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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 18 Dec 1991

Vol. 414 No. 9

Private Members' Business. - Estimates for Public Services (Abridged Version) 1992 and Summary Public Capital Programme: Motion.

I move:

That Dáil éireann takes note of the 1992 Estimates for the Public Services (Abridged Version) and of the 1992 Summary Public Capital Programme."

The publication of the Abridged Estimates Volume and Summary Public Capital Programme for 1992, marks the completion of the first stage of preparations for the 1992 budget. The Estimates give a partial but important view of one side of the budget. The revenue side will be made known when the White Paper on Receipts and Expenditure is published towards the end of January. It is then, also, that the position on Central Fund services will be given.

In introducing this general debate on the 1992 Estimates it is my intention to take stock of developments over the past year, to review performance against expectations and to chart, in a preliminary way pending my Budget Statement, the course for the year ahead. As my predecessor said, his 1991 budget was prepared at a time of exceptional uncertainty about prospects for the world economy. The extent of that volatility became apparent during the year. The year 1991 was one of great political change, uncertainty and turmoil internationally especially in Eastern Europe and the Middle East. This resulted in economic turbulence on a scale which had not been anticipated either by economic forecasters or political commentators and which has affected the 1991 budget out-turn.

I will deal first with the Government's general economic strategy. A primary objective of the Government is to foster output and employment growth in the economy. Everything else depends on that. The Government, and their predecessor, have worked towards this by adopting a policy mix which is clear, credible and consistent geared to maintaining a low inflation economy where social harmony, born out of shared concern and shared responsibility, prevails. We are creating an economy which can compete in an increasingly more integrated Europe. That is the road to the jobs and incomes growth which all of us want. It is also the only secure basis for the level of public services to which we aspire.

The Government's strategy rests on a few key elements. First, a determination to foster economic confidence, and minimise inflation by an unequivocal commitment to the narrow band of the exchange rate mechanism of the EMS. Second, an equal determination to reduce the overhang of debt which had been holding back confidence and economic performance. Third, the fact that moderate income increases and harmonious industrial relations are vital, and to that end to bring the main social partners together in a consensus approach for the good of all.

The budget targets for 1991 were, as I have already said, set against a background of considerable international economic uncertainty. Growth in output — GDP — and national product — GNP — were both projected at 2.25 per cent, well down on growth rates over the previous two years, which had averaged more than 6 per cent per annum. These 1991 projections were also rather less buoyant than had been anticipated towards the end of 1990, when the Programme for Economic and Social Progress was being negotiated. In the event, GNP and GDP are now expected to grow by about 1 per cent and 1.5 per cent respectively. While this is slower growth than we achieved earlier, it compares well with the picture in other economies.

The end-June Exchequer returns showed that problems were emerging on both sides of the Exchequer account. On the receipts side, a downturn in consumer spending, reflecting, inter alia, the pattern of rising unemployment, led to significant shortfalls in indirect tax revenues this year. On this expenditure side, the economic slowdown was increasing unemployment costs due mainly to the virtual cessation of emigration. These factors, together with some slippage emerging on other fronts, especially health, left the Government facing an overrun of at least £200 million. Clearly, some of these factors could not be reversed and would have to be absorbed. Nevertheless, action was called for to limit the size of the budgetary overrun in 1991 and to reduce the adverse knock-on effects for the 1992 opening budgetary position.

Resolute action, backed up by a firm resolve to see it through, was called for. Ministers reviewed priorities within their expenditure programmes right across the spectrum of Government spending, so as to contain slippage and, where possible, to offer savings to offset unavoidable slippages on other expenditure programmes. As a result, the mid-July corrective package held the budgetary overrun well below the excess of £200 million which then threatened. I now expect that the outturn EBR — Exchequer Borrowing Requirement — will be about 2.5 per cent of GNP against a target of under 2 per cent of GNP. The exact outturn will not, of course, be known until the new year.

The actual EBR this year will be more than 1 percentage point below the budget target when the proceeds of the flotation of Irish Life are taken into account. Taking account of these proceeds, Exchequer borrowing is set to decline in 1991 for the fifth consecutive year.

The burden of debt and its servicing still remain a major problem. The debt/GNP ratio, which had increased rapidly over the early to mid-eighties to reach 129.4 per cent at the end of 1987, has since been dramatically reduced. By the end of last year the ratio was under 110 per cent, and it will fall again this year. The Government are committed in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, and in the revised Programme for Government, to the further reduction of the debt/GNP ratio towards 100 per cent by 1993.

Debt service costs as a percentage of GNP have fallen from 11.9 per cent in 1986 to 10.2 per cent in 1990. They, too, are set to fall again in 1991. But they continue to pre-empt too much of our resources. We must maintain our progress in reducing the debt burden.

In March 1987 Irish interests rates were considerably higher than those of many of our European partners. For example, the key three-month interbank rate in Ireland was about 9 percentage points higher than the corresponding German rate. These differentials have been considerably reduced. By the end of last year Irish three-month rates were only 2.25 percentage points above the German levels. At present the differential is down to about 1 percentage point.

It is clear that overseas investors have made a very positive reassessment of our position. This is evident not only from the improvement in our relative interest rate performance which I have just noted, but also from developments on the market for domestic Government securities. Non-resident investors now hold about one-third of the total outstanding compared to about 10 per cent at end-1986. This is a significant advance for what is, by international standards, a small market. The involvement of these investors in Irish markets makes for stronger, more liquid markets and helps Irish borrowers, especially the State, to get the best possible deal.

In a situation of increasing openness of international financial markets and greater freedom of capital movements, it is essential that the Irish economy be in a position to capture and hold its full share of available foreign investment. The continued maintenance of responsible fiscal policies and of a firm exchange rate within the EMS is crucial in this respect. While the debt/GNP ratio has fallen sharply it remains a huge burden on the public finances. It is vital that we achieve our target of reducing this ratio towards 100 per cent by 1993.

The improvement in the public finances over the past four years has not been achieved at the expense of those least able to afford it. Social Welfare spending has been increased, and targeted more closely on those most in need, while improving the controls against fraud.

In recent years, increases in the basic rates of payment have matched and in many cases exceeded the level of inflation. In fact, all long term rates are now at or above the priority rate recommended by the Commission on Social Welfare. Short-term rates have also been increased significantly.

Deputies will be aware that, despite the budgetary difficulties this year, arrangements have been made to pay a Christmas bonus to all long term social welfare beneficiaries, at a cost of some £28 million.

At the heart of the policies followed by this Government and their predecessor has been a concern to ease the overall level of taxation and at the same time to bring about real tax reform — in the interest of economic growth, job-creation and social equity.

A large part of the increase in the tax burden through the early and mid-eighties came from income tax. The proportion of taxpayers paying at more than the standard rate increased from 11.5 per cent in 1980-81 to 44.1 per cent in 1987-88. In the current year, that proportion is down to less than 40 per cent.

Tax reduction and reform requires prudent control of expenditure. That is the only substainable policy. That is the policy that has been followed by this Government and that has allowed reform to be achieved simultaneously with the reduction in the Exchequer deficit. That is how we intend to proceed, so that we can continue to move steadily towards a more equitable, simpler and more economically efficient tax system through a widening of the tax base and lower rates of tax.

Since 1987, both the standard and top income tax rates have been cut by six points. The top VAT rate has been cut by four points. Income tax allowances and rate bands have been increased and tax reliefs for low-paid families have been dramatically improved.

Far-reaching reforms and improvements have also been made in the tax administration system. These include self-assessment, current year assessment for the self-employed, power of attachment on tax defaulters and a radically improved system of tax enforcement.

The international slowdown with recession in some major economies has dragged on longer than most experts were predicting earlier this year. But the view of the main economic agencies is that 1992 will see a modest recovery after this year's poor international performance. The EC Commission's recent annual economic report forecasts that growth in the Community will pick up from 1.25 per cent to 2.25 per cent in 1992. The forecast for the United Kingdom is particularly encouraging from an Irish viewpoint. The UK economy is expected to expand by 2 per cent, in contrast with a decline of almost the same order this year. Growth in world trade is expected to improve.

