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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 12 Mar 1993

Vol. 427 No. 9

Aer Lingus Difficulties: Statements.

I am pleased to have this opportunity to discuss the affairs of Aer Lingus because it permits me to make a comprehensive statement on the problems facing the company, on the Government's role and on the role of the board, management and workforce in resolving these problems.

First, I want to acknowledge the long and distinguished service Cathal Mullan has given the airline over a career of 35 or more years. I would like to wish him every success in the future.

Much has been said in the past few days about the problems besetting Aer Lingus. Some of it has been reasonable, some of it has been inaccurate and some of it has bordered on the hysterical. It is time to reflect in a calm and reasonable manner on the present position of Aer Lingus. This is the only way that the correct response will emerge.

At the outset, I want to say that it is in Ireland's strategic interest to have Aer Lingus as a substantial airline to serve trade, tourism and overall national needs. The relationship between the Government and Aer Lingus has historically been a close one. The airline has been supported by successive Governments since its foundation. It has brought mutual benefits to the employees of Aer Lingus, to the Government and to the people of Ireland. Aer Lingus was founded by Seán Lemass and it has carried the name of Ireland with distinction to every corner of the world.

The Government has supported Aer Lingus in its expansion and development over the years. This company has been a critical part of our commercial semi-State sector which has been fostered and encouraged to develop by successive Governments. The commercial semi-State sector has played a vital role in the development of our economy since the foundation of the State. It has led the way in economic progress and employment generation.

It would not be correct, however, to paint a utopian picture. The achievements of the commercial semi-State companies should be acknowledged but so too must their shortcomings be recognised and rectified. The important role of commercial semi-State companies is fully acknowledged in the programme for Government which contains a commitment to implement the principles in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress in relation to these companies. In this context, Aer Lingus has been given much greater commercial freedom in recent years to pursue the goals and objectives which have been laid down for the company. This includes freedom to determine fare levels and to pursue new routes.

Successive Governments have nurtured Aer Lingus as the national carrier in its formative years and, subsequently, endorsed the decision to expand into businesses which were not part of the core activity. This expansion was carried out with the blessing of the Governments of the day in a spirit of partnership aimed at the successful development of the company. This strategy proved to be enormously successful with benefits for all those involved in the partnership: the Government, the employees of the airline and the taxpayer.

The Government wants that spirit of partnership, of mutual commitment and co-operation to continue. What must be understood by all those involved, however, is that the context in which that co-operation will continue has fundamentally and irrevocably changed. This is something to which we all will have to adapt.

Adapting to change is rarely easy. The airline industry is now operating in a much changed scenario. These changes can reach right down to local communities and families, causing uncertainty and anxiety. Our task is to confront the challenges of change calmly and resolutely. These challenges are not something which can be resolved overnight. What we must all seek to do together is to set ourselves on the right path. Change is now a reality, not just in the airline industry, but in every business. There is a quantum leap to be negotiated. The whole competitive culture has changed. We are no longer dealing with cyclical or intermittent change; we are dealing with constant change. We must be as fast as the rest in adapting if we are to survive.

Let me elaborate on the fundamental changes which have occurred in the recent past in so far as the air transport industry is concerned. This industry has traditionally been characterised by a high degree of Government intervention, for example, in regulating access to markets, pricing and the number of carriers permitted to operate on routes. In this environment, airlines were not exposed to the full brunt of competitive forces as they exist in other economic or industrial sectors. All this has, however, changed dramatically over the past ten years or so. The air transport industry worldwide has until recently been going through a period of unprecedented growth and structural change. The primary reasons for these developments have been the international trend towards increased leisure time and associated spending; consumer demands for cheaper air travel; Government policies to stimulate tourism and demands for a more competitive industry. As a result of these developments, the trend has been for Governments, to relax controls on access to markets, to level the determination of fares to the commercial judgment of airlines, and to increase competition.

These developments took place largely against the backdrop of a buoyant economic environment, in which the world air transport market grew by an average of 7 per cent annually during the eighties. The Gulf War, and the recessions in US and UK markets, have, of course, more recently curtailed the level of this growth.

In response to the overall trends, the European Commission has pursued since the eighties policies to promote liberalisation in the airline industry. These policies culminated in the creation of a single market in air transport from 1 January this year. This development, which has resulted in the almost complete liberalisation of air services between Ireland, Britain and continental Europe, has profound implications for Aer Lingus and the environment in which it must operate in the future.

Since 1 January any EC national can set up an airline in Ireland or elsewhere in the EC on meeting certain financial and safety criteria; any EC airline can fly on any route within the EC into any Irish or EC airport without any restriction on frequency provided slots are available; Community carriers can now set their own fares without Government control and the right to operate internal services, known as cabotage, in another member state is being phased in over the four years to 1997.

The role of Governments is, therefore, concentrated on ensuring that the market operates in a fair and open manner. For this purpose, safeguards have been put in place to eliminate unfair competition in the market such as abuses of dominant positions, excessively high fares or predatory pricing. Governments no longer have the authority to regulate air transport in favour of their own carriers. They do, however, have the right and, indeed, the obligation to ensure that competition operates in a fair manner as envisaged. I intend to be vigilant in ensuring that the national and international competitive conditions in which Irish carriers operate are conducted in a fair and equitable manner.

European carriers have reacted to EC liberalisation and to the effects of the Gulf War and international recession in a predictable manner. They have slimmed down to gain increased efficiency and competiveness in order to survive. A report carried out for Aer Lingus by international consultants, BCG, in 1991 warned that they would need to continue to reduce costs significantly over the succeeding years just to keep pace with their competitors. That was before the major restructuring which has occurred in many European airlines since the effects of the Gulf War and the international recession hit.

This is the climate of continuing change which we must now all strive to manage on the basis of a partnership approach. Everyone involved in this partnership must be prepared to take on their responsibilities. Standing off or non-co-operation will only make the situation worse. That is the reality. The Government, for its part, will not shirk its responsibilities. It is the shareholder of Aer Lingus on behalf of the Irish people. It has a commitment to national development. The Government also has a wider responsibility to the taxpayer. Any investment on behalf of the taxpayer can only be considered if and when a prospectus for recovery is in place and where visible and convincing action is evident to suggest that recovery is under way and a new course is being set which confirms a viable future for Aer Lingus.

The Programme for Government sets out the Government's objectives and the role which our commercial semi-State companies are expected to play in achieving those objectives. This includes commercial freedom and the discipline and responsibility inherent in this of giving value for money. In the case of Aer Lingus, the Programme for Government states that we will ensure the commercial future of our national airline in the context of our overall air transport policy.

There are many demands on the Exchequer. The social partnership which has existed since 1987 has been a positive force for consensus in our society. Who would have thought that the mammoth difficulties which we faced in the national finances at that time could have been brought so effectively under control in such a relatively short space of time. This was achieved by the recognition and pursuit of common objectives which have brought about a viable future for the economy. We did not bury our heads in the sand and hope the problems would miraculously disappear. Of course, many problems remain but we have turned the corner in a spirit of co-operation and common endeavour.

In a sense, the problems facing Aer Lingus represent a microcosm of the problems at a national level to which I have just referred. They can be resolved in the same spirit of mutual co-operation.

Semi-State companies have traditionally been vehicles for national growth. They have helped to provide the critical mass which has helped to spawn other economic activity in the private sector. This has very much been the case with Aer Lingus which has been the catalyst for the development of our national aviation industry.

The constraints on the Exchequer finances are more obvious now than ever before. Because of these constraints and the climate of constant change in which they must operate, new ways must be found for semi-State companies to meet their goals and to fulfil their national role. They must reposition themselves to fit the new environment and they must be given free rein in so far as possible to achieve this.

We cannot indulge in stop-gap measures. This would not provide a secure future for anybody in Aer Lingus. The recovery strategy has to be for real. There are major problems but with new and committed approaches by all concerned they need not be insurmountable. This is the only way to ensure that the legitimate concerns of every stakeholder in Aer Lingus are met.

Without being defeatist, it is important not to underestimate the scale of the financial difficulties facing Aer Lingus. The core business, Air Transport, excluding once off items, will lose over £40 million this year resulting in losses for the fourth consecutive year. The air transport operation is incurring losses even before interest charges. In addition, the group debt is currently in excess of £500 million with an annual interest bill in the region of £50 million.

In the past, Aer Lingus has been able to absorb losses on its air transport operations with profits from its ancillary activities. This is no longer the case. Businesses such as the hotels are pro-cyclical with the airline business and their results have also been hard hit by the recession. Group losses in the current year will be of an unprecedented level.

In addition to the ongoing losses, Aer Lingus is burdened with a major overhang of debt resulting mainly from rapid fleet replacement over recent years. This expansion was undertaken on the understanding that there would be no Government equity or State guarantees to meet the substantial costs involved. Detailed justifications were provided by Aer Lingus to the Government in response to queries raised at the time of the acquisitions. At the end of the day, it is a commercial decision for Aer Lingus to take. That is why semi-State companies were set up in the first instance.

Looking to the future, there remains the requirement to replace the transatlantic fleet which will have to be addressed by the executive chairman and his board, in conjunction with the work force.

Accordingly, it is clear that the present financial situation cannot continue and that a radical restructuring is necessary. What is required is not only the implementation of measures to reverse the losses but also to achieve a substantial reduction in the level of Aer Lingus's debt. In a situation where even the non-core activities of Aer Lingus are facing substantial competitive problems, priorities will have to be clearly established.

Accordingly, in determining the necessary action to resolve Aer Lingus' difficulties, it is essential to focus on what is the primary national strategic interest. This is clearly to have a substantial Irish Airline to serve our trade and tourism needs. As an Island nation on the periphery of Europe, access transport in the form of shipping and air services is without question of vital importance to Ireland.

It is a matter for management and the unions to come together in the first instance to determine the priorities for the group. The objectives clearly must be to do everything humanly possible internally to reverse losses and to reduce the debt burden. How this is to be achieved will become apparent from the partnership approach of which I have already spoken. When this is agreed I hope that it will allow the Government to respond in a positive way to the solutions brought forward.

I must emphasise, however, that there can be no painless solutions. The problems which beset Aer Lingus will not be wished away. Difficult decisions will have to be taken, this problem must be dealt with quickly and with determination to turn the company around.

The role of EC competition law and State aid regulations are very pertinent in this regard and, I believe, may not be fully understood. The European Commission may decide in certain cases that aid may be granted to individual airlines which have serious financial difficulties provided certain conditions are met. One of these conditions is that the aid must form part of a programme, to be approved by the Commission, to restore the airline's financial health so that it can, within a reasonably short period, operate viably without further State aid. In other words, the financial assistance must be an integral part of a restructuring programme to restore the financial viability and competitiveness of the airline.

This aspect of restructuring constituted one of the reasons the Commission accepted the State aid given by their respective Governments to both Sabena and Iberia. Both cases involved a major restructuring programme.

The Commission also noted that the investment by the State would not increase the capacity offered by Sabena. On the contrary, the restructuring of Sabena'a network towards profitable routes would initially lead to a reduction of capacity. The Commission also laid down as one of its conditions of approval that the Belgian Government must abstain from granting any further aid to Sabena.

It might be argued that the provision of capital to Aer Lingus would constitute a normal commercial transaction between the owner of the air carrier and the company and would not, therefore, constitute State aid. The Commission has decided that in order to assess specific cases, it would evaluate whether a private investor under comparable conditions would have taken a similar decision — in other words, the market economy investor principle.

In the present circumstances, if Aer Lingus were to produce a prospectus, without taking any corrective action, it is obvious that a private investor would not take up equity in the company.

Even when the necessary remedial action has been taken by Aer Lingus, the economics of the airline business will remain very difficult. For this reason, it is essential that the group's airline related businesses such as TEAM Aer Lingus and Airmotive produce adequate profits. They must be geared to the highest international standards. Their role is vital in underpinning the future of the airline itself.

TEAM Aer Lingus and Airmotive are operating in an extremely and increasingly competitive international environment. They must be totally stand-alone businesses which can prosper in their own right. They cannot be immune from scrutiny of their cost base at least as rigorous as that which the airline itself must undergo. Their objective must be to ensure that they are leaner and fitter than their competitors.

Last Tuesday evening in this House, I announced the appointment of Mr. Bernie Cahill as Executive Chairman of Aer Lingus. I indicated in one part of that statement that the executive chairman had been given absolute discretion in terms of increasing yields, disposing of assets not essential to the core business and in achieving savings on the company's cost base. I regret that this statement has been misunderstood in some quarters and used out of context, perhaps deliberately, in others. I would like to set the record straight.

In the first instance, I want to make it clear that there is no question of the Government washing its hands of Aer Lingus. The executive chairman has freedom to develop the new framework to ensure the company is restored to viability. This includes measures to increase yields, dispose of assets not essential to the core business and to achieve savings on the company's cost base. I expect that he will leave no stone unturned in this task. I also expect that he will carry out the task in the spirit of partnership of which I have already spoken. This involves the management and the unions coming together, as I have stated, to develop priorities for the group.

I have instructed the executive chairman that Aer Lingus is to maintain a significant presence on the transatlantic routes in the context of the existing policy on the Shannon stopover.

Obviously, the executive chairman will be subject to the normal board procedures and requirements under the Companies Acts and Aer Lingus's own articles of association. He will also, of course, be keeping in touch with me on the progress he is making, particularly with regard to important strategic issues. In addition, the normal established procedures of liaison with my Department, and the Department of Finance guidelines for semi-State companies, will continue to apply.

I want to emphasise that a partnership approach is essential. The executive chairman shares my view of this. He will be liaising with representatives of the employees, and with other interests, to explain the new framework to be developed to ensure the company is restored to viability.

I must again emphasise that decisions taken by management and the commitment of the workforce to the necessary action must be evident before the Government can commit itself to the overall level of support which it can offer.

The qualitative decisions which are taken in discussions between the management and the unions will greatly influence the Government's attitude towards the degree of support it can provide for Aer Lingus. There is a need for imagination and flexibility on both sides. No options should be ruled out for consideration. The Government will be receptive to innovative ideas.

The scope for marketing alliances and joint ventures should be fully explored. The workforce can and should contribute fully to this process through an open communication of ideas. Its workforce has always been Aer Lingus' greatest asset. I want to acknowledge and express my appreciation of the sacrifices which they have already made. In the nature of things, as they stand, further improvements in the operational performance of the company will be called for. It is the only way to secure a long term future for the company. Most major European airlines have already gone through the pain of restructuring. I believe that the workforce of Aer Lingus will respond to this major challenge that confronts us and will not go away.

The Government is committed to an Aer Lingus which can play a key role in the future development of Irish aviation and in the Irish economy. To enable it to fulfil this role, strenuous efforts are now called for from the management and workforce. When this is evident, it will have the full support of the Government in so far as it can contribute. Decision time is now. Let us not contemplate failure, with courage and determination we can succeed.

(Limerick-East): I would like to share my time with Deputy Jimmy Deenihan.

Is that satisfactory? Agreed.

(Limerick-East): In the past week or so the Minister has spoken three times in the Oireachtas on the Aer Lingus situation — twice in the Dáil and once in the Seanad. He has, however, been absolutely miserly with his information and Members of this House have had to resort to reading between the lines and relying on leaks, deliberate or otherwise, to try to get an overall view of the problems in Aer Lingus. The most recent published information on the finances of the company are for the financial year ended 31 March 1992. The information contained in these accounts is now out of date and it is not a reliable basis for forming or judging policy on Aer Lingus. The Minister should trust the House. He should have provided in his reply today a clear statement of the present financial state of the company. In the absence of such a statement Members of this House, the public and employees of Aer Lingus are not in a position to measure the Minister's or Mr. Cahill's proposals and actions.

The Minister confirmed that the company will owe £550 million by the end of this month. I ask the Minister if this includes the leasing liabilities which I understand amount to £140 million to £150 million. It has been leaked to the newspapers that Aer Lingus's losses to 31 March 1993 will be almost £100 million. Is this figure correct? In the Minister's reply to today's debte will he provide the composition of this projected loss? The Executive Chairman of Aer Lingus, Mr. Cahill, stated yesterday that the company had requested £400 million by way of equity from the Government, £200 million directly as a cash injection and a further £200 million by way of preference shares in the company. Will the Minister state his reaction to this and will he inform us whether this is a historic position put forward by the management of Aer Lingus before Mr. Cahill's new appointment or is this request still an active one on the Minister's desk?

No matter how the Minister tries to obscure the truth it is clear Aer Lingus is on the fringe of disaster. The Minister, though newly appointed, must share collective responsibility for this as he was a member of the last Government which procrastinated in such a disgraceful manner while Aer Lingus moved closer to catastrophe. In his speech today the Minister pointed out that major airlines of our partners in the EC had put in restructuring programmes in the last two years or so. He further pointed out that up to 31 December of this year it was possible to do so effectively without let or hindrance from the Commission and that now the position has changed. Yet when Deputy Brennan was Minister he did nothing in this regard, nor did Deputy Máire Geoghegan-Quinn when she was Minister. I believe this Minister, even though he can only be blamed in terms of collective responsibility in Cabinet because he is new to this post, did not act on his own accord on this occasion but was pushed into action by the banks who have become increasingly uneasy about their exposure.

The Tánaiste, in a television interview of Wednesday night of this week, said that Mr. Cahill's appointment had the support of the unions and the banks. It is implicit in his statement that the banks were involved in finally getting the Minister to act. They were involved to the degree that they had virtually a veto over the appointment of Mr. Cahill. It is not possible to draw any other interpretation from the Tánaiste's statement. In this context perhaps the Minister would inform the House as to how much of Aer Lingus borrowings are State guaranteed and how much are not, and what is the independent exposure of all financial and banking institutions outside State guarantees.

A most extraordinary aspect of the Minister's statement on Tuesday night was that he had given absolute discretion to Mr. Cahill to increase yields to dispose of assets not essential to the core business and to achieve savings on the cost base of the company, we presume, through redundancies. Will the Minister confirm that when Mr. Cahill was first approached he refused the poison chalice presented to him, that he only agreed to take on the task when he was guaranteed he would have carte blanche to sort out Aer Lingus as he saw fit and that he finally agreed to take on the task only when he had assurances that the Minister would back his actions and not procrastinate as his two predecessors had done? Is it not an amazing turn of events that a man who both the Taoiseach and Tánaiste wanted out when Mr. Haughey was Taoiseach is now in such a strong position that he can dictate terms to the Government?

The appointment also begs the question as to why Mr. Cahill was so inactive as chairman of Aer Lingus in the last 18 months. The Minister in his statement on Tuesday night said:

Along with reducing costs the airline must ensure that its yields are at sustainable levels. The resolution of Aer Lingus's current difficulties and its future prosperity dictate that its fares must not only be competitive but also economically sustainable.

I take it that Mr. Cahill agrees with that statement. I would like the Minister to confirm that this marks a major policy change by Aer Lingus in respect of fares on the Dublin-London route. Will he confirm that the practice of below-cost selling by Aer Lingus on this route to wipe out competition and restore Aer Lingus to the monopoly cartel arrangements of the past are now at an end? What increase in fares is being signalled by this statement? Will the Minister agree that the average return fare on the Dublin-London route will be increased by at least 25 per cent in line with these comments in his statement on Tuesday night?

As I have said previously, it is difficult to understand Mr. Cahill's inactivity in the last 18 months. Was he in conflict with the board, the chief executive or the Department of Transport, Energy and Communications? What has happened now to spur him to action after 18 months of inactivity? Is there really a rescue plan for Aer Lingus or are we looking at the biggest fire sale ever conducted in this country on the instructions of certain financial institutions?

It is well worth looking at the pathetic role of the Labour Party in this affair. They made commitments to the Aer Lingus workers before, during and after the last election. The principal commitments were that no redundancies would be agreed until the Government had brought forward a national aviation plan and that Labour in Government would ensure that a large injection of equity would be provided to recapitalise the company. The first of these commitments was enshrined in a motion put before this House by the Labour Party. Fine Gael, believing that Labour were in honest opposition, supported the motion. What is the Labour Party status now? Why has Labour in Government not brought forward a national aviation policy, or does the word of the Labour Party have no more substance than last year's snow?

The second commitment to provide a cash injection for the company was given by Labour Deputies on several occasions, most dramatically by the Tánaiste to Aer Lingus workers assembled in a hanger in Dublin Airport during the election campaign. He said that Labour in Government would provide equity, no strings attached. Is it not now a sight offensive to the democratic process to watch Labour backbenchers squirm out of their promises?

That is not the case.

We will see.

The Deputy should not misquote.

(Limerick-East): Is it not an even more offensive sight to watch their Ministers as they shrug off their promises and smile? Aer Lingus has provided a terrific service to Ireland over the years. It has become a symbol of our national identity, been an efficient and courteous carrier, the backbone of the tourist industry and an excellent employer at home and abroad. It should be supported.

The Government must bring forward a national aviation plan and redundancies should not be considered outside of this. The concept of a national airline should be supported for strategic and economic reasons and the Government should commit itself to providing a cash injection as part of the rescue plan for the company. The core business of the company is air transport. Many people conclude that subsidiary activities are disposable to provide some of the necessary capital to secure this core activity. I question the wisdom of selling off subsidiaries which contributed to the profits of Aer Lingus in the past and cushioned its losses in recent years. This is not the time to sell hotels, particularly in the UK where the property market is at an all time low. I hope that the exigencies of the balance sheet do not force the sale of these hotels at knock down prices.

This Government is weak. I hope it can restore Aer Lingus to profitability quickly. The Government can be certain that it will be held responsible inside and outside this House if it fails, and the appointment of an executive chairman with plenipotentiary powers will not protect Fianna Fáil or Labour Deputies from the wrath of the people.

The survival of Aer Lingus is crucial to expansion plans for our tourism industry. Any changes in the structure of Aer Lingus must ensure that its crucial role in tourism is not diminished. Aer Lingus plays a fundamental role in and is a major contributor to the development of our tourism industry. It is a key provider of access to Ireland from all major markets. Access transport is one of the key factors which determine the success of our tourism industry. Tourists must be able to travel quickly at a competitive price to this country.

Aer Lingus brought 1.26 million visitors to Ireland in the 1991-92 season. This represents three out of every four visitors who came by air. Aer Lingus is synonymous with Ireland and Irish tourism throughout the world. It is the flag ship for Irish tourism, a major contributor to the success of that industry through its overseas marketing and promotion. It is estimated that Aer Lingus spends on average £22 million annually on sales and marketing abroad. It provided 400 sales and marketing personnel dedicated to attracting business from abroad. It produces more than 1.25 million pieces of promotional literature in eight languages for distribution through its offices, tour operators and travel agents throughout the world. In 1991 Aer Lingus tour programmes brought in more than 52,000 visitors who purchased more than 172,000 car rental days and 325,000 nights of paid accommodation. Aer Lingus is an important partner to Bord Fáilte in advertising Ireland overseas. In 1993 Aer Lingus will contribute 20 per cent of the £1.6 million spent on the main tourist advertising campaign by Bord Fáilte on mainland Europe.

