It has been clear for over three weeks that when the thick fog of political deception lifts and the inspired leaks of the negotiating teams end, we are to have the ultimate offering in political cynicism — a Fianna Fáil-Labour Government. I think it is appropriate that we should take some time this afternoon to reflect on this political hybrid before it appears in its full and consummated glory before the House resumes next week. It is also appropriate that current political events coincide with the festive Christmas holiday period. This is the season of pantomime, of theatrical illusion, fictional frolics and magical display. It is the time of the conjurer, the magician and trickster. It is a period when on stage men play women, women play men and nothing appears to be what it seems. Moreover, it is also the season when the circus comes to town and apparently when the National Concert Hall will entertain the Labour Party faithful.
It is more with a personal sense of sadness than anger that I watch bestriding the national political stage a piece of political theatre that fits much of this description. In lighter moments, I am tempted to view it as farce but for most of the time a darker mood prevails. Then for me, as I believe for many thousands of others outside this House, it is nothing but pure tragedy.
It is the tragedy of the lost opportunity and the undermining of democracy. It is the tragedy of the triumph of cynicism over principle, of weasel words over truth and decency. Thankfully, even in tragedy there is occasion for laughter, if for no other reason than to preserve our sanity and perspective on life, be it political or otherwise. For in this, as in many good Shakespearean productions, there are the all too brief appearances by the clowns.
A part of the problem is, of course, the perspective, politically speaking. In recent days, the roles of the hero, villain and clown have become confused until in the public mind the distinctions have blurred and the characters have become indistinguishable. I will return to this theme.
Fianna Fáil has been in Government for a full six years. During its first term in office as a minority Government, from 1987 to 1989, Fine Gael by application of the Tallaght strategy ensured public expenditure was contained and the Exchequer borrowing requirement brought under control. We also used our position to force through social reforming measures for which Fianna Fáil had no enthusiasm and in which they had no interest. The Adoption Act, 1988, and the Judicial Separation and Family Law Reform Act, 1989, are two examples. There are others. In these areas it was Fine Gael and not the Labour Party who took the initiative as social reformers.
During its second term in office which commenced in 1989, Fianna Fáil was in coalition with the Progressive Democrats. Since October, of course, we have had a Fianna Fáil minority and now an ongoing Fianna Fáil caretaker Government. When a Government has a majority, the power of the Opposition is reduced. Nevertheless, Fine Gael played a constructive parliamentary role during the 1989-92 period. We shone the political spotlight on the growing unemployment crisis and proposed a variety of constructive initiatives at a time when others were only paying political lip-service to our rapidly growing dole queues.
We helped expose a variety of scandals such as Carysfort, Telecom and Greencore. In relation to the beef industry, in this House, we concentrated on the extraordinary failure of Government and the appalling lack of judgment displayed in regard to export credit insurance and the IDA's sponsored package of proposals designed to elevate the Goodman Group to the status of a semi-State body. Unlike others, the leaders of Fine Gael during this period did not use the Dáil Chamber to engage in character assassination of people outside this House who could not defend themselves, nor did they personalise criticism of the Taoiseach of the day or of Ministers. Criticism voiced related to ministerial competence displayed and never descended to personal rancour. Allegations were never made that could not be stood over.
During this period also Fine Gael succeeded in using its position in Opposition to press the Government to either introduce or support a variety of reforming measures. Legal, social and environmental reforms were enacted that would never have seen the light of day without initiatives taken by the Fine Gael Party. Sadly, little that Fine Gael achieved during this period has been acknowledged.
During the 1987-92 period, the Leader of the Labour Party was portrayed regularly as some sort of colossus astride the political stage. When Fine Gael, in the national interest from the Opposition benches, adhered to the Tallaght strategy, Deputy Spring and his colleagues never missed an opportunity to rhetorically dump political manure over the heads of Fine Gael Deputies. His penchant to oppose everything and deride everybody resulted in his political canonisation — the leader of a mere 14 Deputies in the Dáil in the era of the newstime sound bite was said to be the real leader of the Opposition.
What political commentators missed, as tragically did tens of thousands who voted for Labour in the recent election, was that none of the opposition was real. It was simply Bar Library special pleading decorated with a colourful ribbon of political rhetoric. It was all a sham.
Few, if any, Labour voters contemplated the possibility that Labour would prop up or join Fianna Fáil in Government. If Deputy Spring had signalled such intention, he would have been lucky to have been returned to this Dáil with a dozen Deputies, let alone 33. I suspect also that few of the 33 Deputies elected for Labour truly contemplated such a possibility. This is something cooked up by Deputy Spring together with his backroom kitchen cabinet most of whom are unelected and unaccountable to the public and to the Labour parliamentary party for their actions.