But continuing fiscal responsibility at home is one of the essential preconditions. The 1992 Estimates have sent a clear message to all that we are determined to keep firm control of public spending in 1992. A responsible approach to spending is crucial to our success. More borrowing to finance increased spending would jeopardise the lower interest rates we have already achieved and impose a bigger future debt burden. This would inevitably lead on to higher taxes than would otherwise be necessary — pushing up prices, cutting take-home pay or diminishing profitability and the capacity for future investment. Advocates of higher expenditure cannot evade these consequences.

I am satisfied that our low inflation, our firm commitment to a stable exchange rate policy within the EMS, our improved competitive position and our continuing adherence to a responsible fiscal stance gives us, with a recovering international economy, the basis for improved growth in output and jobs over the year ahead.

We cannot, however, expect unusually fast growth next year. That would be an unreal expectation against the background of modest recovery in the international economy. Growth in jobs too is unlikely to be as strong as in recent years. Given the growth of our labour force, the prospect is that unemployment will rise further, though at a much slower pace than in 1991. In framing the Estimates accordingly I have provided for an average level of unemployment next year of 275,000. I should emphasise that this figure does not take account of the proposed employment and training initiatives recently discussed with the Commission, and announced last week by the Taoiseach. The impact of these schemes and of prevailing labour market conditions will be taken into account by the Government in formulating the budget.

In summary, then, the timing and extent of the international recovery remain uncertain. Nevertheless we can look forward to an improvement in the course of the year and this should enable the Irish economy, in line with the EC as a whole, to grow more rapidly than in 1991. However, it seems clear that the domestic growth rate, in the short term at least, will be more modest than that experienced before the current slowdown began. The budget will have to be framed against this background.

The move to Economic and Monetary Union will play a increasingly important role in shaping our economic and budgetry policy over the coming years. While most attention may have focused recently on the monetary aspects of European Monetary Union, the economic and budgetary implications of the European Monetary Union Treaty agreed at Maastricht are no less significant.

The impact on Government policy will be seen in a number of ways. The member states of the Community have agreed that greater economic convergence is necessary if the future European Monetary Union is to have a solid foundation. For that reason the criteria which member states must fulfil to enable them to move to full European Monetary Union are strict. Government economic policy will be directed towards ensuring that Ireland will be in a position to move to the final stage of European Monetary Union along with the front rank of member states.

There is no doubt that the budgetary prospect for 1992 is extremely difficult. Growth and domestic consumption will remain subdued and, as I have already indicated, there is no prospect of a return in 1992 to the buoyancy achieved in 1989 and 1990. Similarly, the position in the UK labour market will maintain social spending at a very high level.

The opening budgetary position remains well above the level which would be consistent with staying on course for the 1993 targets set in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and recently re-affirmed. Given the restrictions on borrowing which are implicit in these targets, a considerable amount of tightening has yet to be done to ensure a satisfactory budget in 1992.

We have won the confidence of investors and consumers at home and of capital markets internationally. We have to keep that confidence if economic progress is to continue as it should.

That is why we must adhere to our fiscal objectives, why we must continue to reduce the national debt/GNP ratio, why we must keep working towards broad balance on the current budget. It is not really a matter of choice. No responsible person should advocate change in these fundamentals of our strategy. Departure from this stance would very quickly undo the progress of the last few years and would undoubtedly damage our longer-term prospects in the more integrated new Europe which is emerging.

The Government had no option but to look at public service pay in continuing restraint on public expenditure. There are two reasons for this — firstly, the fact that public service pay now accounts for such a large slice of voted non-capital expenditure — 54 per cent in 1991 — and secondly the size of the cost facing us in respect of further pay increases.

If all liabilities on the pay front were to be met in full, the total increase in the exchequer pay and pensions bill in 1992 would be £354 million. That would have brought the total bill to £3.8 billion, an increase of more than 10 per cent over the projected outturn of £3,444 million in 1991. This would be about three times the anticipated rate of inflation in 1992. Of the £354 million increase, some £187 million would arise from increases in rates of pay, both the general increase due under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and the remaining phases of special increases due to be paid from dates in 1992.

Given our budgetary strategy, the Government simply could not meet this increase in pay costs without imposing severe cuts in levels of services in big-spending areas like Social Welfare, Education and Health. Were that to happen, not alone would it have unacceptable social consequences but public service employment in those sectors would have to be reduced.

I explained the seriousness of our situation to the Irish Congress of Trade Unions when I met them some three weeks ago. I pointed out that we had no choice but to look hard at our options on pay and I asked that they reflect on this situation and meet me again in a few days to discuss the matter.

Regrettably, this meeting did not take place. Given the timetable to the budget and the deadlines for putting changes into effect, this left the Government in a situation where we had no realistic alternative but to take decisions on the provisions to be made for public service pay in the light of the prevailing constraints.

The package of measures announced by the Taoiseach on Friday last were carefully drawn to strike a balance between what can be afforded in 1992 in the context of keeping the Exchequer finances on course, and dealing with issues of major concern to staff — namely protection of those on lower rates of pay to the greatest extent possible, and honouring payments still due in respect of special increases. The package provides for

Payment of the 3 per cent general increase due on 1 January next subject to the minimum increase of £4.25 in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and an upper limit or ceiling of £5 a week;

payment in full of the remaining phases of the special increases on 1 January 1993, with full retrospection to the due dates also payable on that date; and

having regard to the very high cost of meeting this commitment in full, payment of the 3.75 per cent general increase due on 1 January 1993 subject to the minimum payment due of £5.75 per week and an upper limit or ceiling of £6.50 per week.

The published Estimates are based on rates of pay in force today. The effect of the Government's decision is that a further £70 million will be added on budget day to today's Estimates volume figure of £3,611 million for the Exchequer pay and pensions Bill. This will bring the total provision for 1992 to £3,681 million. This represents an increase of £237 million — or 7 per cent — over the projected outturn for 1991. This is as much as can be afforded in 1992.

At this point I would like to make a comment on the issue of tax collection. In much of the coverage of the public service pay issue in 1992 the suggestion is repeated that the problem would disappear if only tax collection were geared up, that there is some £200 million extra tax out there just waiting to be collected and that this is the solution to the problem. There has in some instances been the implication that if only the Government took tax collection as seriously as they should there would be no difficulty.

If only things were as easy as that. I can assure the House that if such an easy source of revenue were available the Government would jump at it.

We are committed to improving tax collection and tackling tax evasion and avoidance and we will push ahead urgently with measures on those fronts. However, the proposition that there is an additional £200 million of tax out there which could be realistically collected in 1992 does not stand up. Given co-operation by various staff groups, Revenue plan, however, through additional audits, to collect not less than £30 million in 1992 in addition to a repetition in that year of the £30 million yield being pursued in 1991 on foot of an initiative in the 1991 budget. These figures are already in the budget arithmetic, but the problem of public service pay I have outlined still stands.

I fully understand the feelings of public servants and their unions on the aspects of public service pay that we have had to grapple with and their reaction to the decisions which the Government have had to take. I hope, nonetheless, that they will on reflection appreciate the serious budgetary situation in which the Government find themselves and come to accept what has had to be done.

Needless to say, I am available to meet with representatives of public service staff to discuss the overall situation with them and, within the scope of the decision taken, to enter into dialogue with them on any issues of concern to them.

I now propose to make some general comments on the 1992 Estimates for the Public Services and the summary public capital programme. Other Government Ministers in their contributions to this debate will deal in more detail with the spending allocations for which they are responsible.

Total net voted services for 1992 amount to £7,419 million, an increase of £276 million on the latest 1991 projected outturn of £7,143 million. Given the upward pressures on public expenditure, the Government's firm resolve to contain spending is reflected in this relatively modest increase of 4 per cent.

