, for the first time in statutory form, allow the court to make an order for compensation. It is important that we as legislators prompt the courts to move in that direction. Vast amounts of moneys are due in unpaid fines. Courts have made orders against defendants, on conviction, ordering them to pay fines for their wayward acts within a period of two, three or four months. I would hazard a guess that, as from autumn 1991, we are talking about in excess of £10 million due to the State in terms of unpaid fines; this time last year it was about £12 million. Perhaps the Minister would be good enough to ascertain the exact figures because I believe it is fundamental to any debate on compensation. The primary order that is being made daily in every court, in every part of this land, is being disregarded by criminals within our society to the extent of the £10 million, £12 million or £15 million outstanding. We talk about law and order, the courts doing a duty on behalf of society. Yet we allow such a massive amount of money to go unnoticed in terms of unpaid fines.

I am all in favour of compensation for victims to in some way alleviate the pain of many thousands of victims of crime within our society. I would hope that what the Minister has inserted in this section will not allow that process to be restricted.

In recent years we have experienced in this city and in the country as a whole particularly nasty crimes of criminal damage. Wanton and meaningless damage is taking place, not in furtherance of a robbery where a defendant will pocket some money for himself and try to get away with it, but where specific goods are targeted by criminal gangs. We are seeing a particularly nasty and vicious process where damage is being perpetrated with no motive other than to wreak havoc.

Mindless vandalism.

It could be described as action where there is no motive other than to inflict wanton and meaningless damage to a person's property. However, addressing that matter in this legislation the Minister has gone overboard in introducing a statutory restriction. When compensation orders were made in the past I do not think a superintendent or a judge plucked a figure from the air as an estimate of the value of the damage done to a window without having some back-up. In any event, information is to be sought by the court. On that score I would ask the Minister whether there is a necessity for subsection (3) having regard to the fact that in practice no court is going to make a compensation order without first getting a global figure in respect of the cost of the damage done to the victim's property.

I would like to refer to the practice of our courts to order the payment of funds into what is best described as the court poor box. This practice is gaining some importance in the orders made by many District Court and Circuit Court judges. I ask the Minister to look at this practice and ascertain the legal status of the court poor box. In lieu of a fine or conviction, a defendant is required, at the discretion, I presume, of the local district court office or justice to pay a certain amount of money into the court poor box.

I do not know what the status of the court poor box is nor do I know the amount of money that is collected or paid into court poor boxes, but if this practice continues a strict set of guidelines and regulations should be introduced by the Minister or some other party, even though the Minister is best placed to introduce such a set of regulations and guidelines. I have no evidence of any impropriety on the part of anyone with regard to the court poor box but it is a twilight zone between acquittal and conviction——

——where, if someone has sufficient cash in his back pocket he is seen to get away with a particular charge by offering money to be paid into the court poor box which, in many cases, will be accepted. I would ask the Minister to comment on the status of the court poor box which is a form of compensation, but I wonder to whom. This practice should be scrutinised because it is one with which I would not readily agree. Having regard to this practice in certain parts of the country on my meagre calculations hundreds of thousands of pounds in lieu of fines are being paid to court poor boxes, but I wonder which sections of the poor in society are benefiting?

They used to give it to people on condition that they go to England.

I am not sure if that is the case but if the Deputy has any evidence of this I have no doubt he will elaborate on it.

Years ago——

It is important when dealing with compensation that we look at the orders the courts are making. Reference has been made to the victim. I agree with the points made by Deputy Briscoe and the Deputies opposite and do not question the bona fides of the Minister when he speaks about the importance of the victim. Mind you, I have other things to say to him——

——in terms of the amounts of cash he has given to support groups such as the Irish Association for Victim Support. Are the Government only paying lip service when they speak of the importance of the victim?

The Minister has a lot on his mind at present.

He is fully occupied here and has no other difficulties.

Leaving aside the amount of money coming from the national lottery, the coffers of the health boards and the Department, while I am aware that under this subsection the victim will not have to appear in court to produce an estimate of the cost of the damage, a strict reading of it will set alarm bells ringing for a judge of the District Court or the Circuit Court that they must comply with the statutory requirement. Where will that leave the victim who has an estimate of the damage done in his back pocket or in her handbag?

We must look at the pre-trial procedures and how the victim is treated between the time a charge is laid against the person who has been apprehended and the case is heard in court. In many cases the victim will be left in the dark and, more often than not, will not have an opportunity to meet the chief superintendent or the State counsel prior to the case being heard. Neither will the victim have any idea at what time of the day the case will be heard. In many court cases it is difficult to distinguish between the victim and the defendant. In many of our courthouses there are no rooms where a victim can consult with the chief superintendent prior to the case being heard. Indeed, in many cases the chief superintendent does not even want to know the victim once he knows he is there. There is a need to build a pre-trial procedure into our legislation to recognise the rights of the victim. We do not have such a procedure at present and there is nothing in the Criminal Damage Bill, 1990, which will lead us to treat the victim with any greater respect than we do at present. Subsection (3) will require the victim to make sure that he has a professional estimate of the cost of the damage which will be scrutinised not only by the court——

Where does it say that?

——but also by the learned counsel for the defence who clocks up a substantial legal aid bill in the course of the proceedings. The sub-section reads that a compensation order shall not be made unless both the owner of the property concerned and the approximate cost of making good the damage to it are readily ascertainable. When this requirement is written into the Statute Book it will place an onus on the judge to seek compliance with the Statute by asking the victim to come forward. There is that element of danger and it is a pity that this is all we are doing in terms of making life a little easier for the victim of crime.

We are dealing with an amendment which proposes to delete subsection (3). I am in the remarkable position of trying to argue the Minister's Bill with his own Deputies who do not appear to have read the legislation. The position of the victim has been particularly addressed in the provisions of this Bill because, for the first time in the proof of a charge of malicious damage, the victim will not have to be in court to prove the charge. I ask the Deputies who are bleating about the worries of the victim in the context of this legislation to look at section 2 where proof of a charge of malicious damage — for the first time when this Bill is passed — will not require the presence of the victim, the owner of the property, in court. Up to this when the car was burned out, the wall was knocked down or other damage caused, it was an essential proof requiring the attendance of the unfortunate victim in court. He or she had to go into the witness box to say the obvious, that he or she owned the motor car, and that they did not give permission to anybody to take it, to knock down a wall and so on. Now, for the first time, the legislation will say that the charge can be proved without the presence of the owner because the issue of ownership does not come into it as long as it is not the property of the defendant. That is a major advancement.