Sadly, many newly elected Labour Deputies have landed in this House on their leader's slip-stream and, in awe of his position and stature, are too dumbstruck to voice opposition to the direction of current events and are merely mouthing complacent support. Many of the newly arrived, on the day of the count of the next election as Labour seats tumble around them, will look back on their current silence and acquiescence as a fundamental error. They will wonder why none of them went to the trouble to read the Fine Gael Programme for Government published three weeks ago and why no serious negotiations were undertaken to form a Government involving Labour, Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats. They will wonder why they failed to notice there existed a great measure of consensus between these three parties on social issues that provided for the implementation of an agenda of the most radical programme of social reform in the history of the State. They will puzzle over why Deputy Spring regarded getting into bed with 68 Fianna Fáil Deputies a more attractive proposition than cohabiting with 45 Fine Gael and ten Progressive Democrat Members of this House.
Perhaps the answer is that it is more exciting to climb into bed with a partner who promises new positions than with one whose positions are known and trusted and coincide with yours. Or maybe Deputy Spring was simply intimidated by the prospect of a political ménage à trois. Perhaps he simply felt more at home with Deputy Reynolds, the current caretaker Taoiseach, as a political supplicant than with Deputies Bruton and O'Malley as independent men of principle.
I cannot help but wonder how a Fianna Fáil-Labour Government is more attractive to my constitutency colleague, Deputy Eithne Fitzgerald who, regrettably, is not present, whose extraordinary poll topping exploits are still a major talking point and I have frequently joined forces with her to oppose many of Fianna Fáil's outrageous and indefensible rezoning proposals on Dublin County Council.
I wonder about Deputy Jim Kemmy for whom I have always had both friendship and respect and at whose request I travelled to Limerick in 1988 to address a public meeting on the Judicial Separation Bill at a time when it was opposed by Fianna Fáil. On radio, he explained it all away as being simply business — a strange explanation of current events from a socialist Deputy. Having regard to past critical comments made by him in relation to ethical standards deployed in some areas of Irish business, this comment might have had a greater significance than even he realised at the time or yet in view of his disappointing and somewhat pathetic contribution in the House today.
I wonder about Deputy Niamh Bhreathnach who voiced opposition to Fianna Fáil's blatant disregard for the health of women in the recent abortion referendum. I wonder about Deputy Seán Ryan who has assailed Fianna Fáil for its blatant disregard for the homeless and its failure to tackle the jobs crisis. I wonder about Deputy Michael D. Higgins, a consistent critic of Fianna Fáil on a wide variety of issues. I wonder how any of these Deputies and their colleagues can join forces with the most reactionary and backward looking party in this House. I particularly wonder whether the true implications of what they are doing have yet dawned on all Labour Deputies.
A total of 39 per cent of the first preference votes cast in November were for Fianna Fáil who sought a mandate for a one-party Government. Over 60 per cent favoured the rest, i.e. 60 per cent of those who voted favoured sending Fianna Fáil into Opposition. The formation of a Fianna Fáil-Labour Government is a corruption of the democratic process and a betrayal of those who voted for Labour and who voted for, and were promised, change. The party that promised the electorate change is now extending to Fianna Fáil its longest uninterrupted period in office for over 20 years. It is turning a scandal ridden incompetent party lacking in backbone that 60 per cent of the people of this country rejected and want put out of office into a permanent party of Government.
In this House, on 5 November last, Deputy Spring attacked the Taoiseach stating that "he is not a Taoiseach who has ever received a mandate from the people". He went on to state that "he was elected Taoiseach following a typical Fianna Fáil power play. He owes his mandate as much to the former Cathaoirleach of the Seanad as to anyone else". It appears that, following the vote that is to take place in a few days time, Deputy Reynolds is to remain "a Taoiseach who has never received a mandate from the people". He will continue to retain office following a typical Fianna Fáil power play in which Fianna Fáil clothes will also be worn by members of the Labour Party. The only difference will be that the role Deputy Spring formerly accredited to the Senator now Deputy Seán Doherty will be played by Deputy Spring himself. If this was the world of the movies, it would be entitled "Back to the Future 3".
In that speech of 5 November in this House before the Dáil was dissolved Deputy Spring expressed the hope that Fianna Fáil would be "swept out of office" as a party as it had by its "behaviour time and time again ...cheapened and debased one of the highest callings there is and dishonoured those who serve the public in political life". This is the party that Labour has now chosen to sweep into office and keep in Government.