It is worth noting that in addition to expenditure on tourism promotion Aer Lingus provides significant assistance to the tourism industry through free and rebated flights for overseas travel agents, tour operators and conference and convention organisers to cover attendance at Bord Fáilte's workshops in Ireland and on familiarisation and inspection visits to Ireland. This applies to members of the press, television and other media from abroad for public relations programmes. More important, every year Aer Lingus provides free flights for several hoteliers, car hire people, cruising, self catering and marketing personnel and so on, on sales visits to overseas markets. This support is worth in excess of £1 million per annum to the tourist trade. The level of tourist promotion by many individual operators could not take place without this support.

There is a national consensus that Aer Lingus must be salvaged, but how is this to be done and by whom? Government policy in this respect has been totally confused and contradictory. The former Ministers, Deputies Brennan and Geoghegan-Quinn, fudged the issue and the present Minister, Deputy Cowen, has made three major statements on the future of Aer Lingus over the past week and they were totally contradictory with regard to the role of Mr. Bernie Cahill. On Tuesday, 9 March, Deputy Cowen stated in the Dáil:

I have given the "executive chairman" absolute discretion in terms of increasing yields, disposing of assets not essential to the core business, and in achieving savings on the company's cost base.

In his address to the Seanad yesterday afternoon, the Minister, no doubt because of pressure from many sources, qualified Mr. Cahill's role when he said:

The executive chairman will be subject to the normal board procedures and requirements under the Companies Acts and Aer Lingus' own Articles of Association.

Obviously Mr. Cahill's power has been watered down since Tuesday. Matters are not helped by Labour's schizophrenia. Deputy Spring now trusts Bernie Cahill but in March 1992 he said in the course of the debate on Siúicre Éireann in relation to Mr. Cahill's stewardship of the sugar company:

I would like to think that if I were in Mr. Cahill's position and had presided over this fiasco I would have the good grace to offer my resignation.

How could Deputy Spring have agreed in Cabinet to Mr. Cahill's appointment, if he felt like that about him? Will Deputy Spring make a similar accusation in relation to Aer Lingus if things go sour for Mr. Cahill?

Before the November election the Labour Party totally misled Aer Lingus workers by giving a total commitment for State equity and no redundancies if they were returned to power. They have reneged on this promise as they have on so many others. It is obvious that Aer Lingus is in serious financial trouble. Since 1986-87 the group's net borrowings increased from £28 million to £494 million in 1992. Operating profits no longer cover interest payments. The heavy losses in air transport now exceed the profits of the company's other business divisions.

It is worth noting that Aer Lingus has spent more than £500 million on 28 new aircraft since 1987. Further investment will be required for future growth. It is vital that the Boeing 747 aircraft will be replaced by the mid-nineties if the company is to continue to serve the North American market. The current state of the airline's finances will not permit further investment. This has drastic implications especially for the North American market.

The reasons for the company's financial problems are complex and long standing. Many changes have taken place in aviation trends throughout the world. Aer Lingus has also been subjected to its share of political interference in the running and management of its business. The company was guilty of mismanagement of people and resources. In 1991 the Boston consulting group examined the economic position of Aer Lingus and its findings concluded that Aer Lingus' financial performance in the core air transport business threatened its long term viability and that actions aimed at improving the yields would have the greatest impact on profitability. To their credit the workers of Aer Lingus have already accepted cost reduction measures such as deferment of salary increments in 1991, rescheduling of payments due under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and a reducation in overtime levels.

Factors such as seasonality, en-route charges and loss-making domestic routes must be considered. These have all had a negative effect on the profitability of Aer Lingus. Most of Aer Lingus's European flights must fly through British airspace and en-route charges through Britain are the most expensive in the EC. Indeed, airport charges at Irish airports are generally higher than in most continental airports. Also, many domestic routes, which are important to the tourism industry are uneconomic.

The people of Ireland want Aer Lingus saved. Indeed, a substantial equity injection is needed if only to replace the transatlantic fleet. We must ensure that as many as possible of the 7,500 jobs at Aer Lingus are preserved. However, we must also realise that Aer Lingus supports a large percentage of the 80,000 jobs direct and indirect in the wider tourism sector in Ireland.

The extent to which employment in tourism is dependent on the success and continuing growth of Aer Lingus is self-evident. It is vital that Aer Lingus, as a major generator of jobs and as a critical link in the whole tourism industry, grows and prospers, otherwise the growth potential of the Irish tourist industry will be seriously impaired.

Finally, what is needed is a frank and open debate about all the options and their consequences. There is no place for hidden agendas and secret deals. It is time for the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications, Deputy Cowen, and to some extent Mr. Attley, to come clean and not to shirk from their responsibility in this vital national issue.

Deputies Callely and De Rossa rose.

I understand that by mutual agreement the Technical Group's spokesperson will be heard now to be followed immediately afterwards by a Progressive Democrat speaker.

Deputy Callely will have his opportunity soon but not until after Deputy O'Malley has contributed. I should like to share some of my time with Deputy Trevor Sargent.

Is that satisfactory and agreed? Agreed.

Aer Lingus faces a very serious crisis. That crisis is due to a number of factors — the international recession especially in the area of air travel, neglect and underfunding on the part of successive Governments, and possibly some strategic errors of judgment on the part of the company. The crisis is probably the most serious to be faced by any State company since the Irish Shipping debacle of almost ten years ago. It would be a dangerous error to ignore the extent of the problem, but it would be even more dangerous to exaggerate those problems, to create a doomsday atmosphere or to promote the belief that the company is beyond rescue. The last thing we want to do is to talk Aer Lingus deeper into crisis and to further demoralise a workforce who have played a vital role in the company's development. In this regard some of the public statements by members of the Government, including the Tánaiste, have been unfortunate and ill-considered.

If the airline is to be restored to a sound trading and financial basis it will require the co-operation and the commitment of the Dáil, the management and workforce. We will have failed if we end up with a slimmed down airline operating on a handful of routes with a greatly reduce workforce. Our commitment must be to the continuation of the company as the national carrier and major employer, operating on a wide range of routes and active in all aspects of air transport and ancillary activities. Most of all it will require a commitment on the part of the Government and the Dáil to provide the adequate finance to allow Aer Lingus to overcome its immediate problems. There is no other way. It will be expensive, but the cost of allowing the airline to go to the wall or to be totally emasculated will be far greater in both social and economic terms.

While Aer Lingus has been the subject of widespread criticism in recent months — mainly from those who see the airline's difficulties as an excuse for another assault on the concept of public enterprise — it is worth reminding the House of the record of the company and its achievements over more than five decades of existence. Aer Lingus is one of the success stories of Irish public enterprise. It is our fourth largest employer with some 14,000 workers — more than companies like Smurfits or Cement Roadstone.

Its contribution to the Irish economy has been enormous, especially in view of the fact that the total investment from its one and only shareholder — the Government — has amounted to only £73 million over more than 50 years. In the eight years from 1983 to 1991 Aer Lingus paid a total of £224 million to the Exchequer in PAYE and PRSI contributions.

The Irish airlines superannuation scheme has invested more than £200 million in Government and other securities. Aer Lingus spends more than £90 million on goods and services in Ireland, thus supporting jobs in many other sectors, and Irish airports and air traffic control services earn more than £30 million per year from the company.

In 1991-92 Aer Lingus brought more than one million visitors to Ireland. Two thirds of all passengers in and out of Ireland were carried by the company. Aer Lingus served 45 routes in 11 countries and carried 4.3 million passengers and 50,000 tonnes of freight. Eight Irish airports were serviced and 358,000 passengers were carried on domestic flights. A strong national carrier is crucial to our tourist industry, especially as we are an island.

The company has diversified its activities into ancillary services and has been widely praised for doing so. Ancillary services which enable a degree of cross-subsidisation are particularly necessary, given the unpredictability of the air transport market. Aer Lingus has also diversified into industrial type ancillary services. Although the TEAM project is facing difficulties, everyone agreed that this was the type of activity that the company should be getting into as they were bringing business from abroad into this country and creating badly needed jobs and revenue. Airmotive and the joint venture with Pratt and Whitney fall into a similar category.

Why is Aer Lingus in trouble then? It is clear that one of the major factors has been the fall off in air traffic resulting initially from the Gulf War and later from the general economic recession. The problems for the company are heightened by the peripheral position of Ireland and our relatively low level of business traffic.

The difficulties now faced by Aer Lingus are not unique. The airline industry generally is in a bad way. Aer Lingus has generally done no worse than any similar airline and has performed a lot better than most. We should remember that privately run commercial giants like PanAm, with enormous world-wide business and huge resources, have gone to the wall.

The difficulties of Aer Lingus have been seized upon by those inside and outside the House who are ideologically opposed to the principle of public enterprise. We have heard all the tut-tutting about the inevitable inefficiency of semi-State companies and about how the public interest would be served by privatisation. But look at the position of GPA — up to recently the jewel in the crown of Irish private enterprise. This was, we were told, an example to all the rest of us, a company built up from nothing, which went out and aggressively campaigned for markets abroad. This is the company whose board included former Taoisigh and EC Commissioners. Its executives were regarded as the elite corps of Irish management, handpicked by Tony Ryan from the cream of the public service and private enterprise.

What is the position of GPA now? It is, unfortunately, in a shambles and fighting for survival. The value of its shares, once trading at around $17, is now down to about $2. One major bank in a recent court case put forward the view that these shares were worthless.

The factors which have shot down GPA are in many respects identical to those which have led to the difficulties of Aer Lingus — the international recession and the collapse of air travel. Of course the fact is that the fall in the GPA share value has greatly added to the difficulties of Aer Lingus, as its holding in Mr. Ryan's company, once valued at around £110 million, is now thought to be worth no more than about £13 million.

What of the record of successive Governments in regard to Aer Lingus? To say that they have been less than supportive and less than decisive would be a considerable understatement. The last time any proposal regarding funding for Aer Lingus was brought before the Dáil was the Air Companies (Amendment) Act in 1983. It was not just that they sat back and took the dividends. They deliberately initiated a two airline policy and actively promoted the interests of Aer Lingus's main rival, Ryanair. Is it not extraordinary that the Government, as the owner of Aer Lingus, should have deliberately promoted the interests of a rival company? In September 1989 the then Fianna Fáil-PD Government decided to rob Aer Lingus of several profitable routes and hand them gift-wrapped to Ryanair. Aer Lingus is still denied access to Stanstead. As recently as September of last year the then Minister for Tourism, Transport and Communications, Deputy Máire Geoghegan Quinn, authorised another airline to operate scheduled air services between Shannon and Los Angeles routed through Boston.

It has now been evident for a year or more that Aer Lingus was experiencing difficulties and that measures were necessary to deal with the problems. We all remember the former Minister, Deputy Geoghegan-Quinn, storming out of a meeting with the board of Aer Lingus last autumn and criticising them for their failure to act decisively. Of course she ignored the fact that her Government sat on the Shannon stopover issue for years, leading to uncertainty which had added to the company's problems. Her criticism of the board sounds rather hollow now, given that her Government has still not made a decision on the various requests which had been made for an equity injection.

The trade unions, management and concerned public representatives have all been pleading with the Government to make a decision on equity, as everyone recognises that further delays simply increase the scale of the problem. The company has made a submission. The trade unions have made a submission to the Minister and had a meeting with him at which, by their own account, they received virtually no information and were left in the dark as to the Government's intentions.

Some of the scenarios which have been touted about are alarming, and none has been more alarming than the suggestion that up to 1,000 jobs might be lost in Aer Lingus. It is just inconceivable, at a time when all the resources of our society are supposed to be mobilised to fight unemployment, that any Government should even contemplate such job losses. The threatened loss of a similar number of jobs at Digital created a sense of national shock, threw the Government into a state of panic and led to the Minister for Enterprise and Employment being despatched across the Atlantic to plead with the Digital management and to make a £20 million offer of assistance. Why has the threat to Aer Lingus jobs not produced the same sense of urgency?

When the Ceann Comhairle agreed to the matter being raised on the adjournment on Tuesday night rumours swept the House that major decisions were to be announced; but those in the Dáil and in the workforce who had hoped that the announcement would include a financial commitment were sorely disappointed. There was nothing on money. Cathal Mullan was to be made the fall guy and Mr. Bernie Cahill was to be appointed as a sort of commercial dictator "with exclusive responsibility to take whatever action is necessary with immediate effect to restore the company to viability". Mr. Cahill was to be given "absolute discretion in terms of increasing yields, disposing of assets not essential to the core business, and in achieving savings on the company's cost base". I am not quite sure how the granting of these powers can be reconciled with the legal position whereby such powers would normally rest with the board. Is the Minister now saying that Mr. Cahill can make a decision, for instance, to sell off Aer Lingus hotels without any reference to the board?

I certainly can draw no comfort from the appointment of Mr. Cahill and the granting of such extraordinary powers, in view of his previous record. Mr. Cahill was appointed as chairman of the Irish Sugar Company, now Greencore, and the end result was huge job losses and ultimate privatisation. In addition, many questions remain unanswered about the adequacy of his stewardship as chairman. While he held that position senior executives were involved in irregularities of the most serious kind, and many questions remain unresolved about the whole affair.

Many people believed that Mr. Cahill was extremely lucky to retain his position as chairman of Greencore, but retain it he did. However, I am not sure that his attitude has changed. Only two weeks ago the Minister for Finance claimed in the House that neither he nor his Department were aware of contacts between Greencore and a US company, Archer Daniels, regarding the possible purchase of the State's 30 per cent shareholding. Where was Mr. Cahill when his management was apparently hawking the public shareholding in Greencore around the world? Will Mr. Cahill now be dispatching Aer Lingus management around the world with orders to sell this and sell that?

Why is it that while the Labour Party did not consider Mr. Cahill suitable to remain on as chairman of Greencore and was demanding his resignation in September 1991, he is now apparently considered to be suitable as the saviour of Aer Lingus? The answer, according to the Tánaiste, quoted in yesterday's Irish Independent, is that Mr. Cahill is “acceptable to the banks”. It seems that acceptability to the banks is now to be the determining factor when considering the suitability of a person to head a semi-State company — not the Dáil, the Government, not the workforce, but the banks. The new Labour Party approach to State companies takes its place alongside its new theory that selling a minority State shareholding in Greencore is not privatisation. Can we deduce from that that the sale of Aer Lingus hotels would not be privatisation either?

The request submitted by the company for an injection of £200 million in equity and £200 million in preferential shares is a very substantial one, and one which will be difficult to meet. However, it is worth recalling that great efforts have been made by Governments in the past to rescue private firms in difficulty. Huge amounts of money were found to salvage the PMPA in 1983, and in 1985 a similar rescue operation was mounted to save the AIB-owned Insurance Corporation of Ireland. The public is still footing the bill for this operation. The final cost is still not known but is expected to reach more than £160 million. These figures put the Aer Lingus request into some sort of perspective.

The Government must provide the equity injection that Aer Lingus requires. There is no other option. However, that on its own is only part of the solution. Other policy initiatives are required to consolidate the position of the company. We now know that the Minister has had on his desk since 1991 the report of the Boston Consultancy Group which recommended a number of measures designed to prevent what it described as "a gradual liquidation of the company". None of these measures was acted on and as a result two years later the problems of the company have worsened considerably.

The report recommended giving Aer Lingus freedom to set its own fares and decide on its own routes and called for a relaxation of the compulsory Shannon stopover. It also highlighted the high level of fees charged by Aer Rianta, which put Aer Lingus at a competitive disadvantage because Dublin is its home base. Why were none of these recommendations acted upon? Why were the problems allowed to drift on and mount?

As far as Democratic Left is concerned, a national aviation policy should be based on one Irish national airline, Aer Lingus. There is no basis for more and any other policy will almost certainly lead to us having none at all. With deregulation in Europe almost complete, anybody who argues that we need another Irish airline to provide competition either wishes to sabotage Aer Lingus or is out of touch with reality.

Part of a national policy must include fighting hard at European level for the development and operation of a European aviation policy which preserves diversity and ensures that peripheral regions retain viable airlines, which are so vital to their economic development and to the Community objective of economic and social cohesion. There must be provision for national aid to airlines like Aer Lingus to assist restructuring.

The enlarged Cohesion Fund must be used to decentralise aviation activity by reducing the cost of operating from national airports on the periphery and by providing a direct subsidy to airlines in proportion to its operation of designated routes or from designated regions. This could be in the form of support for mobile assets or through any other mechanism with a similar effect.

We must not accept the reported rejection yesterday by the European Commission on the request to spend direct EC grants on new aircraft for the company. I am sure that the Minister of State, Deputy Eithne Fitzgerald, put up a strong case. But, with all due respects, this is not a job for a new junior Minister; it requires intervention at the highest level. It is a job for the Taoiseach, who should be demanding that these funds be available to assist Aer Lingus. Indeed the time of the Taoiseach would be far better spent over the next week pressurising members of the Commission to change their narrow views than engaging in seven days of paddy-whackery in the United States.

The crucial factors in the saving of Aer Lingus will be a new national aviation policy and an increased equity investment in Aer Lingus. In the case of the former it is the quality and in the case of the latter it is the quantity which is crucial. This House stood by and allowed our national shipping carrier to go under in the eighties. We cannot allow a similar fate to befall our national air carrier.

Deputy Sargent has four minutes.

Tá níos mó ná fostaíocht i gceist le Aer Lingus cé go bhfuil muintir Shord Cholm Chille, agus daoine as Contae Átha Cliath ar fad chomh maith le contaetha eile ag brath ar Aer Lingus don obair atá acu faoi láthair.

Tá turasóireacht agus gnó na tíre ag brath air, tá Éireannaigh atá thar lear ag brath air, ní amháin le haghaidh taistil ach mar chomhartha baile — an seamróg a bhíonn le feiceáil i Nua Eabhrac nó i Frankfurt. Ní thugaimid an vóta fós dár muintir atá thar sáile ach ar a laghad má tá Aer Lingus ag freastal orthu tugaimid le fios nach cuma linn iad agus iad as baile agus go minic as obair faraor.

Cén sórt Lá Fhéile Pádraig a bheadh ann dár n-imircigh gan seamróg, comhartha Aer Lingus, a fheiceáil thar a gcinn sa spéir pé áit a mbíonn siad sa domhan, cosúil leis an seamróg atá á caitheamh agam inniu ar son Earthwatch agus an National Council for the Blind.

Ever since the Green Party, Comhaontas Glas, was first represented in this House it called as a party, through the former Deputy Roger Garland, for State equity to be given forthwith to Aer Lingus so as to maintain employment and ensure the survival of our national carrier. I wish to make two points about the Government's somewhat vague policy on equity.

First, this matter is being dealt with very late in the day. The proper time for the provision of equity was prior to the company being forced to borrow heavily from British and Japanese banks, prior to our ratifying the Maastricht Treaty and prior to the strict rules governing the open market coming into force. By accepting the Maastricht Treaty we have wantonly thrown away our ace bargaining position. The Danes were quick enough to understand the sense of rejecting the Maastricht Treaty — the Danish priorities are now to be part of the Treaty. What about the Irish concerns? What about the provision of help for Aer Lingus? When Mr. Delors came along like a knight in shining armour on his white charger to rescue the knaves and damsels in distress, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour and the Progressive Democrats all jumped up behind him and rode off into the sunset leaving Aer Lingus behind. Last December the stable door was closed somewhat. I hope to God there is a Marlin around who can prise the door open again.

Second, the refusal to inject or even indicate any level of equity whatever until a recovery plan is in place is impossible to accept as it is completely at variance with the Government's "here's the money, don't mind about the plan" attitude towards, for example, Dublin Zoo. In that case the Government commissioned a report which cost £55,600. That report has been available for years but never published, yet to date the Government has given £1.37 million of taxpayers' money to the Zoo, in spite of all the difficulties and lack of accountability regarding the spending of previous State equity.

Even leaving aside the hypocrisy I have just outlined, it is clear that we do have many aviation reports. One recent report on Aer Lingus from the Boston consulting group is full of recommendations to restore the company's profitability. So why is the Government adopting a policy of "not an inch" until yet another plan is produced? Time is running out. The employees deserve some monetary reassurance and a definite tangible commitment. As the Minister said "We have sufficient analysis — now is the time for action". So let us have the action, and a piece of that is long overdue and realistic equity. Had the money been offered earlier less would have been needed. We cannot change the past, but we can learn.

The Boston group report confirms that Dublin Airport needs to be competitive as an airline base, so Aer Rianta needs to be involved. Is this to be the case? The report says the Shannon stopover needs to be relaxed as it costs time across the Atlantic, costs money, landing fees, wear and tear on the aeroplanes, uses extra fuel which damages the environment and ultimately will cost employment on a massive scale if it prevents Aer Lingus from becoming competitive.

If ever I hoped that a Minister meant what he said I hope Minister Cowen does —"We have sufficient analysis. Now is the time for action".

The Aer Lingus crisis is a tragedy in many parts and it augurs a grim fate for many of the players in the drama. From the general taxpaying public in the guise of the State to the 7,000 workers in the company, many of whom are now fearing the worst for their job prospects, the picture is unremittingly gloomy. Given the appalling economic situation, this is one crisis we could have done without; but it is essential for all the interested parties that we work out ways out of the current trough and transform Aer Lingus once again into an efficient, viable and commercial airline.

Given the seriousness of the situation and the sheer number of livelihoods at stake, my approach and that of the Progressive Democrats is to be wholly constructive in our analysis, both in seeking to establish how the present catastrophe came about and in charting the best way forward in the interests of all sides. For many decades Aer Lingus was one of the flagship success stories of this country and was at the hub of developing key communications, business and tourist links for this sea-locked State. In that period Aer Lingus embodied the pride of the Irish people and was as much a symbol of our nation as the national flag. In turn, the people who worked for Aer Lingus and who work in the company today took a great pride in the company and in their work. In the core business of flying passengers the employees built up an enviable reputation of providing good service with a smile.

The great mistake which the company made — and obviously this was a key strategic management error — was to seek to withstand the era of greater air traffic liberalisation and competition which emerged in the mid-1980s. An enormous sea change came over aviation and airline policy both in the European Community and in this country from that time. It was marked by greater competition, as reflected here by the passing of the Air Transport Act, 1986. That Act started off as the Air Transport Bill, 1984, and generated a long and interesting debate for a year or so in this House. As a result of that debate very substantial changes were made in the Bill as originally introduced. What started out as a very restrictive measure intended to give more regulatory power to the Minister for Transport ended up eventually as a Bill which allowed and encouraged competition.

I pay tribute to the eventual openness of the then Minister, Deputy Jim Mitchell, who gradually realised during the long debate that he was pursuing the wrong course and changed the thrust of the Bill very substantially. If he had not done so I hate to think what the implications would have been for tourism in recent years and how the economy would have suffered by a continuation of the high fares which were a feature of Irish aviation to the mid-1980s.

That Bill was introduced because a small American airline, called Trans-America, had the temerity to transport people from Shannon to Amsterdam at a fare lower than Aer Lingus charged for the same or a similar route. Aer Lingus demanded, and got, from the Department of Transport almost instant legislation to stop this reprehensible practice, which, to the consternation of Aer Lingus, had been declared legal by the High Court.