We have been listening for the last hour or so to a debate about nothing in regard to subsection (3). I fully subscribe to the concerns people have about ensuring that victims are properly protected and are treated properly in the context of a criminal prosecution. I have spoken many times in this House about that but my remarks are tempered when I hear what is being said in the context of subsection (3) which is, as I said earlier, an eminently sensible provision. It does not — and will never — require bringing in professional assessors, as has been suggested, to prove damage. It says that the approximate cost of repair or replacement be ascertainable. You are dealing at that stage in the criminal process when the proofs part has passed, the accused has been found guilty and now the issue is penalty. It is a well established practice in our courts that the strict rules of evidence do not apply at that stage. What happens, invariably if not universally, in those situations is that the garda gives testimony to the court armed with an assessment document from a garage or a builder saying the damage will cost so much to repair. The strict rules of evidence do not apply because you are dealing with penalties, not with proof of guilt.

Obviously it is open to the defendant, but at his peril, to say that he does not agree with the figure or for his counsel to argue that point. Perhaps then one might get into the realm of proof but no court, faced with that brazen attitude of the defence, will say that it will not make an order for compensation and that it will put the matter back to allow the garda to assemble reasonable evidence if it is needed. It is my experience, in a long number of years in practice in the criminal courts, that a defendant is advised to keep his mouth shut at that point; to start quibbling about figures on the level of compensation is not practical. Therefore, I suggest that that portion of the section is a reasonable one and is in the spirit of recognising that criminal proceedings should be precise and finite.

The other point was in regard to the owner. I listened very carefully to Deputy Barrett and I accept that he is arguing from a genuine point of view. I found Deputy Flanagan's intervention remarkable. He complained that the poor box is some kind of nether region about which we do not know very much. In fact, the poor box represents the ultimate discretion of a court to extract compensation from a defendant. Invariably, it is compensation which will not be paid to the victim but which will be held for disbursement by the court in various ways; it is the ultimate discretion from the point of view of the court.

Deputy Barrett wants discretion for the court and Deputy Flanagan does not. The problem I have in terms of Deputy Barrett's argument is that, where an owner cannot be ascertained, the provisions of section 9, nonetheless, should be applied. To whom do you pay the compensation? Is he not really talking about a fine at that stage? If you cannot ascertain the owner of the property, you do not have a victim to compensate but if you are anxious to hit people in their pockets, then fine them. There is adequate provision in the law to do this. You do not have to worry about the absence of ownership identity when it comes to the court being able to impose a monetary fine.

In the context of section 9, which by and large, is a very good one except for the reservations I outlined earlier, I do not see that subsection (3) imposes restriction or undue limitation, as has been argued. Deputy Barrett has also tabled an amendment in which he talks about a very real restriction and I would be inclined to support him regarding the limit of 12 months as a period in which a compensation order can be paid. However, I do not see real restrictions in relation to the amendment which we are discussing.

As long ago as 19 June we had agreed to look at the matter again on Report Stage and I hope the Minister will advance reasons which make it difficult for the court to act otherwise. The Minister should also bear in mind that the judges act sensibly and within the realms of what is possible. It may well be that there is a link between what Deputy Barrett is arguing and what the Minister seeks to maintain in terms of the law being able to act and not being seen as an ass. We have had a very good debate but we should look at the subsection again on Report Stage and move on to something a bit more pertinent.

While I appreciate Deputy McCartan's clarification in regard to sections of this Bill, I am nevertheless conscious of the fact that he is an expert in this area of law. He has carved out a very successful career defending the perpetrators of crime. I should not like to think that we would introduce legislation which was so black and white that there would not be any grey areas for the lawyers, which they love. We should be aiming for clarity as far as this section is concerned. I am sure the lawyers work for their crust and it is a pretty good crust.

There is a lot of dough on the crust.

Yes, there is some icing on that crust. I want to ensure that this legislation is weighted in favour of the victim. At the moment the law is weighted in favour of the criminal. We have to restore the balance. I say to Deputy Flanagan, who made a good contribution, that the Fine Gael spokesman on Justice has welcomed this Bill as being a much needed advance. Governments in the past 15 or 20 years may deserve to be blamed for not introducing this type of legislation but we need to get it through fairly quickly. It is important that we discuss every line of this Bill. We should make the most of the debate because the nation is crying out to us to do something and we should respond to that appeal.

I thank those who support my point of view. It is a little unfair of Deputy McCartan, because all of us do not practise in the courts, to adopt an arrogant approach to our lack of legal knowledge. All Members are equal, we are all legislators. If people do not know the law inside out that is not their fault. They are here as legislators.

I was complaining about the Bill not being read.

I suggest the Deputy knows little about this section because he did not realise that a compensation order should be imposed. Therefore, the Deputy's knowledge of the Bill is not exactly expert. Had the Deputy been here for all the contributions he would have heard Members expressing genuine concerns similar to those being expressed day in and day out at public meetings and various gatherings.

I have heard all the debate.

People should not become intolerant about the length of the debate on a particular point. I regard this as one of the most important aspects of this legislation. On Committee Stage it is up to the Minister to convince the House of the need for this subsection. That is not being arrogant. It is the Minister's job to convince the House of the absolute need for this subsection. I have not heard one word from any Member which convinces me that there is a need for this subsection. It does not weaken the proposition of imposing compensation orders. Well established practices in the courts make my hair stand. This country is bedevilled with ancient well established practices in our legal system and it is time some of those practices were blown out the window.

The Minister of State, who has responsibility for prisons, knows that it cost £75 million of taxpayers' money this year to run the prison service, but that system is not working. Crime is on the increase. Statistics may show that there has been a slight drop in crime but the average person knows that crime is at a very dangerous level. My wife was mugged in town yesterday and thousands of people will be mugged between now and Christmas.

Recently, I visited a widow who underwent two serious operations. She lives alone. While she was in hospital young men and young women who had gathered in a laneway nearby decided to put a hose in her letterbox and turn on the water. When the woman arrived home from hospital her house was flooded. Those young people also knocked down the wall outside this woman's house. That unfortunate woman has many problems with her illness but she now has to pay for the rebuilding of the wall because neighbours say it is dangerous and is her responsibility. She also has to pay for the damage caused to the interior of her house. That is wanton vandalism.

