Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 8 Oct 1992

Vol. 423 No. 2

Statements on the Economy.

There are two points which should be borne in mind in this debate. The first is that we have been faced in recent weeks with new economic problems and difficulties arising from international currency and interest rates developments. These problems and difficulties must be faced by us — as by other economies — and measures taken to deal with them, but we should not be daunted by these new difficulties and problems — serious though they are. Above all, we should not be deterred by these events from the policies and strategies which have transformed our economy over the past five years. That is my second point. Our economy today stands out for its underlying strength — an inflation rate among the lowest in the world, a substantial and sustained balance of payments surplus and a budget deficit which is the lowest in the Community. The Exchequer returns for the third quarter indicate that we are well on target for this year. These are the foundations on which a modern, competitive economy is built. These are the foundations on which we have built over the past five years one of the highest rates of economic growth in Europe, averaging nearly 5 per cent and well above the OECD and Community averages.

Everyone in this House who speaks in this debate or who listens to it, will well remember when this economy faced insolvency in 1986 with the highest budget deficit we ever had, with a debt GNP ratio heading towards 130 per cent, with capital fleeing the country, with our currency devalued and unstable, with a substantial balance of payments deficit and with negative growth in the economy. In particular, the main Opposition spokesmen, who formed the then Government which was unfortunately as unstable as the currency, will be acutely aware of how the Governments which succeeded them retrieved the economy from that insolvency, which stared us in the face at the end of 1986, by the policies followed since 1987 which have restored the public finances and the economy to their present strength.

The transformation of the economy and the public finances was brought about by the consensus approach we adopted of forming an alliance between the Government and the social partners representing employers, trade unions and farmers. Together we agreed on how to develop our economy and create greater social justice. Together we agreed that, for living standards to rise, we had to place our economy on a new competitive basis so that we could trade successfully in an increasingly competitive world.

We should, in present circumstances, take heart, therefore, from what we have achieved over the past five years. We have even done something which so many other economies have failed to do — we have increased employment. In the past five years, employment has increased by 45,000 as compared with a loss close to 80,000 in the previous six years. Our strong economic performance is producing jobs. Employment in Ireland grew annually by an average of 1.4 per cent between 1987 and 1990, that is seven times faster than the average for the past 30 years, but that is not enough. We must do more.

There can be nobody in this House who can suggest that our trading economy can generate additional jobs, except on the basis of a competitive economy based on low costs and low inflation. That is the economy we have created over the past five years and we must maintain and improve that status in spite of the current new problems and difficulties which we hope will be temporary and transient.

I can understand how the abnormal and unacceptable increases in the live register which we have been experiencing may make us overlook just how well, at least comparatively, we have been doing on employment. That is relevant to this debate. Let me outline what has been happening since the international economy began to slow down in 1990. I will work from OECD estimates — published last June — of what actually happened in 1991 and what they foresaw for this year.

Over the two years combined, the OECD suggested that Irish employment would rise, but marginally. Our own indicators support the view that total employment has been broadly stable, with gains in areas like manufacturing, the financial sector and in services working to offset contraction on the construction side and in agricultural employment, but how well have other countries been doing?

OECD estimates for the UK indicate a decline of virtually 5 per cent in employment over the two years. In North America, broad stability was estimated for the US — on the basis of some recovery in 1992 — while Canadian employment was expected to be down by 1 per cent. In Europe, reflecting the growth induced by German unification, fairly strong growth was expected there, with a positive overspill into some neighbouring countries. While Japanese employment was estimated to rise strongly too, there were expected to be losses of 2 per cent in Australia and somewhat less in New Zealand.

But what of other smaller countries, like ourselves, significantly dependent on external trade — Belgium, Denmark and Austria, for instance? Over the two years, the OECD estimated an employment fall of 0.5 per cent in Belgium and of more than 1 per cent in Denmark. Austria, on the other hand, being placed to benefit particularly from the overspill growth effects of German unification, was estimated to see net employment gains of 2 per cent plus.

In the round, these data point to a strong Irish performance, in particular in the face of the contraction of demand in the UK, our nearest neighbour and major trading partner where there has been such a substantial fall in employment.

This gives the lie to propositions that, somehow, massive job losses lie behind the rise in our unemployment levels. Falling employment is not the explanation for the simple reason that total jobs in Ireland have remained broadly stable. What, then, lies behind the live register increase?

There are two main reasons. The first is demographic. The number of young people coming of age to begin work each year is far greater than the number reaching retirement — by about 25,000 annually at this point. Second, while one cannot be precise on figures, we appear to have experienced some net inward migration in recent times, additional to the natural growth of our labour force. Preliminary population estimates for April last suggest marginal net inward flows over the 12 preceding months. These estimates relate to total population rather than to persons of working age only, but there has been strong recent growth among under-25s on the live register, 14,000 more this September than last. Because of the substantial fall in UK employment since 1990, return migration is already a significant contributor to the live register — as much as 10 per cent of new entrants to the live register in recent months.

I accept that it is no consolation to the unemployed that we have been doing relatively well on jobs nor that it is growth in the labour force rather than net employment losses which lies behind rising unemployment. Those without jobs do not want explanations but work. This is why, in addition to adhering to the macro-economic and budgetary policies necessary for growth, we have introduced a wide range of new measures and initiatives to create more employment, and we continue every week to seek out new job opportunities.

Over the past five years workers have had substantial real improvements in their living standards. Take home pay of a married man earning the average male manufacturing wage will have increased by over 10.5 per cent between 1987 and 1992. This improvement in workers' living standards resulted from a combination of reductions in income taxation, moderate wage increases under the Programme for National Recovery and Programme for Economic and Social Progress and, of course, low inflation.

It is not just those in employment who had improvements in their living standards. In the past number of years the value of basic social welfare payments has been more than maintained against inflation. For example, the basic rate of payment for a married couple with two children on long term unemployment benefit went up by 38 per cent between mid-1987 and mid-1992. In the same period, prices rose by less than 17 per cent, giving them a real rise in welfare benefit of about 18 per cent.

We can continue to increase our living standards if we continue to maintain the discipline and the consistency of policy which has underpinned our economic and fiscal policy over the past five years. I should also point out that the effects of the currency developments are not all negative. Inflation could come down 1-2 per cent next year as a result of the fall in import prices.

I am grateful for the wide measure of national support for our fundamental strategy which we have received during the current crisis. This support has come from political quarters, from the social partners and, indeed, even in many cases from the sectors that have been badly affected by recent developments. There has been an understanding by most people that we cannot afford just to look at the relief of short term pain, or at narrow sectoral interests, but that we need to take into account the long term benefits of a consistent economic strategy. I am convinced that the Irish economy can emerge all the stronger from this crisis, enjoying increased confidence at home and abroad.

It is only with the currency crisis that we began to see the benefits of the policies we have pursued over the last five years. Otherwise we would have been swamped as we were in 1986.

Many ideas have been put forward over the last fortnight for mitigating the effects of sterling devaluation and recent interest rate rises, most of them made in a constructive spirit. There was, however, the impracticable suggestion that foreign investors in Irish stocks should be given cast-iron guarantees against any potential loss, which showed a very strange set of priorities. It was also proposed that the Government should restore full mortgage relief, and suspend or abolish employers' PRSI. These would have been very costly measures — employers' PRSI for example, brings in about £1 billion per annum — with serious long term implications for the budget. Parties opposite will recall that food subsidies brought in to meet a particular situation in the late seventies were not finally abolished until January 1987. The banks and some of the building societies have in different ways shown a degree of flexibility with regard to the sudden increase in repayments as they affect mortgage holders. I understand from the banks and building societies that the option is available now to almost all mortgage holders not to pay the increased mortgage rate over the next three months but to add the amount in question to the outstanding capital. This is also the position with Dublin Corporation. This option will substantially cushion the effect of interest rate increases for those where a sharp and sudden increase creates hardship.

As far as the productive sector is concerned, a carefully targeted measure such as the market development fund is a much superior method of getting to the companies that need assistance if they are to maintain output and employment. We will do ourselves no favours if we start showing a careless attitude to Government expenditure as our ability to maintain our position is based on the conviction of the markets that Government finances are firmly under control. Nothing must be done to shake that conviction. This is not the time to start thinking that we have leeway to increase the level of Government borrowing. We all know where that path leads. It is important that all of us be required to make some adjustment to meet the new situation rather than expect the Government to be able to insulate the country completely from changing external conditions. There is no merit either in throwing overboard the national consensus and alliance with the social partners which has allowed us to make so much progress together since 1987.

The Oireachtas Joint Committee on Employment provide an ideal forum for considering new suggestions and proposals that may be made in this House, and I would strongly urge all parties in this House to participate fully in it, at a time when it is important for all of us to be seen to work together. I would say to Fine Gael: that if they have any workable ideas for new jobs they should send them to the Joint Committee where they will get careful consideration.

I detect a growing public understanding that it requires more than an expression of strong political will or a burst of moral indignation to solve the unemployment problem. Most responsible economic opinion believes that the Government are pursuing the right strategy, even though further progress is needed on a number of different fronts, and that this strategy is capable of yielding substantial results, once general economic conditions improve. The progress made in creating 45,000 net extra jobs in 1987-91 shows the potential of what can be achieved. Moreover, the greater wealth that we have created since 1987 with an average growth rate of nearly 5 per cent has helped us to improve substantially in real terms the conditions of those dependent on social welfare. The 4 per cent general increase in July is significantly ahead of inflation.

Historical parallels have little relevance in a modern State that has proper social provision and it makes no sense to try to conjure up images of social revolt. The notion that the State can directly create tens of thousands of jobs by socialist style intervention is out of date and discredited; so also is the hollow political call to create more jobs without putting forward any new ideas. The State has a role to play in creating the right conditions, and in encouraging and promoting development in particular sectors, but intervention beyond a certain point can be positively counterproductive. Unlike six years ago, most observers see an encouraging economic future ahead. We should have the courage to persevere and not to give up because of adverse external circumstances.

I want to make it clear that it is our firm intention and determination to defend the value of our currency. We showed this by our actions at the height of the currency speculation and we will continue and maintain that policy. I would like to congratulate the Minister for Finance, his officials, the National Treasury Management Agency and the Central Bank for their part in the successful defence of our currency.

Since 1987, the Government have pursued a consistent line in regard to our currency. That policy is, and will continue to be, the maintenance of a firm exchange rate within the narrow band of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism. That policy has delivered significant benefits in the form of very low inflation and general economic stability. It has also created confidence abroad in Ireland's ability to successfully manage its economy. In recent years, this growing confidence has led to large capital inflows, particularly inflows to Irish Government securities, and it is these inflows which helped reduce the differential between Irish and German interest rates from over nine percentage points in early 1987, to less than one percentage point earlier this year. Maintaining our current exchange rate policy is the only way we can ensure a return to lower interest rates.

The Government are acting resolutely and consistently to complement and reinforce all existing strategies and measures to deal with unemployment by new concerted efforts and radical approaches. Through the initiatives which we have taken in recent weeks, the Government have shown their commitment and clear determination to take all possible measures to accelerate employment and reduce unemployment.

The essential purpose of the very useful and productive meeting I had with the CRC on 3 September, where I was accompanied by Ministers directly concerned with the issues under discussion, was to review progress under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, with special reference to the grave unemployment situation, and should be seen in the context of the ongoing process in which the Government are according top priority to job creation.

In addition, we in Government had wide ranging discussions with the CRC on a broad range of strategies and measures concerning such sectors as tourism, agriculture, marine, aquaculture, forestry, construction and North-South trade which offer potential for significant growth and employment creation.

The most important conclusion from the meeting was that the CRC is now examining, at my request, new strategies and measures within the framework of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress to increase employment and will be submitting its recommendations to the Government by the end of this month. For my part, I have given an undertaking to the social partners that these will be fully, carefully and quickly considered by the Government.

The Government have, in the light of discussions at the CRC, taken a series of specific decisions on establishing county enterprise partnership boards which I believe are of major importance for enterprise development and job creation in this country.

The partnership boards will play a major role in job creation at local level. They also represent a significant step forward in the devolution of power to local communities. Ordinary people will have the opportunity to participate in decisions affecting their lives — decisions which up to now have been made at national level. No proper supportive structure to encourage the setting up of small businesses has existed and this new initiative clearly fills that vacuum.

Each board, with directors drawn from all our main industries and State agencies, will provide for the close co-operation of the private sector and the public service. The chairperson of the boards will be an employer representative. The other members of the boards will include the chairperson of the local authority, the county manager and representatives of local communities, social partners and public agencies.

The partnership boards will have three key objectives: the development of small and start up enterprises, employing up to 12 people; training and education, especially as linked to enterprise development; and local community development. The partnership boards will prepare action plans for their counties and areas. These plans will set down specific proposals, to be implemented through decisions of three key sub-committees of the boards, in the areas of small and start-up enterprise development, of training and education and of local community development. A forum of relevant local organisations will be held in each county quarterly, to ensure an exchange of ideas and feedback to local communities on the boards' activities.

The funding of the boards, in addition to the drawing together of existing publicly funded initiatives, will consist of additional funds of over £100 million committed by the Irish financial institutions; in addition Irish public funds of £50 million will be provided by the Government and there will be additional EC funds.

Funding from the financial institutions represents an important step forward. The four associated banks — Bank of Ireland, Allied Irish Banks, Ulster Bank and National Irish Bank-Woodchester Credit Lyonnais Bank, the ICC, the ACC, the Trustee Savings Bank and the Irish Permanent Building Society have collectively committed funds of £95 million to be used in conjunction with the county enterprise partnership boards.

These funds will be available for loans on favourable terms, including no guarantees in the case of incorporated entities and the underwriting criteria will reflect a balanced view of the financial institutions' good commercial practice and social responsibility in playing their part in achieving the aims of the county enterprise partnerships in tackling the unemployment problem. In addition, there will be an active policy by the banks to provide specialist staff to assist in the evaluation and operation of projects on a "hands-on" basis.

Enterprise projects submitted to county enterprise partnership boards for funding will be evaluated in terms of commercial viability by an enterprise sub-committee of the board. Personnel designated by the financial institutions will assist in the evaluation and the board will decide the most appropriate method of funding, whether by direct grant, loan, interest subsidy or equity for approved projects. Officials of my Department are now liaising, and will continue to liaise, with the financial institutions on the detailed implementation of the scheme.

Discussions are continuing with the financial institutions, in particular with other building societies and with the insurance companies on further contributions to the overall enterprise fund. The Government are satisfied that there will be a further positive response from the financial institutions arising from those discussions. Equity capital will be included in the further contributions, in particular from the insurance companies.

The enterprise partnership boards will each have a small core staff that will transfer to them from county development teams, from regional tourism organisations, from IDA/ABT, Eolas, SFADCo/FÁS/VECs and, where available, from the social partners, including private sector employers.

The county development teams and regional tourism organisations will continue in existence in each case until partnership boards have been established in the relevant areas.

The process of establishing partnership boards will start immediately and will be undertaken in consultation with all existing interests, including in particular public service staff interests at both local and regional level.

As further evidence of our resolve and determination, the following employment initiatives have been introduced by the Government in recent weeks beyond those I have already mentioned above such as our decisions on: the first phase implementation of the Culliton Report's recommendations; a two-year exemption from PRSI payments for employers who take on additional employees; a new payroll levy on employers to fund apprenticeship training in certain sectors; follow-up on recommendations by the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Employment with increased places in the community employment development programme — 1,000 new places — in the vocational training opportunities scheme — 1,000 new places — and in the special employment scheme — 4,000 new places; introduction of a new financial services product involving private trusts which will provide additional employment in management and ancillary activities at the International Financial Services Centre.

There is, in addition, a number of ongoing measures which will contribute to reducing unemployment. Since 1987 tourism has dramatically shown its ability to increase employment. Employment in the industry rose by 31,400 between 1986 and 1991. The task force on tourism will shortly report to the Minister who has already underlined that the way forward towards greater tourist earnings and greater employment is increased product development and marketing of holidays in specialised sectors where we are highly competitive and attractive.

The employment subsidy scheme continues to make a steady contribution to new employment. Already some 3,350 jobs have been created under the scheme. The EC funded job training scheme has not yet made a significant contribution to reducing unemployment but with the new more flexible conditions I am assured by employers that the uptake will increase significantly.

I have asked every Department to bring forward new ideas or projects for jobs for consideration with the Estimates for 1993 and this also applies to our industrial and commercial semi-State bodies.

As a speedy response to the new difficulties created for enterprises by the currency changes, the Government have established the market development fund of £50 million for the period up to the end of March 1993 to assist firms which have been seriously affected by the recent turmoil in exchange rates within the Exchange Rate Mechanism.