In arriving at this figure, we have had to reduce departmental demands for Exchequer funds by about £600 million. These cuts include savings on public service pay. On the non-pay side, spending levels have been held down to minimum but adequate levels. Of the £500 million of non-pay savings, £300 million are on the current side and the balance on the capital side.

For many Votes, 1992 expenditure has been held very close to or even below the 1991 allocation. For example, the Vote for the Office of Public Works is, at almost £99 million, slightly down on 1991. The votes for the Department of the Taoiseach is down by 5 per cent and the Vote for my own Department is down by 24 per cent. These represents significant reductions in real terms.

In many other cases, allocations have been kept very close to the expected rate of inflation.

The main components of the £276 million in net-voted services increase mentioned above are:

Social Welfare, up by £57 million.

Health, an increase of £66 million; and

Education, up by £90 million.

As indicated in the published Estimates, spending on the Social Welfare Vote is expected to reach £1,773 million in 1992. This is about £57 million or some 3 per cent higher than the 1991 provisional outturn. A number of factors account for this increase, principally the increase in the live register. This is expected to cost some £66 million more in 1992. This is a significant additional cost which highlights just how sensitive social welfare expenditure and indeed the overall budgetary arithmetic is to changes in the unemployment situation. Another factor pushing up expenditure in 1992 is the carry-over costs of the Social Welfare improvements made in this year's budget. These amount to £81 million approximately. However, there is the projected increase in PRSI income which is helping to moderate these cost increases. The extra yield from PRSI reflects expected growth in incomes and employment in 1992.

Social welfare spending constitutes a major component of total public expenditure. In recent years, it has averaged over 25 per cent of total non-capital supply services. This means that even relatively small changes in social welfare rates have important implications for total public expenditure and for the Government's room for manoeuvre at budget time. For example, a 3 per cent increase in basic social welfare rates in line with the expected increase in inflation would cost over £38 million in 1992 and some £86 million in a full year. In the context of the very tight budgetary situation facing the Government, amounts of this magnitude will not be easy to accommodate. The Government, nevertheless, remain committed to protecting social welfare payments against inflation.

The Government are committed to providing for the continuation of the approved health service levels. A satisfactory and effective public hospital service will be available to those who require and opt for it. The less well off members of our community — those with medical cards — will of course continue to benefit from the totally free medical service. The 1992 Health Estimate also allows for a continued improvement in areas such as services for the mentally handicapped and for those suffering from AIDS. It also allows for some limited development of critical services in the acute hospital sector.

The 1991 Budget net provision for Health was £1,348 million. Developments in 1991 gave rise to further presures for additional funding which, after the effects of the mid-year corrective package, resulted in a Supplementary Estimate of £50 million. The final out-turn, including the provision from the Remuneration Vote, £64 million, is expected to be £1,462 million.

The total net provision for 1992 is £1,529 million, an increase of £181 million, up 13 per cent on the 1991 Budget allocation. This reflects the Government's resolve to maintain a satisfactory level of service. All governments are faced with the increasing costs of advancing medical technologies and the ever-rising costs of more sophisticated drugs. These factors are under constant review by the Government in order to ensure that optimum use is made of the available resources.

The Government are committed to preserving and improving the quality of our educational system and the allocation proposed for the education sector in these Estimates reflects that determination. Nonetheless, we have to balance this priority with the recognition that, in the financial circumstances confronting us in 1992, it will not be possible to fund further initiatives over and above the significant improvements already introduced in 1991. Measures have accordingly been taken to contain the costs of expansion and improvements in the education sector, while accommodating the thrust of Government policy in this area.

The Vote for the Office of the Minister for Education is to fall by 1 per cent. Relevant measures here include tight control of the provision for school transport services and of the current cost of youth and sport services, which will fall by 3 per cent. On the capital side, there will be a 37 per cent reduction in the allocation for major sports facilities, although the amount provided will cover the cost of all projects maturing in 1992. There is no provision for the national sports centre as the Government have decided that this project will not now go ahead.

The allocation for first level education is to rise by nearly £46 million, or 9 per cent. About £19 million of this total is attributable to the cost of an extra pay day for primary teachers in 1992, which arises because, for technical reasons, the first pay day of 1993 is brought forward into 1992. The balance of the increase is accounted for by the full year cost of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress measures introduced in 1991, a reduction in the pupil-teacher ratio and the appointment of significant numbers of remedial teachers and teachers for disadvantaged areas — by the carry-over costs of the 1991 pay round and specials and by increments and other miscellaneous pay related costs.

The net increase at second level is of 2 per cent, but the gross increase is 5 per cent. This is a measure of the challenge confronting the management of the public finances: without any change in policy, without any provision for pay increases, without any of the further improvements in educational facilities — over and above those we introduced in 1991 — the cost of this Vote will rise by a gross £26 million. This increase will be partially offset by higher Appropriations-in-Aid arising from the carry-over into 1992 of certain ESF receipts which are not now expected to arrive in 1991. The gross increase is attributable by and large to the same factors that give rise to the increase at first level: pay carry-overs and the full costs of improvements — pupil-teacher ratio and others — introduced in 1991.

At third level there is an increase of nearly £37 million or 16 per cent. The cost-increasing elements include the same factors that apply at other levels of education, but the increase here reflects another significant element of Government policy: the determination to provide extra student places at third level. This has consequences in regard to both current and capital expenditure.

There will be further growth in the Public Capital Programme in 1992. The 1992 programme, at £1,869 million, is 8 per cent up on 1991. Exchequer financed expenditure is up by £23 million, while non-Exchequer financed spending, which consists for the most part of spending by the commercial State-sponsored body sector, will grow by £120 million.

Deputies will see from Table 1 of the Public Capital Programme booklet how expenditure is set to change between 1991 and 1992, broken down by sector. I will now outline some of the main elements of the Public Capital Programme.

The sectoral economic investment category is set to fall by 5 per cent to £538 million. The allocation for industry falls by 15 per cent to £272 million. Capital expenditure by the IDA at £125 million is down £21 million on 1991 levels, reflecting in the main the direction of policy on the reduction of grant percentages payable to individual projects. Since we have greatly improved the economic climate, we do not need to spend as much to attract industry. Údarás na Gaeltachta expenditure falls from £21 million to £16 million and reflects the fact that over £5.5 million of the 1991 allocation was in respect of a once-off project.

The allocation for agriculture is up by 12 per cent to £139 million. This increase reflects, in the main, spending under the Integrated Rural Development and LEADER Programmes, which are operational programmes under the Community support framework. The expansion of investment in forestry will continue in 1992 under the Community support framework. Grants for private afforestation will increase by 58 per cent from £10 million to over £15 million while there will be a slight reduction in the total allocation for Coilte Teoranta, down £3 million to £35 million.

The "productive infrastructure" category is up by £131 million, or 15 per cent and covers investment in energy, roads, transport, sanitary services and telecommunications. The increase in investment in energy is particularly significant — up by £67 million, or 39 per cent, on this year. The ESB plans to spend £138 million next year on improving and upgrading the transmission and distribution networks for electricity, the reconditioning of mothballed generating stations and developments of ESB information systems.

Bord Gáis will invest £90 million in upgrading their gas distribution network. The proposed gas interconnector pipeline, which will link Ireland to North Sea gas, will also require £54 million in investment in 1992, while phase III of the North Eastern project to extend the gas pipeline from Dundalk will cost £5.4 million in 1992.

Investment on roads, all Exchequer funded, will increase from £207 million this year to £228 million next year, under the Peripherality Operation Programme.

The social infrastructure category, which include housing, schools, hospitals and Government construction, will grow by 13 per cent from £307 million to £346 million. While there will be no overall increase in the level of investment in housing, the number of housing units to be provided in 1992 will increase by 23 per cent due to expanded activity under the new measures launched under the social housing programme earlier this year. There will also be increased provision for house purchase and improvement loans reflecting an expected increase in loan activity by the HFA on foot of the new measures.