The children who caused this damage are not from so-called working class areas; they are children of middle class families who gather in these places. They drink alcohol bought with money supplied, presumably, by their parents. They all attend second level colleges. Those responsible should pay for the damage they caused. If a judge places an attachment order on their income, applicable from the day they start earning until they are 65 years old, so be it. It is not so much for the money but society should not tolerate this behaviour.

It is better that we spend an hour arguing this very good principle and pass legislation that is good and proper than have public meetings called by vigilante groups, in many cases instigated by the Provos who impose their own laws and find solutions to the problems concerning so many citizens in the State. This is due to the well established practices in our court which result from our legislation being weak. If we think that by trotting out legislation which provides that the courts may impose a fine and/or a prison sentence of up to a maximum of 12 months, as is provided for in section 2, we will solve the problems, we are living in cloud cuckooland.

By all means we should put these people away but it will not solve the problems. If we provide that these people should contribute something to society and that as long as they work they have to make up for the damage they caused to people such as the unfortunate woman about whom I spoke, we may solve the problem. There are times when we have to quote examples to bring home to these people the severity of the suffering they cause. When I call to the house of the woman I mentioned she has to open two or three locks before the door is eventually opened. People are being terrorised in their homes. I do not care about well established practices in our courts. It is time the Minister ignored the advice being given him and accepted amendments put down by Members who represent ordinary people. The Minister has not convinced me of the need to tie the hands of the court.

Deputy McCartan said he was satisfied that the courts may or may not do something, but the courts should be in no doubt. What is the sense in providing that a compensation order shall not be made unless both the owner of the property concerned and the approximate cost of making good the damage to it or, where appropriate, of replacing it are readily ascertainable? What is the necessity for that provision? As Deputy McCartan said, the courts may or may not make such an order. I do not want to pick up the newspaper in 12 months time and read the comments of a district justice that he would have imposed a compensation order for the owner of such a vehicle but the legislation prohibited him from doing so. That is what we will likely be reading because the courts may interpret the law in that way. Why should the innocent person always have to go with the begging bowl? Deputy McCartan is right when he says that the fact that the owner of the property no longer has to be in court is an improvement but should he ever have to be in court? Why should we not have a system which would apply in cases, as I have just quoted where it is obligatory for the State to advise the person that the accused is coming before the court; that it be obligatory that the person be consulted and told the outcome of the case; and that it be obligatory that the person be allowed attend the court to hear the court's decision on the young hooligan who caused them such pain and hardship? Why should we have a one-sided system? Of course, the accused should have proper representation and a fair trial. I do not begrudge the accused proper representation but equally, I argue that the other side should get the same treatment. It took this House many years to recognise that in rape cases there was a need to consider the victim. It took a great deal of persuasion and a change in public opinion to ensure that the rape victim was considered. Eventually, however, the rights of the rape victim were recognised in the Criminal Law (Rape) (Amendment) Act, 1990. It is about time that we had similar thinking in relation to other aspects of crime.

I could give another example, indeed I am sure many spokespersons have met parents who are very concerned about drunk driving cases. One family told me how they had read in the newspaper that the person who murdered their son, as they said, had appealed his case and the prison sentence was dismissed and a fine imposed instead. How would one feel if one picked up the evening newspaper and read that the person convicted of drunk driving in the case where one's son or daughter was killed had appealed the case, was no longer going to prison, and instead a fine was imposed? Nobody had ever bothered to call on those people and ask how they were. They were not told that the convicted person was appealing his case, the date on which the case would be heard or informed about the court procedures. These people are very bitter about this, and rightly so. They say that we, the legislators, do not care about them; but of course a public representative will attend the funeral and shake hands. They blame us, and rightly so, because we should have changed the laws that affect ordinary people and not defend well established practices.

The Minister will have to give me very good reasons for retaining section 9 (3) because what I have heard does not convince me one iota. I believe it is unnecessary, is restrictive and will lead to all sorts of doubts. Deputy McCartan may be right in what he says but I am entitled to read it as an ordinary lay person and, as with some later provisions in the Bill, it does not make sense to me. We have the opportunity to delete this subsection and that is what I am proposing to do in my amendment. Quite frankly, I am not going to be fobbed off by the Minister saying he will consider it on Report Stage. As Deputy McCartan has said, it is five months since we last discussed this Bill and the Minister should not need further time to think about it. This matter does not have to be referred to the Attorney General, the matter should be debated in this Chamber and, if it is right it is right, and if it is wrong it is wrong.

It is irrelevant to wait until Report Stage to delete this subsection. What is wrong with this House is that we tend to put things off until the next day. The Minister should not need more time to think about it; either he comes down on the side of clarity and ensures that victims are compensated or he does not. If the Minister takes that road he should go the whole way and give the courts discretion to impose a compensation order. There is no need to tie the hands of the courts as in the present subsection. When the evidence was presented to a judge that a person was being charged with having burned ten cars in a housing estate, as happened in my constituency, the court did not go into the details of the value of the cars. Indeed the owners were not circulated by the chief superintendent and told that the case was coming up, as the criminal charge was brought by the State. In fact, under the present system the owner will not know about it. The owner should be informed and should be able to tell the court the value of his car. Indeed the chief superintendent should be armed with that information and should be able to present it in evidence to the judge. Indeed in one night's work a young hooligan caused approximately £90,000 damage in my constituency. It was just for fun. Indeed when the fire brigade came on the scene, he only jangled the car keys and told them they would have to come back later. He caused £90,000 worth of damage, yet he might get only three or four months in St. Patrick's. I know what I would do with him. I would ensure that there would be a debt on his back for the rest of his life and something would be deducted from every penny he got, and as Deputy Bell said, either from his unemployment assistance or his income. He would have to pay something back. Things have gone beyond a joke.

I have made the argument and the Minister will either accept it or not. I do not wish to be asked to let the matter stand until Report Stage, I want to have it out.