The measures are intended to provide support for jobs in the manufacturing firms which could face serious difficulties in maintaining positive margins on sales in the UK market and in those parts of the domestic market and certain major overseas markets which are subject to strong price competition from UK firms. These developments pose a threat to many of the jobs involved unless firms take immediate action to increase their competitiveness in existing and alternative markets.

By helping firms to help themselves the fund will also contribute to the achievement of the stability necessary to maintain Ireland's membership of the Exchange Rate Mechanism at a time of considerable uncertainty.

In establishing the fund, the Government emphasised that assistance would be directed very specifically at firms which would have temporary difficulty in maintaining employment and in adjusting to the recent fundamental changes in the market place arising from the devaluation of sterling. Firms will need to demonstrate the ability, commitment and actions being taken to manage their way out of current difficulties.

I was pleased to see the positive response to the new measures by industry and by exporters in particular. The support of the Irish Exporters' Association was especially notable in welcoming the new appreciation of exporters' problems the Government had shown. The Government look forward to a constructive relationship with firms affected on export, and on the home, markets not just in the UK markets but including, for example, those affected in the sheep and pig meat and mushroom businesses.

There is a tendency in some quarters to decry our excellent economic fundamentals, as if they were irrelevant to unemployment and the "real economy". The last few weeks have brought home to us that there is a very real connection. Without good fundamentals we would not have been able to maintain our exchange rate, or to sustain any confidence in the Irish economy. We learnt in the seventies and early eighties that poor fundamentals, high inflation, a huge balance of payments deficit, and heavy Government borrowing, would sooner or later leave a trail of destruction in terms of jobs, with nearly 80,000 jobs lost between 1980 and 1987. Poor fundamentals, particularly in regard to the public finances, meant that Deputy Bruton, as Minister for Finance, had to resort to unilateral devaluation in August 1986, despite his earlier forthright assurances to the contrary — with a resulting crisis of confidence and a big jump in interest rates, up by up to 4½ per cent by October 1986. In sharp contrast, during the current international recession, there has been a minimal loss of jobs, and we have been able to hold our course through present extremely turbulent conditions.

In that context, I would like to quote from Finance magazine's annual survey of Irish economic forecasters, completed after the devaluation of sterling. It begins:

The Irish economy is set to continue to turn in some of the best performances of any economy in the O.E.C.D. area over the next three years, irrespective of the effects of the E.R.M. currency turmoil.

My message in this debate is that we should take hope and confidence from the progress we have made since the dark days of 1986 and that we will similarly overcome the current difficulties which have been created for us by international currency and interest rate developments.

The Government will continue the disciplined macro-economic policy which we have followed since 1987. We have the support of the social partners, recently expressed in the CRC for that. As part of that policy we will maintain a strong currency. We will devote all our energies to the measures we have been introducing to accelerate employment and reduce unemployment in the face of the unique demographic pressure we are experiencing. We have made a dramatic, radical and historic change in the approach to creating jobs by setting up county enterprise partnership boards to weld together at county and local levels the efforts and enterprise of local communities in creating new employment opportunities and a new economic vigour at community level. We have in the past few days — with a speed which has been widely commended — set up a marketing development fund with £50 million to spend on overcoming for companies the worst effects of the sterling devaluation.

We are on the threshold of the Single Market which opens its frontiers on the first of January next. This offers us new potential for employment. We are now one of the most competitive and low cost economies in Europe poised to take advantage of the easier access to Community trade.

And there beckons beyond the Single Market the prospect of Economic and Monetary Union which, through its coordination of economic and monetary policies, a single Central Bank and ultimately a single currency, will enable us in a market devoid of currency and interest rate fluctuations to gain for our people a much higher standard of living based on our efficiency, our productivity, our commitment to hard work and excellence, our high standards of education and our overall competitiveness. These must be our ideals. These we are now well on the way to achieving. Let us not falter or fail at this critical time. Let us not be blown off course by the sudden squalls that have hit us. We have managed the economy well in the face of graver problems and we will continue to manage it with the same skill and resolution that have overcome those grave problems. Together with the social partners and with the co-operation of firms affected by the current crisis we will come successfully through this ordeal which we hope will be of short duration.

This morning on radio the chief executive of one of our major banks said that we might have even further increases in interest rates. I do not believe that at any period since independence the real rate of interest has ever been as high as it is now. This rate of interest curtails investment and rewards saving at a time when we already have far too little investment, too few jobs and quite sufficient saving.

The banker to which I referred attributed the rise in interest rates to the flight of German money from the Irish market because of the fears by German investors that the Irish pound might be devalued and that they would be repaid less than they had lent. He went on to urge maintenance of the exchange rate regardless of other consequences, social or economic. What he failed to say was that the Irish Government had rejected a proposal by Fine Gael that could have avoided this flight of money and the consequential rise in interest rates by guaranteeing the German investors repayment at the present exchange rate.

The Irish Government lacked the courage to adopt this proposal and were joined in their opposition to it by domestic banks and institutions who, quite unnecessarily, wanted to get a similar guarantee themselves. They made the pathetic excuse that the Fine Gael proposal would have needed a change in the rules. I assert that if Fine Gael's advice had been followed two weeks ago, the present rise in interest rates could have been avoided. The pain and the fear for mortgage holders, for struggling businesses and for farmers trying to stock their land would have been avoided if the Fine Gael proposal had been adopted.

The very Government that were so afraid to change the market rules to help mortgage holders, businesses and farmers to avoid crippling interest rates are now admitting that their proposed £50 million subsidy scheme for a minority of those affected by them is actually a direct breach of EC competition rules, rules which exist mainly to protect smaller countries and in whose enforcement Ireland has a vested interest. If we had a proper Government in this country this would not have happened. The fact is that the occupants of the principal offices of this State do not have any economic plan, do not understand international economics and have no vision of how Ireland fits into the European economy. As a result they react to economic events rather than shape them. That is not good enough.

In fact this discussion we are having today typifies all that is wrong. We have no motion setting out a Government plan. There is nothing to agree with, nothing to disagree with, nothing to amend. There is just nothing. All we have today from the Government is a series of bland statements, of which the Taoiseach's was a bad example, written by civil servants and read by Ministers who are probably seeing them for the first time as they read them. There is no sense of direction. There is no one in charge of the Irish economy at present. The Taoiseach's speech was an apologia for his failures; it was not a statement of where he believes the country should be led.

The crisis affecting jobs and living standards is the issue on which the Government should have a clear statement of policy at present; yet it is evident from the Taoiseach's speech today that they are unable to form any plan for the medium term future of the Irish economy. As far as the protection of jobs and living standards are concerned there was no special sub-committee of the Cabinet set up six months ago to deliberate on the subject. There was no offer of consultation with the Opposition and no deadline set for such consultation. Jobs and living standards were not a sufficiently important issue to warrant such procedures. Essentially, as far as jobs and living standards are concerned this Government are prepared to leave the management of the economy to their civil servants. They have no proposals of their own.

We now have a society where the misery of the mortgage payment is eating up the savings of young people who are paying vastly increased rates of interest. The Government are deaf and silent as a debate gets under way again on enhanced tax reliefs and other methods of relieving the appalling crisis facing so many homeowners. Fundamentally, the argument should not be about tax reliefs but about how this entirely unnecessary increase in interest rates in terms of the economic situation should have been avoided and how, not being avoided, it can be rolled back. That is what the debate should be about.

As I said earlier, two weeks ago I made a proposal that could have retained all the Deutsche Mark funds in this country, whose loss caused the increase in interest rates, thereby avoiding the pain for mortgage holders and others. That proposal was rejected by the Government. Yet since then they have initiated a variant of it themselves by borrowing Deutsche Marks, thereby undertaking the same risk. They are doing what should have been done before the event and if done at that time would have avoided the increase in interest rates. This is typical of all economic policy making under this Government. They treat the symptom rather than the disease; they offer palliatives rather than solutions.

The Coalition are long past the end of their useful life. They have lost the capacity for self-renewal because of the poisonous relationship between the Coalition partners that the Taoiseach has deliberately fostered and allowed to develop. I blame the Taoiseach primarily for this because it is a task of his office, a task undertaken willingly by the Taoisigh of all previous Coalition Governments, to conciliate the strains that arise between his party Ministers and the Ministers from the other party. This can and has always been done in the past by Taoisigh in Coalition Governments, without sacrifice of essential principle and within an agreed framework. Yet the present Taoiseach is not doing this at all. He is not only allowing inter-party bitterness to grow but he is deliberately fostering it, and in so doing he is deliberately destroying the decision-making capacity of the Government. He is doing this for the most arrogant of reasons, because he wants to rule alone. It would not be good for the country if he were to succeed in this ambition. The Fianna Fáil Party have never been a policy-driven party. They rely on monopolistic entities — favoured businessmen, organised interests and State companies and agencies — to provide the economic ideas that they lack in their own party.

This leads to an unhealthy close relationship with certain individual business people, creating a sense that the free market is more free for some than it is for others. It leads to policies where pay costs in the protected sector of the economy race ahead of productivity and where restrictive practices, be they in the professions, in banking or in the work-place, are never tackled. In brief, Fianna Fáil's chosen style of Government condemns — and will continue to condemn as long as they are in office — the country to mediocrity. It leads to the situation where the Government's main response to a job crisis for half a million people is the creation of yet another "super agency". At a time when the nations of Eastern Europe are being advised to revive their economies by deconcentrating power, the Taoiseach wants to concentrate all industrial power in one super agency. Thus instead of lifting the tax and regulatory burdens which prevent individuals from expanding their own businesses, he wants them all to apply for grants to county boards who will disburse someone else's money. Instead of reducing the dependency of economic factors on the State, he wants to increase their dependency. All assistance has to be obtained as a favour from somebody else, by means of a form which has to be filled up with the aid of an accountant. Rather than giving people the ability to make their own decisions, to choose their own markets and to create jobs spontaneously, everybody is being made more and more dependent on the State systems of assistance, of which we have had very many in the last few months.

Instead of telling the banks to cut their charges and face more competition, the Government want them to keep all their privileges on condition that they subscribe to the Taoiseach's favoured fund, where the Taoiseach will be involved in giving out some of the bank's money. Instead of having a banking system based on fair and open competition, our banking system has an unhealthily close relationship with the Government as a result of their participation in Government schemes. The Government, in the final analysis, through Ministers of State, will be dispensing patronage rather than allowing those banks to face fair and open competition where their unduly high charges would be forced down by such competition.

Much time has been wasted in the House discussing scandals which have occurred over the last two or three years. The House should reflect on the fact that scandals do not occur by accident, they occur because power, political or commercial, is concentrated in too few hands. Mostly that occurs because of the existence of State supported monopolies of one kind or another. I assert that the Fianna Fáil Party, behind all the public relations, are essentially a party which favour monopoly. They are close to private or publicly owned monopolists and regard them as the vehicle of achievement of their own political and economic ambitions. It is because of that intrinsic closeness to monopoly that, essentially, as far as economic management is concerned, the Fianna Fáil Party should not be in office.

Ireland's job problem is now so severe that we do not need this reactive approach but rather a radical, policy-driven Government which will seek to remove all the obstacles to job creation that exist in their first budget. If the issues are tackled in a leisurely way over a series of annual budgets the initial momentum of any Government will tend to be smothered by administrative inertia. As their term of office proceeds, all Governments, naturally, tend to become steadily more risk averse. That is why a change of Government at this stage would enable a new Government to make a radical start in clearing away the blockages to the creation of jobs and the blockages to taking up jobs. Such a radical new start will never be achieved by a Government on their last legs and whose Taoiseach is deliberately seeking to provoke the departure from the Government of one of the parties comprising the Government. There will be no medium term planning from such a Government; it is politically impossible to expect any medium term planning from a Government who are feuding so poisonously within themselves.

The ultimate cause of the lack of economic direction is political because of the induced ill-will between the two parties forming the Government. That is why a change is necessary if we are to tackle the unemployment crisis. Let me explain why a genuinely radical approach is needed to deal with the employment issue. We simply cannot allow the present level of unemployment to continue to grow, for four reasons: (1) unemployment wastes the talents of 500,000 people who are unemployed or who have left the country; (2) unemployment is the single greatest cause of poverty; (3) unemployment builds an ingrained structure of inequality into society and gradually corrodes the social order — in this I profoudly disagree with the Taoiseach who sought to minimise the corrosive effect of unemployment on the social order; he suggested that people who said that were Jeremiahs. Gradually, slowly, the social order is being corroded by unemployment; (4) by creating more jobs tax yields would be increased, social welfare costs would be reduced; it would help to bring down the national debt and, above all, help our people to restore their sense of pride in themselves.

Let no one underestimate the extent of the constant reminders which people have of the size of unemployment which essentially deprives all of us of a sense of pride in ourselves which we ought to have as Irish people. It is the biggest single blemish on our national reputation.

Ireland cannot blame its present level of unemployment on the fact that it is a peripheral nation in Europe. Iceland is even more peripheral than we are and their unemployment rate is only 2 per cent. Portugal is also more peripheral than Ireland and their unemployment rate is only 5 per cent. Scotland is more peripheral than us, yet their unemployment rate is only 8 per cent while our rate is 20 per cent. Let us not hear in this debate about poor Ireland being the only island in Europe and being cut off, etc., from its markets. The figures belie that. Other countries, equally peripheral, do not have even half our level of unemployment. The problem, as far as the high level of unemployment in this country is concerned, is that we have had no ideas of our own. Instead, progressively, over the last 30 years or longer, we have systematically copied the tax, regulatory and welfare systems which were designed for other countries with different problems which had an employment shortage. It is a central deficiency in the political system that people who think do not get into Government, if that Government are formed by the party opposite.

We have had no original ideas of our own as far as employment is concerned. We borrowed other people's ideas and because those ideas were generated in countries where there was an employment shortage, as witnessed by the huge immigration from Third World countries to many mainland European countries, we have adopted policies which are profoundly unsuitable for a country with our level of unemployment. We do not realise it because the party opposite simply see their job as imitating other people's ideas.

If we are to solve Ireland's unemployment problem we will have to develop — perhaps for the first time in our history as an independent State — a genuinely Irish economic policy suitable to Irish conditions. That is what my party published in their document Towards the Jobs Economy. It is a tailor-made policy for an economy which has a surplus of people needing employment; it is not a policy borrowed from another country, which is the type of policy we will get as long as Fianna Fáil remain in office. This change towards a radical reappraisal of economic policy to make it more favourable to the needs of a country with a high level of unemployment will not happen until there is a change of Government. We must have a policy-driven Government who are willing to take risks, to confront special interests and bureaucracy.

The central issues which the Government will have to tackle as far as employment is concerned are very simple indeed. First, at present it costs too much to take up a job if you are unemployed. Second, it costs too much to create a job if you have money to spend. Creating a job is the last thing that anyone will do under our tax, social welfare and regulatory structures if they have money to spend. Employers in this country will do everything they can under the present system to avoid creating jobs. Those two elements have to change. Every person should have an incentive to take up a full or part time job if a job can be got. Creating a job for somebody else should be the most profitable, not the least profitable, thing that anybody can do with his or her money. Those two fundamental flaws in our present structure will not be solved by this Government.

First, let us take the perspective of the potential employee, the person potentially taking up a job. Professor Brendan Walsh of UCD pointed out in a book, which was presented to the Taoiseach, that there is little net incentive for a married person to accept an offer of employment unless the gross economic wage offered exceeds £11,000 a year — almost the average industrial wage. That is because a married person currently unemployed who takes up a job is likely to lose his or her medical card; is likely to find that the income earned from work is liable to PAYE tax and PRSI whereas the previous income was not; will lose his or her eligibility for higher education grants and civil legal aid; will, if living in a local authority house, have his or her differential rent increased and will pay substantial extra indirect tax through the cost of travelling to and from work. In other words, the tax burden resulting from taking up a job means that almost half of those who are unemployed have no financial incentive to take a job, although there are many other incentives.

Second, I wish to consider the potential employer. The 1992 budget was prepared well after the Culliton report was published, yet in a recent letter to me a large Irish employer described that budget and the Finance Bill that implemented the budget in the following way:

The most recent budget put a fullstop to many enterprise ideas.... As an act of sheer incompetence the introduction of a 10 per cent tax free deposit must rate without opposition as the worst ever introduced. Goodbye to investment risk when you can get 10 per cent on deposit at 10 per cent tax against 3 per cent inflation.

The position has worsened since that letter was written. Inflation is now much lower than 3 per cent and deposit interest rates have increased. One can now get as much as 17 per cent interest for leaving money on deposit.