Expenditure affecting the construction sector, at £1,120 million in 1992, will account for 60 per cent of total Public Capital Programme expenditure. The Department of the Environment expect that this will generate up to 2,000 jobs directly in the construction industry. In addition employment in the areas providing related services to the industry — for example, the professions, suppliers, etc. — is also expected to increase.

My outline of the 1992 Estimates and the economic context in which they must be assessed here tonight has been deliberately wide-ranging with a view, I hope, to contributing towards an informed and constructive debate by Deputies on both sides of the House. I commend the Estimates to the House accordingly.

(Limerick East): The Government are presenting this Book of Estimates in a bogus fashion. They are increasing current expenditure by over 6 per cent in 1992 and capital expenditure is being increased by 8 per cent. Public expenditure rose this year by 9 per cent, or more than three times the rate of inflation. When we allow for the pay commitments made by the Minister for Finance last Friday and the normal increase in the rate of social welfare payments from mid-1992, the increases planned for 1992 are about 6 per cent or more than twice the rate of inflation. Six per cent and not 4 per cent is the Minister's opening position on current expenditure as he faces into the 1992 Budget.

The Government's presentation, and in particular that of the Minister, is bogus. An attempt is being made to give the impression, at a time when they are increasing public expenditure by more than twice the rate of inflation, that public expenditure is actually being cut by £600 million. Of course, these cuts are notional cuts; they are cuts on the departmental demands. Departments make extravagant demands. To pretend that by not giving into these demands, and only increasing expenditure by twice the rate of inflation rather than by some other multiple which corresponds to what the Departments demand, is an exercise in propaganda which is worthy of Dr. Goebbels.

Public expenditure went out of control over the last two years and attempts to rein it in next year — or the year after — will be very difficult indeed. It is not possible in the long term to increase public expenditure each year by more than the rate of inflation unless the economy is growing at a rate sufficient to fund the increased expenditure. If the economy is not growing at a rate sufficient to fund the increased expenditure then the Government must resort to either borrowing or taxation; there is no other way of making ends meet, balancing the books or running the country. This Book of Estimates shows that we have now arrived at that point. Our economy is in decline and the Minister, to make ends meet, must borrow or tax.

The Government are striving to maintain their commitment to reduce borrowing, I understand that commitment is an Exchequer borrowing requirement of not more than 2.5 per cent in 1992 and that the Minister is committed to this target. However, that means when expenditure is increased by twice the rate of inflation his only alternative is to tax. The Government are doing that; for example, increases in PRSI are tax increases. Increases in hospital charges and commercial rates are also tax. The same applies to the whole range of charges on local authorities round the country. A rose by any other name would smell as sweet but a tax increase by any other name will always be a tax increase and will be seen for what it is. The Government, having failed to cut expenditure equal to the rate of inflation and deciding after their discussions internally in Government to peg borrowing to a level which will throw up an EBR of 2.5 per cent of GNP, have been forced into a position of increasing taxes. We have been there before and have seen what happened in the early eighties when an increased taxation policy was resorted to.

The Government notified local authorities that the block grant in lieu of domestic rates would not be increased and, of course, that is reflected in the Environmental Vote in the Book of Estimates which shows a very modest increase. However, this has forced local authorities all over the country to increase commercial rates, rents and other charges. These are all forms of increased taxation.

The fact that the decisions are made locally as a result of Government action, rather than centrally, directly by the Government, does not lessen the impact on those who have to pay. For example, in Limerick and Cork cities the commercial rate is being increased by almost 12 per cent, four times the rate of inflation. In Dublin the increases in percentage terms are more modest but they are being put on a rate base which is being extensively revalued and the income in liability for some business people, especially in places like Swords, is as high as 400 per cent.

We know that there is now a new base for valuation purposes based on the equalisation of valuations in Grafton Street. This new base has increased the rateable valuation of shops and small business — and public houses in particular — by 300 per cent, 350 per cent and 400 per cent. I am not surprised that Dublin Corporation and Dublin County Council did not have to increase the commercial rate by the extravagant amounts which were necessary in Limerick and Cork cities, that is because the valuation base has already been increased anyway so there is a very significant extra take in taxation. As I said, the major revaluation commenced in Dublin but it is spreading throughout the country. I am sure that the new Minister for Social Welfare is aware of the situation in Ennis, for example, where there has been a significant revaluation of small businesses. They will now attract an increase in commercial rates which will put an extra strain on them.

I am not principally making the case for the business community but increasing rates on small businesses by amounts in excess of inflation and increasing rates on industry by amounts significantly in excess of inflation is a very peculiar job creation strategy. If, by Government decision, the amount of taxation directly applied to those who provide jobs, industrialists and business people, is excessive, it is a very peculiar job creation policy.

The Estimate for Social Welfare in the Book of Estimates, in so far as it applies to the Social Insurance Fund, shows a decrease of £50 million. That is obviously as a result of an expected increase in PRSI receipts. The decrease in the amount applying to the Social Insurance Fund derives from the carry-over effect of the 1.25 per cent levy which, in the last budget, was made applicable to all incomes. There was only a nine month effect this year and there will be a 12 month effect next year. That is part of it but it is also achieved by raising the ceilings for PRSI for employee and employer contributions, which is implicit in the Book of Estimates. The ceilings for employees are being raised to £19,000 which is a 5.5 per cent increase; the ceilings on employer contributions is going to £20,300, a 6.8 per cent increase. Consequently, a further £50 million is being imposed directly on jobs. I fail to see the job strategy when an extra £50 million is being taken dirctly by a tax on jobs, which is what PRSI is. It is probably the only direct tax on jobs. It is a peculiar strategy in relation to job creation, especially at a time when the Government agree that the lack of jobs is the greatest problem facing the country, when the live register is at its highest level since the foundation of the State and when the Government in the Book of Estimates are making provision for an average of 275,000 persons on the live register for 1992. We should remember that the provision is an average and I have no doubt that in the worst month of the year the figure of 300,000 will be reached.

These two decisions on taxation underpin the Book of Estimates and the Government, through commercial rates, will impose huge increases in taxation on industry and business, on the very people who are supposed to create jobs. They are also putting additional taxation on PRSI of £50 million on employers and employees. They are doing this at a time when even small children can tell you that there are no jobs.

It is quite clear that the Government do not really have a policy on job creation and the link made by Government Ministers, especially by members of the Progressive Democrats between taxation and job creation, was not taken into account when the Book of Estimates was framed. The recent renegotiated Programme for Government between the Progressive Democrats and Fianna Fáil stated on page 4 (2):

The Government are agreed on the necessity for a programme of pro jobs tax reform. The constrained budgetary prospects for the next few years do not take from the urgency of progressing towards such reforms.

Paragraph 7 states:

Furthermore, the Government are committed to restructuring employee PRSI with the health and employment levies on an Exchequer neutral basis so as to make it more progressive and to consolidate it into a single main rate of 6 per cent.

How do these aspects of the new programme, which is about six weeks old, relate to the decisions in relation to PRSI in the Book of Estimates? The extra revenue from raising the ceilings might be called progressive, if that is your definition of progressive taxation, but it is being absorbed by extra expenditure right through the Book of Estimates. There are no resources available from the increase in the ceilings to dedicate to the consolidation of PRSI rates at a lower level than at present.

I have heard the Progressive Democrats in this House for four years arguing the tax wedge theory of employment. They have argued it ad nauseam and have said: “If only we could get the tax wedge reduced lots of jobs would be created, the whole unemployment problem is about the tax wedge.” I do not believe in that simplistic theory of the tax wedge; tax wedge plays its part but it is much less than the rhetorical claims made by the Progressive Democrats. I fail to see how they can, with a straight face, turn the rhetoric on its head and actually participate in a Book of Estimates which increases the tax revenue in the way I have described. They know, because they are ideologically based, that whether it is commercial rates, charges, direct or indirect taxation of PRSI that are increased they all contribute to the widening of the tax wedge.