First, I wish to respond to a comment by Deputy McCartan. The Minister's Deputies are fully informed on the Bill. Indeed, I am sure he is aware that the Minister will clarify any matter for a Deputy. I would like to comment on the case instanced by Deputy Barrett where a woman had to replace a wall because hooligans had put a hose through her letter box. As I have said, we have a Bill to amend the law dealing with offences against property. For the first time we are putting in place legislation to address this issue and provide for compensation orders. We should not lose sight of what is in the Bill before the House and the fact that we are putting in place a provision for compensation. While I understand Deputy Barrett's concern and reason for wishing to amend section 9 — no one wants a hooligan, a little girl or anyone else coming before the courts to get off scot-free because there is not an identifiable owner or a cost available — I should be interested to hear the Minister's comments; I think they would be on similar lines.

We now have in place a compensation order provision. Section 3 clarifies the compensation order and indicates that the owner and the approximate cost or replacement should be ascertainable. One can understand the reasons for that. We do not want the situation to occur in which one individual brought before the courts has a compensation order imposed because the owner can be ascertained or identified, yet another individual before another court gets off without a compensation order because the owner cannot be identified or ascertained.

The poor box is of long standing and perhaps it is time it was improved and brought into modern-day thinking. However, I am sure that in section 3 we can come up with a suitable clarification that will exactly meet the concerns of Deputy Barrett. Nobody wants individuals to be let off in circumstances such as those mentioned by Deputy Barrett. That is exactly what is provided for by the Bill.

We should not lose sight of the terrific step forward being made by this Bill. For the first time provision is being made for a compensation order. As I said, we shall have to wait for the Minister's comments, but it is my understanding that the case referred to by Deputy Barrett would be adequately covered by section 3. I also note from Deputy Barrett's comments that he wants to make sure that the situation to which I referred does not occur — that two individuals either in the same court or in two separate courts are treated differently in relation to compensation orders because, on the one hand, the owner of the property and the cost of the damage of replacement are readily ascertainable but on the other, neither the owner nor the cost of damage and/or replacement is ascertainable. As I said earlier, I suggest that when the Minister comes back on Report Stage he might indicate how the House could fully and adequately deal with that loophole or, for want of a better expression, not fall between two stools, where one individual pays compensation and another does not. Perhaps some kind of compensation order fund could be set up so that if an owner were not readily ascertainable a compensation order could still be made to ensure that a perpetrator paid for the damage he caused. A compensation order would still be made against the individual causing damage and if an owner were not ascertainable, that compensation could be paid into a fund.

Frankly, the whole of section 9 worries me. I agree with the Deputy — I think it was Deputy Barrett — who said that the provisions of section 9 are weighted too much against the person who actually suffers as a result of criminal damage. Why could it not be possible, under regulations issued by the Minister under this legislation, to make an assessor available to the courts, the police, the chief superintendent of the area, or whoever? When damage is caused through a car accident an insurance company will send out an assessor to assess the damage and very often a decision on compensation is made based on the assessor's report. I am not suggesting that that particular system should be adopted, but I do suggest that a similar system could be brought into operation. Under such a system a person who causes criminal damage would have to pay the cost of the assessor. Not alone should he be made to pay for the damage, we should also make him pay the cost of the assessment of the damage.

It should not matter a damn whether an owner is "readily ascertainable"— those words worry me greatly. Whether an owner is readily ascertainable should not enter the issue at all. It should not be too difficult to have the damage to property assessed by an assessor where the owner can be identified. It would be very much in a minority of instances that the owner of property that had been set on fire — whether that property be a car or a building — could not be ascertained. I am quite sure that the local police would find that out very quickly.

The section also refers to a person's means. Again I think we should not be talking about the means of the person who causes damage to property, a car or a person. We should be concerned about the means of the person whose property is damaged. For example, if a large store window is broken, it might be easy for a major multiple with a shop in a town such as Drogheda or Dundalk to replace that window the following day, at whatever cost was involved, but it would be a very different matter if that same window had to be replaced by a small shopkeeper who was just scraping a living and paying and collecting taxes for the State. To make it even harder, that small shopkeeper might have to wait several months before the person concerned was brought before the courts. At the end of the day, of course, the person causing the damage might be sent away and kept, again at the expense of the State and the taxpayer, at some prison or school. The means of the person who causes criminal damage should not matter. I think it was Deputy Briscoe who said it does not matter about the length of time it takes a person to pay, it is the amount he should have to pay over whatever period the court should decide — whether it be under an attachment order on any benefit that person was drawing, or on his wages that is important. That is the way it should be.

If such a deterrent existed and if parents had to pay the cost, irrespective of their means, they would be much more vigilant in relation to criminal damage, what their children are doing out on the streets and what time they are out on the streets. The other night, just by chance, I was passing my own office when leaving a corporation meeting. Two boys walked over to the bin outside the office and set it on fire. If I had not been there and rushed inside to get a fire extinguisher to put out the fire, the whole building would have been burned. Those boys ran up the street, regarding the whole episode as very funny.

I repeat that the whole subsection is weighted far too heavily in favour of the criminal rather than the victim.

Having listened to the arguments advanced here this morning, the more I think about this subsection the more I believe it will leave the door open to the vested interests of practitioners in the courts. The provisions of this section could give rise to many lucrative arguments on the part of vested interests who may want to apply established practices.

I might advance a number of examples of potential legal gymnastics in the courts under the provisions of this section. Take the example of an individual whose car is vandalised outside his door, let us say the damage amounts to £1,000. Suppose he is purchasing the car under a hire purchase agreement and has not made his payments for a number of months and the hire purchase company are chasing him for payments. He enters a claim of £1,000 for the damages. Suddenly the hire purchase company see it as an appropriate time to move to seize what they may not get otherwise. They decide to go into court and contest the matter under the provisions of this section and say they are really the owners and any damages being awarded by the courts must come to them. I anticipate that there would be a fair number of teams of legal representatives in court arguing that point. Another example would be that of a flat dweller whose flat is vandalised. He is the tenant and may not have paid rent, perhaps, because he is unemployed. Under the provisions of this section the landlord can enter with his team of legal advisers. There is a loophole for the landlord to go into court and claim the damages being awarded.

Then there may be an individual who has taken out a mortgage with a local authority or financial institution. I might add there are many people — I referred to the matter on the Order of Business this morning — on the point of being evicted or having their properties repossessed by financial institutions. Suppose his house is vandalised, somebody sets fire to it, and there are damages being awarded by the court. The question must be asked who will enter there? Of course it will be the financial institution with their team of legal advisers who will claim the damages awarded. This means that the unfortunate victim, who has suffered trauma and loss, cannot protect himself; he cannot afford legal representation.