Who would take money off deposit and put it into a job creation project, to pay 48 per cent take-home tax on any dividends or profits arising from that job creation project — if there is any profit made — when the money so spent could be left lying on deposit at 17 per cent interest and only 10 per cent take-home tax would be paid on the interest income that would definitely be received? That equation renders job creation profoundly unattractive for anybody with money. The position has to change because people will not invest in job creation merely for the love of it, they will invest in job creation because they recognise a reasonable risk reward ratio. So far as job creation is concerned at present the risks are much too great and the rewards are virtually minimal.

That is the position that existed in this country before the development of the currency crisis. The jobs now at grave risk as a result of the currency crisis are in small, mainly Irish-owned, labour-intensive firms in the directly productive sector. Those firms are not advertising their difficulties. Some of them probably did not even apply for the assistance available because they do not want their position to be known, they do not want to put at risk the credit they already have. The jobs at risk are found in the clothing, food, machinery, furniture and footwear sectors — all labour-intensive sectors in which the closure of firms would cause dramatic job losses.

Those job losses are likely to occur at a time when because of the depreciation of sterling the nation as a whole is actually better off. That is because Ireland imports more from Britain than it exports to Britain. It has been estimated that the recent devaluation in sterling has meant that Ireland will have a net financial benefit of at least £200 million a year overall through reduced import prices. For example, we will enjoy almost nil inflation next year. But at the same time, while the nation gains, some Irish people are likely to lose dramatically through a loss of employment.

The biggest potential losers are, as I have said, those in the directly productive sector. Mrs. Thatcher learnt in the period from 1979 onwards that once the directly productive sector is destroyed because of high interest rates it cannot be remade. The reason that Britain is in such economic difficulty at present and has such a balance of payments problem is not alone the fall in the dollar value of oil but because between 1979 and 1983, through a policy of high interest rates, Mrs. Thatcher in Government destroyed the basic productive sector of the British economy. If this country continues to experience high interest rates and the sudden appreciation in the Irish púnt relative to sterling, almost exactly the same effect will be achieved in this economy as was achieved in Britain by Mrs. Thatcher's policies from 1979 to 1983. I assert that the British economy has never recovered from the policies followed in that period and that is the position now being faced by the productive sector of this economy.

I genuinely do not believe that the Minister for Finance, the Taoiseach or the Minister for Industry and Commerce have any understanding of the profound change that is occurring. They seem to think that palliatives, schemes, offering people application forms and having an announcement every week about a new initiative of some kind mitigates the profound change in the actual terms of trade in relation to risk reward ratios that affect the level of jobs in our economy at present. Schemes will not solve the problem in the medium term. If we are to have a credible economic policy as well as a currency policy, the £200 to £300 million that our economy will gain as a result of the sterling devaluation must be redistributed by the Government to help those sectors in which jobs would otherwise be lost. If that is not done, the currency crisis will make Ireland an even more divided society than it already is — with windfall gains for the majority of people who are in secure jobs and catastrophic losses for the minority who will lose their jobs as a result.

A Government committed to a jobs economy could not and would not allow that to happen. That is the reason Fine Gael have called for action on five points. First, we want temporary abolition of PRSI in manufacturing to cut labour costs in the exposed sectors and thus save jobs that would otherwise go. Secondly, as I have already said, we want a guarantee of repayment at the present Punt/DM ratio for Deutsche Mark investors in Irish pound bonds, which would bring back the cash that we have lost in recent weeks and thus roll back the 3 per cent increase in interest rates, which was avoidable had the Fine Gael proposal been adopted initially. Thirdly, we want a comprehensive budget for jobs, designed to restore the financial gain that should be there to the individual from creating a job for somebody else and to ensure that everybody has a financial incentive to take up a job if a job is offered. Fourthly, Fine Gael want an immediate Government meeting with all of the social partners to discuss the cost competitiveness of Irish jobs, in direct competition with British jobs, at the new exchange rate. In that regard, it is not the cost competitiveness of our economy that is at stake, it is the cost competitiveness of individual employees in individual firms. If employing somebody in Ireland becomes uncompetitive relative to employing somebody in Britain the jobs now taken up by people in Ireland will be transferred to Britain, but the people will not be transferred with the jobs. Fifthly, there must be a convincing statement of the Government's medium-term economic policy, focused on the structural changes that must be made to sustain the current exchange rate in the long term without any loss of employment.

What was most disappointing about the Taoiseach's speech this morning was to have no evidence whatsoever of a medium term economic perspective. The Taoiseach's speech included a recitation of what was happening in other countries and a recitation of the schemes that he planned to introduce, but there was no medium term statement about where he expected the Irish economy to go and there was no statement about what the Irish Government would be doing about economic policy either one year, three years or five years from now. In the absence of a medium term statement, uncertainty flourishes and the exchange rate remains under pressure. A Government that had a credible economic policy would have no difficulty in holding the exchange rate. The reason our exchange rate is still under pressure is that there is no sense that the Government's currency declarations are backed by a coherent economic strategy. As long as the Government fail to produce a convincing overall economic strategy the exchange rate will continue to be under speculative pressure.

Fine Gael are the only political party that have produced a comprehensive jobs policy, based singlemindedly on the objective of giving our people back the chance to create jobs for themselves. I emphasise the word "singleminded". Unless the Government are singleminded about removing the barriers to job creation and to taking a job they will tend to be distracted from the jobs agenda by a vested interest with the Programme for Economic and Social Progress proposals and, indeed, by Government Departments who have a longstanding agenda of ideas of their own many of which add to the cost of creating or taking a job when they are analysed properly but which tend to roll inevitably onto the Government agenda just because they are there. Unless the Government have a clear sighted and singleminded view that their primary economic objective is to reduce the cost of taking a job and to increase the reward for creating a job, and unless every proposal submitted to Government from any quarter, including their own servants, is put to that test the Government will fail. That is why we need a Government singlemindedly and explicitly dedicated in the agreement entered into before they enter the Cabinet room for the first time to removing the barriers to job creation and removing the disincentives to taking a job.

Being singleminded about this issue means that jobs must be put at the top of the agenda and that means that other things must be put lower down on the agenda. We hear much from politicians about priorities, we rarely hear from politicians of any side the notion that if you have a priority there must also be a posteriority for other jobs.

Incoming Governments have tended, in my experience, to want at the same time to increase living standards, raise employment, cut Government spending, cut taxation and also reduce borrowing. Governments have got to choose. In my view the primary objective of any Government, if they want to do all those things, must be to first create an incentive to create a job and create an incentive to take a job. If they do that the other problems such as Government borrowing, taxation and so forth will eventually fall into place because of the increased revenue that will be generated. If the Government do not put jobs at the top of their agenda they will never achieve any of their objectives. It is essential that there be a clear understanding of those objectives before the Government Ministers enter the Cabinet room for the first time. Those priorities must be understood by every Minister and every proposal coming onto his desk must be tested against them.

It must also be the case that everybody working in the Government service, whether in an employment exchange or in a local tax office, understands that they are working under a Government that have a clear view about creating an incentive to take a job and creating a greater incentive to create such jobs. That is the overriding principle that should govern all their actions on a daily basis. Unless the Government's objectives are simple enough to be understood at every level of administration, not just at the Cabinet table, they will not be achieved. That is why we need a new Government here because this Government will not produce a reformulation of their economic policy. They have been saying too much in favour of the existing policy, which plainly is not working so far as employment is concerned, to be able to change at this late stage particularly in view of the poisonous relationship that exists between the two parties forming the Government. A new Government is essential if jobs are to be put at the top of the national policy agenda. That must be a policy agenda based on simplicity and singlemindedness if it is to be carried through.

The Taoiseach made reference to the £100 million fund to which the financial institutions are supposed to subscribe. I was in Brussels ten days ago and although that fund was announced several months ago at home with great fanfare — in fact it was announced three or four different times; the Government announced that they were going to announce it, then they announced it and then they announced that they had announced it — my information is that the Government at least ten days ago had not yet even lodged an application in Brussels for European assistance towards that fund. If that is the case this is not a serious proposal.

We also heard the tired invitation from the Government which obviously is on the word processor for all economic debates where they say to Fine Gael: "we would like you to join our jobs committee"— the back bench committee on jobs. I would like to ask the Minister for Finance if he will join the jobs committee. The reason we will not join it is because he will not join it. If he does not have sufficient belief in this committee to spend even half a day talking to its members, and if he cannot arrange for his own Ministers of State to appear before it, why is he expecting the main Opposition party to take part in it? The Minister is not taking it seriously. How can he and the Government expect anyone else to take it seriously? We will join the jobs committee if the Government join it. That is simple. If Government Ministers are prepared to take part in that committee we will take part also. The day Government Ministers indicate they are prepared to take part we are prepared to take part. That is irrelevant because the Government will not do that.

I should like to say to the Government that they will be in Opposition in one years time and we will set up an employment committee. I guarantee them that the Government Ministers of the day will sit on that committee and we will invite Fianna Fáil to take part. As long as the Government are in power they should not let us hear that hypocritical call on Fine Gael to join that committee. How anybody who has self respect could join a committee that Government Ministers, who are ultimately responsible for the implementation of any proposals that may emanate from that committee, are not prepared to join, is beyond me. That is why the Fine Gael Party will not join that committee until the Government join it. On the day the Government join that committee we shall join it.

The real problem here is that we do not have a Government who are prepared to govern so far as jobs are concerned. We have a Government who are prepared to react to stimuli from other quarters but have no plan of their own. The reason we need a general election more than any other at this time is so that we can have here a Government who are genuinely committed to a clear-sighted programme of priorities on the jobs issue.

I am now calling Deputy Spring.

Before you call the next speaker I would like to draw your attention and that of the House to the fact that during the entire speech of Deputy Bruton. Leader of the Opposition, the Taoiseach has been absent from the House——

That is a point of disorder.

I have never seen it before in my 35 years in the House.

That is a point of disorder.

It is contemptuous and showed a lack of respect on the part of the Taoiseach. The Taoiseach should come in later and explain his action.

It does not justify Deputy Harte rising in that fashion.

In fairness, Deputy Haughey always remained here to hear all Opposition leaders.

A Deputy

Where is he today?

I welcome the opportunity of discussing the present state of the Irish economy. I also believe that the majority of the Irish people are looking to Dáil Éireann for some leadership and direction to overcome the crisis we are facing.

It is of little comfort to many of our citizens to know that we are faced with the prospect of an abortion referendum on 3 December as the main political response to the current crisis. It is not in the best interests of this State; it is not the response people are looking for and I am certain that the Government will not be thanked for imposing a divisive and embittering campaign on the country if that is the course they choose to pursue.

Of course it may well be that one of the main reasons, if not the main reason, why this campaign is being launched is because the Government desperately need a distraction from their own failures at present. Surely it is now time that the people as a whole, instead of being involved in a divisive campaign about an issue that could and should be addressed by way of legislation, were instead given an opportunity to pass judgment on the performance of this Government, who have never received a mandate from the people. I am afraid the people listening to or watching this debate will take little comfort from the Taoiseach's contribution this morning because, unfortunately, the Taoiseach failed badly to chart any course for the Irish economy for the next six to 12 months. That was the main weakness of his contribution this morning. It is hard to believe that a Taoiseach in attempting to address the problems of our economy could speak in Dáil Éireann for 45 minutes and fail to mention once any question of Structural or Cohesion Funds. For 12 months hardly a day went by in this House without a Fianna Fáil Minister telling us about the benefits post-Masstricht of Structural and Cohesion Funding. This seems to have gone off the agenda. I am sure many people wonder if they were sold a pup in relation to the Government's programme of many months ago.

It is worth recalling what happened during the recess and the Government's performance. We are all familiar with the Government's assumption that the anger over the jobs crisis can be assuaged by cosmetic public relations exercises which involve money the source of which is questionable — for investment in projects that have not yet been identified. We have all noted the Taoiseach's dismissal of Opposition concern over unemployment — and, presumably, the concern expressed by churchmen — as nothing more than political catch cries while, in the same breath, he is calling for consensus on the issue.

We have seen the dictatorial and sometimes questionable and illegal manner in which the Minister for Social Welfare implemented changes which affect the poorest people in our community. We have also seen by the stroke of a pen people stripped of benefits for which they have built up entitlements during their 30-40 years working lives. We have seen the complacent and incompetent manner in which the Minister for Finance and the Government have addressed the increases in interest rates, apparently oblivious to the hardship being caused to families and to job protection and creation.

During that time it has become clear that Fianna Fáil in Government have little or no idea of the pain and social damage mass unemployment causes, and less idea still of the policies that need to be implemented to begin to turn that situation round. The internal wrangling in Government about the Culliton Report, for example, demonstrates that the report has become an object of political point scoring between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats when the country is crying out for action on that report. The people do not need that sort of politics. The unemployed, the poor and everyone concerned for the future of this country are looking to their elected leaders for some imagination, some understanding of human problems and some courage. They are getting none of that from this Government, and that is why it is time that this Government sought a new mandate from the people.

Our economy is bracing itself already for another round of deflation, as the Government wrangle over Estimates and next year's budget. This is an economy which is now experiencing, for the first time, second-generation unemployment. There are 18 and 19 year olds in Ireland who have never known a family member to have a job, 18 and 19 year olds who have grown up with an unemployed father, and a mother who considers herself lucky to be in part-time and casual, low paid employment, 18 and 19 year olds whose future is blighted by the past and by the assumptions of employers that they cannot be employable. In short, this is an economy in which too many people are condemned to live on the edge, strugging always for some form of dignity, coping as best they can — and often not very well — with institutionalised inequality and disadvantage. They are the new scapegoats as well as being, in too many cases, the victims of failed policies.

Some time ago I referred to the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy McCreevy, and to the fact that he is becoming known as the "cut a fortnight" Minister — hacking away at social welfare rights at the rate of about one cut every two weeks since the passage of the Social Welfare Act. I went on to list about eight significant cuts he has made including restricting the eligibility criteria for maternity benefit and reducing the minimum payment under the scheme by £26 a week; restricting access to disability benefit and reducing the rates; cutting injury benefit by £15 a week; making it harder to qualify for dental and optical benefit and increasing the cost to patients. I also mentioned that he was penalising workers who receive redundancy payments; almost eliminating the alleviating payments under the EC Equality Directive — cutting the income of many families by amounts ranging from £7 to £23 a week; cutting the supplementary welfare income of people living in rented accommodation by £1.50 a week — surely the meanest and most cheeseparing cut of all; and cutting the access of people on very low incomes to the support provided under the exceptional needs discretion given to community welfare officers. In my view, this latest cut is illegal and will be challenged in the courts.

The Minister took exception to my attack on him at the time and responded in kind. I must tell the House that I did him an injustice in the speech I made in Clonmel some weeks ago. I referred to about eight cuts made by the Minister; the truth is that since the passing of the Social Welfare Act, the Minister has published no fewer than 21 regulations, the vast majority of which are aimed at worsening the position of people who depend on social welfare.

If anyone is in any doubt about from where this Minister is taking his lead, they only have to look across the water to the United Kingdom and see the spectacle at the Tory Party Conference yesterday when the Secretary of State at the Department of Social Security, Peter Lilley, launched a full scale attack on Britain's poor, branding them all as spongers and scroungers, egged on by the Tory faithful. Given his recent performance, our Minister for Social Welfare might have felt at home at that conference. The social vandalism of which this Minister has been guilty, presumably with the full support of his Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrat colleagues at the Cabinet table, whatever about the back benches, will be compounded in the future as he moves on to other areas of damage. Already it is clear that he has decided in principle to tax all short term benefits and to mount attacks on part-time workers and deserted wives, among other groups.

I pointed out in Clonmel, and I repeat it here — this has been repeated by others in recent days including the Bishop of Cork, Dr. Murphy — that this Minister is deliberately and consciously trying to create a new type of citizen. He and Fianna Fáil think in terms of two classes of people — a donor class and a recipient class. For very crude political reasons they are trying to exploit the fears and prejudices of this mythical donor class by turning the equally mythical recipient class into scapegoats. I have news for the Minister; there is only one class of citizen in Ireland and all his efforts to create a second class citizen, based on an appeal to the politics of envy and begrudgery, will fail miserably. The biggest fear though is that they might succeed to the extent of fuelling fear, the kind of fear that enables people to turn their backs on one another and leads to alienation among huge sections of society.