There are other increases implicit in the Book of Estimates also; for example, the daily charge for public wards in hospitals is being increased from £12 to £15. I presume there are other decisions which are now rolled into large sums of money which will involve increased charges of one kind or another and which will emerge when questions are asked in the course of the Estimates' debate. These charges, and especially those in the hospitals, are directed by and large at the poor. That will put increased pressure on the Minister at budget time when various people will seek social welfare increases. The Minister has already written into the text of his speech that he expects increases of 3 per cent next year to cost £38 million, but if costs are only £38 million the Minister must have a date in mind which is very late in the year — because that is not the half year figure — for introducing the social welfare increases from 1 August or, perhaps, from mid-August but he is certainly not thinking of increasing the rates from 1 July. Whether it is 1 July, 1 August or mid-August which is implicit in this figure — and I think it is 1 August — the pressure will be on in social welfare next year, not only on the level, because of the increased numbers unemployed, but on the rates also. If the Minister says 3 per cent is all he can afford, it will still add another two-thirds of 1 per cent to his opening position on budget day. That brings me to the figure of 6 per cent which I talked about earlier.

I believe the Government have absolutely no strategy on job creation. The rhetoric of the Progressive Democrats on the tax wedge is contradicted by the decisions in the Book of Estimates because the tax wedge is being increased in a manner which is clear. Unemployment is a haemorrhage which is bleeding the country to death. When the head of household on the average industrial wage losses his or her job the Exchequer loses about £13,000 in loss of income tax, PRSI contributions and also in welfare payments for which they become liable. People must be put back to work. A country cannot survive when 25 per cent of the labour force cannot get work. The Government have no job creation strategy and in so far as they have a stated job creation strategy, every time they take decisions their actions contradict their theory. Frankly, I do not know where this Government are going in terms of job creation and that is revealed clearly in the Book of Estimates. There is no doubt there are decisions in the Book of Estimates which will effectively cause extra unemployment and there is nothing that will provide extra employment.

A prerequisite to job creation is confidence in the economy. Confidence in the business community and in the country at large is directly linked to confidence in the Government and at present there is no confidence in the Government. The instability and the scandals of the last four months, in particular, have led to a situation where those who make decisions about investment, which ultimately will lead to jobs, are deferring them. That instability in Government is due to external factors and scandals in the business community. I have said before that the only charge I ever made in relation to the scandals in the business community is that Ministers did not do their job. I never made a charge that Ministers were involved, I just do not think they carried out their——

The Deputy is changing now.

(Limerick East): The Minister can read the record but I have always charged that Ministers have been grossly negligent. Those responsible for Greencore, Telecom and so on have been grossly negligent. The negligence of Ministers has undermined confidence in the political system. Secondly, the instability between the Government parties has undermined business confidence in the country. There is also the constant playacting in which the Progressive Democrats engage where every week there is crisis and they are about to pull out and every Monday morning they are back in with a new deal.

While preparing my notes for this debate I read again the Programme for Government which is now a redundant document, even though it is only six weeks old, and so also is the Programme for Economic and Social Progress which is less than 12 months old. The theory expounded there is not being practised in the first set of major decisions in the Book of Estimates. The fundamental decisions are running counter to the rhetoric of the Programme for Government.

The third area where confidence is being undermined is within the main Government party. We on this side of the House or anybody else in the Opposition benches did not attempt to remove the Taoiseach from leadership of the Fianna Fáil Party and consequently from his position as Taoiseach. I say to the members of Fianna Fáil that they have unfinished political business to sort out in which we all have an interest. As long as the instability goes on the investment decisions will not be made by the business community. I am sure Fianna Fáil members of the Government are receiving the same feedback from the business community as I am. At present we are looking at an economy which is in decline, month by month it is slipping further back; some of the decline is due to international circumstances, some to lack of domestic demand but much of it is due to the political instability which derives directly from the composition of the Government. Do I have a minute left?

You have scarcely a minute left.

(Limerick East): I would like to make one remark on Government pay policy before I finish. Our party voted against the Programme for Economic and Social Progress last year and we explained in detail the reason we did so. We agree that once the programme is agreed, it is a solemn agreement. Once an agreement such as that is freely entered into I do not think the Government can depart unilaterally from it. The Fine Gael Party believe that all pay issues should be settled in constructive discussions between those involved. These discussions must be carried out in the light of the prevailing financial position facing the nation. To move unilaterally, to seek by diktat to depart from what was agreed by free negotiations, is not the way to proceed. We would also acknowledge there is a special obligation in regard to special pay increases which are already postponed from 1987. We are very reluctant to see those special increases postponed further.

I was surprised last Friday when the Minister for Finance, announced unilaterally that he was breaking the pay agreement, that the figures were fixed by diktat and that there would be no further discussion. Yet, on Tuesday, no pay figure is included in the Book of Estimates, even though a pay figure is included in the press statement which accompanies the Book of Estimates. I appeal to the Minister to go back again to the social partners, to the trade union movement and, in particular, to the public sector unions, to reopen talks and try to negotiate rather than to impose his will and that of the Government on a reluctant set of public service unions. I fear the industrial chaos which could be caused if he proceeds as he commenced on Friday. I appeal to the Minister to reopen discussions during the Christmas period. The Minister does not need to know the figure for the Estimates until two days before the budget and there is much time for negotiation yet.

I will start where Deputy Noonan left off on the question of pay in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. The Labour Party voted for the Programme for Economic and Social Progress last year because we believed the approach in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress to social dialogue is the correct approach and that it cannot be taken on a very narrow basis, that it has to be taken over a period of time in which trust grows on all sides and the benefits can be shared and in difficult times the difficulties can be confronted. In European countries the same size as ours where such an approach has been applied over a period it has been remarkably successful. The Minister for Finance is well aware of this because he has frequently referred to it.

It is extraordinary that this very tired and divided Government should have within less than 12 months not only abandoned some of the formal commitments of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, but even the ideological philosophy that underpins it. They have abandoned some of the claims for which they made such strong paeans of praise in the early part of last year. These Estimates reflect a divided and confused Government. The Minister in his speech referred to how upon becoming Minister for Finance he had a meeting with the trade union leaders at which he presented his analysis of the situation, asking them to reflect upon it and come back to him. Since they did not come back to him he then had no option but to go ahead and unilaterally break the terms of the pay deal.

The Minister for Finance is a well respected former Minister for Labour with good connections with the trade union movement, connections which are frequently trotted out as being among the major assets of the Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrats Administration. Nobody in his right mind would think that a one off meeting with the trade union movement in which a particular analysis of an economic situation was presented, upon which they were supposed to reflect and then come back and capitulate, was a serious piece of negotiation. Whoever is writing the Minister's speeches in the Department of Finance does not seem to have referred to the considerable expertise the Minister has acquired in his four years in the Department of Labour. The speeches do not reflect the Minister's knowledge or expertise. It is trite to the point of being insulting. It is insulting to this House to think that that is the way in which the Minister did his business and it is insulting to the trade union movement.

As a result, we are now on the edge of an uncertainty in relation to industrial relations in 1992, at a time when one of the few things over which we have full control is industrial relations. If industrial relations deteriorate — and all the indications are that they will — in certain key areas the manner in which the social consensus that underpins the Programme for Economic and Social Progress was arbitrarily thrown overboard will have been one of the major causes of industrial unrest. The Minister along with his Cabinet colleagues will have to take responsibility for this. The die was well set. The Department of Finance had decided a long way back when the Minister's predecessor. Deputy Albert Reynolds, announced unilaterally over the airwaves one Sunday morning that he was not going to meet the pay commitment in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. All that the Minister, Deputy Ahern, has inherited is a position that was pretty well set in stone in Merrion Street.