I could give many more examples. It is my belief that there is an attempt here to protect the vested interests that are stifling our courts. We have witnessed too many examples of legal gymnastics being engaged in in our courts in recent years when, at the end of the day, the ultimate victim is also the original victim. The Minister should delete this subsection in the interests of justice for the victim. Why place the onus on the victim, who has already suffered, to prove that he or she is the legitimate claimant? Why should he or she have to do so? They have suffered enough.

The hair stood on my neck when I heard the term "established practices" being used. It makes me very wary. I would ask the Minister to delete this subsection in the interests of justice to the victim. If we do not it will give the Hardimans, McDowells and McCartans of this world plenty of freedom to create another layer of legal bureaucracy in the courts.

I might remind Deputy Allen that references to individuals is not in order in this House. I might also mention that there has been much repetition on all sides so far in this debate. This amendment has now been debated for one hour approximately.

My interpretation of repetition is that there is consensus in this House, that is a sense of agreement between us in regard to his subsection.

Except on the part of the Minister.

——and The Workers' Party.

Just a moment. The Workers' Party are with the Minister on this.

They are both protecting the status quo.

I do not like that statement on the part of Deputy Allen.

Whether the Minister likes it or not, he can take it.

Acting Chairman

Deputy Allen has interjected quite a lot. The House must allow Deputy Briscoe to continue.

The Minister has been extremely amenable and listened to all our arguments. No doubt he has taken them very much to heart.

He will have an opportunity presently.

Let us not anticipate matters. I was about to say to Deputy Seán Barrett — through you, Sir — that if the Minister is unable to accept this amendment to delete this subsection — if put to a vote, particularly bearing in mind the position of The Workers' Party — there is no question of that vote being carried. Where there is life there is hope. If the Minister tells the Opposition that he will come back to it on Report Stage, such proposal should be accepted. In such circumstances we will speak to the Minister. I contend it is a good amendment. I would plead with the Opposition not to push it to a vote because, in those circumstances, the subsection will be gone and there will be nothing we can do to reinstate it. I have explained that I have to vote with the Government——

We will give the Deputy a free vote.

There is no such thing as a free vote on legislation; the Deputy should know that. I am sympathetic to the mover of this amendment. If the Minister were to say — allow me to bring this back on Report Stage — then I would plead with the parties opposite to allow him do so. If, for whatever reason, the Minister cannot accept it at this stage, then I would say that he should not throw out the baby with the bath water.

When replying perhaps the Minister could explain what appears to me, as a non-legal person, to be a contradiction in that section 9 (3) states:

A compensation order shall not be made unless both the owner of the property concerned and the approximate cost of making good the damage to it (or, where appropriate, of replacing it) are readily ascertainable.

It says "both the owner of the property concerned"— let us forget about the approximate cost of making good the damage —"... are readily ascertainable".

Section 7 (2) (a) (i) states:

(2) (a) Where a person is charged with an offence under section 2, 3 or 4 in relation to property belonging to another—

(i) it shall not be necessary to name the person to whom the property belongs, and

That is the provision for the victim having to come into court to be an ingredient of the charge.

It conflicts with the subsection.

Section 9 (3) says that a compensation order shall not be made unless "both the owner of the property concerned ... are ascertainable", whereas section 7 (2) (a) says:

(i) it shall not be necessary to name the person to whom the property belongs, and

(ii) it shall be presumed, until the contrary is shown, that the property belongs to another.

I seek clarification on that. Where a loan has to be taken out in order to pay for a replacement car or to make good damage caused, the interest on that loan should be taken into consideration by the court.

I hope the Minister will consider the amendment favourably but I am happy to listen to his arguments. If the Minister cannot now see his way to accept the amendment, let us live in hope. It is a good amendment.

We have been living in hope since 1987.

I have listened with interest to the wide-ranging contributions on this amendment which we debated on 19 June and for two hours this morning.

Why then does the Minister need more time to consider it?

I do not understand Deputy Allen's attitude. I want to be as helpful as I can and I am being interrupted and berated. Most of Deputy Allen's colleagues with whom I dealt on other Bills had no difficulty in finding a consensus.

The victim of the damage does not have to be present in court. He or she can tell the Garda in a statement the approximate cost of the damage. The Garda will inform the court what the figure is and this will enable a clear decision to be taken.

This matter has been debated at length and a number of key points have been made. We are providing for compensation within the provisions of legislation. If we drop subsection (3) are we saying that the court can make an order where the owner and the cost of the damage are not readily ascertainable? Has the court that right? I do not think it is logical, legal or practical. I have the utmost regard for Deputy Barrett's contribution as a spokesman on justice. He has given clear illustrations, as have Deputies on all sides, of the serious position of the victims of crime. I totally concur with what has been said in that regard. I do not claim that I have the totality of wisdom or that my Department have all the answers. We are in this business and we must try to achieve consensus on the best law in the interests of citizens. If the victim is unaware of the trial, the court is not prevented from making an order if it knows the owner and the approximate cost. These facts might be quite obvious to the court.

They may not.

They may be very obvious. If a car is stolen it is easy to identify the owner from the registration information. Alternatively, the facts may not be publicly obvious but they could be ascertained by the Garda who, acting on behalf of the Director of Public Prosecutions, would make those facts available to the court.

It might be owned by Talmino.

That could be possible too. People have alluded to the complexities of holding and owning property. I accept that point.

Perhaps the Minister would convince us why this subsection is necessary. He is not doing that.

I will do my best. Nothing in subsection (3) would prevent the court from making a compensation order against each of the defendants in the case mentioned by Deputy Barrett. The owner would be known and the Garda would know the approximate cost. I am referring to the case which was raised of a widow who is in hospital.

The practice of requiring payments to be made into the court poor box is of long standing and an old tradition. I am not sufficiently familiar with it to comment usefully on it. Suffice it to say I am not sure that it is a proper solution. Flexibility must be left to the court. Young fellows coming before the court may be put in a position of having to make a contribution and it may prevent them from commiting further crimes. The power to order compensation given by this section may help to reduce the number of cases where this old practice is invoked. I suggest that this subsection may help to get rid of it.

