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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 4 May 1993

Vol. 430 No. 2

Broadcasting Authority (Amendment) Bill, 1993: Second Stage.

Molaim: "Go léifear an Bille seo don Dara Uair."

Ar an gcéad dul síos, ní miste dom a rá go mbeidh an-áthas orm má thograíonn Teachta ar bith ar an nGaeilge a úsáid le linn na díospóireachta seo. Beidh fáilte.

Ba mhaith liom i dtosach cúpla focal a rá faoin gcúlra atá leis an mBille seo. Tabharfaidh an Bille seo éifeacht do na beartais a d'fhógair mé ar 16 Feabhra 1993, chun alt 3 den Acht Craolacháin, 1990, a asighairm agus chun cúram reach-túil a chur ar RTE méid sonrach airgid a chur ar fáil gach bliain d'fhonn cláir theilifíse ón earnáil neamhspleách a chur a ndéanamh.

The Programme for a Partnership Government on broadcasting states:

Our policy will be to ensure that Irish TV and Radio Programming is of the highest quality and that it remains the preferred choice of a majority of Irish viewers by:

—Repeal of the "cap" contained in the 1990 Broadcasting Act, thus enabling RTE to improve the range and quality of the public service broadcasting that it can offer to the Irish public;

—Provision for access to broadcasting for the independent sector, thus enabling them to increase output and jobs in the audio-visual industry and giving them a firm home base to enable them to compete internationally;

—Measures to ensure that commercial local radio broadcasting remains viable;

—Ensuring that Irish advertisers have access, at a reasonable cost, to a strong domestic TV advertising medium.

The framework for broadcasting in this country is based on legislation that is over 30 years old. The Broadcasting Authority Act, 1960, under which RTE operates has been significantly revised on only one occasion, in 1976, and the legislation under which the independent broadcasting sector operates, the Radio and Television Act, 1988, is modelled largely on the legislation applicable to RTE. The foundation legislation comes from a time when public service broadcasting in Europe was the norm, when many Governments in Europe prohibited advertising on their broadcasting services; when the technology was such that there was very limited scope for people in one country to see the television programme services of their neighbours and when high powered telecommunications and broadcasting satellites did not exist. Today's broadcasting environment is unrecognisable from that of even ten years ago, never mind 30. Today the number of television channels available to viewers who choose to invest in the necessary receiving equipment is ever increasing; the majority of the new channels are supported by advertising and their primary purpose in life is to maximise profits for their owners by maximising audience share with programmes appealing often to the lowest common denominator. Even news and current affairs programming is increasingly seen as something that must be packaged to attract audience share, and perhaps packaged in a way that does not enable the viewer to be accurately and fully informed. It is perhaps worth noting that according to an OECD report published in 1992 entitled Telecommunication and Broadcasting — Convergence or Collision?, the revenue structures for the public broadcasting service industry in Europe in 1989, based on data from 18 countries was as follows: satellite and cable advertising 1.2 per cent; Pay TV 3.4 per cent; basic cable subscription 5.4 per cent; TV licence fees 12.4 per cent; broadcast TV advertising 77.6 per cent.

The reality is that international competition for Irish viewers is here to stay. It will not go away and there are no technical means at our disposal, even if we wanted to, to prevent reception of these services. Yet, the philosophy of public service broadcasting offers us the best model of democratic accountability.

Against this sort of background, there is clearly a pressing need to look seriously at the present structures for Irish broadcasting services to see in what respects they should be altered and strengthened to ensure that Irish TV and radio programming is of the highest quality and that it remains the preferred choice of Irish viewers, in spite of international competition. In this regard it is a measure of the relevance of home produced programmes on RTE to Irish audiences that these programmes attract the highest audiences. I am in the course of examining all the issues involved and I will of course, be consulting with interested parties as my thinking evolves, and I have begun such consultations. Whatever new structures are considered appropriate must guard against a gradual slipping away into an uncritical market led ideology.