The original Bill proposed that it would be an offence punishable by two years' imprisonment for a travel agent to sell a discounted air ticket, even if the discount was only a few pounds. At the time the normal fare between Dublin and London, for instance, was £208. Today, the comparable fare is between £70 and £80, notwithstanding the inflation of the intervening years. We were told then that the world would fall apart if the normal fare of £208 was not maintained.

At the same time, Dan Air, which had been encouraged by Bord Fáilte to introduce an £85 fare from Gatwick to Dublin, was frightened off by the pressure of Aer Lingus after they had agreed with Bord Fáilte to do so. Eight years later Aer Lingus now charge a fare lower than that contemplated by a potential competitor in 1985. So much for the strength of Aer Lingus arguments then.

I want to acknowledge the commendable change in the approach by the Department of Transport. In 1985, in the debates on the Bill I have mentioned, I accurately referred to the Department as nothing more than "the downtown office of Aer Lingus". Although they were the regulator of Irish aviation and should have been its promoter, in practice they did little except to implement whatever Aer Lingus wanted. There has happily been a total change of attitude in that Department. Its officials are now persuaded that the former policy was of no value to this country, and I am happy to acknowledge freely today that their attitude in recent years has been one of fair regulation and encouragement of all comers.

The success of this new air transport policy is graphically summed up by the report in January 1992 of the Culliton Group, which I set up when Minister for Industry and Commerce in June of the previous year. That report stated:

The much lower air fares and higher service frequencies prevailing since 1986, especially on cross-Channel routes, have shown the value of competition in improving access transport.

There are more carriers and more regional airports are being served. Cross-Channel air passenger traffic jumped from 1.8 million in 1985 to 4.6 million in 1990. The value of an efficient airline industry and competitive airline services to the Irish economy has been amply demonstrated.

Unfortunately, Aer Lingus senior management do not appear to have seen it quite like that, and there was no real change in their corporate culture. While paying lip service to the new competitive era, they still hankered after what they consider the good old days of collusion between state-owned airlines to maintain high prices, to keep out competitors, and to discourage increased business.

They have compounded the original strategic error of trying to block competition, by an obsessive follow-on policy of trying to kill off their new domestic competitor, Ryanair. So obsessive did this policy become in recent times, that it has virtually bankrupted their core aviation business.

There was an irrational targeting of the new Irish airline, which they sought to put out of business at all costs. They pursued Ryanair everywhere, even to the small provincial airports, which they would not touch until the new airline went into them. Even though Ryanair was a small, slim, tightly-run airline with few staff and low overheads, this did not deter Aer Lingus from matching or beating their fares on any route, even though Aer Lingus's cost structure was enormously greater.

Instead of going out to develop their own business, Aer Lingus chose the soft option of matching fares with all competitors and trying to prevent other airlines from developing business for the benefit of the country.

In the late eighties, for instance, the Departments of Transport and Foreign Affairs negotiated an additional route for Ireland into Los Angeles. This was, of course, immediately offered to Aer Lingus, but instead of developing this new route, they sought to use the fact of the route as a bargaining counter against Shannon Airport, and informed the Government that they would not fly to Los Angeles unless the requirement for transatlantic flights to land at Shannon was removed.

I now note that another privately-owned Irish airline, Translift, has taken up this redundant route from this year. They will commence to fly it from May, and I hope they will be very successful with it.

Aer Lingus's crazy aviation policy of trying to kill off competition is summed up by the fact that they are now losing £10 for every passenger they carry on the Dublin-London route, which is also its busiest. Indeed it is also the busiest in Europe. They have persisted in this crazy policy simply to try and kill off Ryanair and British Midland competition.

I know, too, that the Irish Airline Pilots Association was so concerned about this stupid, loss-making policy of Aer Lingus that last year they told the management privately that their crazy fares policy was bankrupting the company. But management obviously did not want to know.

On other fronts, too, we find that Aer Lingus was making a substantial annual payment to KLM to keep that airline out of Ireland. As well as refusing the Los Angeles route, they gave up flying rights to Montreal and Chicago. And they did not try to develop routes eastward to Moscow and beyond or to various other destinations.

Two-thirds of the Irish business on the Atlantic starts, or finishes, at Shannon. Yet, no effort whatever was made to develop business out of Shannon. Instead the airline's customers and staff were equally alienated and antagonised by the attitude taken to Shannon which was used as a whipping boy for Aer Lingus' many defects.

Instead of thinking in the way the airline of a small country like Singapore did, with great success, Aer Lingus senior management was only concerned with trying to block and kill off competition, and craved a return to the cosy cartel days.

But this is not the only disastrous legacy of Aer Lingus's inept management. While much of its corporate energy was being expended in these suicidal stratagems against competitors, other things were also happening within the group. In a period of about two years, they succeeded in losing about £17 million in a travel agency subsidiary, called Aer Lingus Holidays.

In more recent times, the airline's management has shown further evidence of its appalling ineptitude. We find, for instance that in 1991 — a year when airlines all over the world were battening down the hatches, and furiously retrenching in face of the collapse of the aviation industry following the Gulf Crisis that erupted in August 1990 — Aer Lingus recruited an extra 1,370 staff, including over 500 in the core aviation business. Naturally costs soared, too, and the wage bill alone went up by over £40 million. In the same period, £170 million was spent on acquiring new aircraft.

There was the very extravagant TEAM undertaking, which has all the overtones of empire-building about it. Here, too, extra workers were taken on, and the parent airline, as a captive customer, was charged 230 per cent the cost of maintenance work there so that the company could return a creative "profit" of £3 million last year.

These then are some of the courses of action leading to today's sorry mess, with annual losses at the airline now running at close to £100 million and cumulative debts of £550 million. I have no doubt that the real culprit for this state of affairs is the appalling management record of the company on so many fronts. Clearly there must now be drastic changes, and the rolling of merely one head will not be sufficient.

In January, I said that my convinced view was that the Government could not contemplate any equity injection into Aer Lingus if the present senior management remained in place. A first step in securing change at this level has now been taken, but I have very serious misgivings about the decision to appoint the existing chairman of the company to the post of executive chairman.

If I was a major shareholder, I would be happy to see Mr. Cahill run many forms of business for me, but a crisis-strewn airline would not be one of them, not least because Mr. Cahill is also chairman of Greencore, and there is little doubt that since his appointment to the chair of Aer Lingus in August 1991, Mr. Cahill has had to devote a high proportion of his time to dealing with the difficulties that Greencore faced.

Any knowledge that he would have acquired of the airline business would necessarily be limited. The task he now faces is one of enormous difficulty. Some of those who have now appointed him to his new trouble-shooting role in Aer Lingus had some interesting things to say about Mr. Cahill 18 months ago.

Our hearts must go out today to the thousands of ordinary workers in the airline, who are understandably worried sick about their job prospects in such a mismanaged and foundering organisation. With 300,000 already on the dole queues, it is natural that anyone with a job has the greatest trepidation about the prospect of joining that unacceptable labour market surplus.

The rescue programme for the airline however must be comprehensive and fundamental, and runaway costs must be tackled. There must be a clear-cut strategic aviation plan for the airline firmly rooted in the marketplace realities of deregulation, and full-blown competition. The airline must become efficient and dynamic, and all outmoded thinking and restrictions must go.

As part of the rescue plan I believe, too, that the company has no option but to dispose of its ancillary hotel business. The company's accounts for the year to March 1992 show (at page 43 — Note 2A) that the equity tied up in the hotel business at that date was £186.6 million, almost half the entire group equity at that date of £372 million. I think the question must be asked; why sink so much sorely needed equity on a continuing basis in this non-core activity abroad?

The pre-tax profit in hotel trading for that year was shown as £1.5 million in the accounts, which is a return of less than 1 per cent on assets. Those assets, if realised, could have been used to support the airline, or even if they were put in a bank they would earn about £20 million per annum, compared with the £1.5 million which they earned.

It does not make sense to continue to hold these assets when the group needs funds so badly elsewhere. Questions have been raised about whether the hotel business could be sold at its book value. In this regard the group does not provide depreciation on the hotels because "the directors consider that their market values equal or exceed their carrying values." I quote from Statement of Accounting Policies — G, Tangible Assets, page 40. If this is true, then the sale of the business should realise at least the next asset value of £186 million.

What if the business could only be sold for two-thirds its book value, say £125 million. Should they sell, suffering a loss — though only because the carrying value exceeds the real market value — and maybe forego the opportunity to benefit from increasing value in future years? The answer is simple. If Aer Lingus had £125 million in the bank today, would they buy a chain of hotels abroad with it?

But the proceeds of such a sale is not the full story. The hotels also have a substantial amount of borrowings which would also leave Aer Lingus with that business. The interest charge carried by the hotel activities is £8.6 million, which suggests that the hotel-related borrowings might be around £80 million or so. Therefore the financial benefit of disposal would be the receipt of the net sale proceeds, and the elimination of maybe £80 million of the debt overhang in the group.

These actions are necessary because there is simply no way, for instance, that the pulverised taxpaying public at large could afford to put a £400 million free-money injection into the company. The proposal of the Aer Lingus board to that effect is plainly daft.

Here again we have dramatic evidence of how out of touch the company's senior management and board have been. On the one hand they persisted with a fares policy that is bankrupting them, and on the other hand they want to milk the hapless taxpayer for £400 million to let them continue with such profligacy.

The Progressive Democrats believe that State equity must be part of the rescue plan, but it cannot be remotely of the order sought by the company for the simple reason that the country cannot afford it. Nor is it reasonable, from the point of view of the taxpaying public generally, for this or any Government to effectively sign a blank cheque by way of equity in advance of a comprehensive rescue plan being drawn up and agreed.

Of course, in this regard, the workers in the company have been deceived and made little of by the Labour Party, which generated unreal expectations of possible State largesse in the recent election campaign. On that occasion, the now Tánaiste, like some latter-day Messiah, went out to walk the troubled waters of Aer Lingus at Dublin Airport, with his North Dublin candidate disciples, and pretended to be able to perform miracles. Government equity would have to be provided, with no "ifs", "buts" or qualifications of any sort, and would have to be provided in the capital budget for this year, he told the workers there. There was no talk then of the company having to devise a rescue plan or shed jobs as a precondition. And the new Messiah was duly rewarded by the workers. His Dublin disciples reaped the dividend in a massive surge of votes, with his Dublin North candidate, for instance, winning nearly two quotas.

I have no doubt that the Aer Lingus workers need no explanation of this parable about putting trust into politics, Labour-style. They have been totally betrayed by that party, as have so many other people throughout the country. There was no equity provision in the budget, and the verbal contortions of every Labour Deputy on radio and television is a sobering antidote to all their election sweet-talk.

It is of vital importance that the rescue mission now under way is comprehensive and expeditious. An efficient, competitive and profitable Aer Lingus is of vital national importance for business, commerce and tourism. Equally, it is essential that all the workers co-operate fully in the rescue plan, and in that regard Mr. Cahill and whoever else is working with him must take the staff fully into their confidence. The workers' livelihoods are at stake, and they have every right to the fullest information and consultation in these difficult times.

From the standpoint of the general taxpayer also, who will have to underwrite some of the rescue cost, the fullest disclosure by the company and the Government is now called for in relation to Aer Lingus. I repeat, too, that to command overall confidence the management shake-out at the airline must be far more comprehensive. Otherwise, no rescue plan can command general confidence, nor would it deserve the support of the Exchequer and the taxpaying public.

I welcome this opportunity to contribute to the debate on the future of Aer Lingus. At the outset I would like to comment on the tirade we have heard from Deputy O'Malley, Leader of the Progressive Democrats Party, who gave us his well-known jaundiced view of airline history.

Deputy O'Malley referred lovingly to Dan Air and that airline's promise in the mid-eighties to come to Ireland to serve the Dublin-London route, following the passing of legislation here. He said that Dan Air had been frightened off by Aer Lingus. Dan Air was not frightened off by Aer Lingus. Like several other airlines, Dan Air recently ceased operations and is no great example to Aer Lingus or any other company.

The Deputy spoke about the Department of Transport, Energy and Communications being the down-town office of Aer Lingus. It is wrong to have any disagreement between the Department of Transport, Energy and Communications and the national airline. The Department is a Department of the Government and the Government is the shareholder in Aer Lingus. It is only reasonable that there should be co-operation. We have heard talk of partnership this morning, but Deputy O'Malley feels there should be a policy of confrontation rather than one of partnership between the Department of Transport, Energy and Communications and Aer Lingus.

Deputy O'Malley went on to quote selectively from submissions made by the airline pilots. Deputy O'Malley, being from Limerick has a well-known desire to protect the flying-boat strategy of Shannon Airport, and he did not refer to the pilots' suggestion of doing away with that piece of Shannon's history.

Deputy O'Malley also referred to the Team Aer Lingus operation as being a strategy of empire building by those at the airport. That was an insult to the workers and management of the magnificent undertaking of Team Aer Lingus which is a reflection of the agreement and willingness of Aer Lingus workers to be flexible in the challenging years ahead. In the establishment of Team Aer Lingus, which had the support of the Government through the IDA, the workforce agreed to move from direct Aer Lingus staff into Team Aer Lingus and to flexibility of work practices. The workers received only abuse from the Progressive Democrats Party in the debate. Is it any encouragement to workers who are worried about their jobs, concerned about their families, their children's education and their mortgages to be told that they are working for a foundering organisation? The Progressive Democrats takes a jaundiced historical view of the airline's history. Deputy O'Malley has been an opponent of Aer Lingus for as long as I have known him.

The reality is that Aer Lingus has served Ireland loyally and well since its establishment in 1936. The document published by the Central Representative Council of Trade Unions, Proposals for a New Aviation Plan for Ireland, should be compulsory reading for Members anxious to contribute to debates on Aer Lingus and for commentators who want to refer to the future of the airline. That document gives the facts about Aer Lingus, some of which I should like to put on the record of the House. The State has invested the modest sum of £73.6 million in Aer Lingus. With that investment Aer Lingus has grown from a fledgling airline to a multinational indigenous company. The investment brings substantial benefits to the Irish economy.

In this debate it is important to reflect on those benefits. Ireland owns and controls a company worth about £600 million. It provides 7,600 jobs in Ireland and 13,631 jobs worldwide. A balance of payments gain of £510 million has been earned abroad and investment by Aer Lingus workers' pension fund in Ireland is worth £203 million. In the year 1991-92 Irish taxes on pay amounted to £63 million. A total of £244 million was paid to the Irish Exchequer in just seven years. The Irish payroll for the year 1991-92 was £172 million. Spending on goods and services, excluding fuel was worth £90 million in one year alone, 1991-92. Payments to Aer Rianta and the Government in airport charges amounted to £30 million in that year. In 1991-92, Aer Lingus brought 4.3 million passengers and 1.2 million tourists to Ireland; in that year three out of every four visitors by air to Ireland were carried by Aer Lingus. Air transport is now the dominant mode in international travel and 63 per cent of our visitors in 1991 travelled by air. That figure increased to 65 per cent in 1992. I suggest that that is a not insignificant record of achievement by the staff of Aer Lingus.

I was glad to hear the Minister say that the Government is committed to an Aer Lingus that can play a key role in the future development of Irish aviation and in the Irish economy. It is important that that be put on the record because there is concern and uncertainty. I am glad the Minister has put the Government's commitment on record, but I have to say to the Minister, and the Government, that I am concerned about a policy of denigration that seems to have been prevalent in the past week or ten days. It is obvious that Government Departments have organised a policy of denigrating the efforts of Aer Lingus and trying to create a public mood of acceptance of major redundancies in Aer Lingus, something I do not accept.

Aer Lingus deserves better from the Government. There has been talk of millions of pounds having been lost in the past 12 months. However, in the ten years up to last year a profit was recorded.

In 1983-84 the group profit was £5.6 million; in 1984-85 it was £8.2 million; in 1985-86 it was £22.9 million; in 1986-87 it was £24.3 million; in 1987-88 it was £33.4 million; in 1988-89 it was £52.7 million; in 1989-90 it was £28 million; and in 1991 it was £8.3 million. However, like the rest of the international airline industry, in 1991-92 they recorded a loss of £11.8 million. Over the years, from 1982-1992, they made a net profit of over £171.6 million after interest, tax and extraordinary items. That is surely a record — not of a company going down the drain, but of one which has served this country well and has traded profitably over the years.

The policy of denigration of the airline should stop and we must tackle the existing problems in the context of regarding it as a blip within the system. I am not the only person who thinks it is just a blip in the system at present. I wish to quote from Airline Finance of 14 October 1992, which said that airlines used to be the favourite customers of the world's banks, and then quotes Mr. David Stacey, the head of aviation finance for the Swiss Bank Corporation, who said:

Airline financiers have not given up hope completely. They believe that the events of the last two years are untypical and that the industry will turn around... although the heyday of bank financing may be over, it may yet return. I think the banks will return, largely because the civil aviation industry is one which is clearly not in decline in the long term. The last two years have just been a blip in the long term trend of air traffic growth exceeding GDP growth... when airline demands fall into synchronisation with production the banks will come back — but more cautiously. That applies to just about any industry you can name. It's not just an aviation industry problem, it's a global economic problem of which aviation is just one of the victims.

In the same edition Mr. Rentschler said:

The very things happening today will cause the market to turn around at some point. Whenever that does take place there will be earnings. That, in essence, is the bet being placed by the public markets in investing equity in big airlines; sooner or later they will make profits.

The positive point is: $21 billion a year of debt for the airline industry is still a very small amount compared with the total new capital flows from investors each year and those folks have fewer and fewer things to invest in as time goes by.

It is clear that the international bankers and commentators recognise that this is just a blip and, therefore, there should not be a panic reaction. We should have a partnership and look at what is important from our national strategic point of view as far as an airline is concerned.

We are a member of the European Community. We are spending Cohesion and Structural Funds provided by the EC — approximately £8 billion is promised between now and the end of the century. With that money we will build roads and railways, which is very important, but it will be meaningless if we do not have any way of getting off our island. There is only one way to do this — to have our own national airline, which must be supported by the State because we cannot depend on airlines abroad. If we want to travel to Europe will the only way be through Heathrow and then on to our European markets? Will it always be a question of travelling Belfast-London, or will we stand in our own right as a nation trying to build an industrial, commercial and tourism base with our own network of connections to Europe as well as to the UK? Will we have a meaningful transatlantic service? How can we hope to continue to develop an IDA and investment policy of trying to encourage investment from the US if we cannot guarantee daily flights all the year round from the US to Ireland? That can only be guaranteed, not by companies which come and go — we have seen them over the years — but by having a strong Aer Lingus, in which the Government must invest.

It has also become fashionable — the Minister referred to this in a progressive, thoughtful and caring way — to say that we must have co-operation between managers and the workforce. I know that the Minister did not mean it, but it seems to suggest that there has never been co-operation of this kind. The workforce has co-operated every time they have been asked to do so over the past few years. They gave commitments in relation to Programme for Economic and Social Progress increases to which they were entitled — they did not take them. They have shown flexibility in work practices and over the last number of years they have made £11 million in contributions in relation to salaries foregone. They have co-operated, but it is not just a question of management and workforce co-operation. The Government has a role to play, and this is where I disagree with the present stragegy. Partnership must be about the management and workforce but also in relation to the Government's participation. I do not believe that the management and workforce can prepare a plan in isolation without any knowledge of the Government's commitment in relation to equity. The Government must be part of the process of the preparation of the plan.

I do not want to dwell on the comments of the new chairman and chief executive in relation to the £400 million — he said he does not and never did expect to get it. As chairman, he submitted the plan with his management and if he did not believe that the Government would inject £400 million he should not have submitted it to the Government. It was deceiving the workforce to submit such a plan if he did not think it would get support. However, I will come back to that some other time.

The Government should change its strategy now and become an active participant in this partnership by contributing to the restructuring plan within the company. Everyone knows there will be a certain amount of pain, but the Government must be part of the strategy. It is not sufficient to say that the management and the workforce should prepare a plan and that the Government will then inject money in the company.

Money must be a fundamental part of the preparation of the plan; it cannot be otherwise, because then it would not be a real plan. The management and workforce are in a vacuum coming up with ideas, but unless they know that a sum of money will be available throughout various phases of the plan it will be a meaningless exercise.

I welcome the debate. The workforce of Aer Lingus is loyal and the airline is vital to the industrial, commercial and tourism areas. It needs support during this blip in international aviation, but it must be done by a real partnership which involves participation at this stage in the development of a plan. It should not be a hands off operation, which is projected at the moment. The Minister will have the support of all sides of the House — I am sure that even Deputy O'Malley's party will support him — if he becomes involved. He will also have the support of the taxpayers, because woe betide any Government which damges our national assets, Aer Lingus. That flag carrier is a feature of Irish life and it goes far beyond north County Dublin or anywhere else. The people are proud of it. The workforce have been honourable and loyal to the company and to the country. They deserve the Government's support at this trying time.

Sir, with your permission, may I share my time with Deputy Carey?

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Aer Lingus is to Ireland what Digital was to Galway — a vital and significant flagship company for the country. Government Ministers were prepared to fly half way around the world to convince the management of Digital in Boston, and offer them inducements, ranging from £20 million to £40 million, in order to keep 800 jobs in Galway. It was clear the Government was prepared to pay a high price to keep those important jobs. The question must now be asked: "does this Government have the will and the commitment to make the same effort for Aer Lingus and its thousands of staff?" Listening to the Government and assessing its actions over the past few days I have not seen that same kind of will or that same level of commitment that the management and staff of Aer Lingus might have expected, following on the promises and mighty speeches of both Fianna Fáil and Labour candidates, particularly Deputy Spring, in the last election. Let me remind the House of some of the things Deputy Spring said at meetings and what was in the Labour manifesto prior to the election.

Speaking at a meeting of more than 600 Aer Lingus staff in an Aer Lingus hanger, a meeting which was arranged by the unions and to which only Labour candidates were invited, Deputy Spring said and I quote from the report of that meeting in the Fingal Independent.

Were you there, Deputy?

We were not invited. The Labour Party arranged that meeting with the union:

A substantial part of that (equity) would be used to improve the balance sheet and the debt equity ratio. The reason is that we regard Aer Lingus as a National asset of the first rank and it has to be stabilised. It can't be allowed to go under. There is too much owed to the nation, too many jobs in the company itself and too many jobs in the wider economy at stake.

Deputy Spring said also "This is part of Labour's principles and not just an election promise".

The staff and the extended families of the staff took Deputy Spring at his word and overwhelmingly endorsed him and his candidates particularly in constituencies north of the Liffey where most of the staff live. From my knowledge of the constituency of Dublin North and from attending, along with many other public representatives, major meetings called by the Unions attended by over a thousand staff I know there is great disillusionment and a sense that they have been betrayed by both Fianna Fáil and Labour because of the Government's actions vis-à-vis Aer Lingus. Crocodile tears and speeches like what Deputy Ray Burke made this morning, and I am sure Deputy Ryan will make also, will not fool the staff of Aer Lingus who have been let down by Fianna Fáil and Labour in Government.