If anyone doubts that the efforts of Fianna Fáil are geared towards creating a permanent second class citizenship, let me ask this question: why have the Department of Social Welfare been entrusted with the introduction of an identity card system, already being issued to some 11 year old children? If these identity cards are intended to be used by all citizens, as in many other countries, why are they not being issued by the Department of Justice and why has no Minister come before this House to look for a legislative basis for the issue of these cards? The truth is that these cards are not intended to facilitate anyone in expressing or fulfilling their citizenship; they are intended only to mark people out as members of some lower order of citizenship. As long as the idea continues to be developed in this way, the identity card issue will be nothing more than an accurate reflection of Fianna Fáil's true intentions. Nowhere can those intentions be seen more clearly than in Fianna Fáil's incoherent and jumbled response to the unemployment crisis. Only one discernible thread is visible in the series of panic measures announced so far. The fact that we have 75,000 people long term unemployed and that that number is growing by the day and now moving into its second generation, does not seem to matter.

All that matter are cosmetic exercises; keep making cosmetic changes, keep hoping the media will lose interest and find some other issue. That seems to be the sum total of Government policy. Even a new bugging scandal must come as a relief to Ministers who do not have a clue what is happening or have the necessary response. That is the first failure of this Government the failure to recognise that even in times of economic difficulty their duty is to protect the dignity and equality of all the citizens. However, there have been other failures. They can be summed up in three different ways — the failure to develop a coherent strategy in the face of the European monetary crisis; the failure to develop a coherent strategy in relation to Europe generally and the failure to take the wide-ranging and imaginative measures that are necessary at home.

The Government's reaction to the interest rate increase and the collapse of sterling has been an inadequate and mealy mouthed response. Businesses, home owners and consumers should not be expected to wait until the Government make their leisurely decisions before they can expect some relief. None of the available strategies need include devaluation or anything like it. The long term benefits of European economic integration should not be put at risk for short term relief. Neither should Government strategy include crazy approaches like offering foreign investors or speculators guarantees if they buy Irish gilts.

We have already outlined some effective strategies which are available for rapid implementation and results. The Government must take action, if necessary, in the context of a mini-budget to protect home owners against the massive impact of increases in the mortgage rate. The Government must consider even on a temporary basis, raising the ceiling for mortgage interest relief to a higher level, say 100 per cent of interest up to a ceiling of £5,000 per annum for a married couple instead of the present figure of 80 per cent of £4,000. The Government say this is a short term crisis. If that is the case, and hopefully despite the announcement made this morning by a senior banker it is, this measure will not cost the Government a great deal of money. For several days before the National Treasury Management Agency took action, we were calling for them to use the mechanisms available to increase the foreign component of borrowing, to provide additional liquidity in the financial markets, and we welcomed their decision last week to draw down up to £0.5 billion in foreign currencies, but there is no reason they should not go a lot further and they should have acted more quickly than they did. Indeed, if the Minister for Finance had not gone on radio prior to any increase in interest rates, and effectively sanctioned an increase before it was announced, that increase could have been avoided by prompt and effective action in relation to foreign currency.

The agency have facilities available to them of £2 billion, which can be drawn down literally in a matter of hours. Using a substantial proportion of that facility would strengthen our reserves, strengthen the púnt and ease pressure on interest rates considerably.

Much of the speculation against the púnt has been done by domestic businesses and some individual speculators and Irish pension funds. Large transactions where Irish entities sell púnts to buy foreign currencies can be a breach of exchange controls unless they are carried out with the permission of the Central Bank. The Government should be ordering the maximum monitoring and control of such transactions to ensure that exchange control regulations are strictly observed. Any transactions which appear to the authorities to be purely for speculative purposes should be forbidden.

The Government should establish a fund — part of the so-called £100 million could be used — to assist targeted businesses which have been particularly affected by changes in sterling. These would in the main be labour intensive businesses which export to the UK and/or which import raw materials from the UK. This fund should be administered by the IDA in the short term and not by the trade board, as I understand is the present intention. Let me make this point clear. The fund should be used in a properly accounted way and it should be used only to subsidise employment, not profits. It remains to be seen if these objectives will be met.

However, these are short term measures. It is worrying in the extreme that the Government have lacked the courage and imagination to take measures that are necessary in the short term. What is far more worrying even than that is the fact that this Government have no apparent strategy, as clarified by the Taoiseach this morning, for dealing with the longer term implications of the present situation in Europe. The assault on national currencies that has taken place and that has caused untold damage tells us a lot about the Europe we live in now and about the Europe that we need to build. In a truly integrated and co-operative Europe the outburst of greed and avarice that dominated the financial markets over the last few weeks would not have been allowed to happen. There has been much talk about speculators going to war against the ERM, as if we were dealing with a handful of individuals, armed to the teeth with briefcases and filofaxes, making a killing on the stock exchanges of the world.

The "speculators" who unleashed their greed on the financial markets were highly respected and powerful multi-national banks and other financial institutions — like pension funds, for example, set up to ensure security for working people in the first instance. British banks, in all probability, made huge profits from bringing sterling to its knees. British pension funds have contributed to the thousands of job losses that may well flow from the damage that has been done to the British economy and to Irish competitiveness, as we have already seen job losses directly caused by the weakness of sterling. The philosophy that has underpinned this immoral and irrational outburst of greed is the philosophy known as "free market forces". Whatever the markets do — even if the actions of the markets bring countries to the brink of financial humiliation, as happened across the water — must be all right, because "free market forces" is the new religion, the markets are the new cathedrals, and the speculators the new high priests.

There are, or there ought to be, lessons in all of this. In the context of Europe the lesson surely is a simple one. The only kind of Europe that will work is a highly co-operative Europe. A Europe built exclusively on free market forces cannot survive indefinitely. A progressive Europe must by definition be a social Europe as well as a highly dynamic and efficient one. It must be a Europe prepared to distribute wealth wisely and fairly, as well as to create wealth. When I attend the meeting of leaders of the Socialist Parties in Europe this weekend, that is the model of an integrated Europe I will be pressing for, and I know that view will be shared by all of my colleagues at that meeting.

However, the principle of integration cannot be lost sight of either in the midst of all these setbacks to the Maastricht Treaty. In many ways the Treaty is less important than the spirit of integration and the commitment to integration. The principle is this, European integration is vital, because the most likely alternative is disintegration and the chaos we have had for the past few weeks. The spirit and the process must be rebuilt even if that involves making the kind of changes that will make the present Treaty more accessible and meaningful to citizens. It will never be enough to build a Treaty supported by bankers and financiers.

By the same token, European integration must not, and cannot, be built around the notion of a two-speed or a three-speed Europe. It would be my hope and expectation that the Irish Government will fiercely resist the incipient moves already taking place in that direction. In a recent newspaper article I argued that we have to make the case again and again that it would be a major historical miscalculation on the part of any EC member state to believe that the exclusion of Britain, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece as well as Ireland, which account for 50 per cent of EC output, from any monetary union would not undermine, perhaps fatally, the EC itself. The Maastricht treaties cannot be implemented on an a la carte basis. They fall unless they apply to all.

Neither will European Union succeed unless it addresses the needs of the millions unemployed in the Community, whose number is set to rise. Uncertainty and unemployment are the twin effects of an economic policy which has exchange rate stability and low inflation as its overriding priorities irrespective of the consequences for the level of economic activity and employment. The Bundesbank which, in the interest of German unification, was prepared to go along with parity between the East German currency and the Deutsche Mark was not so accommodating when asked to reduce German interest rates to preserve sterling's position in the ERM. For an institution which claims to be independent of politics there have issued in the past two weeks a number of statements from its spokesmen, all of which seem to me a rejection in one form or another of both a European Central Bank and a single currency as laid down in the Maastricht Treaty. This is unhelpful to those countries, including us, which are coping with the severe adjustments necessary to stay within the ERM in the face of persistent speculation.

The paradox for Ireland is that having taken corrective action to reduce inflation and our public sector deficit, which are now close to the Maastricht conditions for European Monetary Union, we find that interest rates are up by 3 per cent and may have to rise further to stay with the Deutsche Mark. Germany's public sector deficit is well outside the 3 per cent target rate. If Germany were to fund more of the costs of unification through increased taxes, German interest rates could be reduced, thus helping other currencies to stabilise.

Our Government could hardly be expected to achieve such a development alone. However, it is in the interest of those countries whose currencies are under attack to strongly urge Germany to take account of the European implications of German monetary policy. As our main trading partner, it is in our interest that Britain should not be shunned but rather encouraged back into the fold. This is the only way to avoid devaluation of the punt, because there is no political possibility of Mr. Major bringing the Maastricht Bill before the House of Commons and the UK rejoining the ERM without some movement in German interest rates. Until the Danes and the UK pass the Treaty the current uncertainty will persist and sterling will remain outside the ERM and probably continue to fall. That would force us to choose between devaluation or crippling interest rates.

Interest rates at current levels are unsustainable; they have to be brought down. Apart from the measures which we can take here, Germany has to be encouraged to give positive leadership on this question immediately. Otherwise the special summit in Birmingham could mark the beginning of the break-up of the EC and not just the end of Maastricht. Without a reduction of German interest rates, Irish rates are not going to come down and stay down. The consequences do not appear to have been taken on board by the Government for a period beyond three months. That would represent an unacceptable price for membership of any monetary union.

Perhaps the Minister for Finance will have an opportunity during the course of the day to comment on interest rates and the statement this morning by a senior bank official. Many people will be dismayed by the fact that the high interest rates are likely to continue for a further 12 months and, perhaps, indefinitely. Direct intervention and clarification by the Minister is necessary today before there is further panic in business and domestic situations.

On the wider issue of the appropriate economic policies which EC countries should pursue, unless there is a co-ordinated European reflation the prospects of additional growth for monetary union, whether one-speed or two-speed, will simply not materialise. The US and Japanese Governments are at least actively trying to stimulate their economies. Germany now greatly influences the macro-economic policy of the majority of EC countries. The current policy may be working for Germany, but it is not working for the rest of the European Community.

While I do not believe the Maastricht Treaties are a sufficient recipe for unifying Europe, we have had a glimpse over the past two to three weeks of the forces unregulated capital markets can unleash. It is time the people of Europe were heard through their democratic representatives. Otherwise they may turn to those who offer apparent security in regionalism, nationalism or even worse. In my opinion that would be a disaster for Ireland and the European Community as a whole.

The stresses within Germany from the influx of East Europeans and refugees from Yugoslavia probably are not fully appreciated by other countries. Those stresses can be resolved within a European context only through the development of a coherent foreign policy toward the new East European democracies. I am hopeful that democracy will not fail Europe as it did in the thirties; but it will require a commitment to a Europe of full employment, equal opportunities and co-operation if it is to succeed. The consensus for European unity will flounder if monetary union proceeds while these goals are overlooked. It is time for us to begin giving leadership, if only we had a Government that recognised the urgency of so doing.

There are measures we can take in relation to our difficult position. Six months ago I referred to the unemployment crisis as a moral issue. I believe it is a moral issue. I repeated that assertion a couple of weeks ago, in fact on the same day that Cardinal Daly made the same point. But this Government appear blind to the reality of that moral issue, to the kind of all-embracing crusade we need to confront it. The Taoiseach's remark this morning that the unemployment crisis is merely a function of demographic factors and inward migration — in other words, the people of Ireland are to blame for the crisis — is a good illustration of how blind are the Government to the reality.

The Labour Party do not claim to have all the answers; nobody does. This emergency warrants a response from everyone and will not be confronted unless we are all prepared to swallow unpalatable medicine. That is why I say we must start from the point that it is an emergency. The Government should make no bones about it. There is an emergency and crisis confronting all of us in relation to the high levels of our unemployment. There is not a household here that has not been touched by this emergency. Equally, there is not a household here that cannot contribute to its solution. We have to begin by agreeing that the time has come for a redirection of Government policy to the objective of full employment at adequate levels of income. This must be sufficient to provide a standard of living which improves in line with the increase in wealth and income generated in Ireland and within the European Community.

With total unemployment in the EC standing at 15 million people and Ireland's total out of work numbering 300,000, this may seem unrealistic. Seven million people have been out of work for over a year in EC countries. It must also be recognised that involuntary unemployment in the European Community, particularly in Ireland, will continue to grow unless Governments rededicate their main priority of public policy to full employment. Nothing less will achieve the necessary political mobilisation of people and of resources which are available on a scale that did not exist after World War II or in previous decades. In the context of that kind of mobilisation we can adopt the medium and longer term approaches the Labour Party advocate in regard to the issue of industrial policy, the issue of State intervention, our opposition to privatisation and so on. But we cannot ignore the urgency of acting now, if for no other reason than to prevent the explosion of the powder keg of social marginalisation which daily threatens our society.

For that reason I want to put forward some constructive suggestions of what can and should be done now. I shall repeat some I made in the course of the summer. A great deal of Government time has been taken up with privatisation legislation. The failure of the Government's one real attempt to actively promote, on a selective basis, the growth of a large indigenous manufacturer — Goodman International — may have profound implications for the prospects of the Culliton report's recommendations in that regard being implemented by any Government in the foreseeable future. The food industry, in particular the dairy co-operatives, is badly in need of urgent action to restructure it into businesses of sufficient scale to successfully compete and survive in the new Europe.

While the IDA have been engaged in company development programmes since 1985 with a number of food companies, the critical issue of reaching the minimum turnover threshold of £2 billion to compete in Europe has been put on the back burner. There is a serious danger that a combination of the Goodman fiasco and the distraction of a great deal of Government energies in privatisation of part or all of the remaining State assets may see a neglect of the development of even one large indigenous food company here. The Culliton report's apparent urging or encouragement of foreign investment in the food industry at best would appear to be a second best strategy in addressing this dilemma. The dairy co-operatives now represent the only serious capability of indigenous food companies with the potential to develop into Irish international food companies. What is urgently needed is an integrated development plan which clearly spells out to the co-operatives that State support will be supplied only in support of mergers among them in respect of their European operations.

In 1977 the Government introduced a 3 per cent quota for employment in the public service for those with a physical or other disability. The idea was a recognition that in the open labour market active discrimination in favour of a group which would otherwise experience massive discrimination was essential. Unfortunately, that 3 per cent target, like the 0.7 per cent target for overseas development aid, has been honoured in a largely token manner. In 1990 545 people only were employed in the public services which, out of a total of 179,000 people employed, was considerably below 3 per cent. Unemployment among people with disabilities now is estimated at 80 per cent. The long term unemployed fall into the same social category as the disabled in the labour market — they are out of sight and, sadly, out of mind. In practice the disabilities from which they suffer are social — age, education, sometimes health-related, the number of dependants and lack of a recent employment record.

In any programme targeted at the long term unemployed the Irish Government and society in general first should address the shameful neglect of the group most vulnerable to discrimination, those with a physical disability or mental handicap. The 3 per cent quota should be given the place it was originally accorded and met in earnest by Government. In this respect the Government can give a lead by honouring their pledge in the public sector. In addition serious consideration should be given to legislation for a quota throughout our economy. At the very least this issue should be on top of the agenda for any future talks between Government and the social partners.

Ireland must recognise the growing plight of the 400 million inhabitants of the Continent of Africa in danger of suffering from drought, famine and disease while the countries of the north continue to prosper. Of course, there are many countries of the Third World outside of Africa also in need of key personnel and aid. In this respect President Robinson has shown us the way. By increasing Ireland's commitment to overseas development aid from the current shameful level of 0.2 per cent of GNP to 0.7 per cent by the year 2000 we could provide up to 6,000 professionally trained Irish personnel, free of salary costs, to developing countries. This would create vacancies during the period such personnel were employed in the Third World while making a real contribution to the Third World.

Already we have agencies in place with the necessary skills to train and place people in the Third World. All they lack are commitment and resources on the part of Government. There are hundreds if not thousands of people willing to volunteer for this work. Incentives should be put in place to render it a practical proposition. For example, nobody giving service in the Third World should lose out in the social welfare system; for example, there should be a guarantee of further education for anybody returning home if they want it. As a first step the Agency for Personal Service Overseas should be asked to produce an urgent study on how we could contribute personnel and expertise if the necessary resources were put in place. Development in this area could readily be funded by individuals and businesses willing to contribute to recognised Third World agencies working in co-operation with the Government and being able to regard such contributions as tax deductible. The Labour Party will be moving an amendment to the next Finance Bill to enable this be done. We urge the Government to accept this approach.

Proposals developed by the Labour Party some time ago to increase the level of subsidy payable under a revamped employment incentive scheme are borne out totally by the empirical research into employer attitudes toward the long term unemployed and by economic analysis. A national employment job placement and training scheme for the long term unemployed is absolutely essential to reduce the long term unemployment figure to approximately 25,000 over the next decade. It must contain the following features. It must be targeted at the filling of any vacancy, not additional vacancies, as is the case under the present employment subsidy scheme. It must be confined to those who have been out of work for 12 months or longer, or who are currently participating in training employment schemes having been 12 months out of work.