Last year according to official statistics, national wealth in Ireland grew by 7½ per cent to almost £23 billion. National income was more than £5,000 per head of population, an increase of 11½ per cent. Gross disposable income rose in real terms by 5½ per cent. The balance of payments showed a surplus of £864 million, more than double the previous year's. These are good figures, even great ones. The last time the whole set of national income and expenditure figures was that good was in 1969, when our present Taoiseach was Minister for Finance.

Everybody in the real world, as distinct from those in the corridors of commentary and the economic experts, are asking the simple question: what has gone wrong and why are the figures so utterly meaningless? In 1969 the Minister for Finance was able to use growth to introduce a range of benefits for pensioners, children and single parents. Now, in the Estimates published yesterday, programmes affecting all these categories of people and a great many more are being cut back. In 1969, the Minister for Finance was able to introduce concessions to attract international artists in a number of disciplines to our shores, a much lauded initiative for which he got legitimate praise. Today the Taoiseach, with responsibility for the Arts is presiding over the most dramatic reduction in the subvention for arts in over 20 years.

In 1969 the Taoiseach, Deputy Jack Lynch, who has been written out of history on one side of the House but who still remains in the history of the House, was able to say that if unemployment went over 100,000 he should not be re-elected and that the Government of which he was Taoiseach would not have been worthy to have been re-elected. Now his successor — a Taoiseach surrounded by the highest level of unemployment in the history of the State, surrounded by the most scandalous atmosphere we have ever experienced — cannot even be removed when a majority of his own party would, it appears, heartily want to see the back of him if they could.

Something drastic has gone wrong and tragically the people to whom we have a responsibility do not understand the gap between reality and the figures I have just put on the record. The problem is as follows. In 1969 we had an economy which existed to serve the people. Now, it is people who serve the economy, or so it would appear. The truth is that it is pointless to talk about indicators as if the economy was somehow different to the people who live in it, who try to raise their families in it and who desperately want to work in it. It is pointless to talk about the economy doing well if the people who are supposed to be the backbone of that economy are suffering. It is pointless to talk about young people as our greatest asset if it is the asset that we export in the largest quantities.

With each day that passes people are making choices. This week they are deciding what they must do without in order to put meat on the table. Next week thousands of families will face the agonising choice of telling their children that Santa Claus might not come this year. Still this Government say the economy is doing well. But the Estimates they have published are Estimates more appropriate to an economy in deep recession. It is as if the last few years of belt-tightening and sacrifice had never happened.

When the Estimates were published yesterday I pointed out that they provided an extra £276 million for the entire range of public services for next year. I said that £100 million was accounted for by the extra pay and increments to which the Government are already committed. Another £100 million-£120 million was accounted for by extra spending on unemployment caused by the failure of Government policy to translate extra wealth in the economy into enough extra jobs in the economy. I went on to point out that what that means is that across a whole range of essential social services — health, social welfare, education, environment — the actual position is that not nearly enough money has been provided to even begin to address the fundamental shortfalls that have bedevilled social policy in Ireland for the last five years.

It appears that I was understanding the position. More detailed analysis shows that virtually every penny of the extra money in the Estimates is already spent on the commitments I have mentioned. What that means is that there is not one extra penny for necessary, indeed vital, social reconstruction.

The Book of Estimates is very short on specific policy decisions. However, on the capital side, it is clear that, for example, there will be no new hospital building next year, which puts Deputy Flood, the Minister of State, into a uniquely difficult position. There is something vindictive and cruel in a Taoiseach of the day appointing a Minister of State from a constituency to a particular Department with the unique responsibility to deliver the one thing which that constituency wants and then tells him that there is not any money for it. It is an extraordinary way in which to make Government appointments. That is just one example. There will not be any new hospital building next year. We will see little in the way of additional housing while the allocation for transport infrastructure has been cut. Sanitary services are also going to suffer.

On the current side, one has to highlight a range of the more important cuts. So far as the Department of the Environment are concerned the most significant of all is the cut in the rates relief grant to local authorities of 3 per cent in real terms. The local authorities are already facing a crisis and the position can only get worse. As Deputy Noonan has already pointed out, many marginal businesses and small enterprises, which are increasingly being recognised by most economists as having most potential to create sustainable jobs, are going to be squeezed further. Local authority members around the country agonised over the increase they had to make in commercial rates because of the consequences this would have for the small but fragile services sector in their functional areas. However, were it not for the significant increase made in the valuation base in Dublin city the local authority would have been in considerable difficulty this year.

The allocation for social housing has, effectively, been frozen despite the fact that the Minister has a report available to him and the Department. He has so far refused to make that report public. It shows that the number of homeless has grown by over 40 per cent during the past two years. Some local authorities have now been reduced to hiring rooms in bed and breakfast establishments to meet the needs of those who urgently need housing. Those of us who debated the Housing Bill in this Chamber a few years ago were anxious to avoid the disastrous experience and mistakes made in parts of the United Kingdom and the United States. Given that the Department of the Environment have adopted a shorthanded policy this is the only option open to a local authority.

There are significant cuts in the allocations for water and sewerage schemes. In the heady days of the Green Presidency, when it was said we had the best Government in the history of the State, which was nothing more than a fantasy we were told that they were going to spend £1 billion in cleaning up the environment.

(Limerick East): That was green money.

However, in less than two years we are reducing the allocations for these critical components in the area of the environment, water and sewerage schemes. In the area of education the irony is, despite the Minister's denials, provision has been made for ongoing funding in the Estimates for Carysfort in spite of the reservations expressed by the Progressive Democrats. This story has not stopped running. This is going to be paid for through the use of a range of cheese paring cutbacks in other more vulnerable areas throughout the Education Estimates. For example, the allocation for childcare assistance in national schools for the handicapped will be cut. Youth services and sporting organisations will also help to pay the bill for Carysfort. In this speech the Minister referred to the reduction in the grants for youth services and sporting organisations.

It is no coincidence that the political profile of the Minister of State, Deputy Fahey, has disappeared almost underground. This is the man who was going to build sports centres all over the country and who delivered cheques on a Wednesday and took them back on a Friday to make sure that he received a mention in The Sligo Champion with the same cheque which was probably presented more frequently than any other piece of currency. That Minister of State and the policy he enunciated have disappeared over the political horizon.

(Limerick East): It will be potholes next year.

The crisis facing the health boards will continue unabated. As Deputy Noonan has already said, the increases in the charges at the point of entry will hit the most vulnerable and those least able to pay.

Despite the fact that more than £100 million will be needed to meet extra unemployment payments the total allocation for social welfare has only been increased by £60 million. The colleague of the Minister for Finance will have to answer the question very quickly: when will the increases take effect in 1992? Will they take effect from 1 September? From our analysis of the figures, it seems that the increases will be either minimal or non-existent or alternatively presented in such a way as to satisfy the spend doctors in the present administration who will argue that they should only be paid from 1 September onwards. We will listen with interest to the explanation the Minister for Social Welfare will give.

If we start with the Minister's analysis of the performance of the economy and where we stand in relation to Economic and Monetary Union, one could reasonably ask the question what is the economy for if it is not for the people? What is the purpose in having a Government to try to manage the affairs of the State, to attract industry, to create employment, to invest in education, health services and so on, if it is not for the people? There is something wrong with a society which fails to create the number of jobs that the people require. We are unique in contrast with any of the other member states of the European Community. I would not for one moment profess to say that the Labour Party have the answer to the unemployment crisis but it is inexplicable that this Coalition Government, who are extraordinarily arrogant — there is no other word for it — refuse to enter dialogue with anybody else in the Chamber to find a solution to the problem.

They are able to say with indifference — perhaps this is an attempt to conceal the enormity of the problem — that the Minister for Finance and the Department now project that the unemployment figure, on average, in 1992 will stand at 275,000. This was inconceivable up to five years ago. If our roles were reversed and the Fianna Fáil Party, under the united leadership of Deputy Haughey, were in Opposition on this side of the House on this night and Deputy Noonan and I were sitting on the other side of the House the screams, devoid of any policy content, would be unbelievable as was the case in the period 1982-87.