There is a huge sense of pride in all of us when we watch the success of Aer Lingus as our national airline. It is essential because of the strategic position of our island that we continue to have a national airline which is a viable air transport company.

Where is the Government's aviation policy? Deputy Ray Burke, who has just spoken, was a former Minister for Communications and he had it in his power as Minister and as a Deputy for Dublin North to bring in such an aviation policy. Quite frankly all he said here this morning fell on deaf ears. There is no point in his crying now when he had it in his power while in Government to do something about aviation policy. The problems of Aer Lingus did not arise in the past three months. They have been marked for the past three to four years because of the huge cost of the replacement fleet. Successive Fianna Fáil Ministers, Deputy Ray Burke, Deputy Séamus Brennan, Deputy Geoghegan-Quinn, and indeed Deputy O'Malley, a former Minister for Industry and Commerce, shirked their responsibilities in preparing a viable Irish aviation plan. The Government must have a coherent strategy to ensure the future viability of Aer Lingus, but it seems unwilling to prepare such a plan. Successive Ministers left plans sitting on their desks until eventually the present Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications, Deputy Cowen, had to take up the cudgels. I would describe the Minister's contribution this morning as a hide-and-seek speech. The Minister is hiding behind Mr. Cathal Mullan, who has now resigned; behind the staff who know that difficult decisions will have to be taken if they are to protect their jobs; behind Mr. Bernie Cahill who has been appointed as executive chairman; and also behind EC competition law. The Government could have taken decisions on Aer Lingus before 31 December 1992 and we then would not need the figleaf of EC regulations, which I heard a Minister of State use this morning on radio.

I would like to pay tribute to the outstanding work of the outgoing chief executive, Mr. Cathal Mullan, who worked in Aer Lingus for 36 years. He knew the company inside out. As chief executive he had to face the enormous task of replacing the European fleet and preparing to replace the transatlantic fleet. No help was forthcoming from the chief shareholder, the Government, and it was clear that the costs of such replacements were going to be an enormous burden on the company during a downturn in the aviation industry. The company achieved profits in the early eighties but this did not come about without great sacrifices. The staff and management co-operated and I pay tribute to the staff who, as Deputy Burke said, have taken the necessary pay cuts over a number of years in order to ensure the company remained in profitability. How long can the chief shareholder renege on its responsibilities to the company? In the 57 years since its foundation only £68.8 million in equity has been paid by the chief shareholder. This can be put in perspective when one compares it with the money paid to a company like CIE, where £100 million is invested annually in it and its subsidiaries. Yet we are not willing to give backing at that level to our national airline.

When will the Government learn that retention of jobs is even more crucial now in these difficult times when it is very difficult to entice new firms into the country? The challenge facing Mr. Cahill is how he can retain all the jobs in Aer Lingus and turn the company around. The Minister has handed this challenge over to the executive chairman who, as has already been said, has been chairman for 18 months. We must ask why he approved the plan of Aer Lingus's management if he did not think it was the proper plan to turn the company around? Why is it not Mr. Cahill's resignation that is being sought when he approved the plans which the Government have now rejected? Why did he get it so wrong?

I would now like to examine some elements of the Minister's speech in detail. When commenting on the role the commercial semi-State companies are expected to play in achieving the Government's objectives, he said:

This includes commercial freedom and the discipline and responsibility inherent in this of giving value for money.

He said further:

They must reposition themselves to fit the new environment and they must be given free rein in so far as possible to achieve this.

The former chief executive, Mr. Cathal Mullan, worked with one hand tied behind his back at every turn. The Government took the decision about protectionist policy for Ryanair. I believe in competition but at the same time one cannot ask a semi-State body to act commercially yet deny it the right to fly into airports where it has established routes. You cannot ask it to watch as the Government continues to procrastinate on the Shannon stopover. Procrastination on that decision caused the greatest trouble. I do not agree with the Shannon stopover policy but it was the Government's delay in making a decision that created uncertainty in Aer Lingus. Now the Government is hiding behind the EC policy in order to avoid having to take up the responsibility.

What does your colleague, Deputy Carey, think about that?

Deputy, you have more worries than we have.

If I were the chief shareholder of this company, or owned a company which was running into difficulties, I would take responsibility. I would adopt a hands-on approach to find out how I could make that company viable again. The Government is taking the present action so that it can hide behind Bernie Cahill's plan and the agreement of the union and staff and evade its responsibilities. However, I would warn the Government — and Deputies Burke, Seán Ryan and Sargent — that it will not escape the wrath of the people of North Dublin and the staff of Aer Lingus by hiding behind the apron strings of Bernie Cahill. I will apologise to nobody for fighting tooth and nail to protect the jobs and livelihoods of the many thousands of people I represent in North Dublin and those of neighbouring constituencies. The Minister for Enterprise and Employment, Deputy Quinn, can fly out to Boston at a moment's notice in an effort to save the jobs in Digital; but where is he now and where will he be when the livelihoods and jobs, spanning four or five constituencies, are under threat? He is very quiet on this matter because he knows the news will not be good.

The Government has done well out of the taxpayers' investment of £68 million. The company appreciation is now worth between £600 million to £1,000 million. It is clear that the company is worth much more than the State has invested in it. Let us see the colour of the Government's money and the amount it is prepared to put on the table. No plan of Bernie Cahill's — combined with this great new phrase the Government throws out at every available opportunity, "partnership Government"— will work unless we know the amount of equity the Government is prepared to invest in the company. The staff and management of Aer Lingus are entitled to expect that equity as a result of the promises made by the Labour Party, in particular but also by Fianna Fáil before the general election. The Government should not renege on promises made to the thousands of people depending on it. If it does it will lose its popularity, which indeed is the case at present. This company must be saved and a viable plan must be put into operation on the basis of strong Government support as the chief shareholder.

I support my colleague, Deputy Owen, in asking the Minister if the Government has the will to solve this problem. The evidence to date appears that it does not. The appointment of Mr. Cahill has the appearance of a post receivership.

Bernie Cahill has admitted on television that he is a businessman. Surely the Department and the Minister — although he has only been recently appointed — should realise that a person needs special training to deal with transport problems? When the management team was being set up to draw up a viable business plan for Aer Lingus more was required than the appointment of a man whose collective wisdom had already been rejected by the Government. What direction is the Government taking at present? I share the concerns of other Deputies in regard to the Government's approach to this matter. The Minister should examine the possibility of appointing others to assist Mr. Cahill in drawing up a viable business plan for Aer Lingus.

There are approximately 800 Aer Lingus employees in my constituency in Shannon. It appears that Shannon is used as a scapegoat for the difficulties of Aer Lingus and the Government from time to time and this has been highlighed by the staff of Aer Lingus and various spokespersons. There is a further selective leak of the report of the Boston consultancy group in todays Irish Times. The report has not been published yet. If the Minister wants to be fair to the public he should have got a copy of that report and not a summary from the directors of Aer Lingus.

The problems in Aer Lingus did not arise today or yesterday. As far back as 1987 we knew there would be deregulation and that a liberalisation policy would be adopted. It is regrettable that the Minister has inherited all these problems, but the previous Ministers stood back and watched this paralysis take place. Aer Lingus management and officials sought assurances that equity would be put into the company and the Government played politics with that. It is despicable, as Deputy Owen said, that 7,000 or 8,000 jobs in our national airline are at risk because of a flagrant refusal to face reality. Even at this stage, the Government is on a merry-go-round and refuses to face up to the difficulties in Aer Lingus.

Deputy Burke stated that the Government should be partners in the plan, but it has a director on the Aer Lingus board. What is he doing on that board? Did he or the Minister not examine the annual reports of the company? The company's interest repayments have increased from £5 million approximately four years ago to a present figure of £40 million. Was the Minister not concerned at that increase? What action was taken? There is no evidence that any action was taken. The Government met its target and a dividend was paid when it was making plans for the future. This was to meet the political requirements of the then Fianna Fáil and subsequent Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrat Governments, which did not show much concern for the future of the workers in Aer Lingus.

The ancillary affairs of Aer Lingus have been profitable. Would the Government not consider reappointing Mr. Hanrahan who was in charge of the ancillaries? Would he not be able to give good advice on this matter? Should he not be appointed to assist Mr. Cahill? Mr. Kennedy was available to give advice in regard to hospitals, a man with vast experience in the transport industry. He was able to give advice in regard to the Tallaght hospital, but he is not available now when Aer Lingus is in a crisis.

The Minister must use his undoubted imagination to draw up a realistic plan. Commentators have challenged the political scene. James Downey's article, entitled "Flights of political fancy", in today's Irish Independent is useful in that it challenges the politicians to be decisive and to use their imagination in regard to the value of this multinational company. Aer Lingus has been a successfully trading multinational company for many years. The politicians must decide the policy conducted by the company and we are making a miserably bad job of that so far.

The crisis in Aer Lingus has been going on since 1986 when Aer Lingus thought the competition on the London route would cease when liberalisation took place.

I hope the Minister takes on board some of the suggestions made in this regard. My party supports an equity investment but we would like to see an aviation policy in place. I was glad to hear the Minister assure the House that Mr. Cahill will ensure that the transatlantic leg of Aer Lingus will be part of Government policy for the future.

I wish to share my time with Deputy McDowell.

Is that satisfactory? Agreed.

Since it was founded in April 1936 Aer Lingus has made a major contribution to the economic and social development in Ireland. Present and previous generations of Aer Lingus workers can be proud of their contribution to the Irish economy over those years. In view of these contributions, successive Governments must be strongly condemned for completely failing its obligation to produce a coherent policy on aviation when they were well aware that the deregulation of air transport was coming into full effect on 1 January 1993. The inaction by Governments over the years has brought about the crisis that now exists, with speculation in the media of pending redundancies and up to £400 million State equity being sought by the board to save the company. Is it any wonder that workers are worried?

The failure of the Government to come to the assistance of Aer Lingus would have a devastating effect on Dublin, particularly the north Dublin area. Aer Lingus and Aer Rianta, which employ in excess of 7,000 workers, have been the main employers in the area. The economic life of every town and village in north Dublin and Meath would be affected. Business would be affected, housing prices would slump and further redundancies would arise in the many spin-off industries which have grown up in the area. This is not a very healthy prospect for families who at present are finding it extremely difficult to even exist in the current world economic climate.

In its 56 years of existence Aer Lingus received an investment of £73.6 million from the State. Whether on the basis of investment strategy or industrial policy strategy, the return the State has had for its investments in Aer Lingus is quite remarkable. In addition, the economy at national, regional and local level depends on Aer Lingus and has benefited greatly from the company. What was the return to the State from this investment? The Central Representative Council of Trade Unions in its recent proposal for a new aviation plan for Ireland on which I compliment them, outlined the contribution made by the company. They are responsible for the provision of 7,600 jobs in Ireland; balance of payments gain of £510 million earned abroad; investment by Aer Lingus workers' pension fund in Ireland worth £203 million; Irish taxes at the rate of £63 million per annum and their Irish payroll for 1991-92 was £172 million. I could go on at length. These figures clearly outline the significant role played by Aer Lingus, the fourth largest employer in the State.

If Aer Lingus fails to survive as our national airline, Ireland's strategic need for airline links to many destinations, including America, can no longer be guaranteed. Our national interest will then solely be served by the economic whims of a multinational global carrier. Is that what we want? We are well aware that decisions taken in boardrooms of multinational companies overseas have regrettably not always been in the interest of Irish consumers of Irish workers and their families. In the important field of air transportation can we afford to leave these decisions to people outside this country? It would be a scandal if that were allowed to happen and it must not be allowed.

Last October I gave an undertaking on behalf of the Labour Party that it would stand by Aer Lingus. This is still our position, and this commitment will be honoured in the context of a plan supported by the management and workforce of Aer Lingus to put the company on a viable footing.

In the Partnership Programme for Government the Labour Party and Fianna Fáil gave a commitment that "Investment, including increased equity, will be provided if necessary for the development of viable and profitable State commercial enterprise, including transport, communications, and the industrial and commercial sectors." On international air transport links we stated: "We will ensure the commercial future of our national airline as part of our overall air transport policy." I make no apologies for that commitment.

It is galling to listen to some of the contributions from the Opposition here today, particularly given their track record and policy positions. Deputy Owen's solo effort — I regret she has left the House — in our constituency is difficult to believe, given that both her party and the Progressive Democrats have consistently stated, and we heard this earlier this morning, their preference for the privatisation of Aer Lingus.

That is rubbish.

The staff are well aware of their stated positions.

That is a lie.

I am delighted they are changing their position——

The Deputy should show where we said that.

Please allow the Deputy to continue uninterrupted.

The Deputy is inaccurate. He should tell the truth.

I am telling the truth. I am a Deputy with a reputation for honesty and truth, both in this House and outside it.

What about the equity that was promised during the election?

There are major financial problems in the company at present.

The Deputy misled the people in north Dublin and he is misleading the House today.

Deputy Creed, please allow the Deputy to continue uninterrupted. He is entitled to that.

The problems can clearly be identified from management reports submitted to Government which range from 1. a no equity scenario — this would result in the banks moving in, 4,000 redundancies in the company and a further 2,000 job losses down stream; and 2. a scenario where the company would require £300 million to £400 million equity from the Government. This proposal also included a proposal for 300 to 400 redundancies and improved work practices within the company. As was mentioned earlier, the Government will respond to the problem. With the sanction of the EC, we have one final opportunity to bring forward a plan to secure the future viability of the company. I am now asking the Minister, management and staff to work together to bring this about. The staff have shown in the past their willingness to play their part and I am confident that they will respond.

As stated earlier, I can well appreciate the deep concern and worry of the staff of Aer Lingus and their families regarding their future employment. As a TD who has a proven commitment to the company, it is my objective that the final plan will encompass no privatisation of Aer Lingus, including its subsidiaries TEAM Aer Lingus and Airmotive; State equity will be provided for the company and there will be no involuntary job losses. That is the Labour Party position.

What about the other party's position?

The Deputy did not say that during the election campaign.

(Interruptions.)

That is the Labour Party position.

Please allow the Deputy to continue.

If I may conclude——

Please do. We have had enough claptrap for one day.

The commercial freedom of the board to compete in the open skies market is very important to enable the company to compete on a level playing pitch. There are cynics, particularly in the Opposition parties, who say that the Labour Party will not honour its commitments. We will.

On a point of order and to protect my name — Deputy Ryan referred to the fact that I left the House as if I were not interested in this issue. I heard him on the monitor. I left the House to take an urgent phone call from yet another Aer Lingus staff member who is frantically worried about his job.

I withdraw that and I apologise.

I, too, attended the meeting at Dublin Airport last year prior to the general election as did Deputy Dick Spring who gave explicit and clear commitments to Aer Lingus workers. We gave a commitment that we would oppose privatisation or part privatisation of Aer Lingus. This was not a new commitment. The Labour Party has always supported our major public companies. Public companies providing vital services, deserve public support and should be in public hands. Our commitments freely given in the autumn still stand. The Labour Party is opposed to privatisation and will oppose it in the future. Privatisation or part privatisation would involve the loss of many jobs, a drastic reduction in services and a complete change in the ethos of the company.

And of the party.

This would be entirely unacceptable to my party. I will not support any proposal to privatise the core business of Aer Lingus and I know that that view is shared by every Labour Deputy in this House.

What about the hotels and Irish Helicopters.

(Interruptions.)

We gave a further commitment to provide equity. I repeat that commitment today. I would welcome confirmation by the Minister that equity will be provided in the context of a survival plan.

How much?

The extent of that equity is not clear.

I am not happy with that. We might be better off if the Minister said now how much money is available. However I understand his reasons and the essential point remains that equity will be provided to Aer Lingus. Equity would not have been made available to the company if my party was not in Government. Our presence in Government has ensured that support will be given to our national airline which would not otherwise be there.

(Interruptions.)

It is worth reflecting for a moment on the extent of the financial support we are willing to give Aer Lingus. We should support Aer Lingus. Many people are rightly proud of our national airline and its contribution to national life. How much are we prepared to pay for our commitment? Speaking for myself, and I think for my party, I am prepared to support a Supplementary Estimate in this House. I am prepared if necessary to support a mini budget and to support the raising of extra revenue by whatever means are necessary. If we have to do that will we have the support of the Deputies to my left, the Deputies in Opposition. Will they help raise the money needed to save Aer Lingus.

You do not need our support. There are 101 of you.

I dare you to bring forward the Estimate.

I would welcome their support.

(Interruptions.)

Another flight of fantasy.

(Interruptions.)

Will Deputy McDowell permit me to interrupt him for a moment. The odd interruption is one thing but Deputy Creed has persistently interrupted a succession of speakers. I am telling Deputy Creed now once and for all that I do not want to take a certain line of action but I will do so if he persists in interrupting speakers and showing disdain for the Chair. Please continue, Deputy McDowell.

I hope the Opposition will be constructive. We will all benefit if they are but we have seen little this morning to suggest they will be. Any measures which the Goverment can and must take will not stand in a vacuum. There is no doubt that changes in the management and structure of Aer Lingus are necessary. Aer Lingus has to come to terms with the new competitive market in air transport. It is regrettable that management and the board of Aer Lingus have not come to terms with this before now and have not set in place the measures which were obviously necessary. Previous Governments have given confused and wrong headed instructions and direction to our national airline. Everything must now be reviewed. We have to look again at the Shannon stopover, at pricing policy and at the two airlines policy. It is not right to artifically sustain a policy of false and ultimately destructive competition between two indigenous companies. I have no problem with competition but we will not benefit anybody if artificial competition drives both companies to the wall.

The workers in Aer Lingus must not be asked to make all these sacrifices. Management has made mistakes and sacrifices are required from them, too. We must also expect a contribution from the banks and creditors who have benefited in the past. It would be ideal if a national aviation policy could be generated overnight. Unlike Deputy Noonan, I do not believe that this Government could reasonably have been expected to produce a national aviation policy within six weeks of taking up office.

That is what your motion called for.

Within six weeks?

It was four weeks.

A national aviation policy is needed soon. I have no hesitation in saying that today. It seems that changes in working conditions and in terms of employment in Aer Lingus are inevitable and sacrifices will be needed. This has been accepted by the trade union representatives in the company. Aer Lingus workers have made many sacrifices in the recent past. I regret that they are being asked to do so again. As the Labour Party representative for north Dublin I am aware of the contribution of Aer Lingus jobs to the economy of our city. I am aware that many workers and their families are worried and upset about what is happening in the company. Who could blame them? I want to see as many jobs as possible being retained in Aer Lingus. If at all possible, I and my party want to see all the jobs being retained but the bottom line is that we must reorganise Aer Lingus without compulsory redundancies. I would not be happy to support any recovery plan which relied on compulsory redundancies.

It has been galling this morning to listen to the outbursts of Opposition spokespersons from all three parties on this issue. We all know that Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats have been committed to selling off part or all of Aer Lingus equity.

That is not true.

Does anyone doubt what that would have meant for Aer Lingus? Does anyone doubt the effect on jobs, tourism and on industry? Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats would dismantle Aer Lingus. They would sell off a vital national asset and devastating effects would surely follow. The Aer Lingus workers know this and the people know this.

They do not.

The Labour Party will stand by its commitments. Others must do the same. We would all benefit if we behaved constructively in this time of national crisis rather than making cheap fatuous party political points.

I will just take a few moments of the time allocated to the Fine Gael Party and my colleague, Deputy Richard Bruton, will follow on from there.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Having sat here for the past hour and a half listening to various speeches, I would put on the record that I regard this as a national issue and not an issue for north Dublin. I would suggest that the Labour Party, who chose the role of Government, stop worrying about the role of Fine Gael in Opposition. They chose to go into Government with Fianna Fáil, who had been in Government since 1987. It is now their decision as to what they should do with Aer Lingus. They should not look to the Opposition to solve their problem. If they go into Government on the backs of votes with commitments they must now live up to them.

The single biggest issue facing this country at present is the lack of jobs. We spend a great deal of time attracting industry into this country. When we manage to attract the odd one we have great fanfares about the number of jobs that will be created. Nobody is talking about the loss of jobs on a daily basis in this country which have occurred during the past four or five years. In the past six weeks, since the Coalition took office, jobs have been lost in Packard, Clerys, Digital and now Aer Lingus is in difficulty. It is time a new approach was adopted towards commercial State companies. It is an opportunity for this country to build multinationals. You cannot divorce Aer Lingus and the exercise of providing transport from other activities of Aer Lingus. They are part of a multinational group that should be kept together and supported by the State. If we are to have commercial State companies operating on a commercial basis it is up to the shareholders of that company to ensure that the management are paid the going rate for the job, that their hands are not tied, that people who are appointed to boards know the business they are asked to run and are allowed the time to do it. They should be able to make commercial decisions to progress and build that company and provide jobs. There is no other way we can possibly build companies and firms of sufficient size to create the number of jobs we require.

We need commercial State companies to grow and become the multinationals of Ireland so that we can spread our wings still further. If we are to allow commercial State companies to develop then they should be given the tools to do so. When they need support and a plan, they should be helped with that plan. Instead what we have is a Government running away from its responsibilities. That is what this plan is all about. They are afraid to take political decisions. They failed to take the decisions in the budget — the worst budget ever and even worse than last year. They failed to deal with the Greencore issue. The Labour Parliamentary Party had to defer the decision for a further three weeks. Now we have a crisis in Aer Lingus. We have just listened to Deputy Burke, as if he had just arrived in Dáil Éireann. He has been a Minister for five of the past six years and he was also Minister for Communications. We are asked to sit here quietly and listen to this claptrap from people on the opposite side who had the opportunity to do something but failed. Now they have the responsibility and they must take decisions.

Running behind Mr. Bernie Cahill will not solve the problems of Aer Lingus. The Government must decide what road it will take, not alone in relation to Aer Lingus but in relation to every State company. The day is gone when commercial State companies should be the playthings of any Government. We have put hacks on boards to fulfil promises given during the course of the election campaigns. People who know nothing about a business have been appointed as directors and we give them a fee of £800 a year. That is a joke. Can you imagine trying to run a multinational company where directors are paid fees of £800 a year? If you want multinational companies you must pay the going rate. If you want top management they should be paid the same as management in any other international company. Instead of that we have controls on pay and we even control the price of fares they will charge. The Government has its hand everywhere.

As has been said by the Deputy Leader of the Fine Gael Party, Deputy Owen, when it came to taking dividends from Aer Lingus the Government representative on the board did not ask the questions that should have been asked. What are we doing to build up the reserves to purchase and lease future planes? Where were all the directors at that point? Who was asking the questions? We took the money and put it in our pockets, but we forgot about the rainy day. You cannot run a business unless you build up reserves for the future. That is particularly so in the airline business where planes have to be replaced. What sort of bad commercial decisions were taken by the directors of this company during the past couple of years? This did not suddenly happen. Everybody knows if you buy a car today it will not run forever and it will have to be replaced. You will have to save and put money aside to replace it. It is the same with an aeroplane, it does not continue to take off the ground forever. It is up to the Coalition Government to spell out its policy both in relation to commercial State companies and the aviation business in this country. We must also look at it not solely from the point of view of whether Aer Lingus is viable. We are an island, we need to get off this island, we need to bring people on to the island. We hear a great deal about growth in our tourism industry. How can we guarantee that we will bring people here if we do not have a carrier to bring them?