In addition, employer subsidies must be realistic. I would suggest the following amounts: £132 per week in the first year; £120 per week in the second year and £120 per week in the third year. I would suggest also a £2,500 cash grant to employers who retain long term unemployed in employment for a further minimum period of two years. I suggest also an agreed quota of vacancies reserved for the unemployed in the public and private sectors. This would be by agreement with employers and unions and initiated by Government. All long term unemployed taken on under the provisions of the scheme should participate in FÁS-funded training and where necessary a national pre-return to work counselling service should be available to all of those recruited under the scheme. Funding for the scheme should qualify under the terms of the second Structural Funds programme and be largely self-financing in the long term.

In relation to FÁS — the national labour market agency — I might point out that in an analysis of the composition of labour market intervention expenditure the ESRI's Professor Gerry Sexton rejected the criticism in the Tansey/Roche report on industrial training that FAS were spending too much of their budget on training the long term unemployed. Professor Sexton's contention that there should not be a completely separate training agency for those in work and the unemployed is at the heart of the issue of equality for the unemployed in their reintegration into the world of work. There is a good case for the development of separate divisions within FÁS to deal with training and job placement for the unemployed. Rather than reducing the role of FÁS as the main labour market agency, they need to have their role clarified and focused with a view to supporting the skills training of those in work while actively expanding job placement for the unemployed following on training.

The Government's £54 per week employment subsidy scheme targets additional employment vacancies over base employment as of 1 November 1991 for those people who have been two months or more on the live register. This could prove to be a most effective incentive to employers to fill vacancies with young, well educated unemployed persons. However, it is predictable that employers will concentrate recruitment on those under 25 years of age not unemployed for more than six months. Because such young labour market entrants have a high probability of securing employment without any wage subsidy it is proper that this scheme be confined to additional vacancies. However, in the case of the long term unemployed, wage subsidies should be payable for the filling of any vacancy if the long term unemployed are to secure employment. A certain level of displacement is the inevitable and necessary price which should be paid to enable their re-entry to work.

Given that skills training will increase for those at work, it is crucial that FÁS retain quality training programmes for the long term unemployed. By linking training with substantial job placement subsidies the balance of disadvantage, which would otherwise increase for the long term unemployed, can be tilted in their favour. The role of FÁS as the national labour market agency should be established on a regional basis. Employers should be required to register with each regional labour market board.

In regard to education and its contribution to the long term solution, I should point out that studies have shown consistently that perhaps low educational achievement is the biggest supply side factor contributing to the expansion of long term unemployment. The prevention of future unemployment lies in a concentration of resources on expanding the extent and quality of education for the whole population, but particularly for socially disadvantaged groups, and in their case it must begin at pre-school level. The objective should be to raise the school leaving age to 17 years by the year 1995 and to increase the proportion of school leavers in third level education.

A sustained expansion of education for vulnerable, disadvantaged children will in time reduce the flow into long term unemployment of the under-25 age group. Given the chronic labour surplus that will persist until after the year 2000, an expansion of resources in education is the key strategy for improving the future mobility of labour market entrants to other EC countries.

A national language training programme should begin for all children aged nine upwards and should include at least two European languages other than Irish and English. Opportunities for young Irish school leavers within the EC will be greatly restricted until the national languages gap is closed. Indeed our marketing effort in other European countries also will be restricted until we narrow that language gap. Shortages within the under-25 age groups in Germany and Holland point to obvious choices.

The expansion of educational services must be State-led and funded, with an important although subsidiary role for the market sector, particularly in language training. The aim for the year 2000 should be a shift of resources towards education which will improve the work options in Europe for all school leavers. Opening up more choices to school leavers, however, should not be seen in the same light as the recent hidden policy of encouraging as many of our school leavers as possible to emigrate. Language education is fundamentally important to our future ability to compete in the European marketplace, as well as contributing to the life skills and choices of young people.

If Ireland adopts a policy of relying on voluntary migration as the main hope of reducing unemployment, we can hardly expect the major EC countries to contemplate a 5 to 10 per cent of GDP European Federal Budget to accompany full monetary union.

Another essential avenue to expand the number of new vacancies in the labour market is through deliberate expansion of less than full-time work through the promotion of work-sharing. The employment creating potential of work sharing is through the spreading of available work with the maximum possible participation from the employed labour force. It is particularly appropriate if the vacancies are targeted to directly reduce unemployment, that is, take people off the live register or transfer them from training schemes.

The national voluntary work-sharing scheme we have already published, which aims at creating 75,000 additional vacancies in the period 1993-95, has already received a measure of support from both employer and trade union organisations. It is long past the time that the Government, in consultation with the social partners, began to address this issue seriously. I would be happy to supply them with a fully worked-out scheme which would make a substantial contribution to the resolution of the crisis we face.

European trade unions now are looking at the possibility of shifting annual working hours to a standard year of 1,000 working hours and also to examine structural changes in the pattern of working life, a replacement of the old "Three 48s"— a 48 hour week, a 48 week year, a 48 year working life — by the "Three 35s". This would envisage a 35 hour week over a 35 week year and a 35 year working life.

These concepts are useful as benchmarks in examining the possibilities of a cost-neutral restructuring of working time, both on a weekly, yearly and lifetime basis. They need not be taken literally and need not apply in any mechanistic way to every economic sector or to every employed person at the same phase in their working life. However, if we are to accommodate in Europe the growing aspirations of women to fully participate in work, while also protecting the family and family life by providing real childcare facilities which are protective of the family, and release women to participate in the workforce, if we are to eliminate long term unemployment and prevent its re-emergence, then no growth rate achieved even in the 1950s to 1970s period in Europe could achieve all three objectives through growth alone. The test for Europe is whether it is a Community or simply a market.

These are only some suggestions, put forward in a constructive attempt to persuade the Government that there are practical ways of beginning to address the crisis.

This morning the Taoiseach referred to those who "decry" our economic fundamentals. Is he relying on the politics of Alice in Wonderland, stating “the economic fundamentals are whatever I say they are”?

The trouble with this Taoiseach and his Government is that they have completely forgotten that the real economic fundamental in Ireland is its people. For as long as that fundamental is ignored, all the other fundamentals are meaningless. It is because this Government have consciously and deliberately failed their people that they stand accused today of ignoring and damaging the real fundamentals. That is why it is time for them to go and to let the people pass judgment on their performance.

I do not propose to range very widely in my contribution but a number of basic things need to be said, specifically in relation to the savage consequences of the currency crisis, which is being presented by the Government and most media commentators to ordinary citizens as an act of God or something outside our control. The chaos in the markets is above all else a failure of politics. The high handed political élite who negotiated Maastricht behind closed doors created the circumstances for the assault on the markets by the speculators and profiteers. Now the financiers and speculators are in control, dictating to the politicians and piling misery on ordinary people.

The concept of genuine European integration is a fine aspiration but, as Democratic Left alone pointed out during the Maastricht campaign, the Maastricht Treaty is deficient, the process flawed, and the attempt to impose it on the people of Europe has failed. For the Taoiseach to argue, as he did recently after the french referendum, that Maastricht was on course was a nonsense and the current crisis is a clear indication that it is a nonsense.

The governments of Europe must go back to the drawing board. They must respond to what is clearly a crisis not only in the UK but affecting virtually every economy of the EC. The response from the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance is apparently to carry on regardless. Maastricht cannot proceed and European Monetary Union, an intrinsic part of Maastricht, cannot proceed unless serious political control is exercised over the financial markets.

The direction and overall control of national economies, not least in Ireland, has escaped the clutches of elected governments and is now in the hands of the financiers who have no interest in the public good, no interest in jobs, no interest in poverty, simply an interest in what can be made out of the latest round of speculation. It is a curious fact that the speculators will make money regardless of whether our currency goes up or down or whether the British economy is in tatters or not.

It ought to be the primary objective of our Government to win the co-operation of other national governments in the European Community in re-asserting political control over the financial markets. Repeating the mantra that the fundamentals of our economy are sound, as the Taoiseach did this morning, is nonsense when people are losing their jobs because of interest rate hikes and home owners are being punished in the vain search to persuade the vultures to bring the money back into the Irish marketplace. Without political control the untrammelled market becomes an agent of misery for ordinary people.

Political control can only be effectively asserted in co-operation with other EC governments. It is a curious aspect of the way the EC has developed that by and large most governments within the EC and most parties refuse to acknowledge the degree to which they have lost national control over their own economies, markets and currencies. They continue to pretend that they have power over these things when in fact the real power can be exercised only if they combine together. The crisis is not an act of God. One hundred times the Irish gross national product is being traded in the money markets in a frenetic drive for short term profit. Meanwhile, RTE, our national broadcasting service, turn day after day for commentary to those very economic commentators who themselves, their banks and finance houses, have a vested interest in the crisis continuing.

The chaos we have seen on the international money market reflects the worst elements of an archaic capitalism. There is now an urgent obligation on EC Governments to take action to stop the speculation and ensure that entire economies are not destroyed. Speculators are making huge fortunes on this market but they are speculating not just with currencies, not just with pieces of paper, but with the jobs and living standards of workers and their families here, in Britain and elsewhere. People throughout Europe are looking in astonishment at these events and asking who is in control, the democratically elected Governments or the unelected speculators who are motivated only by greed?

A number of Governments share the blame for persisting with national economic policies which were bound to create serious difficulties for other member states. The seeds of the current crisis were planted when the German Government decided to attempt to fund the cost of reunification without raising the necessary revenue through additional taxation. However, it should not be believed that that is the only cause of the current crisis. In addition, we are also reaping the whirlwind of the Tory monetarist policy in Britain for over a decade. The European Community and all Governments of the European Community must share the blame for not putting the necessary structures in place to monitor trends, to anticipate these developments and to respond in time. Speculators have been allowed set the pace and national Governments and the European Community are clearly in disarray.

The chaos increases the case for more rapid progress towards monetary union, but the proposed European Central Bank under that proposal, which will have a crucial role to play in this process, must be under democratic control. We must seize the initiative from the bankers and speculators and give it to the people representing us. I am not arguing for political control in the sense that Governments or even the EC would interfere on a daily basis with the operation of a European Central Bank. I am suggesting that Governments and the European Community must insist on Central Banks operating to criteria which ensure the development of the economies of the European Community, particularly the least developed areas, and must also insist that they operate within criteria which do not create chaos and destroy jobs. It is equally important, if there is to be any serious move towards monetary union which will develop in a way which would ensure that the Irish economy is not left in a backwater, that such a move is tied in with a European wide industrial policy. Unless there is an assurance that areas like Ireland will be assisted to develop their economies and develop wealth creating jobs and that there will be automatic transfers to less developed areas, monetary union alone will not solve any problems. We repeatedly pointed that out during the Maastricht referendum campaign. Unfortunately the Fianna Fáil Party, the Fine Gael Party, the Progressive Democrats and the Labour Party ignored what we were saying on these issues. The chickens have now come home to roost.

The Leader of the Labour Party is now doing astonishing U-turns on the position he announced during the referendum campaign on Maastricht. I whole heartedly welcome the fact that he has discovered the errors he made in relation to Maastricht. We pointed out that the Maastricht agreement was a flawed document, that it represented a flawed compromise. We pointed out that we were in favour of an integrated Europe but that we wanted a democratic Europe which moved towards monetary union on the basis of all the underdeveloped areas of the European Community being assisted to develop jobs and an economy which could sustain their populations so that people would not be sucked out of Ireland, Spain and Greece to other parts of the European Community and elsewhere to take up jobs when jobs should be created in the peripheral areas.

There has been a lot of comment about the position of sterling and what our relationship to it should be, now that sterling is outside the ERM and is floating freely. That is an aspect of the current problem which the House should address. Almost one-third of our exports are to the UK; in terms of value added, the proportion is greater than one-third. Since we are talking about our nearest neighbour and a market of more than 50 million people, it is reasonable to suggest that we will continue to trade at around 30 per cent with the UK.

This is a large proportion of our trade that must be protected. I am not arguing that we should hitch our wagon to Britain's declining industrial star. There are fundamental and inherent weaknesses in the British economy which 13 years of Thatcherism has deepened. It is this fundamental weakness in the British economy that set the scene for black Wednesday. The vultures were only waiting to swoop.

As I have said already the conventional wisdom that German unification is responsible for the sterling crisis is only part of the explanation. Of course, if Germany was prepared to take fiscal rather than monetary measures to pay for unification it would have been less painful for all of us. The Bundesbank vetoed that approach but if the underlying weakness of the UK economy was not a factor, the pound might have weathered the storm. It is wrong to suggest, as some commentators have, that we should renew the link with sterling. There is no future for this economy in tying ourselves to an economy in trouble. There is no joy for Irish people in the decay of the British economy which has given jobs to so many Irish people for almost 100 years when our economy could not, and still does not, provide adequate numbers of jobs to the people who need them here.

If our economy is to expand and create wealth and jobs, our exporters must be induced to look for new markets in the European Community, in particular in Germany and the Benelux countries. Our task therefore, is to protect what we have in the UK and expand our market share in the rest of the European Community. For that reason, I agree with the Government objective of staying with the Deutsche Mark. However, if the pound was to continue to fall, although there are hopeful signs that it is beginning to stabilise, it is clear that there would be serious implications for employment in vulnerable traded sectors to the UK. We are, without a doubt, between a rock and a hard place. Provided political leaders can assert themselves in the manner I suggested earlier, a negotiated realignment within the ERM is the best of difficult options.

I do not believe that the man or woman in the street thinks the pound is worth £1.06. The Government can, if they wish, talk us into the fast lane, it would be a bit like believing that the Olympics will come to Dublin some time, but talk about the fundamentals being sound rings hollow for the people who live in the real economy. No economy that has 20 per cent of its people unemployed and 30 per cent of its people living on or below the poverty line can claim that the fundamentals are sound. Therefore protection of existing employment must be a priority and subsidies, welcome as they are, can only be a short term remedy.

I believe, therefore, that it must be said that a negotiated realignment within the ERM may well be inescapable. I do not believe that a limited move towards the pre-crisis status would necessarily be punitive since I do not believe that it would be inflationary. Even for those companies sourcing their imports in the European Community there are currently considerable savings for those importing from Britain. The impact would be tempered by the fact that many of these imports are in any event intra-company transactions. Certainly, when faced with the alternative, which is job losses, this approach is more acceptable.

A number of issues arise from the current crisis which also need to be addressed and which I want to advert to briefly. The fact that the Government have announced a £50 million package to assist exporters is certainly to be welcomed and I hope that it has the desired effect of protecting jobs. However, there is also a need for strong action on the question of profiteering on the part of companies that are currently importing the bulk of their goods from Great Britain.

In the past number of weeks the punt has been effectively revalued upwards against sterling be roughly 16 per cent, depending on the day the calculation was made. While this obviously poses a threat to jobs in companies which export to Britain, it should also have led to an across-the-board reduction in the price of goods imported from there. However, there has been no serious evidence yet of any widespread reduction in the price of goods. Weekend shoppers will tell one that there has been some reduction but that the price of most goods has remained static and this is true not just of goods bought in advance but of items purchased on a weekly basis such as publications and perishable foodstuffs. If private industry expects assistance when some firms get into difficulty because of the currency crisis, there is an obligation on them to ensure that the benefits are passed on as savings to customers. In the absence of any immediate response from industry and businesses to this kind of appeal, then obviously the Minister for Industry and Commerce has an obligation to ensure that they do in fact reduce their prices.

The other serious impact which the current crisis has had is on those who are attempting to buy their own homes. Increasing mortgage rates by 3 per cent is bleak news for householders. It is virtually certain that in many cases people will have to find an extra £80 per month to pay their mortgages. There are tens of thousands of families in this situation and their standard of living will be badly hit. The mortgage increase will, in many cases, more than wipe out the benefit of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress increases over the past two years. Workers on the average industrial wage would have benefited by about £16.70 per week from the combined 7 per cent Programme for Economic and Social Progress increases over the past two years but if these same workers have a mortgage of £40,000 they will see a drop in income of about £21 a week. Any reduction in the price of some goods arising from exchange rate fluctuations is unlikely to go anyway towards compensating people for that loss. Householders who face a major drop in income are entitled to the same consideration as those exporters who have difficulty in selling into the British market. Families will simply have to be compensated either by increased wages and social welfare payments or a reduction in the tax burden where that is applicable. Ordinary families struggling to make ends meet must not be the only ones asked to put their hands in their pockets to pay the cost of the current appalling currency speculation.

Let me repeat that the current crisis is primarily a political failure of the Governments of the European Community to exercise control over the money markets. It is not good enough to argue on the one hand that we can as a Community establish monetary union and, on the other, when weaknesses show up in the ERM, throw our hands up in the air and say we cannot control it, that, in the words of Margaret Thatcher, the market cannot be bucked. If that is true then we may as well all fold up our tents and go home and stop pretending that we have any role in society whatsoever.