In the case mentioned by Deputy Briscoe, the owner would be easily identifiable but the amount of damage would not be ascertainable unless the owners turned up and provided that information. If it were clear that the means of the offender were such that he could not pay even by instalments what appeared to be the cost of the damage, perhaps an order could be made, even if there was no information about the cost of the damage. Perhaps that is something to be considered for Report Stage. I should like to have a meeting of minds rather than destroy an opportunity to strengthen provisions. The argument has been made that where the owner and the cost are not known, if the court thinks the defendant could pay compensation it could postpone sentence until the owner and the approximate cost of the damage are known. This could cause a difficulty if a sentence of imprisonment were appropriate and an immediate decision were taken. Further reflection could reveal that such a provision would be objectionable on various other grounds. It is a very complex area.

Then why is the Minister arguing that the subsection should not be there?

I am arguing that it should be there. Deputy Allen made the point that it might be difficult to know who is the owner. Perhaps it could be a tenant, a financial institution or otherwise. I agree that this could be a problem. I undertook on amendment No. 8 to look at this matter before Report Stage and that undertaking stands. With regard to amendment No. 9, there is no use in saying that I will consider it again on Report Stage if I am not prepared to do so. On the other hand, if a division is challenged it will kill the amendment and it will be of no benefit to the victims of crime. I want to help and to ensure that this Bill is as strong and as legally binding as possible on the defendants, the perpetrators of crime and mindless vandalism. I want effective legislation which will take account of the consensus which exists in the House that the Bill should be strengthened. I am asking the House to allow me to do that on Report Stage and not to push this amendment to a vote. At the end of the day I hope Deputies will not be disappointed.

These tactics will not work. I want to delete a subsection. It is in the interests of the victims of crime that it should be deleted, yet the Minister claims that I am acting against the interests of those victims. This is a whitewash job. The Minister can try that on his leader, or his leader can try it, but it will not succeed with me. The Minister has had five months to consider this matter. The Official Report shows that we debated this legislation on 1 May and 19 June and that Second Stage was taken on 29 November last year. The Minister has had five months to consider his concern about the victims of crime. This amendment was tabled months ago. With respect to the Minister, the most sensible part of his contribution argued in favour of dropping the subsection because its inclusion imposes possible dangers. If it is not included none of the Minister's fears in relation to victims of crime can possibly arise. It will be up to the court to decide on such matters.

Under subsection (1) the court is being given the power to make a compensation order and under subsection (2) the court will have power to decide on the amount of the compensation order relative to the court in which the case is heard. I am in favour of deleting subsection (3). Later I will be putting forward arguments in favour of leaving out much more of this rubbish.

The most important provision is subsection (1) which gives the court power to make a compensation order. Why, in later subsections, should we impose all these possible restrictions on the court? Why has it taken the Minister 12 months to make up his mind on this matter? He has had five months to decide whether my arguments are right or wrong. It is not as if he was presented with my amendment this morning. I am sorry to have to say that the Minister's suggestion that we leave this issue until Report Stage is a cop out, a way of getting off the hook. If we leave this matter to Report Stage we will never hear any more about it. On Report Stage, as an Opposition spokes-person, I will be cornered because I can only speak to the amendments put down. This puts me at a disadvantage.

The Minister, and his Department, should realise that if I table amendments I am serious about them. I am not in the business of tabling amendments for the fun of it. If the Minister wants to argue against my amendments, it is his job to convince me that what he is saying is correct. However, equally I have the right to argue in favour of my amendment. It is wrong to say that I would be doing a disservice to the victims of crime if I persist with my amendment. That is nonsense.

The Minister has had five months to consider my amendment and I reject his argument as being neither fair nor reasonable. The one sensible point the Minister made clearly indicated that subsection (3) should not be included. There is no justification for its inclusion. It will impose difficulties in the future, will restrict the court and could lead to the type of disputes outlined by Deputy Allen.

The Minister made the point that the victim would not have to be in court and that a sergeant or inspector could, having consulted with the victim, give evidence as to the cost of the car in court. I have yet to hear of a sergeant or superintendent calling to a person's house and telling that person that a court case is proceeding. How will the garda know whether a judge will make a compensation order, impose a fine or prison sentence? This is another cop-out and there is no need for it. A judge should be able to ask how much a car was worth or what damage was caused to a wall. If the person does not have that information the court should be able to tell him to come back with it because a prison sentence would not be imposed as it was too good for the criminal.

The court should make them pay.

The judge should be able to say, "I am going to punish you where it hurts, in your pocket; I am going to see to it that you compensate the victim who has suffered all this hassle and annoyance by making you pay out of your pocket; I am not going to send you to Mountjoy for two or three weeks at a cost of £900 per week to the taxpayers; I am going to make you pay for what you did". The judge should be able to say: "in addition, I am going to impose a community service order so that you pay back to society what you have taken out of it." That might put a stop to the sort of nonsense which is going on at present.

The arguments put forward by the Minister are spurious. We should let the courts decide such matters. We should not give them the power to make a compensation order under one subsection and in the next breath tie their hands by saying they cannot make a compensation order unless they know the owner of the property and the cost of replacing the damaged goods. That does not make any sense. I do not know what the Minister has to think about; he either accepts that argument or he does not.

It is sad that Deputy Briscoe has to wrestle with his conscience and that he did not, with his excellent contribution, get the Minister, who is a member of his party, to see sense. It is sad to think that the Department of Justice are being led by a person who cannot make up his mind about whether an argument is right or wrong so that he can get on with the job. He should not have to check whether it is right or wrong. It is also a sad day for the Fianna Fáil Party when the Minister will not listen to a worthwhile contribution from one of the Government backbenchers. Neither will he listen to what Deputies Callely, Bell, McCartan, Allen, Flanagan and I are saying. We cannot all be wrong.

I not am sure where Deputy McCartan stands on this amendment — I am not being smart when I say that — but I hope I have managed to persuade him that on balance, legislation will be better without this subsection. If we delete it the legislation will not be weakened in any way, rather it will be strengthened. The Minister does not need another five months to make up his mind on this issue. He has had ample time to do so and heard all the arguments. Now is the time for decision.

I should like to stress to Deputy Barrett that politics is about compromise; it is about hope and no hope.