It is my belief that commercial State companies should operate on a commercial basis. If the State wants that commercial State company to supply a social service it should be prepared to pay the price. That social service and its cost should be identified in the accounts of the company so that as taxpayers we know what we have to pay.

Aer Lingus workers today are angry and frustrated at what is taking place. They have been kicked around for months and I think they feel bitterly disappointed by the approach of the former Government and that of the present Government. We are aware that the former Minister for Tourism, Transport and Communications, Deputy Geoghegan-Quinn, bawled out the Aer Lingus management and board. She was extremely critical, spoke of their huge credibility problems, the lack of trust between the Government and the Aer Lingus board and yet she was willing to make no decisions. She said she wanted to see employment and services maintained. She rejected the Aer Lingus plan because it would sacrifice employment and told them to find solutions elsewhere. Now we have a situation where the Government has thrown back plans apparently because enough jobs were not being shed.

That is right.

It comes in the wake of an election in which the Labour Party did not say they would oppose privatisation as their bottom line. That was not their approach. The Labour Party said a great deal more to Aer Lingus workers than that they would oppose privatisation. In a debate on a Private Members' motion in the Dáil on 27 October 1992 the Leader of the Labour Party said:

... that no decision affecting employment in the company will be taken pending the publication of such a detailed and comprehensive aviation policy.

On 27 October they asked that such a detailed policy be published by 30 November. We are now into March 1993 and Labour have no idea of what their comprehensive aviation policy is.

The motion was defeated. Now we know the Labour Party and their policies.

Neither party in Government is willing to offer anything by way of an aviation policy. Their view is: "You step in again and we step out again". It is up to the workers and management to make the sacrifices and if things improve they might make a contribution. That is not acceptable. That is precisely what was denied by Labour as their approach. Labour went to great lengths to say that would not be acceptable and the unions, rightly, say this is not acceptable. We know that Aer Lingus is not another simple commercial body; it is a national airline, it carries social obligations and strategic economic obligations. The Government cannot opt out and say it is not party to the decisions that must be taken. If we are talking about partnership we must remember that partnership is a two-way street.

The Government must show that it is a partner and is willing not just to put money on the table but to indicate the strategic direction in which it is going in regard to air policy. It was unacceptable for the Government to state during the week that the transatlantic route must be maintained as it is critical to the Government's strategy. It did not say what this obligation would mean for Aer Lingus.

The last published accounts show that Aer Lingus suffered a substantial loss of £10 million on its operating profits, and this was before one looks at the interest charged on the planes leased to fly the transatlantic route. Over a year ago it was reported that Aerlínte, the body which deals directly with the trans-Atlantic route, was technically insolvent. We have been told by the Government that its strategy, in so far as one can detect any strategy, is that the transatlantic route must be maintained as it is a vital element of Aer Lingus's operations. How can the company meet is obligations in this respect if its position is not improved? We all know that the company has to replace its transatlantic fleet, perhaps by way of leasing, which would probably cost £10 million per aircraft. Twenty five per cent of seats on the company's transatlantic flights are not filled. It has been repeatedly reported to the Oireachtas that seasonality affects this route and handicaps the company's ability to cater for business travellers. The transatlantic route will remain a chronically difficult area to service if the company has to continue to depend on seasonal tourism. The only indication of any strategy by the Government in regard to the company was its statement that it must continue to maintain the transatlantic route.

I have lost track of the Fianna Fáil and Labour promises in this area. I remember reading with great interest a statement made by the Taoiseach in an article in The Dublin Tribune after he took up office. He said that the issue of US flights to and from Dublin was central to his stated objective of maximising tourism for Ireland. He indicated that tourist flights to and from Dublin would be given the go ahead to achieve this objective. That promise disappeared.

The Taoiseach does not even fly Aer Lingus now; he takes the Government jet everywhere.

Tourist numbers were down last year and Aer Lingus have repeatedly said that it cannot do anything to improve the transatlantic route under the present policy. Like so many of the promises made by the Government, the promise made by the Taoiseach has been forgotten about.

Very serious aviation policy questions need to be addressed by the Government. The workers in this company rightly want to see those issues addressed before they are asked to endure a third round of redundancies, cuts and decisions about their futures and those of their families. As many people have rightly said, we are fast approaching deregulation in the European aviation market. Is there a future for our national airline in such an environment? Can Aer Lingus become profitable in that context? The Minister must address the issue. We know — the Minister of State at the Tánaiste's office told us this today — that there is a window of opportunity to put equity into the company and it will soon be slammed shut. This means that the Government must adopt a long-term strategy on how Aer Lingus can operate in a market which will soon be deregulated, in a market where the trend is for the large to gobble up the small.

There must be more from the Government than merely an attitude which declares: "We are stepping out of the action until we hear what the company will do".

We all know that Aer Lingus carries social obligations on behalf of this country. It has to run routes and flights which could not be profitable. The Government has insisted that it does this. It has also insisted that it keeps down the fares on certain routes in order to attract tourists and that the transatlantic flights should stop at Shannon. The Government has insisted that it does this for regional policy reasons. Yet the Government has stepped back from explaining how these social obligations are to be carried by the company. Aer Lingus has been very successful and it has carried those obligations for years. It made a profit of £172 million between 1983-91 with no equity from Government.

We must look at how this company can continue to be the strategic asset it is to this nation at present. The Government has spectacularly failed to do anything about this despite its promises. It was not to make a sharp political point that I recalled what was said by the Tánaiste. He was sincere when he made that statement and we sincerely supported what he said — I think everyone sincerely believed what he said. The programme for Government contained statements about the strategic future of our national airline. It gave a commitment in regard to Government equity injection and a commitment to ensure the commercial future of our national airline as part of the Government's overall transport policy. Like us, the Aer Lingus workers believed that that meant the strategic approach outlined by the Labour Party in its manifesto was accepted by the Government and that an aviation programme would be produced rapidly.

I have a great fear that we will pay very dearly for the change of approach adopted by the Government. Aer Lingus could well experience more difficulties in two or three year's time when the fare increases which the Minister has asked for and the sale of hotels have failed. The company will be trying to maintain its social obligations but will be unable to do so in a deregulated environment and — according to the Minister of State, Deputy Eithne Fitzgerald — without the possibility of Government support at that stage.

It is crucial that the Government outlines at this time its avaiation strategy for the next decade and beyond. I am very angry that the Government has stepped back and failed to take a full part in shaping the survival of our national airline in the future. Aer Lingus is a strategic asset. As the Minister said, it is vital from the point of view of access and tourism, issues which have much wider implications than merely commercial ones.

I have to question the reasons given by the Government as to why it has changed its mind. It seems to be using the excuse that the problems in Aer Lingus are much worse than it thought. This excuse rings extremely hollow. I think all Members of the previous Dáil recognised that the problems in Aer Lingus were of immense proportions. The commitments made by the two parties involved were made in the full knowledge of those facts. All the books were open to the Labour Party, so it knew what was at stake. I do not think it is credible for the Government to say "Because things are worse than we thought, we are going to back off and will not make our views known before the workers are asked to make their sacrifices".

The Government needs to think again seriously on this issue. This House voted for the provision of £67 million contained in the budget to be made available for State equity investments over the next ten months. Where is that money now? This money could well be used as a first instalment in securing the future of our national airline in a deregulated market. I ask the Government to reconsider its position and for once to play fairly with the Aer Lingus workers who for too long have been kicked around by successive Ministers — they have been told one thing and then asked to do another. Partnership must be a two way street. The workers cannot be asked to make sacrifices while the Government remains totally ignorant of what money it will put in and its views on how the airline can maintain its obligations in regard to the trans-Atlantic routes and all of the other areas in which it has been demanded to carry obligations to help this country. The Government must make clear how it sees the airline meeting these obligations and how they will be financed during the very difficult years ahead.

I am convinced that Aer Lingus can be turned around, can successfully recover from its problems and provide future growth in employment, as proposed in the Labour Party manifesto. However, if this is to be done the Government needs to put forward strategic proposals so that the airline knows where it will stand over the next decade. For too long in the past we have had short-term thinking by the Government with no real commitment to thinking through the long-term future of this important sector.

I wish to share my time with Deputies Callely and Wallace.

Is that satisfactory? Agreed.

I wish to praise and acknowledge the many achievements of Aer Lingus. The company has been a good employer, providing a good living for many families. The Minister will fully realise the humanitarian aspect of this major problem which besets Aer Lingus. Many of the Aer Lingus workers based in Shannon have expressed to me directly their genuine concern for their jobs and livelihood. The workforce has made many financial sacrifices on an ongoing basis to facilitate the company, yet now they find themselves in a precarious situation, due to no fault of their own.

Aer Lingus faces a major cash crisis, having suffered losses of £78 million on its core business in the past two years. Why was this problem not addressed sooner? The Shannon stopover has been cited by some as one of the reasons for the current problems in Aer Lingus. This argument has been proved to be ridiculous. I am pleased that the decision taken at the end of 1992 concerning the stopover has once again been confirmed by this Government and that it is not on the agenda. Rather than using the Shannon stopover issue as a distraction over the past few years or allowing oneself to be distracted by this issue, it would have been much more useful to dwell on the real reasons for the difficulties of the airline.

More attention must be paid to enhancing our presence on the transatlantic route, looking at the pros and cons of links with other airlines, seeking further niches on the European market and examining the area of pricing. We need a clear, defined strategic aviation plan to ensure a predominant role for Aer Lingus in the aviation business, not only to maintain and increase the present level of employment but to boost tourism.

The problems of Aer Lingus can be addressed in a number of ways — fresh equity, cost reductions, asset disposals and increased volume of business. It is difficult to discuss a plan which neither we not the workers have seen. The action which needs the least imagination or innovation is to suggest redundancies. I hope that any plan put to Government will not take this easy way out, that the sacrifices made by the workers in foregoing wage increases and changing work practices will be recognised and appreciated in real terms.

I would ask the Minister to clarify the role of the Aer Lingus board. Concern has been expressed on this matter, particularly the role of the four elected worker directors.

I was pleased to hear the Minister state that in principle Exchequer finance will be available. Such a commitment has never been given to any other semi-State enterprise. I wish well all those taking part in the discussions. The haemorrhaging of the company must stop. Aer Lingus can be a viable company and it will be restored to profitability.

I wish to lay my cards clearly on the table. I am committed to seeing Aer Lingus continue to carry the flag as a profitable and vital national carrier. The company is an integral part of this country's economic life. I also believe firmly that we should not shirk our responsibilities and must take a cool, hard look at how Aer Lingus and senior management have carried out their business in recent years. This process is necessary if we are to learn from our mistakes and make the radical improvements that are so necessary. There is a responsibility on all Members of the Oireachtas to address these issues in a hard-headed and clear-sighted manner.

Fianna Fáil have over the years a proven record of support for semi-State companies. It was Fianna Fáil who established and sustained Aer Lingus. We do the company and its employees no favours by refusing to face up to painful facts. Serious errors in management in recent years had a role to play in the creation of the current crisis. These critical errors contributed in no small way to the grave debt of Aer Lingus. A glaring example is the decision, having received clearance, not to operate the route to Los Angeles. Aer Lingus leased two Boeings for this purpose, one of which is languishing on the runway at a cost of £100,000 per week.

The company's debt of just under £500 million is a huge burden but management could have avoided amassing a debt of this magnitude. It was decided, for example, to replace the European fleet, at considerable cost. Partial replacement of the fleet would have been much more prudent at a time of financial constraints. The existing fleet could have been rechecked, updated and maintained, providing valuable additional work for TEAM. Such an updating of the European fleet would have cost an estimated £1 million per aircraft. This would have left Aer Lingus in a healthier financial position and would have provided the company with aircraft as good as new. Bad decisions of this nature must be addressed.

It is accepted that Aer Lingus must be competitive, but the competition strategy must be well thought out. The decision by Aer Lingus to compete with the British Midlands diamond service on the Dublin-London route by offering its own classic service is understandable. However, British Midland was offering seven or eight flights each day while in peak season Aer Lingus was operating up to 20 flights each day. This strikes me as competition overplay and a waste of resources. It is reputed that this service will add an additional £10 million per year to operating costs. One cannot but feel that such management decisions are taken without much consideration of the long term effect on the company.

The establishment and operation of TEAM Aer Lingus bears close scrutiny. After two years in operation TEAM has an estimated debt of £47 million to £50 million. The TEAM hangar was constructed at an estimated cost of £35 million. Could this have been done in a more economic way? A washbay hangar of similar size was constructed at a cost of £3 million at a later date. Perhaps the most glaring example of overspending by TEAM management was the construction of the TEAM office block at a reputed cost in excess of £10 million. It astonishes me that such an amount could have been spent on palatial offices when Aer Lingus was flying into the stormiest financial waters. These are questions which demand answers.

Such mismanagement has contributed to mistrust between management and workforce at a time when clear and open communication is vital. There is an onus on Aer Lingus management to regain the trust and confidence of employees.

Some speakers in this debate have made parochial statements. I am not talking on a parochial basis; I speak of Aer Lingus as the national airline. I am a Deputy for Dublin North Central where Aer Lingus plays a huge economic role and I accept that parochial claims can be made. I believe that the Aer Lingus employees want to hear a debate at a higher level than they have heard here. I want to make one or two quick comments on what I have heard. I listened with interest to Mr. Bernie Cahill's remarks. He is a man with a proven record and will address the areas in Aer Lingus that need to be addressed. I am a little bit disappointed with the SIPTU representative who appeared on the 6 o'clock and 9 o'clock news yesterday and indicated that they cannot negotiate survival plans without equity.

The Minister for Finance indicated during the budget debate that there would be equity for Aer Lingus. The Minister with responsibility for Aer Lingus, Deputy Cowen, who is here in the Chamber today, has indicated that there will be equity for Aer Lingus. Fianna Fáil has clearly stated that there will be equity for Aer Lingus. I would remind my colleague in the Chamber here, Deputy Derek McDowell, that it was not necessary for the Labour Party to work on the sensitivities of the employees of Aer Lingus at the time of the general election, for Deputy McDowell and his party leader to come out with pious platitudes and say that but for Labour there would not be a survival plan for Aer Lingus. That is the perception of the employees on hearing the only political party to address them prior to a general election campaign.

Flutterings in the dovecote.

They come in here today and say they do not believe there would be equity for Aer Lingus if Labour were not in Government, that they will support a mini budget and the generation of extra revenue, but that they were not too sure about the other Deputies on the Government side of the House or the Opposition.

I did not say that.

The Deputy said he was not too sure about other Deputies on the Government side of the House or in Opposition. It is Fianna Fáil who have clearly poured the necessary foundations to put this country back on the rails.

Or on the runway.

If Fianna Fáil were not in Government today this debate would not be taking place. If Fine Gael were in Government we would have another Irish Shipping. If my colleagues in the Progressive Democrats were in Government we would have privatisation, and if it was our partners in Government who were in Government we might have the family moving in. Fianna Fáil have poured the necessary foundations for very realistic——

The Deputy is bewitched, bothered and bewildered.

Fianna Fáil have poured the necessary foundations for realistic and prudent management of the Irish economy since 1987 with the Programme for National Recovery, the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and this programme for Government. With Fianna Fáil in Government we can ensure that Aer Lingus will be a viable and successful company when the necessary steps are adopted by the board and the necessary funding by way of equity is made available. Let us not fool ourselves that £400 million is available. That is not available in today's economic climate, but we hope that Mr. Cahill will be able to come up with realistic proposals which will require a certain amount of equity and will require co-operation and close liaison between the board of management, the workforce and the Minister.

In regard to the statement by SIPTU, I would ask them not to go the road of non-co-operation. The employees have been excellent to date. They have shown their great commitment and determination to assist the airline in every way possible. They should continue to do that, particularly now that Government has given a clear signal of intent which will be followed through.

We are talking about a national issue, our national airline. Deputies from Donegal to Wexford, from Kerry to Louth, from the western seaboard to the eastern seaboard are concerned with this. Deputies like myself in south County Meath and the previous speaker in north County Dublin who know that our own constituents are working in the company are most concerned about the jobs and the future of the company. I am pleased with the Minister's commitment to consider a viable Aer Lingus favourably for equity. Anybody who is foolish enough to think that large amounts of money can be thrown at a company without having a strategic plan to deal with the difficulties is being unrealistic.

Hear, hear. Where is the strategic plan?

With the management and union meetings taking place this plan should over the next couple of weeks come to fruition——

The eternal optimist.

I have no doubt that the Government will come up with equity if there is a viable plan. We are naturally very concerned in south County Meath and we would like to think that any negotiations will come under the heading of the saving of jobs. Jobs in Aer Lingus are a very big factor in south County Meath and we are anxious to ensure that as many jobs as possible are kept.

Many people spoke here this morning about the impact of management decisions. Management decisions have had a big impact in Aer Lingus over the past number of years. In the discussions between management and the trade unions I hope the executive chairman will remember that the dedication and high skills of the Aer Lingus workers are a significant national asset which we must protect until the industry, internationally recovers.

A number of interesting points were made in the Seanad and again here this morning concerning the close link between Aer Lingus and Aer Rianta. This whole area has to be looked at. In the context of protecting jobs we must look at the relationship between the two companies and the cost of the compulsory stopover at Shannon Airport. Without a shadow of doubt there is a cost implication there and we must look at the effect of that on the company. As airlines continue to fly via London to reach Dublin we are losing out on the double — first, because they are not coming direct to Ireland and, second, in the context of the cost of the stopover. This whole issue will have to be looked at.

The country cannot afford to lose jobs in north county Dublin or in south County Meath. I appreciate that the Exchequer can only afford to put so much money into this company, but it can also only afford to pay so much to people who are unemployed. Whatever we do we must be sure to retain as many jobs as possible in this company.

In terms of the company's major European route, London-Dublin, everything possible should be done to avoid the continuance of suicidal fare cutting. The American lesson shows that although passengers get cheaper fares for a while the long term viability of airlines is undermined by fare wars. Many of them go out of business and fares ultimately end up higher.

There has been much talk about the importance of the management and union discussions that are taking place. The Minister is correct in saying that a viable plan must be put in place. I am happy that the Minister is prepared to say that equity is on the table to back a viable plan for this most important company which is a big employer in my constituency.

I listened with great interest to Deputy Callely's tirade against Deputy McDowell. I felt that I should propose that we call in the family mediation service. It is very ugly to have such domestic rows breaking out in the Chamber and I hope they are not going to get in the way of sensible decisions being made on the issues before the House.

I hope Deputy Dukes intends to make room for Senator John Dardis.

I make no secret of the fact that I do not want that man elected in my constituency, and he knows that perfectly well. However, let us not divert attention. I am quite prepared to offer my skills as a mediator between Deputy Callely and Deputy McDowell and if at the end of that we might do something worth while for Aer Lingus I would be very happy.

The debate in the Seanad yesterday, and in this Chamber today, has depressed me enormously because most of the contributions made by Government Members have been completely beside the point. I ask Deputies, and Senators, from the Government side who have contributed to the debate to remember that politically correct statements, while they might look good and sound good, will not butter any bread for people who work in Aer Lingus. At some stage we have to examine the real problems, get to grips with them and get rid of the mumbo-jumbo.

And do what the Deputy did with Irish Shipping?

I listened to the contribution made by Deputy de Valera, who is now in the Chair, and I agree with a great deal of what she prescribed for dealing with the problems. What depresses me, though, is that there is no evidence that the kind of action required is on offer from the Government. It is fine to state a commitment to the survival of Aer Lingus, but that is not enough — we have to do something about it. I listened to the Minister in the Seanad yesterday and in this House today. His speech today concluded with the deathless phrases, "Decision time is now. Let us not contemplate failure, with courage and determination we can succeed.". On my worst day I would have cringed at the idea of putting such phrases into an Ard Fheis speech delivered to an audience that did not expect action to be taken that day. For those phrases to be presented as part of an apparently serious statement on a major problem facing the company is absolutely criminal.

The future of Aer Lingus will depend on very hard-headed decisions about a much wider range of considerations than those to which the Minister has referred or those debated in the House. We are all familiar with the very real concerns of Aer Lingus workers and their families. The concerns have been set out very clearly not only in the House but elsewhere. We are all clear about our concerns for taxpayers, who at the end of the day are the people who have to provide the equity for any injection — it cannot come from anywhere else. If the Government borrow the money today the taxpayers will have to provide for it in the future.

We all know what our concerns are about loading more burdens onto taxpayers or diverting a part of the resources we have for that purpose. We all know perfectly well that there are very strong and serious considerations to be borne in mind in relation to the future of a flag carrier airline. Those things go without saying; we have said them to each other for decades. However, all the wisdom about the interests of the workers, the interests of the taxpayers and the interests of having a good, well-regarded flag carrier airline have not prevented the problems now facing Aer Lingus. Those matters, important as they are, constitute only a part of the total picture.

Other factors deserve equally serious consideration and, to be fair, I would have to recognise that some of them were mentioned, but only mentioned, by the Minister in his speech today. The Minister gave no indication, however, of how well the Government understands the implications of those factors. Labour Party Deputies who have spoken in the debate so far have completely ignored those other factors and have instead concentrated on the three parts to the issue we all know perfectly well and about which we have spoken ad nauseam for years without contributing to a resoluton of the problem. I should now like to inject a few of those other aspects into the debate, given that we are talking about injections.

The interests of air travellers are fundamental to the issue. We also have to consider travellers as a whole, since there is a very high level of competition between air travel and surface travel, particularly in relation to this country. That consideration applies also, although to a lesser degree, to goods transport. In a very real sense air freight competes with surface freight. Fare levels for airline passengers are a crucial consideration and demand much more careful planning than they tend to get during predatory price wars between airlines. They certainly deserve much more careful consideration than they have had from Aer Lingus in the past few years since Ryanair has appeared on the scene and since British Midland has begun to provide a level of competition. Nobody would disagree with the proposition that fare structures for the ordinary airline user could benefit enormously from a greater degree of simplification than has been apparent to date. The complication in fare schedules has been a direct result of what Government speakers have referred to as a rather unthinking predatory price war, which has not been to the benefit of any of the airlines involved. Lest there is any misunderstanding about the matter, I am not in favour of the cosy arrangement of old times under which air fares were set by agreement between airlines to suit the interests of themselves rather than the interest of the wider market.

Air transport between this country and other countries has to be competitive with other forms of transport. That kind of competition has been experienced here in the past few years, particularly in the links between Ireland and the United Kingdom and, to a lesser extent, in the links between Ireland and France. If air transport is not based on competition it will fail, and the kind of problems faced up to now would be experienced on an even wider scale. Ideally, air transport between Ireland and other countries should be comparable in cost with air transport in other parts of the world. Taking into account that Ireland has different labour cost structures, the fact remains that if we are to attract a larger number of air travellers from other parts of the world there has to be some connection with the fare structures for flights into and out of Ireland.