This debate is taking place against the background of a currency crisis and a jobs crisis, of uncertainty about the European Community and the increasing loss of confidence in this Government. To date their response to the crisis and the challenges facing the Irish economy has been inadequate and shortsighted. They have given no indication that they have come to grips with the situation.

I should have said at the outset that I would like to divide my time with Deputy Ivan Yates, with the permission of the House.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

The Government's failure to come to terms with the change in policies necessary to overcome the crisis is exacerbating divisions between different sections of our society and weakening our capacity to overcome problems and achieve progress. I was astounded to hear the Taoiseach say this morning that the people who said that society was being weakened by what is happening, by the fact that we have 300,000 people unemployed, were harbingers of bad tidings. If he read any of the social documents being produced, if he listened to what was being said, particularly at the conference hosted last weekend by the Bishop of Cork about the effect unemployment is having in Cork and particularly on the north side of Cork, he could not come out with that statement. Certainly the person who wrote that into his speech must have no understanding of the hardship being experienced by many families all over the country.

The proposed market development fund is an example of the Government's failure to act imaginatively and to develop clear and practical policies. The application and operation of the fund raises a number of questions and problems. For instance, what would be the cost to a company when they apply for assistance from this fund? I have been speaking recently about the loss of competitiveness being experienced by Irish firms because of Government action in this regard. Here is another example. Even as I speak, I gather the rules relating to the fund are being rewritten. What was in the papers yesterday will no longer apply. I am not sure if that is correct but I was told that in the last hour or so. The subsidy will be based on the percentage of a firm's exports to or imports from the UK. If auditors' accounts are necessary to apply for the funds, then the whole benefit of the fund will be destroyed because of the cost of making the application and the bureaucracy of going to auditors to go through accounts to make sure that firms are not using fictitious figures to get a grant.

I have already made the point, in this House and elsewhere, that the cost of complying with more and more Government laws and regulations is having an adverse effect on the cost of doing business in this country. Yesterday I asked the Minister if any assessment had been done as to the effect of Government regulations on the profitability of small and medium sized businesses. He said that an assessment had been undertaken nationally in 1988-90, that in the course of their work the group who had been asked to do the assessment considered approximately 100 proposals from various interested bodies to lighten the administrative burden of business, that a number of these proposals resulted in the implementation of recommendations made to the Department and that no recent assessment has been done.

The position has got considerably worse since 1988 in that regard. One can be sure that if 100 proposals were forwarded by various industrial bodies in 1988 the number has trebled or quadrupled at this stage. From my connections with the business community, both in my private life and in relation to my responsibilities in this House, I am aware that the cost of complying with Government regulations is high on the list of complaints of industrial bodies, business houses and others.

For example, the provisions of the Finance Act, 1992, allow the Revenue Commissioners ensure that publicans do not receive licences until their affairs are cleared up with them. I object to the attitude, adopted by Members of this House and the media, that all publicans and owners of small businesses are dishonest crooks who are trying to do down the rest of the people. Most of them are one or two man businesses and they are finding it extremely difficult to make a living given that they are continually under pressure from the bigger concerns which are able to sell drink at cheaper prices. The Finance Act, 1992 will sound the death knell for many of these businesses which are social clubs in many parts of rural Ireland. So far as business is concerned, the Finance Act, 1992 is the most disastrous legislation ever put through this House.

Has the new scheme to which I referred, the market development fund, been approved by the European Community as it appears to distort competition and contravene the Competition Bill which was passed in this House last year?

A number of other shortcomings and problems should be noted. Data distortions caused by multi-national experts mean that much of the analysis of our dependence on the British market and our relative competitiveness is not soundly based. The Taoiseach said that only 32 per cent of our export go to Britain and therefore the problem is not as great as people seem to think. That is quite wrong because those firms which export to Britain are labour intensive indigenous industries such as the clothing, furniture and food industries which have low margins and high employment levels. They are 100 per cent Irish owned. They are the firms affected whereas the big export firms are not exporting to Britain or if they are they are not as price sensitive as the smaller indigenous firms. For indigenous businesses, the British market is a vital one and in many ways it represents a base for sales without which many firms would be at risk.

The currency change against sterling has come after a period of depressed demand on the British market so that the loss of competitiveness being experienced adds to the list of problems that companies are facing. The suggestion that we should use data such as the percentage of output exported to Britain as an indicator of the relative importance of the British market is too crude a measure because many firms which export, say only 10 per cent of their output, find that it is the 10 per cent of their sales that makes the difference between survival and loss on the one hand and failure and closure on the other.

The criteria for compensating measures put forward by the Government need to be spelled out clearly. If it is only to be available, as the media reports suggest, to firms which export more than 50 per cent of their output to Britain I am not sure if many of the firms in trouble will be eligible. I understand that this is being redrafted and that the figure of 50 per cent has been reduced to 35 per cent. Evidently, the rules will state that a firm which exports 35 per cent of their output to Britain will be eligible for a subsidy of £50 per employee per week between now and 31 March next. That is a ridiculous way to proceed because, the 10 per cent of sales to which I referred could be the vital 10 per cent.

Furthermore, it is grossly unfair that a firm which exports 20 per cent of their output to Britain should be denied the benefit of a subsidy given that a firm which exports 35 per cent of their output will receive a subsidy. It is distorting our market as well as distorting what is happening in the British economy. I hope that when the rules are re-written note will be taken of what I am saying and what I said to the Minister in the House yesterday, that all firms affected should be subsidised to the extent that they are affected, be it 5 per cent of their sales or 95 per cent. The subsidy should apply to the proportion of their sales affected.

The Government should revise the market development fund because as it stands it is unworkable and unduly bureaucratic. Many of the firms in difficulty will not qualify. If the scheme was changed to allow firms to benefit in proportion to their UK sales it would have a real beneficial impact. In other words, firms which export more than 50 per cent of their output to Britain should receive £50 for each employee. In addition, firms which export 20 per cent of their output should receive £50 in respect of 20 per cent of their employees and so on. Such a provision would demonstrate that the Government recognise the problems facing businesses.

In relation to who will be responsible for operating the fund, the Minister said that the fund will be administered by a special management team drawn from the relevant State bodies; that the establishment and management of the fund will be supervised and directed by a management board which will comprise the managing directors and chief executives of An Bord Tráchtála, FÁS and the IDA together with representatives of the Departments of Agriculture and Food, Finance, Industry and Commerce, Labour and the Marine and a representative of industry/employer bodies and the ICTU. That is fine but one of the major industries that will be affected is the tourism industry; yet there has not been one word about that industry or any indication that there will be a representative of any tourism body on the management board of this company.

I do not know whether the Minister realises this but tourism is, in fact, an export industry. Indeed, as we were told by the Culliton review group, it is one of our most important exports and has great potential for job creation in the future. At this time the tourism industry are trying to put together brochures, offers and holiday mixes for sale next year. Yet, they are not going to be considered for a subsidy under this scheme and even if they were they would not receive a subsidy because it is due to run out on 31 March next.

It appears therefore the Minister has not thought this scheme through. Indeed, the attitude adopted by the Government towards the tourism industry is quite extraordinary. They failed to include it on the list of matters to be investigated by the Culliton review group. They then hastily put together a tourism investigation board at the beginning of this year but so far as I am aware that board have not reported. We are now in the middle of October which is the critical period in relation to planning for the tourism industry. They are stuck with a Government which hardly recognise their existence and who have not published the report on the tourism industry they asked for at a time when the planning process for the 1993 season is proceeding. On top of this, the industry have been adversely affected by the change in the relationship between sterling and the Irish pound. Despite this the Government are to exclude them and not allow them to benefit from this subsidy. I hope they will look at this matter again.

I suggested at the weekend that the Government should consider introducing a council on competitiveness. Such a council could assess the impact of various measures proposed by the Government on the competitiveness of Irish industry. Firms face additional costs in complying with the increasing volume of Government legislation in areas such as environmental protection, fire regulations, product liability, safety, health and welfare at work and complying with the growing demands of tax legislation.

Many of these measures set out to achieve desirable aims. Nevertheless, there is a direct impact on individual firms through the cost of meeting the new regulations in terms of time and administration and the cost of advice. These costs and their eventual impact on jobs must be recognised, estimated and explicitly stated at the time the Government measures are introduced and debated. This has happened already in the United States. A council on competitiveness could carry out this assessment. It would help to minimise the amount of regulation and bureaucratic control on business and examine all regulations to minimise compliance costs on business.

Part of the problem facing Irish society and industry is that the policy process and procedures are outworn and outdated. We need to debate in a constructive and comprehensive manner the role and functions of Government and the economic and social affairs of the country as we face the last decade of the 20th century. I think our approach to public affairs has not changed and developed in line with the rapid and profound changes that are taking place in our society. A very good example of this is the Taoiseach's speech this morning which comprised the statutory one third abuse of the Opposition, one third stating how much worse things were in other parts of the world and the final one third stating how great the Government were handling the situation. It is palpably clear that things are extremely bad given that there are 300,000 people unemployed. There is a danger of a serious drift in the social structure and no one has any confidence in the Government to do anything about it. Debates and views on major policy issues are stifled by sound bites and slogans. This House is not utilised for proper debate and has not the policy-making role it should have. Our role should be to mobilise the enterprise and initiative that exist in our people and to meet the challenge by competing in today's competitive national environment.

As I said earlier, the Finance Act, 1992, is a clear example of a Government who do not know what they are doing. That Act has had a more depressing effect on business than any other measure introduced in this House in the last 50 years. Proof of that is to be seen in The Sunday Business Post of 19 July 1992 which quotes Mr. Padraig Kavanagh, one of Fianna Fáil's principal fundraisers in the last ten years, who was especially critical of the decision by Deputy Bertie Ahern, Minister for Finance, to introduce a flat rate capital gains tax of 40 per cent in last January's budget. The list of executives who have left this country is endless. Mr. Kavanagh has also left the country and is now living in Holland because he, a principal supporter of the Fianna Fáil Party, could not bear the burden imposed by the Government. There is no necessity for me to further underline the effects of the 1992 Act on businesses.

I question the Government's willingness and ability to tackle these issues. I also question the sudden urgency in bringing forward the wording of the constitutional amendments to be put to the people by way of referenda. The timing is suspect as it is designed to take the spotlight off the financial crisis. At a time when the Government should be united they published the potentially divisive wording outlining circumstances within which abortion may be allowed. I am referring to the Fianna Fáil proposal; I am not sure if the Progressive Democrats' proposal is similar. It is obviously designed to try to take some of the headlines away from the much more serious problems facing the economy. The social, political and legal questions relating to abortion are deserving of deep deliberation and discussion. To raise these complex issues this week when so many people are preoccupied with the future of their jobs, their homes and their businesses, is inappropriate and is certainly not conducive to the quality of debate and consideration necessary to resolve these issues.

The signal the Government appear to be giving is that if we ignore or play down the economic and financial crisis something will turn up, sterling will recover, German interest rates will fall and the Deutsche Mark will be revalued. In the meantime, business suffers and jobs are lost. I have no confidence in this Government to do anything about the unemployment problem. As has been said earlier today, the quicker they go and let somebody else who has the vision and the policies to do the job the better.

Deputy Barry has correctly outlined the difficulties facing industry and tourism in terms of the currency crisis. I would like to briefly focus on the difficulties in the agricultural sector, particularly the food processing sector, resulting from the recent change in the currencies. The effect of the currency crisis on the agriculture and food sector is negative because no sector is more exposed than the food sector. Income and profit margins for those involved in the export of mushrooms, sheepmeat. pigmeat and dairy products have been devastated. The whole principle within the EC of common agricultural prices, whereby farmers throughout the Community get the same prices, has gone out the window with the currency variations. On top of this, as a result of the 3 per cent increase in interest rates, the agricultural sector is faced with a massive bill over a full year of £60 million, with increased costs and a reduction in incomes.

I would like briefly to outline to the Minister of State who is here today some details regarding the subsectors on which I have been briefed. There are 5,000 jobs in the mushroom sector. We export on average 700 tonnes per week of fresh mushroom products to the UK. The value of these exports in total is £55 million a year. The sterling devaluation has, in effect, removed a profit margin of 6 per cent to a loss of 6 or 7 per cent. The knock-on effect is not only job losses, loss of market share and loss of contracts because of fixed sterling prices but, as I have been advised this morning, the only thing exporters can do is transfer some of their inputs into sterling areas — for example, they are employing transport and haulage services in the North of Ireland and the UK instead of those in the west, and similarly with their packaging arrangements, they are using the services of companies in the North of Ireland and the UK because they charge sterling prices. This will have a further knock-on effect on jobs in those sectors.

In regard to sheepmeat, the devaluation of sterling has resulted in a loss to the Irish farmer of IR£7 per lamb. As the Minister will know, the slaughtering price has been reduced to 70p per lb. resulting in cutbacks in the 14 sheep slaughtering plants throughout the country. In my constituency the Minister's son is manager of a plant which had to cut back the number of animals slaughtered by between 40 and 60 per cent, with a direct knock-on effect on jobs. Our 52,000 sheep farmers have already lost £29 million through the change in the ewe premium calculation. Previously, the system operated on the basis of making up the difference between the Irish market price per lamb and the EC basic or reference price, but this year it is calculated on the basic average market price in the Community as against the basic price. Therefore, as our farmers get the lowest price for sheep, there will be a cut of £6.06 in the ewe premium.

It is high time that the Minister for Agriculture and Food and the Government took seriously the difficulties of sheep farmers and ensured an increase of £10 in ewe premium. The principle of common agricultural prices was implemented through a system of monetary compensatory amounts, with a levy on exports from countries who devalued their currency and a refund for those exporting into those markets with devalued currencies. MCAs do not apply to the sheepmeat sector because there is no intervention for sheepmeat. Therefore, there is no common sheepmeat price and no levies apply to British exports, which should apply in order to give equity. As regards other food products it is assumed, for example, that MCAs protect the dairy sector but it is not taken into account that they only protect milk prices. Processors do not have the benefit of MCA levies and refunds and therefore there is no basic protection. Where the milk price is only half the cost of the finished product processors are at a competitive loss because the whole value-added element is not taken into account in the MCA system.

The position is similar in regard to pigmeat. EC rules prevent MCAs from operating fully and severe losses are being incurred. Thirty per cent of all pigmeat output goes to the UK. The effect on sterling is that there is no proper protection and Irish pigmeat contracts are being lost and there is a consequent reduction in the incomes of pig farmers. People often think that these problems relate only to farmers but every £1 reduction in agricultural incomes is a drop in national income, and that needs to be borne in mind by everyone in the community.

In view of these serious losses in national income Fine Gael call on the Government to protect the agricultural sector with the following measures. Employers' PRSI should be suspended for one year in all the affected sectors to which I have referred. The Department of Agriculture and Food should make available short terms working capital by guaranteeing through the commercial banks rates of interest available on foreign Deutsche Mark loans up to a level of £250 million. This would relate to a fixed six month period of working capital, typically for farmers who are now subject to the 3 per cent increase for purchasing cattle for winter fattening. The Government should immediately raise with the EC authorities the workings of the MCA system and its proposed abolition on 1 January next. Given the instability and departure of sterling and the lira from the EMS bands and the devaluation of the peseta, the need for the MCA system was never greater. The difficulty, I understand, is that from 1 January 1993, as a result of the Single Market, the Customs and Excise officers who operate the system will be put out of business. I call on the Minister of State, Deputy Hyland, who is in the House and the Minister for Agriculture and Food, Deputy Walsh, to ensure that, with the departure of Britain and Italy from the ERM, the abolition of the system will be re-examined.

Levies paid to the Department at the point of slaughter on the products to which I referred should be dropped for one year. The Minister for Agriculture and Food should insist that the ewe premium will be increased by £10 to compensate Irish sheep farmers for the fact that we have the lowest sheep meat prices in Europe. It is also the height of folly that the market development fund, £50 per week, applies only in sterling countries. A factory in my constituency sells parts to Fiat, Italy for radiators. They also sell to the UK; however, there has been a 17 per cent devaluation of the lira, a bigger devaluation than the 12 per cent devaluation of sterling, but there is no proposed protection for those exporting to Italy. The same applies to Spain where the peseta devalued by 5 per cent. The market development fund should apply to all industries, including the food processing sector, who export to Italy and Spain.

It is clear that there will be benefits to the sheltered sector of the economy as a result of these changes. The first is obviously a reduction to, perhaps, a zero level of inflation. If benefits accrue, the exposed and vulnerable exporting and competitive sectors of the economy should, in turn, be cushioned from the results of devaluation. For this period, there should be a net transfer of resources in the form in which I have spoken to protect jobs, maintain incomes and ensure that there will be no erosion of market share. Unless these short term emergency measures are taken, I fear that we will see a further deterioration in farmers' incomes and a further series of job losses.