In the same speech Deputy Spring described the current caretaker Taoiseach and present permanent Taoiseach in waiting, Deputy Reynolds, as being incapable of providing leadership or direction. He did not mince his words. Referring to the man Labour Deputies will be supporting in a vote for Taoiseach in a few days time, Deputy Spring listed a whole series of reasons for not appointing Deputy Reynolds as Taoiseach. I will refer to some of them. In volume 424, columns 2313-14 of the Official Report of 5 November 1992, he said:
This is the Taoiseach who promised open Government, but whose Government fought in the Supreme Court to establish a system of Cabinet secrecy that files in the face of that promise.
...This is the Taoiseach who talked about a Government for all the people, but whose policies have been viciously cruel to many thousands of people who live on the margins of our society. This is the Taoiseach who talks about consensus, but who governs behind closed doors.
... This is the Taoiseach who says over and over again that the buck stops with him, but who makes every effort he can to ensure that the buck lands in the lap of the civil servants who work for him on behalf of the State. This is the Taoiseach who preaches about respect for the institutions of State in this House, but who has lost the ability to conduct himself with dignity in any crisis, as we have seen in recent days.
Is the curriculum vitae so comprehensively and eloquently drawn up by Deputy Spring, the one that members of the Labour Party believe worthy of approving in voting for Deputy Reynolds as Taoiseach for a full Government term — in case there be any doubt about it, a full term is what it is to be? Unlike Dougal on “The Magic Roundabout”, Deputy Reynolds is not apparently for either turning or for rotation. It also seems it was not an issue on which he was seriously pushed.
In the Dáil, on 22 December, six weeks after delivering the above diatribe, Deputy Spring assured the House that "everything that was in that speech was important to me then and it is important to me now". I wonder about that word "important" and what it means. I wonder did Deputy Spring when he delivered his speech on 5 November or does he now believe anything he said in it? If he does believe it, how can he enter Government with Deputy Reynolds? If he did not believe what he said, why did Deputy Spring deliver such a speech in the first place?
How can the Taoiseach retain any self-respect or stature by entering government with Deputy Spring? Has Deputy Reynolds asked Deputy Spring to withdraw these criticisms on the floor of this House or has he simply been assured by Deputy Spring that he never meant what he said? After all, was it not Deputy Spring who acknowledged that "no member of a government can operate effectively if his or her integrity is challenged for purely political motives" by another colleague in government? That was also said on 5 November. Presumably, it is no longer a relevant consideration.
Referring implicity on 22 December to a passage in his earlier speech where he stated with reference to Fianna Fáil that "one political party in this House has gone so far down the road of blindness to standards and of blindness to the people they are supposed to represent that it is impossible to see how anyone could support them in the future without seeing them first undergo the most radical transformation", Deputy Spring stated "in our discussions with Fianna Fáil we have detected an awareness of the need for fundamental change". Presumably, some type of political Geiger-counter or water diviner was deployed in the detection process. If it was, Sir, it clearly was not working in the light of the serious scandals in regard to the appointments that were made in recent weeks by Fianna Fáil as caretaker Government. If no Geiger-counter or water diviner was employed, perhaps Deputy Spring and his happy band of negotiators have witnessed a revelation of amazing proportions that remains hidden from the rest of us. It must be truly amazing as in that speech of 5 November, Deputy Spring also stated at column 2318:
Given these three things — the low standards exemplified by past and present members of the Government; the policy of forcing the most vulnerable sectors of our community to carry the burden of financial adjustments and modernisations; and the undermining of some of the country's most important economic assets — it must surely be considered amazing that any party would consider coalescing with them.
The "them" is, of course, Fianna Fáil. The amazing is about to happen.
These two speeches when examined against the actions of the Labour leadership are breathtaking in their hypocrisy. Words when uttered by the Labour Leader have ceased to have any meaning. They mean what he says they mean at a particular time and their meaning can change as circumstances change.
Such an approach was classically described by George Orwell in his book 1984 as “double-think”, and the language used to articulate it as newspeak. Last May in this House referring to Fianna Fáil's approach to the X case, I quoted a passage from Orwell which epitomised politics as practised by Fianna Fáil. I will not delay the House by repeating it. Suffice to say that clearly the new political order is such that the philosophy of double-think and the language of newspeak are also to be practised by Fianna Fáil's soon to be junior partners in Government.