It would be a great mistake if we were to let our fare structures get too far out of line with what is expected by most air travellers. Those of us who have been involved with airlines and those who closely examine air transport policy know that all over the world eyebrows go up immediately when note is taken of the fare structure that applies in relation to links between Ireland and the rest of the world. The average American traveller, for example, is appalled at the level of fares applicable between Ireland and the United Kingdom and between Ireland and the rest of the world. Those considerations have to figure largely in the structures and the policies of a company such as Aer Lingus.

For intra-European operations we are living in a world of increasing deregulation, intensifying competition and rapid restructuring of the airline business. I say that with a fair degree of knowledge of the subject. I was co-author of the European Commission's first paper on air transport deregulation in 1979. In fact, I wrote large parts of it while commuting between Brussels and Cork in the early part of that election campaign in which I was a condidate. That is where it all started — 1979 — and it has gathered pace since then. However, the whole process has developed much more slowly than I would have wished. I am not handing out a bouquet when I say that some of the people who were responsible for the slowness of the process are to be found in successive Governments here. They were not very wise to resist it in the way they did, but that is the world in which we now live.

On the north Atlantic access to routes and to the provision of services are still highly regulated, a fact greatly misunderstood by many of the people who pronounce on the way we should operate trans-Atlantic services from here. Competing airlines, even on those routes, are subject to the fallout of intense price competition elsewhere and are subject to the same pressures towards concentration that we see even in deregulated markets. In the area of transAtlantic flights Government policy is crucial because it is regulated by a bilateral agreement. I have seen no evidence whatsoever in recent years of any understanding on the part of the Government as to the meaning of that bilateral agreement or its implications for the type of policy we should pursue.

I am fearful of the absolute silence of the Labour Party on any of these issues. It seems to me that the Labour Party has chosen to ignore the effects of deregulation, increasing competition and increasing concentration on the operating environment of Aer Lingus. Perhaps it is because there is no room for this in the official doctrine of the Labour Party, or alternatively, it is handier to ignore it because it does not give rise to the ability to make politically correct statements to large numbers of workers gathered together.

Aer Lingus must find a way of living in that kind of world and in its present state it is incapable of doing that. It is not in a position to reach any kind of operating agreement with any other carrier which would give it the means to survive and prosper. Indeed, the Minister pointed that out this morning in his contribution. He said:

In the present circumstances if Aer Lingus were to produce a prospectus without taking any corrective action, it is obvious that a private investor would not take up equity in the company.

He went on to say:

The scope for marketing alliances and joint ventures should be fully explored.

Having first told us that Aer Lingus is not in a position to offer itself as a valid partner to anybody else, the Minster then goes on to say what is politically correct, that it should consider alliances and joint ventures. Does the Minister understand the difference between those two statements, the absolute incompatibility between the two?

I will respond to that.

That is the kind of woolly thinking that has placed Aer Lingus in the difficult situation it now faces.

Aer Lingus has made some very good decisions in the past. It is no fault of Aer Lingus that a very wise decision was made a number of years ago to place itself to use fifth freedom rights when they became available. It is no fault of Aer Lingus that it finally got into a position to use those when the market was depressed. That is an unfortunate obstacle which the company has faced. However, the evidence seems to be that Aer Lingus has been slow to respond to new opportunities in air services. Aer Lingus talks positively about its commuter services but it is worthwhile reminding ourselves that Aer Lingus never even thought of providing that service until other airlines here were already providing it. Aer Lingus probably came too late to that service to make a difference to the level of provision of those kinds of services and to the success of regional airports here. It is clear that deficiencies in Aer Lingus policy making in this regard have had the effect of preventing the emergence of a particular kind of air service that this country could have supported had it been properly done in the first place.

Aer Lingus must meet another type of competition, computerised reservation services. But in spite of all the litigation in that regard such services could still be heavily biased in favour of the larger airlines, which can either set up those services or put up the capital to provide for those services. Airlines which cannot afford to buy high visibility on those menus will be in trouble. Aer Lingus is not in a position today to buy high visibility on those menus and it will continue to suffer because of that. Part of any development strategy for Aer Lingus must be to put it in a position where it could get that type of visibility which will be its only guarantee of success in competing with the many carriers; but Aer Lingus does not have that kind of muscle today.

The other question we must realistically consider is what will happen to the future level of demand for air transport services. It has always been the case in the past that, even in times of recession, it was reasonable to expect there would be an upturn in demand for air transport. I am not sure that is the case today. We will eventually see the introduction of carbon energy taxes, for very valid environmental reasons. They will require a major reappraisal of the place of air transport in the world today. Airway and airport congestion in the developed world will pose major obstacles for the further development of air transport. If we, Bernie Cahill, or whoever, sit here solemnly and look only at what is happening on this island or what we could do to help Aer Lingus and base our actions on that, we will fail because the world around us is changing. The climate Aer Lingus must work in will be changing all the time. Our plans, regardless of whatever type of capital injection we talk about, will have no effect unless they deal with those issues.

Aer Lingus has had some notable successes in building up non-core activities. TEAM Aer Lingus and Airmotive are extremely good examples of their kind. It is unfortunate that in the nature of those two businesses they cannot make a major contribution to the airline business when it is in recession, because that is precisely the time when they suffer also. We need to hear more from the Minister about the implications of that. As the Minister said this morning, they are procyclical in terms of the nature of airline activity. That is largely true of the hotel business also. The real jewels in the crown of Aer Lingus's non-core activities are not of a kind that can assist the airline when demand for air transport is depressed. The other company, PARC, was upscuttled for reasons totally outside Aer Lingus's control. No blame can be attached to anybody here for that.

As I said at the outset, I find this debate depressing because the Minister was very obscure and non-specific in what he said and the Labour Party Deputies are making a case that seems to owe more to a kind of tattered and ragged socialist philosophy than to the conditions prevailing in the world today. The Labour Party, for silly, doctrinaire reasons, is deliberately excluding the only option that will allow Aer Lingus to survive and prosper in the world of air transport that we see today.

The Deputy had better tell his own party that, because he is the only one who seems to know Fine Gael policy in this area.

Do not irritate me, the Deputy knows perfectly well——

I must ask Deputy Dukes to conclude.

I defy anyone in the House to tell me that any national or regional airline in the world is in a position to prosper and grow if it cannot have effective links with some other airline or group of airlines. If we choose a path for Aer Lingus that effectively closes alliances of that kind, we are effectively condemning Aer Lingus to death.

Acting Chairman

The Deputy must conclude.

The rhetoric being brought to bear in this debate, from the Labour Party in particular, but also from the backbenchers in Fianna Fáil, will make it impossible for Aer Lingus to get out of its present bind because it has identified, as one of its major problems, the alliances it should form. Indeed, the Minister said so this morning and Aer Lingus knows it is true. It has failed so far, because of its position, to make any such alliance. That will result in strangling the airline.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Brian Fitzgerald.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I support the statements made by my Labour Party colleagues, Deputies Seán Ryan and Derek McDowell. The Labour Party stands by the commitments given to the Aer Lingus workers last November by the Labour Party at the meeting in Dublin Airport, which has been referred to several times today, and at which I was present.

I welcome the Minister's statement that equity will be provided to Aer Lingus, it represents a shift in Government policy in relation to Aer Lingus, which has been recognised in a statement by SIPTU, the main Aer Lingus union, earlier this week. It is crucial that a comprehensive plan is put in place for the long term viability and survival of Aer Lingus as our national airline operating in the commercial State sector.

I want to mention some of the restrictions which have been imposed on Aer Lingus by successive Governments and which have blocked growth in its business of tourism generally. It has been stated that Ireland is the only EC country into whose capital city direct flights from North America are banned by Government. Indeed, Aer Lingus in its annual report of 1991, advised the Government that the present policy of the compulsory stop-over at Shannon should be reviewed. At the same time a similar statement was made by Bord Fáilte recommending a change in this policy. It is timely that today's business supplement in The Irish Times states that a study carried out by American consultants in 1991 urged the Government to lift the restrictions on transatlantic flights to this country. The same article in the newspaper stated that the full round trip cost to Aer Lingus of a transatlantic flight, because of the stop-over, is £10,358, one of the additional cost burdens which the airline has had to carry over the years and which, in part, had led to the present crisis.

It has been clearly recognised that the tourist capacity of the country from North America has not been realised. The policy in relation to transatlantic flights is clearly diverting business from Aer Lingus to the UK and other airlines. Indeed, Ireland's share of North American tourism in recent years has been declining. Many American visitors come to this country via the UK through London or Manchester to avoid the Shannon stop-over. Canada has stopped providing a service to this country because of the same factor. There is a sizeable Irish-Canadian population, there is a market in that country for tourism which Aer Lingus has not tapped. As part of the plan to revitalise Aer Lingus these restrictions should at least be eased, if not removed, to allow Aer Lingus to grow so that Ireland would have a larger share of the tourism market from North America.

It has been estimated by the tourist trade that 60,000 new visitors could be attracted to this country every year as a result of a change of policy, which would increase revenue from tourism nationally to £25 million, a significant increase which would be of great benefit to our economy.

I represent the constituency of Dublin North-East, the airport is on the boundary of the constituency and anybody representing any part of the north side of Dublin is aware of the airport's importance in its economic life and indeed in Dublin city as a whole. It has been said that the employment potential of the airport, because of restrictions, has not been realised. Ballymun, Finglas, Coolock, Darndale and Kilbarrack have unemployment rates five times higher than any other region. Because of that it is very important that employment in Aer Lingus in our capital city — and throughout the country — is maintained.

I welcome the commitment by the Minister and the Government to provide equity and it is important that the management, board and workers in Aer Lingus devise a plan which will ensure the successful future of the airline.

The parliamentary Labour Party is fully behind the efforts of the party leader — and our Ministers in Government — to secure the survival of Aer Lingus as our State owned national airline. Furthermore, we are committed to involving the whole Aer Lingus workforce, in consultation with the management, in regard to a survival plan because, without such involvement and commitment, a plan will not succeed.

I want to state the position of various parties in relation to the future of Aer Lingus. Before the recent election the problems of Aer Lingus had been known to the Government for at least 12 months; the downturn in the international aviation industry signalled the difficulties which Aer Lingus was bound to face. Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats repeatedly called for private investment in the airline on the grounds of——

On a point of order, the Deputy is making inaccurate statements in regard to Fine Gael——

Acting Chairman

The Deputy will have an opportunity to make a contribution later.

As usual, Fine Gael can give it but cannot take it. It believed that the future of the company lay in increasing private ownership and that State ownership was a thing of the past. I will not listen to the phoney concern expressed by Deputy O'Malley for the Aer Lingus workers and their families. His party cut its teeth in politics as the vanguard of a vicious campaign against the whole semi-State sector. It also championed what is now seen as a disastrous policy of totally uncontrolled price competition on the Dublin-London route, between Ryanair and Aer Lingus. Deputy O'Malley was a member of a previous administration which did not take any decisive action on Aer Lingus. Deputy O'Malley and his party should come clean, their only solution is privatisation. They should clearly state their intentions. At a recent meeting of Aer Lingus employees, Deputy Cullen attempted to whip up resentment among the workers towards the management, as if this was the only problem facing the country. He seems to think that changing faces in the boardroom and at senior management level is the answer. In other words Deputy Cullen, like his leader, argued that there should not be any State equity.

The operational difficulties and obstacles to be overcome at Aer Lingus cannot be swept under the carpet. In fairness to Deputy Spring and all the other Labour Deputies, we have not stood before the Aer Lingus workforce and encouraged false expectations. Before the election we committed ourselves to a State equity injection to the company and I now quote from our election manifesto:

In the case of the current difficulties in Aer Lingus the Labour Party will stand firmly behind the efforts of management and workers in the company to address current problems. We strongly believe that if additional equity is required as part of a package of measures to revitalise the company which has made an outstanding contribution to Ireland's development, no Government should be allowed to shirk that responsibility.

and this Government is not.

In Ireland we are in the middle of a major unemployment crisis. The Labour Party is in this Government to tackle it. That was the mandate we were given and it is a responsibility we will carry out.

Finally, in relation to the way forward in Aer Lingus — and I speak as a former trade union official — I appeal to the management and in particular to my trade union colleagues to get around the table because this is the only constructive way to begin the process of securing the company's future and the jobs that are at risk. We have seen enough of people refusing to get around the table to try to resolve the problems. Let us not have the same difficulties in Aer Lingus, because time is not on our side. Failure to do this will come as a major disappointment to the Labour Party which has fought to protect our State companies from privatisation.

The future of Aer Lingus must be secured and all the parties involved have a responsibility to ensure Aer Lingus's survival as our national carrier and the jobs in it. Let nobody forget that this Government has given a firm commitment to Aer Lingus and its workers and we will guarantee equity to the company.

How much?

I wish to put on record my support for the campaign of the Aer Lingus workers and their union in their demands for a substantial equity investment by the Government to assist the national airline through the recession that has hit the international aviation industry right around the world.

I have always had and continue to have a sense of pride in the achievements of Aer Lingus. I believe that feeling of pride is shared by the vast majority of Irish people. It is ironic, but true, to say that Aer Lingus, the State airline, would be in a far stronger position today were it not for interference by the State in the running of the airline. The State has placed limitations on key strategies and this has had a crippling effect on our national airline.

The most recent consultancy study of the problems in Aer Lingus was presented to the Government in mid 1991. The report by the Boston consultancy group recommended specifically that there be a relaxation of the compulsory Shannon stopover and that freedom should be given to the airline to set its routes and fares. The report also highlighted what it said was the high level of fees charged at Dublin Airport by Aer Rianta, the State airport authority, which put Aer Lingus at a competitive disadvantage compared with other airlines, as Dublin is its home base. The consultants recommended that Aer Lingus should seek a strategic alliance with a North American airline and develop Dublin as a European hub, but they pointed out that the Shannon stop-over and other regulatory restrictions on the national airline made it an unattractive partner to overseas operators.

According to the consultants' report, the Shannon stop-over is one of Aer Lingus's most fundamental problems for a number of reasons. It prevented Aer Lingus developing the home-based hub idea. It increased costs significantly and depressed travel on the North Atlantic routes because of the low proportion of business traffic using them. It also made the routes more difficult to market because computer reservations systems rank flight options according to time elapsed, lengthening the Dublin-North America flight duration. The stop-over made Aer Lingus's attractiveness to potential alliance partners minimal and placed constraints on Aer Lingus's utilisation of its North Atlantic fleet. This meant that United Kingdom and Continental regional hub airports will continue to expand rapidly to the detriment of the potential of a hub at Dublin Airport. The report added that traffic levels were below reasonable expectations because of the stop-over and that Ireland had been much less successful in increasing North American traffic than it had been in raising European traffic. The stop-over also prevented Aer Lingus from operating an economically viable service to Los Angeles. Los Angeles would be an attractive airport for Aer Lingus because 12 per cent of US visitors to Ireland come from California.

What is clear from this report is that the survival of Aer Lingus is dependent on the Government giving it freedom to set its routes as well as its fares and on the relaxation of the compulsory Shannon stop over as well as a major equity investment. But this Government apparently is not prepared to do any of this. It seems to me that this report is particularly significant because there has been persistent interference from the Government in both these important areas. We had the deliberate removal of key British and European routes — most notably the Stansted route for which exclusive rights were given to Ryanair, thus saving it from extinction — and the Munich and Liverpool routes. Key routes were taken from Aer Lingus in order to bolster up a private airline. In my view that was a disgrace. What chance did Aer Lingus have in the face of such interference and deliberate obstruction?

Because I represent a very disadvantaged constituency I have been reluctant in the past to argue about a policy which was designed at inception to promote and assist an equally disadvantaged area in the west. I do not believe in playing off one disadvantaged area against another, but it has to be said that if the Shannon stop-over policy is so detrimental to the future development and expansion of Aer Lingus, the national airline, than its retention cannot be justified and will in the long term be of little advantage to Shannon yet disastrous for Dublin and Aer Lingus. The question might be asked: what will be the position of Shannon with a severely weakened Aer Lingus, given the Government's refusal to make the necessary major equity available now when it is needed? Most Members representing Dublin constituencies, in particular, will be familiar with the letters from individual workers in Aer Lingus which we all received prior to the last general election. I want to quote from one such letter I received, although I might mention that most of the letters I received were not from constituents because, regrettably, I have very few constituents working there, and indeed regrettably very few constituents working anywhere else. Sadly, that will affect more and more constituencies around the country. The letter states:

In the fifty-six years since its creation in 1936, Aer Lingus has received a total investment of approximately £70 million from its one and only shareholder — the Government.

Today the State has a company worth at least £600 million — employing over 7,600 people. The country has also benefited from the £203 million of Government and other securities held by the Irish Airlines Superannuation Schemes. During the eight years from 1983-1991, Aer Lingus paid a total of £224 million to the Exchequer in PAYE and PRSI contributions.

But Aer Lingus' value to Ireland extends beyond its direct employment capacity. With more overseas offices than any other Irish agency — including Bord Fáilte and the Industrial Development Authority — and an overseas promotional budget of £21 million, Aer Lingus makes a major contribution to Ireland's image abroad — boosting the efforts to market Ireland as a tourist destination and also as a location for business and industry.

At the same time, Aer Lingus supports the jobs of workers in hundreds of Irish companies through annual expenditure of over £90 million on goods and services in Ireland. Irish airports and air traffic control services earn more than £30 million a year from Aer Lingus. As Ireland's strategic communications link, Aer Lingus supports the export drive that is vital to Irish industry.

Yet despite this exemplary contribution to the economy, Aer Lingus is in difficulty. Because of the reluctance of successive Governments to honour the shareholder's responsibility to invest adequately in the company, Aer Lingus has been forced to take out expensive loans from private institutions to finance the expensive capital costs associated with the aviation industry. The repayments on these loans are a millstone around the neck of an otherwise sound company.

As an Aer Lingus employee, I have witnessed the impact of these heavy loan commitments on the working conditions of my colleagues and myself. We have been faced with almost continuous demands for wage moderation, new salary scales with lower starting points, the foregoing of incremental rises, changes in crew and staffing levels, increased flexibility and other changes in work practices.

Management has recognised that the scope for further "belt-tightening" on the employees' part has been virtually exhausted. Yet still, after all of these sacrifices, the debt problem remains and — unless it is addressed effectively — it threatens to cripple the entire company.

Investment of Government equity at realistic levels would stabilise the company's financial position — allowing everyone in Aer Lingus to work with greater security and satisfaction so that, together, we could provide an even better service to our customers and to Ireland.

I would urge you to support the campaign for increased Government equity in Aer Lingus — which has been initiated by my trade union, SIPTU, by using your good offices to press the appropriate Government Ministers to recognise the exceptionally good value this country receives from Aer Lingus.

I made a point of reading that letter into the record of the House——

The Deputy was lucky to get away with it.

The Deputy did not say where it came from.

I said it was from a worker in Aer Lingus and if the Minister would like a copy, I will be happy to provide him with one. Indeed, if the Minister asks his colleagues behind him if they received similar letters before the last general election, I am sure they will confirm that they did. However, I doubt if they will read their replies to those letters — which were sent before the general election — into the record of the House because it might put them in the embarrassing position of having to compare or contrast the contents with their position at present.

The Deputy should not judge people by his standards.

May I have the protection of the Chair from continuous interruptions by irresponsible Members?

The Deputy can certainly have the protection of the Chair.

They will have an opportunity to speak later.

Acting Chairman

Deputy Gregory, without interruption, please.

It is unusual for me to have an opportunity to speak.

It is unusual for the Deputy to want to speak.

Acting Chairman

Deputy Gregory, without interruptions, please.

I regret to say I did not get any co-operation or assistance from the Minister's party any time I wished to speak.

That is not what the Deputy told me.

I will continue because I know Members opposite are trying to waste my time on this serious issue and, typically, the Government party do not treat it with the seriousness it deserves.

That is unfair, Deputy Gregory.

I replied to each letter I received and gave a commitment to support the workers' demands. I understand that Members of this House, from all parties, did likewise. I did so because I believe in the necessity and the justice of the workers' case. It appears that a great deal depends now on whether the Labour Party Members are prepared to honour the pre-election commitments they so readily gave.

I support the position of the unions that a survival plan can hardly be drawn up in the absence of any specific indication from the Government regarding the amount of equity it intends to make available to our national airline. I listened to the nine page speech from the Minister who has responsibility in this area and I know as much now as I did before I came into the House about the Government's position in relation to the airline, the amount of equity or any other significant factor affecting this issue. I am sure many Deputies heard the report on the news this morning that one of our largest banks intends to lay off 1,000 workers in the next few years, despite the huge profits that bank makes. Notwithstanding the approximate 1,000 job losses in the past few weeks in Digital and another business concern in Tallaght, it appears from the Minister's speech this morning that the policy of the present Labour-Fianna Fáil partnership, Coalition, or whatever they call themselves, is to follow suit in this case and force substantial redundancies in Aer Lingus. We have no indication from the Minister's nine page script precisely what he has in mind. The workers, whose livelihoods, families and homes depend on knowing what the Government has in mind, are still none the wiser. It appears the commitments made before the general election will not be honoured.

It is interesting that it is proposed to introduce an ethics in Government Bill. I hope my suggestion that a section of that Bill deals with promises made before elections and deliberately reneged on afterwards is taken up because that public perception of politicians is far more affected by politicians reneging on promises than on any other issue the ethics in Government Bill might address. Despite the Government's verbal commitment to making job creation its main priority, the only message one can take from the Minister's speech today is that there will be major job losses in Aer Lingus. It remains to be seen if the Labour members of Government are prepared to stand idly by while one of the greatest single contributors to job creation here is brought to its knees and many more workers join the dole queues.

I propose to share my time with Deputies Haughey and Noel Ahern.

Acting Chairman

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Gregory has no evidence to support his allegations about the promises made by Members of the House to the members of Aer Lingus before the election. If he can produce replies to the letters he stated we all received, making promises which were subsequently reneged on there might be some veracity in what he said. It is easy to be destructive in a debate such as this but I intend to be constructive.

Aer Lingus is safe with Fianna Fáil in Government. In 1948 my brother was a pilot with Aer Lingus and when the airline, under Coalition Government, sold the international airline, people like him had to emigrate and join foreign airlines. Not only was Aer Lingus founded by Fianna Fáil but throughout its history, as the workers know, we have always protected their interests. We are a realistic party and we know there are problems in the world of aviation today. In the United States many airlines have closed down and only the leanest and fittest have survived. I have no doubt that not only will Aer Lingus survive but it will prosper.

It was with deep regret that I learned of Cathal Mullan's resignation from Aer Lingus. He is a fine gentleman. It is not acceptable that one man should have been held responsible — I do not believe that is the case — for the lack of competitiveness of Aer Lingus. Much work has to be done and no Government will write a blank cheque. I appeal to the union representative who regularly gives interviews on the radio not to be so confrontational. The unions should work with management to produce a satisfactory package that will put Aer Lingus on the road to profitability again.