With your permission and the permission of the House I wish to share my time with Deputy Cullimore and Deputy Leonard.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I will preface my contribution by congratulating Deputy Yates on his appointment as spokesperson on Agriculture. As he has an agricultural background I have no doubt he will make a worth while contribution to the development of our greatest national industry.

I welcome the opportunity of contributing to this debate. In spite of our difficulties — and we should not underestimate them — our economy is still very soundly based and has the potential for development which the Government's plan and policies will, I hope, achieve. Our capacity to survive in the face of the currency crisis in Europe, referred to by two previous speakers, particularly in relation to our closest trading partner, Great Britain, is due in no small measure to the foundation which was laid and consolidated by the Government in recent years. Our courage in defending that position and our capacity to hold our nerve is a tribute to the Taoiseach and the Government in their handling of an undoubtedly very difficult economic situation.

We have recognised that this rigid holding of the line, which is in the best and long term interests of the country, has created economic problems of verying proportions for some of our exporters, particularly those trading with Great Britain. However, if confirmation was needed of the effectiveness of the Government and their capacity to adjust quickly to changing economic challenges, one would not have to look any further than their speedy response in putting in place a fundamental package to assist Irish industrialists who are exposed to the worst effects of the currency devaluation in Great Britain.

From the remarks of the previous two speakers, they seem to be unaware of the very effective action which the Government have taken for the purpose of cushioning and protecting those who are suffering from the effects of the currency problem in relation to Irish industry. By their prompt action, the Government have demonstrated their national commitment to protecting the value of our currency, which was not highlighted in the debate so far, while at the same time providing support for industry and taking steps to protect employment.

I am pleased to announce that I hope to be in a position to extend to the horticulture industry — for which I have responsibility — some degree of protection for the purpose of safeguarding a very valuable industry. I refer particularly to the mushroom industry, mentioned by Deputy Yates, which now has a growth export potential of £50 million. It also has a very high employment content which makes a significant contribution to marginal family farms all over the country. I hope, as a result of the very important package introduced by the Government, I will be able to assist in tiding that industry over its short term economic difficulties. I also hope that other sectors of the horticulture industry which have been exposed to the worst currency variations can be afforded some level of protection. I know that the Minister for Agriculture and Food, Deputy Walsh, is also examining ways and means of assisting the other vulnerable sectors of the industry referred to by Deputy Yates. However, he should know that under the package provided by the Government we are aware of the problem and that the Minister is doing everything possible to cushion the effects on the more exposed sectors of the agriculture industry.

I want to make a brief reference to the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy which has been well and truly analysed by every sector interested in agriculture. Naturally we would all like to see farm incomes and profitability increased but we must face reality and realise that that is no longer possible. There is, and has been, gross over-production of many agricultural products within the European Community and the only way to protect agricultural income and the viability of the small family farms is through the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. Of course we would all prefer if there were no restraints on our capacity to produce.

I speak for the Minister when I say that we do not like the implications of policies such as the "set aside" scheme which is alien to the ethos and professionalism of farming. It does not make any sense to have policies like "set aside" while, at the same time, half the world is starving. It is a reflection on international Governments that we have not been able to devise a better system, where farmers could get on with the job for which they are professionally trained and qualified, producing food, rearing livestock and so on. An international system should be devised whereby the fruits of their labours could be distributed throughout the world to solve the massive problems which we see every night on the television screens. We neither welcome nor like that kind of policy. My senior colleague, the Minister, Deputy Joe Walsh, has expressed that view on many occasions. However, we are also realists and we know that, for the time being at least, set aside is part and parcel of overall Common Agricultural Policy reform. I look forward to the day when restrictions on production can be removed.

I have referred briefly to the small family farm unit. Regardless of on which side of the House we sit, all of us here who are interested in agriculture are seeking the implementation of policies that will protect the living standards of those on small marginal farms. I am very pleased that in the past few weeks I was able to deal with what has been a massive problem for a large number of Land Commission holders. For a number of years many such holders, experiencing declining farm incomes, were unable to meet the continuing burden of paying annuities. My colleague, the Minister, Deputy Joe Walsh and I were able to get Government approval for a package of measures which will, it is hoped, make it possible for the majority of those farmers to come to grips with their annuity repayments.

One of the measures in that package is an endeavour to bring annuity repayments into line with the profitability of the farming enterprise. The interest level has also been reduced to a common 10 per cent. I was glad to be able to announce myself the introduction of a purchase scheme to enable those farmers to purchase their holdings at a 50 per cent reduced rate. For the first time in the history of this State a Government have been able to face up to what was a talking point for many years. We have delivered a package that should help resolve the problems faced by many of our farmers.

In relation to small family farm units and the restructions placed on such units by Common Agricultural Policy reform, one has to give consideration to alternative farm enterprises and to every other aspect of economic development that could be introduced under a regional or a rural development programme. The Leader programme is at present being implemented in 16 sizeable areas of the country. I welcome the implementation, for the first time in this country, of a sizeable and worthwhile rural development programme, a programme that will have funding made available from the European Community, funding provided by national Government and supplementary funding provided from within individual communities. The Government recently announced the introduction of the small community enterprise scheme which provides a level of funding in individual areas for people trying to get a small enterprise under way. Even more recently, county enterprise boards were established for the purpose of taking development from national level right down to each county.

Resulting from the introduction of community enterprise boards applications for projects that have the potential to create jobs will be assessed for viability by people who are capable of making decisions and capable of recognising the potential of individual applications. Unemployment is undoubtedly our major problem and all of our policies must be geared towards resolving that massive problem and creating even a minimum number of jobs in each county. The county enterprise boards will comprise a good balance between the public sector and the private sector. Those from the private sector will be people who have a proven track record, people who have made a success of their own industry. Those on the boards will be able to pool their managerial capabilities in order to assist people who have ideas in getting small employment projects off the ground. A small employment project might be able to create one job; it might be able to create up to 15 jobs.

The IDA will still be able to play a major role in attracting international large scale industry to this country, although in recent years the climate for large scale industry has not been good. The Government also acknowledge, however, that within each and every community there are people who have genuine ideas for a project that will create employment but who for some reason or another — perhaps because of a lack of knowledge as to the way in which a developmental project should be organised or perhaps because of the unavailability of funds — have not been able to get that project off the ground. It is hoped that the problems that have existed will be addressed by the implementation of community enterprise boards.

I sense a new awareness at community level throughout the country. At last people are beginning to realise that nobody owes us a living and that we have to do something for ourselves. The Taoiseach, the various Ministers responsible for this scheme and the Government all sincerely hope that the new initiatives announced will provide the stimulus for worthwhile development throughout rural Ireland. For the first time ever in the history of this country local communities are being given the opportunity to do something for themselves. I am glad to be able to put on the record of the House today that there is a positive response from all communities to the Leader programme and to the small community enterprise scheme. The amalgamation of the community initiative that I am talking about, backed up by national government policy will, it is hoped, result in a decrease of the unacceptably high level of unemployment. I have already said that this is the first time in the history of this country that such an opportunity is being provided. How will our rural communities develop if we fail to take up this opportunity? That question is one to which we should all give serious consideration.

In recent weeks there has been a rise in economic problems such as higher interest rates, higher unemployment and difficulties arising from international currency problems. Although those problems are severe, there are still many positive aspects regarding the economy. Ireland's fiscal policy has improved. Our debt: GNP ratio has fallen from 133.6 in 1986 to a forecast 109.5 at the end of 1992. It is also important to recognise that Ireland's fiscal recovery has been maintained, despite the downturn in the United Kingdom and the world economy. Our GNP growth has stayed positive, up 1 per cent last year and with a projected increase of 2 per cent in 1992. Although the inflation level has risen in Ireland, it is still well below that in many European countries and for the past seven years it has been below that of the UK. Those achievements should be given due recognition, but the existing problems cannot be ignored.

Employment creation must be increased and existing jobs must be protected. The government recognise their position in facing the problems and have taken measures to deal with them. I compliment the Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture and Food, Deputy Liam Hyland, for the initiatives he has introduced in the establishment of county development boards, which represent a very practical step. As the Minister rightly said there is a feeling that people have a belief in themselves and are willing to create jobs. As politicians one of the constant problems we have experienced in rural Ireland is that people were unable to get seed capital. Following this announcement people with ability and flair will be able to create the necessary jobs.

I should like to compliment all those involved in the jobs forum. Great credit is due to every political party and to the social partners. At this stage I would invite the Fine Gael Party to join the jobs forum. We have done a great job and excellent proposals have been made. We were responsible for suggesting that seed capital was needed in rural Ireland to create small viable companies. I have consistently said in this House that small firms have a major and significant role to play and this has been identified by the jobs forum; yet Fine Gael are outside a committee who are making a significant contribution. One of the positive aspects of Government since 1987 has been the involvement of the social partners. All the social partners, with the exception of Fine Gael, are involved in the jobs forum. I would ask Fine Gael to have a rethink on this matter and let us all solve this unemployment problem.

Before concluding I should like to make special mention of the role of the small firms association. In 1987 the Government targeted 37,000 new jobs between 1988 and 1990 in three areas — small business, Irish industries and overseas industry. Small business had an achievement rate of 86.5 per cent compared to 60.5 per cent by the other two. The comparison of the cost per job was significant. The cost per job for Irish and overseas industry was £19,830 and for small business and enterprise development programmes, it was £9,773. It is clear from these figures that both the Government and the jobs forum are on the right line in identifying small firms as the vehicles to create the necessary jobs.

I am calling Deputy Leonard who is in possession until 1.55 p.m.

I welcome the opportunity to make a contribution to this debate and I shall refer specifically to the market development fund. During the past number of years we have come into this House to discuss how the economy of the Border region was faring. In 1983 the then Coalition Government imposed excise duties which had the effect of devastating the trading pattern of that region resulting in the closure of many businesses and filling stations, many of which never reopened. The situation is different now; it is one not of our making but resulted from forces outside our control. Following the change of government in 1987, Ray McSharry and the present Taoiseach set about correcting the situation. Over the past number of years the Taoiseach has helped many businesses to become viable once more and many filling stations have reopened.

Once again we have the threat of movement across the Border to avail of favourable currency rates. The currency variation has had a serious effect on the mushroom and food industries on which the people in the constituency depend. Those most affected are the mushroom industry, people involved in food processing, poultry and dairy products, pig and sheep meat and the manufacturers who are sourcing raw materials in other than sterling areas. A textile factory located a short distance from my home had been closed but it reopened because the workers and some of the management took it over. This enterprise has been very successful in the past few years but they have now run into difficulties because the product and the raw materials are sourced in this country. Had they been sourced from a sterling area, they would be in a more favourable position.

The furniture industry in my county secured extensive markets in England but it is once again experiencing problems. As I said, most people in my county are involved in the mushroom industry. It is an industry which is very close to my heart because I was very closely involved with it in the early years when more people distanced themselves from the project than supported it. At national level this industry has a turnover of £50 million. One large company in my constituency has a turnover of £31 million, a wage bill of £4 million to £5 million and a workforce of approximately 400 and that does not include the satellite growers and their part-time pickers which can number 900. We have a large mushroom compost manufacturing plant giving good employment which is now facing serious competition from Northern Ireland. They use substantial amounts of poultry litter, straw etc. Many individuals and groups are marketing their products directly to the British market where they have to face serious competition.

I welcome the market development fund. A feature of this Government from 1987, and especially in the last few years, has been that if a problem arose it was tackled in a practical, positive way and money was provided to assist the people involved. I advise the Government to be careful in dispersing this fund. The mushroom industry has had an increasing market share in the multiples in England but because of currency fluctuations the Dutch may move out and give us an opportunity for further expansion. It is important that we continue to serve the British market because it is closest to us and has been good to us.

It is imperative that growers' labour input costs will qualify for assistance. In return, I hope growers will continue to serve existing markets and purchase their compost from existing outlets and not go across the Border. The Border has caused problems for that market over the years. Because of fluctuations in markets and prices in England, vanmen have come over and picked products leaving the outlets to which they are committed short of supplies. I hope this matter will be carefully monitored over the next couple of weeks.

I thank the Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture and Food, Deputy Hyland, for what he has done for the mushroom industry and for continuing the policy initiated by the former Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture and Food, Deputy Kirk, when they saw an opportunity for development in the mushroom sector.

As I said, there have been problems in other sectors also. I referred to the textile and food processing sectors. The number of people working in the food processing industry in my constituency is the highest in Ireland. I believe an opportunity exists with the funding now being made available by the new enterprise partnership board to increase the number of people working in the tourism sector and small businesses.

Another area which could be developed is alternative farm enterprises. I welcome the setting up of the new county enterprise partnership board. This is a step in the right direction. Down through the years I have been critical of the systems we operated and the fragmentation of agencies within counties. As far back as the late seventies I suggested, both in this House and elsewhere, the extension of SFADCo, which has been so successful in developing the Shannon region. At that time the director of SFADCo was Hugh Quigley, a neighbour of mine. I suggested that a great opportunity existed for the development of our region through regional funding in the same way as had been done in the Shannon region. I would be hypocritical if I did not say that I am glad to see this is now being done.

There is a lot of expertise in my area. I am particularly glad it has been recommended that the chairman of the board should be an employer. There are many entrepreneurs of the highest quality in my constituency who would have much to contribute as chairman of the board. I also hope that the members of the board will have a proven ability in certain areas and will have something to offer. All too often in the case of rural community representation the best people are not selected to serve on boards. I hope the Department will appoint the best people possible to these boards. I believe the enterprise board, the Leader programme and the Cavan-Monaghan Co-Op can change the face of that constituency.

I have been suggesting for a long time that there should be private sector involvement in this area. We now have an opportunity to have that involvement, which I believe will create jobs. I should say that it is not easy to create jobs. Governments are criticised for not creating jobs, but they do not create the jobs; they create the environment for jobs. I have been a Member of this House for 20 years and I have to say that it is only in the past few years that that environment has been created. It was created through low inflation, low bank rates and a reduction in our balance of payments, which had spiralled during the years before this Government took up office. The environment has been created but the jobs have not materialised. I have often been critical of employers, whom I thought could do more. However, I would also have to be critical of myself as a public representative; we should be doing more to ensure that the funding that is available is taken up so that jobs are created.

I seek the permission of the House to share my time with Deputy Andrew Boylan.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

It was intolerable during this debate on the most serious economic problems and difficulties that have confronted this country for decades to listen to the Taoiseach yet again resort to the now familiar bland statements, dodging the real kernel of our problems. He had the audacity to try to point out to the thousands of people who are unemployed, and the thousands of people who are perhaps facing homelessness because of the increases in interest rates, that the underlying strength of the economy is good, that our inflation rate is the lowest in the world, that a sustained balance of payments surplus has been achieved and that our budget deficit is the lowest in the world. I should like to say to the Taoiseach that the ordinary people of Ireland are not interested in our balance of payments surplus or our budget deficit; rather they are interested in having jobs, in having a reason to live and in being able to survive.

No matter what the Taoiseach said this morning about the so-called achievements of his Government, I wish to remind him that all of this is very cold comfort to the 293,000 people who are now unemployed and the thousands who will no longer be able to meet their increased mortgage repayments and who as a result face homelessness. It is also cold comfort to the many business people and farmers who face disaster and ruin as a result of the monetary crisis. How can the Taoiseach, in the face of such massive social and human tragedies, speak about the soundness of the economy, an economy which has failed to provide employment, homes and security for over 20 per cent of our workforce? I believe that these problems and difficulties must be faced up to and I would say to the Government: for God's sake admit the existence of these problems and their seriousness. There is no way out; we are in a disastrous situation. The quicker the Government face up to this reality and try to do something about it the sooner there will be some hope for the people of this country.

The two most important issues which must be faced up to are very different from the two issues referred to by the Taoiseach this morning. The two issues I want faced up to are that this country is going down hill at an accelerated pace and that the Government have no plans or policies to confront the major problems facing us today. It is about time the Government set about developing our economy and creating social justice. More importantly, if they are not committed to doing this or not able to do it, as is obvious, they should let somebody else take charge. They should let people with policies take charge, people like the Fine Gael Party, who have produced a policy document entitled Towards a Jobs Economy. We have produced a policy which will provide work for our people. We are the only party in this House who have produced a comprehensive jobs policy based firmly and singlemindedly on getting our people back to work.

I say to the Government that no new agencies or regional bodies will provide jobs unless policies are put in place which will make it worthwhile for a person to take a job and profitable for an employer to create a job. In short, people must be given an incentive to go to work and there must be a reward for creating jobs. The Fine Gael jobs policy is based totally and absolutely on creating a jobs friendly environment by building an employment centred economy.