The Labour Party have consistently during the past few years invited others to join with them to jointly look for a solution in those areas where there were possibilities to be explored. The Government have, however, refused to establish a European affairs committee, who could discuss the issue of Economic and Monetary Union to see what the consequences of this would be — the Government face a very difficult referendum on this issue — to respond to the invitation from the Fine Gael Party to establish a national jobs forum or to our own proposal to set up an economic and social affairs committee who could analyse what has gone wrong and see what we can do together to get it right.

The Government's refusal to enter into constructive dialogue, when they would listen, will sound the death knell for this Administration. Is it any wonder therefore that the trade unions did not come back to the Minister? Does the Minister think that the Central Review Committee are an alternative democratic forum to steer this nation through difficult times? This is part of the mysticism which surrounds the Taj Mahal next door where there is a belief that if one talks to enough mirrors the same answer will come back all the time and everybody is in unison.

These Estimates and the figures which underpin them and the framework in which they have been formulated — the Minister has no control over some factors but there are others over which he has considerable control — are an indictment of our failure to carry out our most fundamental task which is to create employment. There has been no indication since the House returned in October that the Government are capable of gathering their ranks together, let alone the ranks within the Chamber, to deal with this problem. It would not be too bad if they were on automatic pilot since October because the permanent administration would at least know that we were going somewhere, but this Government have been grounded, like aeroplanes at Dublin Airport when the air traffic control computer goes off line.

However, we in this Chamber will not suffer. The people who are going to suffer are those who are going to be deprived of things they thought they were going to get if they tightened their belts and withdrew their demands for a larger slice of the cake. The labour force have done everything that they have been asked to do by the economists, the commentators and everyone else — to show more flexibility, to increase productivity, moderate their wage demands, to guarantee harmony in industrial relations with regard to stoppages and to co-operate with the other side of industry. They were told that if they did that, in marked contrast to what had gone on in the past, the climate would be ripe for the private sector to produce the jobs they, and their children, require. That has not happened and as a result the Government have lost the trust of the people and they will lose more and more of that trust as a result of these Estimates.

This debate is an opportunity not just to discuss the Estimates for 1992 but also to assess the Government's performance during the course of this session. When the Government returned after the summer recess it was an administration rocked by scandal and with major question marks hanging over the conduct and performance of the Taoiseach and several of his Ministers on a number of issues. They finish the session with their credibility even more damaged, with most of the questions still unanswered and with the reputation of the Taoiseach at an all time low.

We have had ten extraordinary weeks since 16 October. The Government faced a motion of no-confidence in the first week of this Dáil session. We saw the Government go to the brink as Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats engaged in a phoney war over the renegotiation of the Programme for Government. We saw the Taoiseach dismiss his Ministers for Finance and the Environment as he successfully fought off a leadership challenge within Fianna Fáil. We saw 22 members of Fianna Fáil vote no confidence in Deputy Haughey, which means that he is a Taoiseach who enjoys the support of only about one-third of the Members of the Dáil. We then saw him, in a characteristic gross error of judgement, totally botch the subsequent Cabinet reshuffle as the Dáil forced him, in an unprecedented move, to withdraw his nomination for the position of Minister for Defence.

With each new week — sometimes on a daily basis — there were new shocks, new disclosures, new scandals, new questions about the competence and accountability of Government Ministers. We saw all the usual public agonising by the Progressive Democrats followed by the private compromises. This is now a Government who are battered, bleeding and quite probably approaching their death throes. Public confidence in the Taoiseach and in his Government is at an all time low. The whole political process has been further damaged and political cynicism increased by the questionable performance of the Government. There will be no hope of restoring confidence or undoing the damage until the Taoiseach is forced to resign.

The legislative record of the Government in this session has been as abysmal as their performance in most other areas. Little legislation of significance has been passed in these past ten weeks. My figures suggest that the Dáil completed nine Bills during the session; several of these have been around for a long time and in regard to a number of them it was simply the final stages that were taken. Several important Bills, like the Environmental Protection Agency Bill, remain uncompleted, while other important items like the Family Planning (Amendment), Bill seem to have been shelved. The two most important Bills in this session, the B & I Line Bill and the Oireachtas (Allowances to Members) and Ministerial and Parliamentary Offices (Amendment) Bill, were rushed through in a shameful manner with the Dáil denied a proper opportunity to discuss them as a result of the shameful use by the Government of the guillotine.

The pattern of this session has been similar to many others, with short sittings at the beginning and little legislation being taken, while in the final weeks the Government demand that the Dáil sits all hours and rams legislation through without proper consideration. This is no way to run a democratic Parliament.

The original Programme for Government, agreed in July 1989, promised substantial Oireachtas reform by the end of that year, but we are still waiting. The review of the Programme for Government agreed by the two parties at the outset of this session, included further commitments on Dáil reform but not one reform proposal has yet been brought forward.

The effectiveness and credibility of the Oireachtas depend on procedures striking the proper balance between the right of the Government to get on with the business of Government and the right of Opposition parties to question, to query, to raise matters, to challenge, to contribute alternative views, to initiate new proposals and, where necessary, to oppose Government proposals. The Standing Orders and the rules of procedure, as presently constituted, do not strike the right balance and are unfairly tilted in favour of whatever Government are in power. We must face up to the high degree of public cynicism out there in the real world about the effectiveness of the Dáil and the performance of Deputies. Unless we set about modernising our procedures and ensuring that the Dáil is relevant to the lives of our citizens and is seen to be relevant, the degree of public cynicism will grow and grow.

The publication of these Estimates mark what I believe is a very significant development in the economic approach of this Government. Since Deputy Haughey was returned as Taoiseach in 1987, he proclaimed that the cornerstone of his economic policy was to seek and secure consensus with what are generally known as the social partners. First, we had the Programme for National Recovery and this was followed by the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, agreed earlier this year.

When the Government announced their decision on Friday last to unilaterally breach the pay terms of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress they effectively reversed the Taoiseach's approach on economic policy. We warned that it could sound the death-knell for national pay agreements generally. We pointed out that public sector workers were not the cause of the budgetary difficulties and that they should not be asked to carry the can for the Government's economic miscalculations. We also pointed out that had the situation been reversed, and had the trade unions been approaching the Government to up the pay increases agreed for its members, they would not have even got a hearing from the Government.

In my statement last Friday I posed the following specific question: if the Government are allowed to wriggle out of the pay commitments which were the most detailed and specific elements of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, what prospect is there of forcing them to meet the many vague and aspirational elements in so many other areas of the agreement? I did not have long to wait to have my question answered. It is in these Estimates. It is now quite clear that the Government have not just reneged on their pay commitments but have welshed on many other solemn undertakings given on health, education, and agriculture among others. In fact, the Estimates take no account of commitments made in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. It was as if the Programme for Economic and Social Progress was not there when the Estimates were being drawn up. These might be described as the new disimproved Programme for Economic and Social Progress-free Estimates.

Promise after promise made in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress has been ignored and it seems to me that the Government have not just abandoned their pay commitments but are abandoning the entire principle of the agreement. No provision has been made for the improvement in the pupil-teacher ratio, for an increase in capitation grants, for the additional vice-principals, guidance counsellors, secretaries or caretakers or for other non-pay elements promised under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.

The Programme for Economic and Social Progress included a commitment to a seven year programme for the development of community-based health and associated services. It promised that funding would be provided in each subsequent budget but not a single penny has been allocated for this purpose in these Estimates. Instead we have had the announcement of a mean and petty decision to increase the daily hospital charges for patients to £15. The charges were also increased last December and this means they have now been increased by 50 per cent within 12 months. These charges constitute a form of double taxation, as workers are already paying substantial health contributions. A person on the average industrial wage now pays more than £150 per year in respect of the health element of PRSI. The Government are clearly using the health services as a source of raising revenue. Such a large increase in the hospital in-patient charge is particularly unjustified. The 50 per cent increase is more than five times the level of inflation since the charge was first introduced in 1987.