Deputy Spring and members of the Labour Party should be under no illusion as to the public outrage generated by their behaviour. It is seen not so much a U-turn as a backward flip. The voiceless, the unrepresented and the marginalised sectors of our community in whose direction Deputy Spring regularly pays lip service in his penchant for engaging in levitation politics now include the 330,000 people who voted for the Labour Party in November last. I do not think that they will again at any future date, be seduced by soft focus pictures on their television screens of the Labour leader gazing wistfully over cliffs as mild music plays in the background. I look forward, Sir, to the type of party political broadcast the Labour Party may change to for the next election.
It could have been different. Deputy Bruton, the Leader of the Fine Gael Party and Deputy O'Malley were both sincere in seeking co-operation from the Labour Party in putting in place an entirely new Government built on a common set of policies and a relationship of mutual respect and trust. In contrast, in the days following the election, Deputy Spring and his colleagues deliberately set out to destroy any possibility of a relationship of trust and mutual respect developing. At no stage would Deputy Spring agree to a joint meeting of Deputies O'Malley, Bruton and himself to lay the foundations for engaging in the comprehensive negotiations necessary for the formation of a three party government. Deputy Spring's apparent problem was that Deputies Bruton and O'Malley, unlike Deputy Reynolds, would not go to him on bended knee and pledge fealty. They were people determined to retain their personal sense of decency, integrity and independence.
Few who voted Labour now believe anything the Labour Leader says. When the Fianna Fáil/Labour programme for Government is published with a great fanfare of political trumpets, no one will believe any of the promises contained in it. Just as Fianna Fáil failed to seduce the majority of electors with their basket of election promises in November, few will in the month of January take seriously the recycled list of promises that will be contained in the Government programme. Fianna Fáil/Labour post-Christmas sales talk will be no more convincing than was the Fianna Fáil pre-Christmas sales election manifesto.
Moreover, neither will credibility be given to any assurances forthcoming from Deputy Spring whose arrogance is growing with his every appearance in this House. It is astounding that the Labour Leader should tell the House this afternoon that he will give the House assurances as to the validity of the programme. Does he not realise how damaged he is and how damaged his credibility is in the eyes of the general public? No doubt, as he did in this House on 5 November and on 22 December last, he will continue to speak of truth and integrity in politics and see all criticism of him as media conspiracy.
The reality, of course, is different. For the past three years Deputy Spring has led a charmed political life in the media, which continued throughout the general election campaign. I became increasingly alarmed during that campaign at Deputy Spring's evasive answers when questioned about his post-election intentions; little or no coverage was given to statements I made challenging him as to his intentions and predicting the possibility of a Fianna Fáil-Labour Government. These statements were no doubt perceived as being so at variance with Deputy Spring's whole approach to politics and things he has said in the Dail in the immediate run-up to the elections as not to be worthy of publication or serious coverage. They have sadly proved to be prophetic.
Like the general public, the electorate, the editorial writers and political commentators are entitled to feel aggrieved at being so seriously misled. Deputy Spring, either as Tánaiste or Leader of the Labour Party, should resist the temptation to engage in any further special pleading in this House about his commitment to truth and integrity.
Truth and integrity are two political currencies which were heavily traded by Labour in the prelude to and during the general election campaign. Never has a currency been so rapidly devalued and debased — or, perhaps in the new language of Eurospeak we should speak simply of a semantical realignment. Deputy Spring's first and only major political achievement in the heady days that followed the November election has been to give both truth and integrity a bad name.
There is no doubt, that in the days that follow, the political circus will continue. The Government party spinners will tell yarns of how one or other party has triumphed in the negotiation process and how we are now on the verge of a great new dawn. We will be told more about the "good chemistry" between Deputies Quinn and Ahern and will marvel at their comradely implosions. We will learn more of how the Labour combatants struggled with Fianna Fáil to secure their agreement on the holding of a divorce referendum and to take action to guarantee greater integrity in politics, issues which would have caused no difficulty to either the Fine Gael or Progressive Democratic Parties. We might even be on the receiving end of further revelations from the Labour clown — or was it a court jester — who told The Irish Times that Labour expected to do better in Government with Fianna Fáil because the Civil Service took Fianna Fáil more seriously than other parties. No doubt the heroes will stand on their soap boxes to proclaim the coming of the new dawn. I expect, however, that it is more likely that it will ultimately be the clowns who will hold centre stage.
Nothing done or said by any of the participants in this shoddy affair can hide the fact that this will be a Government lacking an electoral mandate formed in circumstances which will only fuel the general public's disillusion and cynicism with politics and politicians.