Since the summer months, when the crisis of unemployment squarely faced the government — in one week over 1,200 job losses were announced — we have been inundated with a conglomeration of announcements from the Government none of which has any substance. We have had a scheme for this, a subsidy for that, the creation of 1,000 jobs in the marine sector and 9,000 jobs in the tourism industry, etc. Everything is to happen in the future. As a result the public are so confused that they have no idea of what exactly is happening. What the thousands of people who are unemployed want is immediate action. We in Fine Gael demand a medium-term policy, an action plan which can be put into effect immediately and which will produce work for our people. This Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government have failed to produce immediate proposals to tackle the unemployment crisis. They are not committed to this enormous challenge. The real failure of the Government measures is crystal clear having regard to the employment subsidy scheme and the jobs training scheme announced in the January budget and, furthermore, relaunched on no less than four occasions in a blaze of publicity. The reality, some nine months later, is that both schemes have been a downright disaster.

The employment subsidy scheme, targeted to achieve 15,000 jobs, succeeded in employing a miserable 1,230 after six months in operation. The jobs training scheme aimed to provide 10,000 places, but had an even more miserable outcome with an embarrassing take-up of only 64 places after six months. It is obvious to everybody in this House that no preparation, consultation or planning took place before the budget announcement. Those schemes stand as evidence that the Government are not in touch with what is happening. Of course, the Government will place the blame for the failure of the schemes on employers. This is an indication of their commitment to pass the buck at all costs, to take the credit for successes but not to take responsibility for failures. It is clear that those schemes were announced without any consultation with the people in FÁS or the employers, on whose co-operation the success of those schemes depended. There was no forward planning, no investigation into the needs of the economy at the time and no thought given to the needs of employers so that they could be encouraged to participate in those schemes. The schemes, laden with bureaucracy, were nothing short of disastrous.

It is extraordinary that at a time of unprecedented unemployment a Government should introduce such schemes with such little result. Again, it is an indication of the "make it up as you go along" principle of the Government, but the messing does not stop there. Employers intending to participate in those schemes were told that they must produce a tax clearance certificate. Some weeks later they were informed by letter that a tax clearance certificate was not necessary and in September they were informed by a further letter that a tax clearance certificate was necessary. Is that not a clear indication of total fumbling and messing, not having a clue about what is happening? I readily understand how employers found it impossible to participate in those schemes. The competence of the Minister must be seriously questioned if this is how he runs his Department.

The social employment scheme and the Teamwork scheme are just drifting from one crisis to the next with nobody knowing what the future holds. The lack of direction by the Minister is adding frustration and uncertainty to the unemployed who would dearly like to participate in those schemes, but also affecting those involved in the running of the schemes such as local communities, local development associations and local authorities. They cannot plan ahead because they do not know from one three month period to the next whether the scheme will be continued. This is the response of the Government in the face of 300,000 people unemployed. This is the reality on the ground.

Last week the Minister indicated he would replace the social employment scheme with a new scheme but last Friday, three days later, he indicated to the FÁS offices that the social employment scheme is to be expanded. How can anybody work under this type of direction, saying one thing today and another tomorrow?

The social employment scheme could have carried out much valuable work in local communities during the summer months, but at that stage it had virtually stopped. There are 200 people willing to participate in those schemes in South Tipperary but since July we could not employ anyone because we would not be given the go-ahead until 26 September.

Does anybody, even the Minister, know what is happening or what will happen in the future? Will the social employment scheme or Teamwork scheme continue to operate? Will money be allocated for those schemes? This is the type of day-to-day cock-up management that is causing severe difficulties for the organisers and participants in the scheme. In fact, this is the type of management that is being tolerated.

The national apprenticeship scheme is in a state of collapse. Over the past 12 months there have been promises of a new direction but there has been no action. In the meantime, many of our young people who have just left school are finding it impossible to secure a place on an apprenticeship scheme. This is another example of the fumbling and messing which is taking place in the Department of Labour, but it must cease. The Minister must decide now the direction he intends to take and act immediately. The massive increase in unemployment of people under 25 years demands action from the Minister. The Minister should get his house in order and provide them with training and facilities and direction for such training. It is a national scandal that the apprenticeship training has almost ceased. The Minister must take responsibility for his actions. His dithering has denied those young people an opportunity to be trained and to participate in employment schemes, condemning them to a lifetime of unemployment because they will not be trained in any area which would give them an opportunity of securing full-time employment.

The dream ticket we were supposed to have been presented with last February is now nothing short of a nightmare. The Taoiseach must realise that he is the only one in the fast lane; everybody else is in the lane of reality. It is clear from the Taoiseach's comments this morning that he is living in the clouds, that he has no realisation of the desperation, hopelessness, alienation and devastation that prevails in all rural towns and communities. He has no idea of the hopelessness and despair of the unemployed. He should quickly realise that talk about surpluses, balance of payments deficits and sound economies means nothing to people without a job. He spoke this morning about improving the quality of life of our people. That is solid proof that he is totally out of touch with reality, and for that reason those of us who desperately want to get our economy moving, who desperately want to provide employment for our people, that gives us very little hope or confidence that anything will be done for our unemployed.

Once again this morning the Taoiseach asked the Fine Gael Party to present their jobs policy to the Joint Committee on Employment. I might point out to the Taoiseach that policies from the Joint Committee on Employment were presented to Government and published in July last. What action has been taken on them? None; there has been simply no response. At this stage we have no idea what the Government think of the proposals advanced by the Joint Committee on Employment. It would be a reflection on us as a party were we to participate in such a show. Were we prepared to put so much energy and resources into producing policies that will provide employment for our people; were we to participate in such a committee and allow those policies to lie there without receiving attention from Government — as has happened in the case of the first Report of the Joint Committee on Employment — we would be equally culpable.

In the face of such unemployment it is imperative that we have a Government and Taoiseach who are in touch with reality, who will actually do something positive for our people. Indeed, the last thing with which we should have had to cope at present was the monetary crisis confronting us and over which we have little or no control. We must realise that this crisis adds to the desperation, desolation and torture of so many of our people who depend on this House to devise ways and means by which they can gain employment.

I believe the Taoiseach's introductory remarks this morning were absolutely appalling in the face of the reality confronting us.

I am indeed glad to be afforded an opportunity to make a brief contribution to this debate. I am enormously disappointed with the Taoiseach's general attitude to the crisis facing us at present. Indeed, his antics in the Chamber this morning when my Party Leader was contributing in a very constructive manner, warrant an apology when he returns this afternoon or tomorrow morning. The Taoiseach showed great disinterest. I hope the television cameras will have registered him cracking jokes with his Minister for Finance, endeavouring to distract him from listening to my Party Leader's contribution. In fairness, I should say that the Minister for Finance was showing great interest in the remarks being made. The Taoiseach endeavoured to crack jokes with him, to the obvious annoyance of the Minister, and then left the Chamber. I suggest that he should leave the House permanently and allow us in Fine Gael to get on with the job of running the country. It was not good enough and an insult to the electorate.

I am now convinced that the calling of a referendum on this emotive issue has been done simply to distract people's attention from the real crisis confronting the country. When I realised that the date set for the holding of the referendum was in the middle of the first week of December I realised it would deny our young people an opportunity to give their opinion on that most important issue. I suggest they reject all three proposals out of hand until there has been sufficient time allowed for their debate in full. I found it necessary to make those comments in passing. I contend it would be wrong were I to allow this type of behaviour to go unnoticed.

Who would have thought in this House in July last that we would be entering the Chamber today with the country in crisis and this debate taking place? Obviously it was indeed a holiday period for the Government during which they lost control and touch with reality.

In fairness, I should say that the last Government speaker, the Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture and Food, Deputy Hyland, met me on three occasions over the summer months. He has taken his brief seriously, as I would have expected. He has travelled the country, met ordinary people and rural communities involved in his brief; he has launched Leader programmes nationwide, for which I should like to compliment him and, indeed, I congratulate him on his contribution here earlier though he did not touch on the real problems confronting the food industry. Nonetheless he is a sincere person. It is indeed sad to see such a person undermined by his Leader. The party opposite should address that problem. I suggest that they move over to this side of the House when we will take over.

In regard to job creation, I must point out that it is practically impossible to set up a business here at present. There is no incentive to do so. Anybody in touch with people interested in doing so will say that the last thing they want to do is start up a business or create an extra job because if one does attempt to do so one will be visited by representatives of 11 different agencies set up by this Government. Each one of these is a little Hitler in his own right, demanding that this "i" be dotted, this "t" be crossed, armed with their bundle of papers and asking whether this or that is correct. If one attempts to establish a business in an old building one will be confronted by the valuation officer who will immediately revalue the property and the rates collector then demands his pound of flesh. Then there will be the health inspector, fire chief, the Revenue collector demanding where one found the money with which to establish the business; asking whether one is registered for PRSI and completing one's VAT returns. They will do everything to stifle initiative and no incentive or encouragement is being given. The sooner such bureaucracy and red tape are abolished once and for all, allowing the people with the commitment and will to do something for their community, the better.

We in Fine Gael did not participate in the Joint Committee on Employment because the Ministers responsible were not participating in their deliberations. The Leader of my party made the Government an offer this morning, asking them to have their Ministers participate when our party would do so. We took an initiative, launched a comprehensive jobs policy and we have done more than the Government with all the backing of State agencies. We took that policy to the electorate over the summer months.

I was proud to have our party spokesman on education, Deputy Jim Higgins, visit my constituency when we spent an entire day travelling around the constituency talking to small business people. What I have just related represents the consistent story we heard from those small business people who are employing between ten and 150 people — that it is not worth creating extra space in order to generate extra jobs; there is too much hassle involved. That being the case, something is drastically wrong. Those are the facts. The sooner the appropriate Ministers realise that, hopefully the sooner this web of red tape can be untangled and abolished.

It has to be said that there are golden opportunities if only they were tapped. For example, there are 300 million people in Europe in need of services and great play has been made of our fully-fledged membership of the EC from January next within the new open market. There is no point in having 300 million people on our doorstep if we do not avail of the opportunity and provide them with the services they demand. There is no question that we cannot do that. If a farmer approached his bank manager when his financial position was worsening and told him he had 20 acres of the best grassland in the county but he had not a cow to put on it his bank manager would not be too slow in telling him that he would be instructing an auctioneer to erect a "For Sale" sign on his property. If he approached his bank manager telling him he had 40 cows but that grass and fodder were scarce, the bank manager would lend him the money he needed because he would see he was a farmer who had his priorities in order.

I am enormously interested in food production as I represent a constituency where it is best known how to produce quality food. Throughout the years we have won awards in various food production areas. The mushroom growing industry has been one of the greatest successes in this country but is on its knees at present because of the punt-sterling crisis, through no fault of the people involved. Mushroom producers need help immediately not, as Deputy Leonard was advocating, next week or the following one. Their problem can be solved quite simply — suspension of PRSI contributions until this crisis has blown over, by a simple stroke of the pen, in order to curtail the problem before it becomes acute. That is how it should be dealt with. It must be pointed out that that industry employs at least 3,000 people in Cavan-Monaghan. It should be emphasised that, until this crisis broke, manufacturers were seeking additional growers. It has been a marvellous success story which has given life to small farmers and others in hinterlands where there were spare lands on which they could erect their tunnels. The Government have reneged on their commitment to them and have done nothing to resolve the crisis. They appear to be waiting until all has been lost, when they may well devise all sorts of schemes to rejuvenate the industry, but by then the markets will have disappeared. They must tackle the problem immediately before it is too late. I hope that message will have hit home.

The same is true of the bacon and poultry industries. The raw material is being sourced at home. There is no benefit in the form of cheaper inputs because of the fall in sterling. People in the food industry are experiencing a crisis. We can produce the best in Europe and there is a market for quality. It should not be the case that in this time of crisis the Government are so inept that they are unable to deal with it. A solution must be found before untold harm is done. People are anxiously waiting; promises are not enough. The Minister of State, Deputy Hyland, will do a great service to the industry if he brings that message to the Minister for Finance immediately.

Recent developments on the currency market are not a complete tale of woe. I am quite proud of the strength of the punt. I am also proud that it was Deputy FitzGerald's Government which rallied our currency after the disasters of the Fianna Fáil Government who, with the biggest ever majority in this House, put this country on its knees between 1977 and 1981 in an outrageous spate of borrowing and wilful spending, leaving sores which have not yet fully healed.

It amazes me that the newspaper correspondents pay such glowing tributes to the leader of the Progressive Democrats, now seen as the fairhaired boy of Irish politics. That man was deeply involved in that spate of borrowing and sat silently in the Government without raising his voice. He knew there would be turmoil in the Government and in the Fianna Fáil Party, that Jack Lynch would be overthrown and that there might be an opportunity for him to become leader. Deputy Haughey came in and Deputy O'Malley failed; then he reneged and pulled out of the party. That is history.

These are the basic facts of how this country got into such a terrible mess between 1977 and 1981. It was rectified by the following Government. Now we have a strong currency and we should be proud of it. I travelled to Donegal last weekend, passing through Enniskillen and Lisnaskea, and I was proud to see the punt quoted at £1.03 or £1.04 at petrol stations. When one stopped at a pump one was not asked whether payment would be in sterling or in punts. There are benefits in having a strong punt. Imported raw materials for manufacturing are cheaper, as well as items purchased in supermarkets. The benefit enjoyed by that sector should be transferred to people who are manufacturing from raw materials sourced in this country. It would not be a major task but it would require initiative and imagination.

I wonder how many people on the Government benches are aware that 300,000 people are unemployed. Judging by the way they are dealing with it, one would imagine there was no problem. Excellent schemes could be put in place which would be beneficial. I have spoken many times about the condition of the roads in my county. Now that other counties are nearly as badly affected, perhaps I will get some support in this House in calling for money for road improvements. Ireland is a development site and the first thing to do on such a site is to build a road. The roads in rural Ireland are in outrageously poor condition. Tourists will not come here and damage their cars on our roads. Four hundred jobs could be created in Cavan-Monaghan in building and repairing roads. The raw materials and the workforce are available within this country. The only import would be tar to blend the stones. Tar is a by-product of crude oil and it should be used for that purpose. Imagination is required. The SES scheme would be an excellent means of employing young people who would be proud to be part of a scheme to develop this country.

The Minister for the Environment has made the outrageous announcement that an MOT test on cars over four years old will be compulsory from 1 January next. The Minister should put our roads in order first and then introduce his test. A car is not a luxury. It is a necessity to enable a family in rural Ireland to get to their church or shop or, if they are fortunate, to get to their place of employment. People are not speed racing in their cars. The cars they own are adequate for their purposes. I wonder how the Minister can dare to demand an MOT test when the roads are in such condition. He should be held responsible for any repairs necessary to cars due to the state of the roads. That would be fair play.

I hope somebody on the opposite side has been listening to my remarks. Judging by the attitude of the Taoiseach this morning, I doubt it.

I call Deputy Jacob. It is always the concern of the Chair, Deputy Blaney, to give an opportunity to an independent. I hope that opportunity will present itself after Question Time.

I wish to share my time with Deputies O'Kennedy and Roche.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

There is little doubt that this country is engulfed in a most serious economic crisis brought on by forces outside our shores and outside our control. It is worth noting that but for the strength of the Irish economy, brought about as a direct result of policies pursued by Fianna Fáil since 1987, we would have been swamped, as we were in 1986.

I wish to speak about sheep farming, which is of such vital importance to my constituency of Wicklow. The ewe premium has been referred to already in this debate. The reduction in the ewe premium in the current year is a mortal blow to the economy, especially in my county. The Minister is vigorously pursuing this matter and his aim is to redress the position regarding the forthcoming ewe premium payments in November and March-April next. I wish him well in his endeavours and I remind him again of the seriousness of the position and the ever-plummeting price of lamb. It is essential that he succeed in his efforts at EC meetings which are to take place later this month.

In view of the unemployment problem, I question whether it is prudent or makes any kind of economic sense to introduce machinery which replaces jobs. One must surely question the wisdom of grant-aiding the purchase of such machinery. I refer specifically to machines being introduced in the Wicklow forests. A machine is working not far from my home, while 35 men are signing on for the dole. Were that machine not in operation, those 35 men would be extracting the timber. I question the wisdom of the growing trend of grant-aiding the purchase of machinery while committing our forestry workers to the dole queue. It makes no sense. Will the Minister and the Government generally review that situation and take the matter up with Coillte Teoranta with a view to having it re-examined so that forestry workers can get back to their traditional occupation? We should go back to having some semblance of economic sense.

Debate adjourned.
Top
Share