I was in the Seanad yesterday when Senator Quinn made a very good speech — I suggest that Members of this House read it — on the selling off of the assets of Aer Lingus such as its hotels. He made a wise point, and I have no doubt the Minister took note of it, that the hotels should be held by the State. He said they would be of value to pension funds who would not be so concerned about the current recession in that business. Certainly they would be able to buy them a little cheaper than they would at boom times in the industry, although if there was a boom in the hotel business Aer Lingus probably would not be seeking to sell them. The suggestion that we hold onto the management of these hotels and either lease them or allow pension funds to buy them is worthy of examination.

Since I was elected to this House in 1965 I have advocated that Aer Lingus and foreign airlines should also be allowed fly direct to Dublin. The fact that this has not happened has stultified our tourist business. I suggest that we allow a couple of flights to fly direct to Dublin. Deputies from the west are utterly paranoid about this issue, it is such a live political issue, but I would like to think of Aer Lingus as the national airline rather than the Shannon airline. People in Shannon should realise that if Aer Lingus gets into difficulties, so too will they.

Fifty per cent of the passengers flying from the United States on Aer Lingus flights would like to come to Dublin direct and it is about time this was considered. In his speech the Minister said he has instructed the executive chairman that Aer Lingus is to maintain a significant presence on transatlantic routes in the context of the existing policy on the Shannon stop-over. That can mean anything but I hope it means that whoever puts this package together will have the right to allow a certain number of direct flights to Dublin, certainly during off-peak times. This has been a sacred cow of all political parties whose western Deputies sought to maintain the policy of Aer Lingus to fly into Shannon.

I would welcome the setting up of a joint venture with Aer Lingus but no one will seriously consider that if they are not allowed fly direct to Dublin. That is essential in any agreement. I want to pay tribute to the workers in Aer Lingus which is a fantastic airline. I have flown with many airlines but Aer Lingus is and will continue to be the best. I am as optimistic as anyone could be about the future of the company. It will thrive and go from strength to strength. I ask the unions not to be confrontational, and to work with management in putting together a new package.

Aer Lingus, founded by Seán Lemass, is one of our leading State companies and it has made a major contribution to our national and international life. It is the seventh largest company in terms of turnover and the fourth largest employer here. There is no doubt that Aer Lingus has serious difficulties. Its core business will lose more than £40 million this year, it has a group debt in excess of £500 million and its annual budget bill is about £50 million. It operates in a very difficult environment. There is a downturn in the world's aviation industry, an industry that is fiercely competitive. Most international airlines registered losses last year. Aer Lingus has an ageing fleet which it cannot afford to replace. It has had its ups and downs and the present difficulties must be seen as temporary. A strong, commercially viable airline is vital to the economic life of this country.

European union brings tremendous opportunities but it also brings many challenges. An island nation needs a strong airline. In particular we need a fast, modern, efficient transport system to Britain and continental Europe, and Aer Lingus is the only company to provide this service. Structural Funds already spent on roads, harbours and airports must be complemented by a strong national airline. Aer Lingus is vital to trade and tourism. The tourism task force states that tourism depends on a strong airline. Aer Lingus carried 75 per cent of visitors to this country in 1991. It markets Ireland throughout the world and it must continue to play a central role in our air transportation policy.

The national airline is entitled to the Government's co-operation, encouragement and support. Aer Lingus is experiencing difficulties and the Government must support its own company. Governments throughout the EC intervene regularly to support crucial national industries. Even those great Europeans, the Germans, actively supported Mercedez Benz over the years. The Government has given full discretion to the executive chairman, Bernie Cahill, to make whatever decisions are necessary to draw up a viable economic plan. That is all very well but I want to know the Government's views on what needs to be done and what plan will be acceptable. The Government must have an input in this area. Does the Government have a plan? As a taxpayer, shareholder and parliamentarian I believe that largescale redundancies in our national airline are unacceptable.

How is Aer Lingus going to solve its problems? Urgent remedial action is needed to restore the airline to profitability. The Minister should seriously consider seeking Cohesion Funds for this transport investment project. Given that Ireland is a peripheral region dependent on foreign trade this must be possible.

I welcome the Government statement that in principle equity is available. I also appreciate the role of EC competition rules in this matter. Government help, I understand will be allowed as part of a once off viability plan. I, too, would encourage discussion and co-operation between unions and management.

I am delighted that the Government is not appointing more consultants to analyse the problem. The sale of assets, linkages with foreign airlines and so on are matters for economic assessment. Redundancies are a crucial issue. The workforce of Aer Lingus is its greatest asset. They have made sacrifices. They have been badly treated. They have been living with uncertainty and rumour and they have been kept in the dark so that they are unable to plan their lives at this stage. They should not be made a scapegoat.

With regard to job creation, it is easier to maintain a job than to create a new one. The aim must be to maintain maximum employment consistent with maintaining a viable commercial operation. Aer Lingus can be strengthened and made commercially viable once again. It has surmounted many problems in the past. It has a future in the competitive world but the Government must not shirk in its responsibility to Aer Lingus.

The Shannon stop-over is a controversial issue. As a Dublin politician I see that it totally inhibits economic growth and tourism. That must be given serious consideration. Deputy Briscoe highlighted a statement in the Minister's speech this morning and I agree that it is a little unclear. The Shannon stop-over issue must be addressed but it should not be brought forward now to take away from the central issue of Aer Lingus.

Much has been said about the history of Aer Lingus and the fact that it has served us well through the years. Deputies have referred to the number of jobs provided and the number of tourists it has carried, about four million passengers last year. I will not go back over that as it has been well covered.

The success of Aer Lingus has been tampered in the last few years by a downturn in the aviation business and by the overall international recession. When things pick up internationally the aviation business will pick up as well. The basic problem is that Aer Lingus is a highly regulated company in a deregulated market. It is being asked to compete in the open market with its hands tied behind its back in some respects. Over recent years some routes have been taken away from it, others have been denied to it, it is barred from Stansted and it has seen Governments actively encouraging its rival at home. With regard to costs, I understand that landing fees in Shannon and Dublin are perhaps the highest in the world. Many airlines and shipping companies break even on their core business and almost live off duty free shops but that asset has not been available to Aer Lingus since it was given to Aer Rianta.

The insistence by the Government on the Shannon stop-over is ludicrous. It may be justified on grounds of reasonable development but it does not make sense for Aer Lingus or for our economy as a whole. The Shannon stop-over prevents Aer Lingus from making arrangements with other airlines. I understand that they could get link up offers from US airlines but nobody wants to have to stop at Shannon. If we are trying to develop Dublin as a base to get people from the US into Europe, we have no hope if every aeroplane has to land at Shannon. If the Government feels that Shannon is essential it should give a subsidy to Aer Lingus for it.

There is a temporary problem in international business and a changed market would help aviation. There is no need for panic measures however. There is a need to make some adjustments. We should make adjustments and hold on and move forward when the climate improves. Some of the doomsday talk we have heard here this morning is defeatest. We are talking ourselves into a hole. The problem should not be overestimated. Some of the comments made, if misinterpreted abroad would not encourage people to book a plane a couple of months in advance. Some of the talk is wild and over the top.

I am against selling assets such as hotels at this point. I do not have any objection in principle to selling them in the future but I understand that the borrowings against those hotels at present are so great that if we sold them off we would have a very small net balance.

The Minister this morning talked about EC competition. European Community competition laws should not be allowed to be used as an excuse for not putting money into Aer Lingus. We should get our way on this issue because we are a peripheral country and out situation is totally different from that of other European countries. The Minister's main argument this morning suggested that we should proceed in partnership. That is obvious. There must be partnership between management, workers and the Government. The demand of the unions that the Minister should state the amount of equity to be provided is unreasonable but the Minister should not ask them to draw up a plan and say that he will then consider what he will give. There must be partnership. The Minister should be involved in the discussions and should give some indication that things are going in the right direction and as to what equity will be available.

All aspects of the Aer Lingus fees must be reviewed and redundancy should be the last option. At that stage we should only consider voluntary redundancies or early retirement. I understand that many of the Aer Lingus staff already work on contracts abroad and are on career breaks. That sort of thing should be encouraged.

In every organisation, no matter how small, there is waste. That must be considered. The three week time scale is probably a bit unrealistic. One cannot really get down to things like that in that length of time.

Aer Lingus will come out of this problem. I would ask the Minister to proceed in partnership in order to save the maximum number of jobs.

I wish to share some minutes of my time with my colleague, Deputy Creed.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

As a Deputy for Dublin West, I confess a constituency interest. There is of course the priority for the national interest. I must also confess a personal interest in that I have been lucky over the past number of years, certainly going back long before I came into this House, to enjoy the hospitality and the service afforded by Aer Lingus. The experience of those Deputies who travelled by Aer Lingus in the past should stand Aer Lingus in good stead at present. I am happy to support them in this crisis.

While canvassing during the last election I became aware of the great advantage the Labour Party has over the rest of us. I was entering housing estates which Labour Party canvassers and candidates were leaving and despite the fact that I had never said a word against Aer Lingus and had never been identified with an anti-Aer Lingus position I could contrast the welcome I received in certain places with that received by the Labour candidates and canvassers before me. I thought that was most unfair at the time, but it certainly reaped dividends for the Labour Party.

I am sorry to say that the commitments entered into at that time by members of the Labour Party leave us in a situation where politics and the political process is being harmed because those commitments are on the point of being welshed upon. I have listened to speakers from the Labour Party today and I am sure that in all sincerity those backbenchers will commit themselves again to what they said earlier in relation to Aer Lingus. I suspect very much that they will be left holding the can. I have very considerable sympathy for those backbenchers who put themselves in that position.

An experienced elder statesman said to me not long ago that every person involved in politics should have a resignation issue, an issue over which he or she was prepared to resign. I would suggest that if Labour Party Ministers in the Government cannot deliver on their promises they should resign rather than enter into a squalid conspiracy with Fianna Fáil Ministers to scapegoat Cathal Mullan, Bernie Cahill and indeed the workers in Aer Lingus. I say that to them in all sincerity. There is a squalid conspiracy at present. We have heard praise for Cathal Mullan by Deputy Briscoe, He went on to say that no one man should be blamed for failure. But we now have a situation where another man has been selected for failure and to carry the can.

The SIPTU Newsline— the official Journal of SIPTU — which I kept from the time of the election, states: “Vote Labour No. 1 and continue your preferences to other candidates of the Left”. There was no mention of Fianna Fáil, never mind Fine Gael. I have reread it with interest. It contains an article entitled: “State must invest to support jobs” and a photograph of the Labour Leader, Deputy Spring, speaking to the Labour Party Trade Union Group. The article states:

The Government's claim

—that is the previous Government—

that funding is not available to support Aer Lingus is clearly unsustainable. The State spends around £2,000 million each year in the form of grants and tax reliefs to the private sector.

Few, if any, of those investments could match the return the State has received so far from its investment in Aer Lingus. Aer Lingus holds a strategic position in Irish business — not only as a direct provider of over 7,000 jobs in this country — but also as the lynch-pin of the country's tourism effort. Yet the Government seems set to cast it aside in a cavalier fashion.

The Labour Party is committed to support increased investment in Aer Lingus.

There is a number of other references of that nature, including a message to SIPTU members from Deputy Spring, which states:

Ireland deserves a fresh start. It must be about putting justice back into economics and trust back into politics, about making Ireland work again.

I would be very worried indeed if I were a backbencher in the Labour Party in relation to some of those promises. If I were Bernie Cahill I would be worried as well. In his own interest, as well as in the interest of Aer Lingus, his mandate should be clarified. He is surrounded by restrictions which make it impossible to carry out that mandate. I always wonder at a situation where management and unions sit around the table and discuss the problems and the future of their company, but the owner, the person who holds the money bags, stays away and does not enter into any commitment, leaving it up to the so-called partnership. Labour and Fianna Fáil Members supporting the present administration may have their own definition of what partnership actually means. It should not be left to the partnership of management and unions to sort out the problem while the person who owns the company deliberately stays away, does not enter into any commitment and yet can turn around and welsh on the deal. If I were Bernie Cahill I would be very careful about that and I would have secured in writing the necessary guarantees of my own position. It is in his interest to do so as well as in the interests of Aer Lingus.

I have referred already to the SIPTU leaders. I believe they are right in the present position to emphasise the necessity of the convergence of adequate Government investment in a new aviation plan and a more imaginative management of the elements of a rescue plan. In view of the promises made to them in the past the workers in Aer Lingus would be mad to buy a pig in a poke. I repeat, I support the attitude of the SIPTU leaders when they put the case in those terms.

Reference has been made to the Copthorne hotel chain and the money that may be available from the sale of those assets. That is the maddest idea that has been put forward in this debate. In good times those hotels are a valuable asset. They have proven to be a valuable asset to Aer Lingus in the past in terms of the money which has been made from them and also because of the goodwill that has been encouraged for the airline as a result of the service provided, especially by those which I have had the good fortune to visit over the years. To attempt to sell them at present would be the height of madness. If at all possible consideration of such a sale should be left aside until times are better in the property market, particularly in the United Kingdom.

I should like to move on to consideration of the role which the European Community might play in the rescue operation for our national airline. That role could be crucial. I was glad to see one of our colleagues John Cushnahan, MEP, raise this matter in the European Parliament a few days ago and refer to the importance of our geographical position as an island. This is the crucial issue that separates us from the other member states of the European Community. We are the only part of the European Community which is not linked by land to the rest of the Community. I do not think enough is being made of that. Any case that is made by us, based on our isolation, based on our peripherality in Europe, has to be a very strong case indeed. I suggest to some of the Government Ministers who will be gallivanting around the world next week and pontificating about a place which I know very well but which some of them have seldom, if ever, visited that they would be serving the national interest better by being in Brussels explaining the crucial importance of transport to our position in Europe and the world.

That is a very ungracious remark. There will be Government Ministers in Brussels next week.

We have the protection of the Chair.

I do need the protection of the Chair. I know where Government Ministers will be next week. How long do I have left, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle so that I know how much time I can devote to that remark?

There are eight minutes remaining.

That gives me one or two minutes. I welcome the interruption by the Minister of State. Such interruptions should be formalised in this House so that Members would have the opportunity to debate them rather than being ruled out of order. It is now recognised that part of our difficulty in relation to devaluation was that Government Ministers did not get off their backsides to go out and sell what we have to offer where it mattered, particularly in Brussels and other European capitals.

In regard to Aer Lingus, Government Ministers should be camped in Brussels so that they could put forward the case for our national airline, which employs 7,000 people in good jobs at a time when employment is crucial to the future of our country. It is more important for Ministers to be in Brussels than for them to be anywhere else in the world. I would advocate that course of action to them.

We have an extremely important case to put forward for European assistance for Aer Lingus. It is a much more important and sellable case than the cases which have been made by the Spanish, the French and other countries which have received assistance in the past. This case is based on our isolation and our position as an island community on the periphery of Europe, the only member state without a landlink to the rest of the Community. Isolation is our major disadvantage and no other member state can compete with our case for assistance. Our dependence on transport, by air, sea and land, should be hammered home to the Commission again and again. This case can best be hammered home if Government Ministers are in Brussels.

I wish Bernie Cahill the very best. He is very brave to have accepted the responsibility which has been put on his shoulders. Whatever the outcome, that point ought to be made.

I wish to thank Deputy Currie for sharing his time with me. I apologise for my behaviour earlier in the day — it was caused by my anxiety to secure a slot in the debate, which I subsequently obtained.

Many of the Deputies who have spoken have done so from the point of view of their constituencies. It is important to put on the record that the difficulties facing Aer Lingus are national issues: the plight of Aer Lingus is not the sole worry of any constituency. I think it is fair to say that all Members of the House have a serious commitment to Aer Lingus. However, having said that, there are serious question marks about the Government's inadequate response to this issue to date.

The crisis in Aer Lingus has to be looked at first and foremost in terms of job losses and unemployment the single biggest plight facing this country at present. A workforce of 7,000 in Ireland and a total of more than 13,000 is not insignificant in this context. It is important to put the debate in an international context. There is a recession in the aviation industry worldwide. I think Chapter II, or bankruptcy proceedings, have been filed in the case of 11 airline operations in the United States. To expect Mr. Cahill in isolation to turn around the fortunes of Aer Lingus, regardless of international trends, is somewhat optimistic.

We have heard much in recent weeks about partnership — the Programme for a Partnership Government. Unfortunately, that partnership has been found sadly lacking in the context of the Government's response to Aer Lingus. Who owns Aer Lingus? The people of Ireland own it. The Government is the sole shareholder in Aer Lingus, yet it refuses to get involved directly in the plans to revitalise the company, preferring to hide behind the apron strings of Mr. Cahill. This is extremely regrettable. The workers and unions involved are quite right to refuse to negotiate on aspects of a redundancy and revitalisation package until such time as they know the extent of the Government's commitment to the revival of Aer Lingus.

We have heard much about privatisation. I have no ideological hangups about privatisation — all cases deserve to be treated on their merits. Members of the Labour Party accuse the Deputy Leader of my Party, Deputy Nora Owen, and the Leader of the Progressive Democrats, whom I have no agenda to defend, of speaking out of the two sides of their mouths. I ask the Labour Deputies who are in the House at present to translate a statement in the Minister's speech. He said, and I quote:

The Executive Chairman has freedom to develop the new framework to ensure the company is restored to viability. This includes measures to increase yields, dispose of assets not essential to the core business and to achieve savings on the company's cost base.

If the disposal of assets is not privatisation by another name I do not know what it is, if the Labour Party does not regard this as privatisation I suspect it is turning a blind eye to what is contained in the Minister's speech. I do not believe privatisation is the proper course to follow in the case of Aer Lingus. Reference has been made to the sale of the company's hotels. It seems ludicrous to sell the one sector of the company which is making money without resolving the problem which exists in the core business.

It is wrong that Aer Lingus should have been forced to operate without a proper aviation policy. This House has mandated the company to continue its transatlantic operations, has denied it access to the Dublin-Stansted route, has obliged it to continue the Shannon stop-over and has not taken cognisance of the progressive deregulation of the aviation industry since 1987. All of this has been done without the formulation of any meaningful aviation policy for Aer Lingus. Before any steps are taken in relation to rationalisation or redundancies, Aer Lingus should be issued with an aviation policy within which it can plan for the future. We cannot mandate the company——

An Leas Cheann Comhairle

I ask the Deputy to bring his remarks to a conclusion.

I do not think it is fair to expect Aer Lingus to operate in a vacuum without a proper aviation policy and a realistic financial commitment by the Government to compensate it for what are clearly not market driven decisions with which it has to comply.

If my colleague, Deputy Costello, arrives within the next 20 minutes will it be possible to allocate some of my time to him?

I am sure that is agreed.

If he does not arrive, I will take up the time.

Deputy Currie asked where the Labour Party stand in relation to Aer Lingus. The Leader of the Labour Party in a speech last October stated that if it takes several years to solve Aer Lingus's problems and equip our national airline, then the Government must stand behind the company foursquare throughout that time. That was his commitment. I made a similar commitment in the old terminal building at the airport during the election campaign. The Labour Party stands absolutely over that statement.

Last night a group of eastern region Labour Deputies met the Minister, Deputy Cowen, and had an extensive discussion for over an hour about current developments at Aer Lingus.

We are agreed there will be a substantial equity injection into Aer Lingus, if necessary over a number of years, to bring down the outrageous gearing ratio which is now 135 per cent. That will happen in the context of ongoing negotiations between the labour and management at Collinstown to achieve the cost efficiencies necessary for the airline to be efficient into the next century. The core aviation business of Aer Lingus will remain always in public hands. That is an absolute litmus test for the Labour Party. Under no circumstances will there be forced redundancies. The commitments the Labour Party has given in recent years will be absolutely honoured. It is fair for Deputy Currie and other Fine Gael Deputies to ask if Aer Lingus is a litmus test of this partnership Government. It is a litmus test. We believe in Aer Lingus and we will stand foursquare behind the company to defend it. That is where we stood in October and that will continue to be our position.

It is relevant to look at how the current problems emerged, with a total debt of £600 million. It is essential that we learn from this and do not repeat the mistakes of the past. I agree that there should not be panic decisions. Aviation worldwide has been in dire trouble because of the Gulf War, the recession and higher oil prices. About 147 aviation companies in the United States alone have gone to the wall. Apart from these problems, some of the other key problems over which we did have control need never have happened. Aer Lingus has suffered the massive problem of under-capitalisation. For 60 years we had a huge industry worth over £600 million and all we put into it was £70 million. There was at times a deliberate policy by Government of holding back capital investment in Aer Lingus. It is topical to ask if Aer Lingus should have bought 19 planes since 1986. The kind of strategy Aer Lingus wanted to develop within a deregulated Europe and on the transatlantic routes demanded that most of those planes should have been bought. A famous characteristic of Aer Lingus is its brilliant safety record and its treatment of passengers. The company could not continue to provide such a service with planes more than 25 years old.

A number of former Ministers have shed crocodile tears about the problems of Aer Lingus. The Official Report in the years 1986 to 1992 shows that every demand made by the board of Aer Lingus for legitimate fare increases was turned down. Many fares are lower now than in 1986, despite inflation. In many areas of its operations, Aer Lingus was fighting with one hand tied behind its back. For six years this House refused to do anything about it. There was the outstanding case of a private airline company being allowed to move in on certain routes and to charge below-cost fares. Any reasonable economist regards this as economic madness because it prevents proper returns. Aer Lingus was forced to try to compete with that level of cost cutting.

The one way in which Aer Lingus could have prevented the current high gearing ratio was by generating extra revenue. Various Governments refused to allow this. It is a fundamental factor in the current crisis. In effect Governments have been saying to Aer Lingus that it does not matter how tourists are brought here — just get them here. When an airline's freedom of movement is so restricted, it makes it very difficult to produce a balance sheet which will show profits for the company. There was a Thatcherite consensus that the Aer Lingus monopoly of certain routes was inherently wrong.

We will shortly be the only island country in the EC and it is inevitable that our transport and aviation policy should be different in some respects from that of other countries. One of our fundamental efforts in coming years should be to get some Structural Funds for Aer Lingus. We have had recent economic treatises which compare us with Scandinavia, Austria and Switzerland. We are compared unfavourably with Denmark. Regarding aviation policy, the comparison could better be with Iceland. We absolutely need a national airline. These are some of the reasons for the current problems.

Governments in the past decade repeatedly refused to take the advice of this House. Nobody seems to have listened to the recommendation regarding national aviation policy in the 1985 Green Paper. The fifth report of the Joint Committee on Commercial State-sponsored Bodies contains a list of recommendations about fifth freedom rights which Aer Lingus wanted to exercise but was not allowed. The tourism taskforce set up by the Government recommended that Aer Lingus should have a central role in receiving whatever equity was necessary to stabilise the company's finances in order to bring tourists to this country.

There are many other factors, including the level of charges. Mention was made of the possible sale of non-aviation assets. A possible buyer could be Aer Rianta, which charges our national airline higher prices than any other ports authority would charge its equivalent airline. Aer Lingus has to come up with £120 million per year to fund Aer Rianta. Although I enjoyed all the snowmen in Collinstown at Christmas I wondered at the level of marketing costs in Aer Rianta.