However, it must be recognised that this process of review of the existing structures will take time. My aim is that whatever revisions are made will stand the test of time and will be relevant into the next century. In the meantime I am satisfied that there are urgent issues to be addressed arising especially from our experience of almost three years operation of section 3 of the Broadcasting Act, 1990. The Bill before the House can be regarded as but the first and critical step in the implementation of a comprehensive package of legislative proposals on broadcasting. I believe that with these problems addressed in the Bill out of the way, the situation will exist whereby the regulatory structures for broadcasting in the longer term can be examined and considered calmly and completely in all their complexity.

The Bill has essentially two elements. It provides for the repeal of section 3 of the Broadcasting Act, 1990, and restores the situation with regard to broadcast advertisements on RTE services that obtained prior to the enactment of the Broadcasting Act, 1990, that is that the total daily times and the maximum time in any one hour for broadcast advertisements fixed by the authority shall be subject to the approval of the Minister. It also restores the situation to what it was when applicants for independent broadcasting contracts sought their franchises from the Independent Radio and Television Commission.

The Bill also provides that RTE must make specific amounts available for programmes commissioned from the independent television production sector in each financial year. The independent production sector has already proven itself to be able to make programmes of the highest quality and capable of significant international success. Section 3 of the Broadcasting Act, 1990 placed two restrictions on RTE in relation to advertising;

(i) a limit on the revenue which RTE could earn from advertising and

(ii) a reduction of 25 per cent in the amount of airtime which RTE could make available for advertising.

This latter restriction was perhaps the most damaging for all the sectors associated with broadcast advertising. The intention was to divert advertising revenue from RTE to independent broadcasters. At the time the Act was framed, the independent national radio service — Century Radio — was in financial trouble. It was hoped that the independent television channel would be on air quickly and that both would provide a strong alternative advertising vehicle to absorb the advertising diverted from RTE. Since the Act was passed, Century Radio has closed down and the independent television channel has not emerged. I should stress that at no stage did I ever accept the logic or indeed the object of such provision, as I do not believe that one sector has to be starved in order to promote another. The capping provisions have failed manifestly to deliver any of the intended benefits and the very inflexibility of the provisions has resulted only in serious and continuing damage to RTE, to advertisers and advertising agencies and to independent programme makers — I must emphasise with attendant job endangering and job losses. Viewed from a certain perspective, a perspective which I do not share, section 3 of the Broadcasting Act, 1990, might have seemed like a good bet. It was always certainly a gamble. Experience has shown that unfortunately the future development of broadcasting was wagered on what turned out to be non-runners.

The fundamental difficulty with the 1990 capping provisions is that they institutionalise the concept that various groups of Irish citizens are target audiences and "market segments" to be exploited by broadcasters. The 1990 Act says to broadcasters both in public and private ownership that one part of the "market" is yours, this part is not. Your audience share should be this, your competitors' share should be that. Broadcasters are condemned to spend their time maximising their share of the audience in order to prove their success. If they are too successful within this pitifully narrow scope, they are, particularly if they are in public ownership, in trouble because then they have more than their "fair" share, they are accused of abusing their dominant position and there is a cry for a further levelling of the playing pitch. This rhetoric enjoyed a particular currency a few years ago.

To my mind, this attitude has nothing to do with what broadcasting is about. The norms of creativity and critical capacity must be affirmed and supported in broadcasting and indeed in RTE. At its best, a broadcasting service, public or private, community, local or national, is both an expression and a reflection of our culture and aspirations. Broadcasting is about creativity mixed with a capacity to be critical. It is about people being able to look at themselves critically and take control of change rather than be the victims of change as they are in pure marketled commercial broadcasting. Broadcasting is at once a window on the world and on our own community, a mirror in which we can see the best and the worst in ourselves. It can be an eye, a lifeline, even a friend.