It is about Government and Opposition. The Government should govern or they should not be in Government. They should take on these boys——

Acting Chairman

Deputy Briscoe without interruption, please.

The Minister has offered to come back on this point on Report Stage.

We may have been debating this Bill for four or five months but the debate on this amendment started this morning. The past four or five months have not been taken up with this amendment. It will not take four to five months before Report Stage. We are all determined to put the Bill through.

It will be taken during Christmas week when it will be guillotined and we will have about one hour to debate it.

Acting Chairman

Fan go fóil.

Where there is life there is hope and Deputy Barrett should allow the Minister come back on this point on Report Stage.

On 19 June last the Minister posed the question: "Does the Deputy agree to withdraw his amendment?" to which I responded: "I should like to expand on the argument the next day". That was five months ago.

Let us not kill the amendment by voting on it. We should allow the Minister to come back on this point on Report Stage.

As Deputy Flanagan said, Report Stage will be taken in Christmas week and we will not have the opportunity to discuss it because of the guillotine.

If the Minister accepts the amendment it does not matter whether the debate is guillotined.

Acting Chairman

We should hear the Minister.

I have not interrupted any Member or caused any difficulties for them, nor do I intend doing so. While I am in this privileged position I am prepared to listen in order to ensure that we introduce legislation which is in the best interests of everyone.

Subsection (3) is not a restriction; it is a clear, positive guideline. It is part of a Bill which will enable compensation to be paid by criminals to victims. This is a new concept. Clear guidelines are laid down and the Deputy is arguing that they should be thrown out and something else put in their place.

"Shall" is not a guideline, it is a directive.

Acting Chairman

Allow an tAire to conclude his statement.

Deputy Barrett made a statement, not in his last contribution, but in one of his earlier contributions: what is right is right what is wrong is wrong, and let us make a decision on what is right. What is right, so far as this legislation is concerned, is a consensus in this House on what is best. What the Deputy may think is right is not necessarily what I think is right. What the Deputy may think is legal, may not be what I think is legal, and what either of us may think is legal may not necessarily be what the courts may think is legal. Based on that and the complexities evolving therefrom, we must take into account the real legal parameters. I have a duty, even though Deputy Barrett seems to think my role is one of subservience to officials in my Department. I am subservient to nobody but I am guided by experts, by people who have knowledge, information and a track record and by Members of this House who, representing the problems of the people, are prepared to articulate those problems to see that we put forward the best law.

It is very unfair of Deputy Barrett to suggest that I had five months to think about this amendment and that I cannot come in and make a decision. We debated this amendment five months ago and I gave a clear commitment that I would come back on Report Stage. Deputy Barrett, at the end of a long evening, stood up and said he would expand his argument the next day. I am still prepared to stand over the traditional method of dealing with the situation where we either vote and get a decision or come back on Report Stage. When I give a commitment — and my record will show this — to come back on Report Stage with amendments, I have done so.

What about the Statute of Limitations Bill where the Minister gave a commitment but never came back?

I certainly came back.

We were shafted on Report Stage.

I came back and put arguments before the House based on the information available to me, after consultation with the highest legal officers in the land.

With empty hands.

I am giving a commitment now if Deputy Barrett and the House are prepared to agree, that in the normal way in which Bills are dealt with from Committee Stage to Report Stage — we are not at Report Stage today——

The Minister is joking.

To say I had five months to consider this amendment and that we are now on Report Stage would be the same as saying I did nothing about it.

The Minister did nothing about it.

We are still on Committee Stage. We are still dealing with the same amendment. It does not matter whether it was yesterday or five months ago, we are still dealing with the same amendment. My commitment still stands. I am taking into account everything that has been said. I am prepared to pledge that commitment to the House. I will expand it by way of an additional amendment to subsection (3) if the House is prepared to agree to that.

Is Deputy Barrett pressing his amendment?

Before the amendment is put I would say that for political reasons Deputy Barrett is letting down the people.

Excuse me, will the Deputy please withdraw that remark?

There is nothing to withdraw.

I tabled an amendment five months ago. I am not pressing it for political reasons but because your Minister will not accept the very worthwhile amendment over which you are wrestling with your conscience and on which you are afraid to walk through the lobby.

Acting Chairman

Deputies must address the Chair and not speak across the floor of the House. I am putting the amendment.

I was making the point that the Minister has offered to come back to this on Report Stage.

Four times.

He has been consistent.

It is short on specifics.

He offered to come back with an amendment whether or not it is accepted.

My amendment seeks to delete a subsection.

Acting Chairman

Excuse me, Deputy. The Minister has made a promise. I asked Deputy Barrett if he was pressing his amendment and he said he was. Therefore, I have to put the question.

I would ask Deputy Barrett at least to wait until the Minister comes back on Report Stage. This is a genuine appeal.

My amendment seeks to delete the subsection.

I have given Deputy Barrett full support during this debate.

Come with us on this occasion.

Acting Chairman

I have to put the question. Deputy Barrett is not prepared to accept your suggestion.

Question put: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand."
The Committee divided: Tá, 72; Níl, 50.

  • Ahern, Dermot.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Michael.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brady, Vincent.
  • Brennan, Mattie.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, John (Wexford).
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Callely, Ivor.
  • Clohessy, Peadar.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Coughlan, Mary Theresa.
  • Cowen, Brian.
  • Cullimore, Séamus.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • Dempsey, Noel.
  • de Valera, Síle.
  • Fahey, Frank.
  • Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
  • Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
  • Flood, Chris.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Dea, Willie.
  • O'Donoghue, John.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Keeffe, Ned.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond J.
  • O'Rourke, Mary.
  • O'Toole, Martin Joe.
  • Gallagher, Pat the Cope.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Haughey, Charles J.
  • Hillery, Brian.
  • Hilliard, Colm.
  • Jacob, Joe.
  • Kelly, Laurence.
  • Kenneally, Brendan.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Kitt, Tom.
  • Lawlor, Liam.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • Lyons, Denis.
  • Martin, Micheál.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McDaid, Jim.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Nolan, M.J.
  • Noonan, Michael J.
  • (Limerick West).
  • Power, Seán.
  • Quill, Máirín.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Roche, Dick.
  • Stafford, John.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Wallace, Dan.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Woods, Michael.
  • Wyse, Pearse.