One of the major failures in the administration of Aer Lingus is that the company was not prepared for deregulation. We knew it was coming. Peter Sutherland had been working on competition policy for four or five years. I do not like to criticise a former Minister, but Deputy Desmond O'Malley was at least remiss in his duties in not consistently organising the company to get ready for the deregulated era from January 1993, unlike the aviation Minister in charge of Air France, which bought its Ryanair equivalent as part of the process of getting ready for the deregulated market. Above all, there was no aviation policy.

Many speakers today have spoken of the enormous contribution of Aer Lingus to national development. In 1991, for example, Aer Lingus contributed in PAYE and PRSI the equivalent of all the State equity that has ever been invested. That is one year alone.

A famous Trinity College economist, Mr. Seán Barrett, who writes for a daily newspaper, has been telling us recently that national airlines are now an outdated concept. He says that one does not need a national airline any more — and this on an island on the periphery of Europe with three million tourists each year, the same number of tourists as inhabitants. This airline contributes perhaps up to 10 per cent of the gross product of our city every year; yet this economist says that we do not need a national airline in a context where it is expected that in the year 2000 and beyond the output of all airlines and air travel is going to double. Our Dublin county development plan has in it a segment which looks to the doubling of employment in Aer Lingus and at Collinstown over the next ten to 15 years, making it an even greater focus of economic development than it is at present. If there is to be such development of aviation why on earth should we endanger our chief vehicle for achieving that?

Above all, Aer Lingus has provided a great multiplier effect for our city and particularly for the north side, for a whole swathe of territory of this city from Finglas across through Ballymun, Drumcondra, my own area of Coolock, across to Kilbarrack, Donaghmede, Howth, Malahide and Portmarnock. Perhaps 300 or 400 people have earned a substantial amount of their income through this airline.

The Deputy left out Blanchardstown, Castleknock and Lucan.

I left those out, but I would be glad to include them. Aer Lingus has been the fourth largest employer in this State for a long time. It also has been a brilliant representative of this nation. Whenever they are on an apron in a foreign city the blue and green colours and the shamrock present one of the most inspiring sights for an Irish man or woman.

Dublin city wants removed the handcuffs which have been on Aer Lingus in the past. I welcome the moves that have been made to reduce costs, particularly the brave moves the employees have made in the past. However, we must come up with a national aviation policy and that need not necessarily mean a direct conflict between Shannon and Dublin. It does seem incredible that of the two 767s which were bought to do the direct flight to Los Angeles, one is sitting out there on the tarmac at Dublin Airport and the other is shimmering in the summer heat in Mozambique. This is a remarkable state of affairs and I honestly feel that all sides of the country have got to bite the bullet on this one. We heard people here this morning who were in Government in the last six years and they never said a word about this key area.

I welcome the moves by the trade unions and management to develop a most efficient airline. I would expect to find a fairly urgent plan coming forward. I hope that the Minister, Deputy Cowen will evolve a national aviation policy and also take care to use all the network of our European contacts to develop supports for the airline. It is most important that this Government carries out its duties to reinvigorate Aer Lingus with the equity that is necessary even if it is over a number of years.

Deputy Joe Costello. There are four minutes remaining.

Is that a good example of partnership with your own colleague?

I was supposed to start at 3.20 p.m. Can I be allowed a few more minutes? It has gone 3.25 p.m.

The Deputy has some four minutes remaining to him.

Are there other speakers?

I consider Aer Lingus to be the flagship of Irish semi-State industry. It is a monument to the success of that sector in terms of the employment that it has created, in terms of the contribution it has made to the economy of the country and in terms of the innovative and imaginative way that it has diversified. I know the quantity of money it has put into the various communities throughout the country by way of the wage bill in Dublin, Shannon, the regional airports and the surrounding communities. I taught in the Swords area and I understand the devastation that would be wrought if Aer Lingus were to go to the wall.

However, Aer Lingus is not going to go to the wall. The Labour Party is committed to securing the future of Aer Lingus as a thriving enterprise. We have turned our backs on any possibility of privatisation and in that we have utterly rejected the approach of Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats and, indeed, Fianna Fáil in the last administration. It is our view that a major semi-State body with an excellent track record should be streamlined, never privatised.

In our programme for Government we gave a written guarantee to ensure the future of Aer Lingus as a commercial entity. Consequently there will be no sale of core elements of Aer Lingus such as TEAM Aer Lingus and Airmotive. We are pursuing EC funding. The present Cohesion and Structural Funds are targeted at reducing the obstacles to Europe's market and mainland by providing infrastructural supports to lessening our peripherality. Air transport is as important, if not more so, than road and rail, including linking regional areas within Ireland and linking Ireland — the only remaining island community — to the European mainland.

An aviation plan must be drawn up as part of the present restructuring that goes beyond the funding element alone. It must examine the airline industry in terms of the impact of the present recession. The Single Market in air traffic from 1 January 1993 and the failure to address deregulation is absolutely indefensible and reflects very badly on Aer Lingus management and previous Governments.

Finally, we must address the whole issue of the Shannon stopover. Political cowardice has prevented us in the past from looking at the balance sheet of Aer Lingus, including this element. What is the cost of the short Dublin to Shannon stops in wear and tear on Jumbo jets, in time lost to travellers, in numbers of tourists lost to the country, disadvantaging an already disadvantaged country? If Aer Lingus goes to the wall the Shannon stop-over will be meaningless anyway. A compromise flight pattern may be possible which preserves the benefits of Shannon to the west and the southern parts of the country while eliminating the problems encountered by Aer Lingus and benefiting tourists whose destination is definitely elsewhere.

The banks and financial institutions have done very well out of Aer Lingus over the past 50 years. They have received more dividends than the State which set up the company. In 1992 they received £60 million in interest from Aer Lingus borrowing. The Labour Party has made a commitment to equity and it will honour that commitment. With borrowings of over £600 million it is extremely unlikely that the other measures of rationalisation and reconstruction I have mentioned can bring the company into immediate solvency. We will provide the necessary equity, but I do not want to see State moneys squandered on redundancies, compulsory or voluntary. When so many people are already unemployed we must sustain and protect employment, as the programme for Government states. State use of taxpayers' money must be for the future long term viability of the company.

Hard decisions may have to be taken at a national level. I regard Aer Lingus as the premium semi-State industry in Ireland. It is the national flag bearer. If a supplementary budget is required, we will not shrink from that. A solution can be achieved only by goodwill on all sides. Today the Labour Party is reiterating its commitment to the future of Aer Lingus. Management and the workforce must get together, with the realisation that there is good will in the Government towards the future of the airline. They must enter into negotiations and come up with a viability plan. Equity will be made available, as has been stated, but the amount must be reasonable and necesssary. It must be realised by management and the workforce that it is the taxpayer and the taxpayer alone who contributes State equity. The Government is only the conduit in relation to State equity. If the taxpayer is to be asked to make a sacrifice, the management, the unions and the workforce must be seen to be doing likewise. It is time for everybody to sit around the table and begin the negotiations.

I did not expect to get this opportunity to speak in the debate but stamina has somewhat waned on a Friday evening. I do welcome the chance to make a few remarks on what is a major national issue, indeed a major national crisis. This is neither a constituency nor a regional issue. Obviously, there are constituency and regional dimensions to the problem, and they have been dealt with at great length in the debate today.

Some reference, although not too much, has been made to the Shannon aspect. It is my opinion that the Shannon aspect could have borne a little more scrutiny because it is a factor that contributes to the present position of Aer Lingus.

It is important to put firmly on the record of the House that the size of the hole that has to be climbed out of by workers and management of Aer Lingus is the result of years of Government neglect. Successive Ministers with responsibility for transport allowed that hole to get deeper, despite having received regular pleas for help from the board and management of Aer Lingus and from the group of unions at Aer Lingus.

On the Order of Business this morning I tried to raise with the Tánaiste the matter of a consultancy report, the existence of which was made public for the first time today. A major consultancy review was carried out on the problems of Aer Lingus, recommendations were made and that report was on the desk of the Minister as long ago as the middle of 1991. Not only was that report never debated in the House, the recommendations and the expression of urgency conveyed by the consultants were not made known to the House. It is important to note that of the recommendations and remedies considered feasible by the consultants at that time only those within the compass of Aer Lingus itself were acted on. That is a shameful indictment of the previous Government. I think the Minister did not wish the information to come out or to be made known to the House. The £36 million of savings that were within the compass of the company itself, a figure including £11 million of payroll savings, were effected, and those recommendations were implemented at the request of Aer Lingus. The elements of the consultants' recommendations that required Government action were not subject to decision. That is shameful, and this debate should not conclude without that simple point being understood.

Several Deputies have taken the time to explain in great detail all of the facts about the economic history of Aer Lingus, facts with which the unions and management have plied us so liberally. We all have very thick files of material, and I for one must confess that I have not had an opportunity to read it all. What the trade union representatives and the management representatives who are watching the debate from the Public Gallery and those who will read the debate subsequently want to know is what the Government intends to do about the issue, they do not want to have a simple regurgitation of the facts, agreement that large-scale redundancies would be a calamity and statements that we do not want workers in our constituencies to lose jobs and that our national airline is needed, is a source of great pride and is strategically important. The questions are why Aer Lingus has got into such a mess and what prospects the new Government has to tackle the problem.

It is alarming to know that the consultants' report existed, and existed when Aer Lingus was under the aegis of Minister Séamus Brennan, who cavorted around Dublin having no little pretention to managerial competence. Minister Brennan would give one the impression that he was really anxious to make managerial decisions and bringing all those recalcitrant State companies to heel, that he was the man who would make them efficient and put them on the road to recovery. Minister Séamus Brennan did not even get around to effecting the threatened post office closures. He did nothing while he was in the job — he passed the ball out to the wing and got away from it as rapidly as he could. It was under Minister Brennan that the decay started, and the position of Aer Lingus has been allowed to get worse.

Poor Deputy Currie, who occupied the vacant Fine Gael benches until a moment ago, copped a lot of flack from the news media for describing Minister Brennan's successor in his former post, Minister Geoghegan-Quinn, as having made only one contribution, that of hand-bagging the board and management of Aer Lingus. I was the one responsible for the phrase, "hand-bagging", and I apologise to Deputy Currie for having had to take all the flack for it. Of course, I did not mean that comment in a sexist sense at all, I meant it in a class sense. Minister Geoghegan-Quinn hand-bagged Aer Lingus in the same way that the former British Prime Minister, Lady Thatcher, used to hand-bag State companies before she privatised them. Then after flouncing around and making all of those noises, Minister Geoghegan-Quinn moved on and nothing was done. In the meantime, the problems in Aer Lingus were getting worse. This country has no tradition of State companies going public with a sense of grievance and saying what ought to be done.

As my time is so limited, I wish to refer now to the point that Minister McCreevy has sought to implant in the public consciousness, that Brussels will not come to our aid because of prohibitions in relation to competition. That is not so. It is known that the EC has come to the rescue of airlines that are much more significant in terms of employee numbers, the number of routes and other considerations. A communication we have all received from the Central Representative Council of Trade Unions refers to a recent EC report in which it is stated that some airlines carrying the financial burden of the past must have the chance for a fresh start and that a State-owned air carrier may have justifiable need for additional State capital to realise an investment programme necessary to improve efficiency and competitiveness. There is not doubt about the eligibility of Aer Lingus for such aid.

It is not good enough for the Minister to come in here and give the historical reasons Aer Lingus finds itself in its present position, use moderate language in order to win the approval of the Tánaiste and his colleagues and talk about concepts of partnership and moderation among the trade unions. It is not good enough for him to balance the language in his speech and, at the same time, make no commitments while expecting the trade unions to enter into negotiations and agree a package before there is any indication from the Government of its commitments in practical terms to maintaining an airline which is of strategic consideration in the context of jobs, tourism and trade. Those issues are so important that it is incumbent on the Government and the Tánaiste when replying to give some indication that the trade unions can sit down in the knowledge that if they do reach an agreement, it will be underpinned by both the Government and Brussels.

It is my intention to share the remaining Government time with the Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications.

I wish to put some points on the record of the House and to reply to some of the slanderous and devious attacks on the Labour Party which have taken place in relation to the issue of Aer Lingus. I wish to do this merely to correct the record of the House and for the benefit of the public outside.

We see this very simply as an issue of honouring commitments, nothing more, nothing less. During the recent election campaign every party in this House pledged itself to the future of Aer Lingus as our national airline. Every party in this House pledged to support the injection of equity in the company and to support a plan for the survival and recovery of Aer Lingus. I repeated that pledge in many parts of the country and on radio and television. When we made that pledge the general belief was that we meant it. We meant it then and we mean it now. The Labour Party, in common with our partners in Government, is totally committed to a strong future for Aer Lingus. I did not join this Government to assist in presiding over the death or destruction of this enormous national asset. We will work night and day, side by side with the Minister responsible, Deputy Cowen, to ensure that the future of Aer Lingus is a healthy one.

I accept fully the arguments put forward concerning the major contribution that Aer Lingus has made to the national economy, to many of our regional economies and to the economy of Dublin itself. If Aer Lingus were to collapse the damage would be untold, far beyond the devastation that would be caused by the loss of jobs involved. Indeed, I feel it is not stretching the point to say that the damage to Ireland would be irreparable. For that reason if anyone doubts the Government's commitment of putting in the maximum equity possible and affordable, they are wrong. If anyone is willing to spread a message that the Government has at any time turned its back on Aer Lingus or is willing to do so in the future, they can only be motivated by political malice. Some of the crocodile tears from the privatising parties in Opposition have a particularly hypocritical look to them. The thousands of people who work in Aer Lingus and the many more who depend on that company are lucky that the privatisation impulse, which is at the heart of the Fine Gael and Progressive Democrats parties, is not the factor being used to deal with the current crisis.

The decision to appoint Mr. Bernie Cahill as executive chairman of the company was made in the full knowledge that he is committed, as is the Government, to keeping Aer Lingus strong and viable. I am happy to say that he has already brought a refreshing openness to the difficult task which faces him. It is a fundamental part of his mandate that he should seek to build a consensus, among all staff, on the way forward and he is seeking to do that now.

It is ironic that some of the commentators on the issue appear to believe that the Government should already be handing down prescribed solutions. I have no doubt whatever that the same commentators would be accusing us of dictatorship if we tried to do that. It would be easy for the Government to take a series of cash-saving decisions but we made a conscious decision that the future development of this crucial company should be a matter for everyone working there in partnership with the Government and the Government strategy is underpinned by that commitment to partnership and consensus.

I do not wish to underestimate in any way the difficulties we face. The Government will support an agreement with equity to the maximum extent affordable and possible. We will also have to persuade the European Commission that such an injection is permissible now. The unions say they cannot do it alone and I accept that, but the Government cannot do it alone either. What we need is partnership underpinned as it will be by Government commitment and support. What is needed is negotiation, compromise and agreement. There will be no imposed solutions, no handing down of tablets of stone but the situation is urgent and a strong future for the company requires everyone involved to work together.

For my part I repeat the pledge here that I have given since Aer Lingus became a political issue, a pledge of a total commitment to the company and its workforce. Aer Lingus is more than a national asset, it is a national treasure. It is time to stop treating it as a political football and to get down to the job of rebuilding it.

I would like to thank all those Deputies who made contributions on this important matter. I feel that the discussion was very useful and has helped to clear the air in some respects. The important issue now is that a plan be put together to overcome the financial difficulties of Aer Lingus.

As I indicated earlier today, the problems which Aer Lingus face must be set in the context of the markets which it serves and the competition it faces in those markets as a result of the new liberalised environment in which aviation must operate.

Since the Gulf War, the air transport industry worldwide has been faced with major financial problems of high levels of debt, reduced aircraft values and increasing unemployment which has generated uncertainty in the demand for services. Nevertheless, the world air travel market has been growing.

Recognising that change was on the way, successive Governments have pursued policies to enable the airline industry in Ireland to respond to these developments in terms of the opportunities they offer and the threats they pose. Since the late eighties, a number of policy initiatives has been pursued to:— (1) prepare the Irish industry for increased competition from foreign carriers; (2) seek out new opportunities for Irish airlines to expand in a more open and competitive system; (3) enable the industry to respond to growing demands for travel at lower costs and (4) to create a more competitive environment reflecting that world trend.

Governments have also been emphasising that, if Irish airlines are to survive in the new competitive environment, they must make the necessary structural changes to ensure they are competitive, efficient and fit to survive.

In the changing environment Aer Lingus embarked on a major expansion programme. In 1988, Aer Lingus used the fifth freedom opportunities in the EC liberalisation measures to route many services to continental Europe via Manchester in an attempt to make Manchester a secondary hub. In 1990, it reopened services to Chicago and made preparations for services to Los Angeles. In addition, over this period frequencies on existing Aer Lingus services to Britain and continental Europe were greatly expanded as a result of the greater freedom enjoyed on pricing and in mounting extra capacity. Over this period, Ryanair was licensed as a second Irish carrier.

The benefits for Ireland since the mid-eighties in terms of wealth and employment creation as a result of the policies pursued have been significant: visitor numbers to Ireland rose to almost three million per annum in 1991, an increase of over 50 per cent on 1987; Over 23,500 jobs have been created in tourism between 1987 and 1991; increased income generated in both the tourism and air transport sectors amounted to over £500 million since 1987; travel by business travellers has increased by almost 50 per cent since 1985 which undoubtedly has helped our merchandise export drive; and at least 3,000 direct jobs have been created in the air transport and related industries since 1987.

In fact, today the air transport sector in Ireland has a turnover in excess of £1 billion and total employment in excess of 17,000 as between its Irish and foreign operations. While these results have all been very positive, adjustment to the new competitive conditions has been very difficult over this period.

There has been overheating in the market as a result of the excesses of competition between Aer Lingus and Ryanair. The Aer Lingus strategy to replace a relatively old fleet with an all new fleet in a short space of years has proved to be a major factor in its current financial problems.

Offering the consumer fares which the airlines cannot afford and opening new markets without a well developed strategy have also proven to be costly exercises for Ryanair and Aer Lingus. These problems have left the industry structurally weakened for the future despite the best efforts of Government to promote a sensible and balanced approach to change.

The current economic uncertainty which exists, further compounds the difficulties for the industry in positioning itself for the future. This is a major challenge for all concerned. We must not dwell on the past, but look to the future.

In this regard, I want to reiterate what I said about the role of Government. Since 1 January 1993, there has been almost complete liberalisation of air services between Ireland and Britain and continental Europe. Accordingly, Governments no longer have the authority to regulate air transport in favour of their own carriers. In looking to the future of Aer Lingus, therefore, there is a number of vital ingredients necessary for success: fair competition, developing new opportunities to expand, competitive fares, competitive costs and equity.

The role of Governments is no longer one of regulation or control but to ensure that competition in the market place operates in a fair and open manner. I will, therefore, be vigilant in ensuring that the competitive conditions in which Irish carriers operate are fair and equal to all. I will vigorously pursue any abuse in the market and use my power to have the EC Commission fully investigate any complaints.

In our bilateral negotiations with third countries I will seek new opportunities for Irish carriers, not only in terms of access to routes but also in relation to the potential for pursuing marketing alliances, joint ventures and other cooperative type arrangements with foreign carriers.

The Government will support, as far as possible, the development of aviation related activities which show a strong commercial future and which will help develop aviation-related activities in Ireland. The task force report on the aerospace industry in Ireland has already pointed the course for future development in this area.

Ireland's peripheral geographical location within Europe and the tourism and international trading needs of our economy require that Ireland has a substantive and domestically based airline industry capable of competing in the international arena.

Aer Lingus is the predominant carrier serving Ireland, making a significant contribution to the Irish economy in terms of employment, tourism development and in aviation-related industries. There is no doubt but that Aer Lingus has a national and international track record second to none.

However, if Aer Lingus is to maintain its primary position at the centre of Irish aviation, the airline must be commercially viable and must operate to standards which are comparable with its competitors. Otherwise its future will be uncertain.

Given that Aer Lingus's main competitors have, or are in the process of transforming their organisations into low cost operations, it is imperative that Aer Lingus pursues the same strategy. Otherwise a permanent uncompetitive structure will remain.

The BCG report on Aer Lingus identified a number of areas on the cost front which needs to be addressed and the executive chairman and the board will address these proposals preparing their plan.

The history of aviation has been characterised by a high degree of control on fares. If Aer Lingus is to move forward, its fares must be competitive. Government policy will no longer be centred on controlling fares. Carriers will have freedom on fares provided such fares are economically sustainable and are not predatory or excessively high. In addition to controlling costs, markets must be clearly identified and aggressively pursued and that the company makes its decisions based on sound commercial principles. The airline must look at new practices emerging in other airlines and deal with change in a positive way in a spirit of partnership.

Any plan for Aer Lingus must meet EC criteria — I should clarify the situation on this — and these criteria are not new. They have existed since 1984. The EC will have to be satisfied that equity forms part of a programme to restore the airline's financial health so that it can, within a reasonably short period, be expected to operate viably without further aid. Equity must also be of limited duration. Also any such aid must be structured so that it is transparent and can be controlled. It is in this context that the current financial difficulties facing the airline must be addressed.

The future of the Aer Lingus transatlantic operation is of major concern to me. It is vital for Ireland that we maintain strong links with the US for tourism and industrial development reasons as well as for maintaining links with the many Irish who have settled in the US. I will therefore, be urging the executive chairman of Aer Lingus, in consultation with unions, to address this situation as a matter of urgency.

I recognise that the pattern of travel between Ireland and the US is changing and that the inherent characteristics of the route make a viable operation difficult. The routes suffer from a number of major weaknesses: the high degree of seasonality in traffic; the transatlantic price wars between mega carriers over competing routings, mainly London and, increasingly, Manchester, and the exceptional sales costs in generating a market presence. Nevertheless, a whole range of options will have to be considered. In this context the question of the Shannon stop policy has been raised and the fact that it imposes certain cost burdens of Aer Lingus.

The Shannon stop policy was the subject of review by Government last year and, as the House is aware, a decision to retain the policy was taken on strong economic, social and regional development grounds. I acknowledge that some in Aer Lingus found this decision difficult to accept but I might equally say that the workforce do not favour change. Furthermore, more competition for Aer Lingus by mega-carriers on direct US-Dublin routes is not what Aer Lingus needs at present.

Under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, the Government is committed to maintaining a viable and profitable commercial semi-State sector in recognising the significant role these bodies play in the Irish economy. Aer Lingus plays a prominent role in the semi-State sector in Ireland and its future lies there.

I have been asked if semi-State status is compatible with being a commercial entity. I see no reason for that not being so. In line with Programme for Economic and Social Progress principles, Aer Lingus has been given much greater commercial freedom in recent years to pursue the goals and objectives which have been laid down for the company. For example, the company has been given much greater latitude in determining fare levels and in pursuing the development of new routes. As a semi-State organisation, the company's interests have been vigorously promoted and defended when required at the international level.

Finally, I reiterate what I said on the Adjournment earlier in the week, the Government wants to see Aer Lingus's contribution continue into the future. Aer Lingus is at present going through a very difficult period in its history. I believe, however, that Aer Lingus can have a strong future if the right actions are taken now.

The Dáil adjourned at 4 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 23 March, 1993.

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