Overseas development aid is another area where Programme for Economic and Social Progress commitments have been abruptly discarded. Despite the promise of the Government to reach the United Nations' target figure of 0.7 per cent of GNP, the Estimates allocation for ODA actually represents a drop from 0.19 per cent last year to 0.17 per cent this year. This is surely one of the meanest cuts of all and will ensure that Ireland will remain in its shameful position at the bottom of the OECD list of ODA donors.

Farmers are angry over the denial of promised headage payments and over the further cutbacks in funding for Teagasc. The further cuts in the Teagasc budget are indefensible at a time when there was never such a need for research and training to help farmers adapt to the changes in the Common Agricultural Policy.

It is the same with almost every section of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress: promises made at the beginning of the year now being ignored. The workers are disillusioned, the trade unions are disillusioned, the farmers are disillusioned. The only ones endorsing what is left of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress at this stage are the Government and the employers. But the Taoiseach and Minister for Finance, Deputy Ahern, will find that an agreement backed by the Government and the bosses but without the support of workers and farmers will be of little value in solving this country's economic and social problems.

Our lack of confidence in these Estimates goes much deeper than their failure to honour Programme for Economic and Social Progress commitments. It is clear that while the overall Estimates are up, a number of crucial areas of social importance has been subjected to severe cutbacks. Public Capital Programme spending on housing has declined from £365 million in 1983 to £122 million in 1991. Local authority housing starts have reached an all time low, with money being provided for only about 1,000 next year. The inevitable result of this will be longer waiting lists for applicants and poorer housing maintenance.

The whole collapse of local government services has been one of the most alarming features of Irish life in recent years. Councils are being forced to operate on budgets which represent just a fraction of what they should be getting if their grants had been index linked for inflation, as was promised when domestic rates were abolished in 1977 by Fianna Fáil. The result of this has been not just service charges in many areas but also a virtual ending of local authority house building, the deterioration of existing housing stocks, miles and miles of potholed roads, cutbacks in a whole range of local authority services and a general deterioration in the environment. The consequent environmental decay has a knock on impact in many other areas of life. The deterioration of local authority housing estates, the withdrawal of facilities and services and the general neglect of communities feeds the sort of violence and vandalism which we saw in severe form in the west of Dublin just a few weeks ago and which is found to a lesser extent in many other communities.

Against this background the decision of the Government to freeze the local authority rates support grant at its 1991 level almost defies comprehension. This will represent a decrease of at least 3 per cent in real terms, possibly more if inflation is higher than expected. Local authorities have gone to the brink in many areas this year and major cities like Cork and Limerick have been able to approve their estimates only at the eleventh hour. Because of the effective reduction in the rates support grant for next year they are likely to face an even more difficult task in 1992. We will see a further deterioration in services and the probable abolition of several local authorities as a result of their inability to balance the books.

Another incredible cut is the reduction of 15 per cent in the allocation for the building and equipping of primary schools. Yet there are primary schools all over the country where teachers and pupils must endure dreadful conditions. My colleague, Deputy Sherlock, told the Dáil on 4 December of one such school in his area, Baltydaniel national school, where 115 pupils are attending a school built in 1884, a school which has been condemned by the fire officer and where conditions are so bad that the local medical officer has described it as a potential source of salmonella and hepatitis. There are many other schools in similar situations; yet this Government consider that they can afford to cut back on spending on primary schools.

Perhaps the single most disappointing aspect of the Estimates is the failure of the Government to come up with even a single new initiative for job creation. The Government seem to have thrown in the towel and opted out of the struggle against unemployment. This Government appear to consider an average unemployment level for 1992 of 275,000 to be politically acceptable. Apart from the moral and social arguments as to why we should combat unemployment, it is also very clear that there is an unanswerable economic argument for urgent action to deal with the problem. Unemployment is penalising not just the unemployed but every citizen of the State. The burden on the economy arising from unemployment is now so great that there does not seem to be any way in which the economy can be restored to full health until the majority of those on the dole queues are put to productive work. It is clear from these Estimates that the major factor contributing to the Government's budget figures being so off target is the growth in unemployment.

The full cost to the Exchequer of unemployment is notoriously hard to compute, but from official figures it is possible to establish that the direct cost in terms of additional social welfare payments and income tax foregone is at least £2,500 million per year. To this must be added indirect losses to the State such as lower VAT and excise returns arising from the reduced purchasing power of the unemployed, lower rent returns to local authorities, extra health costs, supplementary welfare payments and so on. We can only speculate as to the cost of these elements, but when they are taken into account the total cost of unemployment is likely to be closer to £3,000 million.

Shocking as these figures are, they are only part of the picture. Of even more significance is the human and social cost — the families broken, the lives destroyed and talents wasted by the scourge of unemployment. The abandonment by successive Governments of the unemployed is reaping a bitter harvest of poverty, crime, vandalism and social alienation. This is especially so in urban areas, where unemployment is demoralising and destroying entire communities.

The utter failure on unemployment has been the greatest possible indictment of the record of all recent Governments. It is an appalling reflection on our values as a society that unemployment has not been below 100,000 since 1980 and has never been below 200,000 since 1984. With unemployment being such an overwhelming problem one would have expected that it would have dominated the recent discussions on the review of the Programme for Government and the preparations of these Estimates. Instead it hardly seems to have figured at all. Have this Government no sense of values, no sense of what our priorities as a society should be? We cannot turn a blind eye to the problem of unemployment and simply hope that it will go away, or simply wheedle £100 million from Brussels to be spent on short term cheap labour schemes.

The Workers' Party reject the notion that such a level of unemployment can ever become the norm in our society. Unemployment must be treated as the national disaster it is. We must force whatever Government are in power to give it the priority it merits. For their failure to offer any hope to the unemployed and for the other reason I have outlined, The Worker's Party will be voting against this Book of Estimates. Indeed, I am about to move an amendment seeking the rejection of these Estimates.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after `Dáil éireann' and substitute the following:

"noting that the 1992 Estimates for the Public Service and the 1991 Summary Public Capital Programme:

(a) fail to provide for a number of commitments freely entered into by the Government including those on public service pay, the reduction of the pupil/teacher ratio at primary level, and an increase in Overseas Development Aid;

(b) provide for an increase in the daily charges for hospital patients of 25 per cent, representing a total increase of 50 per cent in 12 months, but do not include any specific commitments to assist the plight of the mentally handicapped and their families, despite the clearly established need in this area;

(c) will result in further reduction in capital expenditure on areas like public housing and the construction and equipping of primary schools;

(d) include no new initiatives to deal with unemployment, despite the fact that the Government estimates that the average jobless level in 1992 will reach 275,000,

calls on the Government to withdraw the Estimates and to redraft them in such a manner as will ensure that essential public services are re-established on a sound basis and to enable employment to be tackled by stimulating a more rapid rate of job creation."

This motion gives me the opportunity to do two things: first, to set down the broad direction of policy which I propose to follow in 1992 and, second, to indicate the financial provisions which will in effect ensure that the sick, the handicapped, the old and the unemployed will be better catered for in 1992. The size of the financial provision graphically illustrates the enormous task we are faced with. By any standards the provision which has been allocated for the social welfare budget is significant against a background of severe financial constraints and a difficult budgetary situation. The Social Welfare Estimate for 1992 is a major achievement on the Government's part and should ensure that our commitment to the maintenance of the living standards of the less well off sections in our community are fully protected at this difficult time. The net Estimate for the Department of Social Welfare for 1992 is almost £1,773 million. This is the amount provided by the general taxpayer, it is the Exchequer's contribution to social welfare services and is nearly £57 million more than the provision allowed for in 1991.

It is important to make the point that at this time of the year the 1991 provisional out-turn and the 1992 Estimates are not strictly comparable. The Estimates for 1992 provide for the carry-over costs of the increases given in the 1991 budget. They amount to about £81 million.

Debate adjourned.
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