Níl

  • Ahearn, Therese.
  • Allen, Bernard.
  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Bell, Michael.
  • Belton, Louis J.
  • Boylan, Andrew.
  • Bradford, Paul.
  • Browne, John (Carlow-Kilkenny).
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Connaughton, Paul.
  • Connor, John.
  • Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
  • Creed, Michael.
  • Currie, Austin.
  • D'Arcy, Michael.
  • Deenihan, Jimmy.
  • Doyle, Joe.
  • Dukes, Alan.
  • Durkan, Bernard.
  • Farrelly, John V.
  • Fennell, Nuala.
  • Ferris, Michael.
  • Finucane, Michael.
  • Flaherty, Mary.
  • Flanagan, Charles.
  • Higgins, Jim.
  • Higgins, Michael D.
  • Hogan, Philip.
  • Howlin, Brendan.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • Lowry, Michael.
  • McGahon, Brendan.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McGrath, Paul.
  • Mitchell, Gay.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • O'Shea, Brian.
  • O'Sullivan, Gerry.
  • O'Sullivan, Toddy.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Reynolds, Gerry.
  • Ryan, Seán.
  • Spring, Dick.
  • Stagg, Emmet.
  • Taylor, Mervyn.
  • Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Yates, Ivan.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies V. Brady and Clohessy; Níl, Deputies Flanagan and Boylan.
Question declared carried.
Amendment declared lost.

I move amendment No. 10:

In page 8, subsection (4), line 22, to delete "shall" and substitute "may".

We had a long discussion this morning about tying the hands of the court in cases where the court wishes to consider imposing a compensation order. This is another example of the legislation tying the hands of the court unnecessarily. It will not weaken the legislation if we substitute the word "may" for "shall".

Subsection (4) reads: "in determining whether to make a compensation order against a person and in determining the amount to be paid by a person under such an order, the court shall have regard — (a) to his means, or (b) in a case to which the Children Act, 1908, applies, the court shall have regard to the means of the parent or guardian of a child involved.

I do not see why we have to be so restrictive. Why should the court take into account the means of the individual at the time the person is appearing before the court? It could be that in the future that person's income could increase. It could be reduced. There is every possibility that it could increase. However, that is not the point. The point is that the court is considering the case before it and in deciding, if a person is guilty, what type of punishment it will impose upon the person convicted before the court. It has to decide whether to put the person in prison, impose a fine or place a compensation order. A compensation order should include the possibility of attachment of earnings or income. We are trying to get across that society wants these problems dealt with and putting a person into prison is very often the worst way of imposing a penalty on the perpetrator of the offence.

A number of speakers agreed with my point of view that very often putting people who should not be there into prison is costing the State money and contributing nothing to the victim of the crime or to society itself. In the case of malicious damage the person involved is very often punished far better by making that person contribute something back to society and to the victim of the crime. I do not see why it should be provided that the court "shall" be obliged to take the income into account. It should be provided that the court "may" take the income into account. Any reasonable judge faced with this situation will of course ask what the income of the person is and their possible future earnings, and take all those things into account.

We have just voted on subsection (5) and I accept the majority view in the House. Unfortunately, it went against my view, but that is democracy. Subsection (3) is already saying that all we can really do is impose a compensation order to put the victim back in the position he was in before the crime took place. It is no compensation as such but replacement of what has been lost. I suppose income may come into it but I do not think it should be the only criterion that the court should take into account. The fact that I have caused £90,000 or £100,000 worth of damage due to wanton vandalism and that I happen to be on unemployment assistance or earning about £200 a week must be taken together. To ask a person in that position to pay back the £90,000 within 12 to 18 months would be unreasonable because it would not be paid. The person could not afford to pay it. However, it would be a real punishment if, for the rest of that person's working life, he had to pay back £10 or £15 a week. It would hurt him and he may not have the money to go to a disco or to go into the pub and drink. It would be a real punishment. That is what it should be. If we want to cut out malicious damage and stop people destroying other people's property there should be a hardship on the persons responsible for causing that damage in the first place. Perhaps that person would be far better off contributing something back to society, in addition to a compensation order, by doing some community service rather than being sent to prison for two or three weeks which would do nothing for the person who has committed the crime, nothing for the taxpayer or for anybody else.

The argument is quite simple. Why impose such heavy restrictions on the court? Why say that the court shall have regard to the income when we can easily achieve the same thing by saying that the court may have regard to the income of the individual? That leaves greater scope for the court to make up its mind what steps it should take in the circumstances of the case.

I am not too excited about whether we have "may" or "shall". What we are discussing here is the administration of justice rather than law. I am sick to death of the law. What I am interested in is justice. There is no question but that the court has to take into account the ability of a person to pay. Deputy Barrett uses the word "punishment" as opposed to "deterrent" which I use. Of necessity compensation has to be relative to a person's means. I fully support the idea that a person has to pay over a period. I do not care how long it takes, if it is for the rest of their lives or until they reach retirement age. The victim must be compensated.

I would like to illustrate my point. I have a very good friend who is a Federal Court judge in Chicago. He had an old lady before him charged that she had contracted for work to be done to her home at a cost of $50,000. When he asked her could she afford to pay for this she said that she could not. He asked if she had contracted for the work to be done and she said yes. The judge asked, if she knew she could not pay for it why she contracted for the work to be done? She pointed to the contractor, a youngish man, and said that he persuaded her that she could get the work done, that she needed to get it done and that she could pay for it. The judge asked her what was her income and she said it was $200 or $300 a week. He asked her if she would be in a position to pay the contractor at the rate of $5 a week and she said yes. The judge then said that he was making an order that this man should be paid at the rate of $5 a week. Then he turned to the contractor and said to him that if his mother came into this court before him she would get the same justice. To me, that is what justice is about; it is not a matter of law.

Over here we might have a judge saying that he was very sympathetic to the lady but that the law says such and such. What I would like to see is justices being allowed to administer justice. If a person is unemployed he should have to pay something and the parents of underage people have to be held responsible for the actions of their children. However, that is another day's work.

I believe fervently that everybody should be held responsible for the actions either of themselves or their children. It would be the greatest blow we could deal to vandalism in our city if we could get judges to fine people and make them pay compensation. That is the only thing that can be done because nothing else seems to work. Young people do not seem to mind being taken off and put in different institutions. That does not seem to worry them at all.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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