Broadcasting has the power to release the creative talent of a community and of a nation, to lift national morale and to harness all that is best in ourselves. The true potential of our radio and television services will never be realised if they are treated as just another commodity to a standardised formula like sausage meat, to be produced as cheaply as possible as if the only measures of the success of any particular programme are the size of its audience share and of its profits. With the growing internationalisation of broadcasting services, there is no shortage of bargain basement television and radio producing bland pap both in its conception and execution. Must we really condemn our own broadcasting services to compete at this level? Surely it is far better to encourage our own programme makers to continue to provide quality material which is relevant to Irish viewers and listeners. Irish broadcasters must be encouraged to provide an antidote to the trans-national factory sale approach to broadcasting. We as regulators must insist that broadcasters continue to educate and inform as well as entertain.

I have been available since I took office to meet and listen to all those with an interest in the fate of section 3 of the 1990 Act. Virtually all sectors directly affected by the 1990 Act have stressed to me the severe operational difficulties they have experienced with the legislation. RTE has found it impossible to live within the provisions of section 3 of the 1990 Act unless it literally turned away business or employs some mechanism which would have distorted the advertising market to a devastating extent. If RTE was forced in 1993 to observe the cap on advertising plus the cumulative effect of the last two years, additional distortions will arise which will result in possibly irreparable damage. As a result of the capping provisions many advertising production companies are now understood to be in severe financial difficulties. To continue with the provision would leave RTE faced with the prospect of letting up to a possible 300 staff go.

Advertisers' and advertising agencies' main concern has been the huge rise in the cost of advertising which resulted from the reduction in advertising minutage imposed by the 1990 Act. Industry sources estimate an increase of almost 55 per cent in the cost since the introduction of the 1990 Act. This alone results in difficulties for small to medium sized advertisers in marketing products and in developing-promoting new or small indigenous brand names on RTE television; diversion of advertising to other television stations there are also indications that significant amounts are simply being withheld and of increasing amounts of non media "below the line" expenditure; indications that bigger diversion to UK terrestrial and satellite channels will occur if the Act is not changed and marketing control and-or the budgets of international companies reverting to head offices outside the country with negative consequences for advertising agencies, production houses and industry generally.

Independent television producers are seeking the removal of the cap on RTE advertising revenue as the imposition of the cap resulted in a reduction in the amount of independent programmes commissioned by the station. The figures are there to substantiate this. It had the effect of initially freezing, then forcing a decline in the activity and the number of people employed. They also feel that the continuation of the cap is preventing RTE from developing a constructive policy on independently produced programme commissions.

The national newspaper industry is virtually alone in its support of the Broadcasting Act, 1990. Their position is that the Act should not be changed and should be implemented rigidly. They argue that as RTE is in receipt of both licence fees and advertising revenue, RTE can keep the cost of TV advertising artificially low at the expense of the newspapers. They contend that significant advertising would be diverted to them in the long run if the Act remains in force and that to revert to the pre-1990 situation would have serious implications for the financial viability of the newspaper industry. Perhaps the strongest assumption and the base of their case is that advertising revenue easily migrates from the visual medium, that is television, to the print medium, that is newspapers.

There is little doubt that the newspaper industry has difficulties. They are faced with increasing competition from UK papers which can be produced more economically than Irish newspapers given the UK economies of scale. However, there is no underlying evidence to show that newspapers have benefited significantly from the 1990 Act. On the contrary major advertisers have made it quite clear to me that their advertising budgets for media other than television — newspapers both national and provincial, local broadcasting and so on — have had to be curtailed in order to maintain their presence on television. Industry figures also show a catastrophic drop in the number of days spent shooting commercials here from 147 in 1989 to 67 in the first ten months of 1992 reflecting a huge loss of income to freelance film makers in Ireland.

The reduction in advertising time imposed by the Act and resulting increase in advertising costs has clearly demonstrated that certain categories of advertisers are prepared to spend virtually any amount to maintain a presence on television. Because of RTE's preempt system of selling advertising time — a sort of auction — smaller Irish companies have been forced off television altogether, reduced the level of promotion for smaller brands and reduced the number of new television advertisements being made. It is vitally important to the economy that indigenous companies and companies promoting brands developed in Ireland have access to a domestic television advertising medium at a reasonable price and that RTE does not have to rely on multinational companies to provide its advertising revenues.

I mentioned earlier that advertising revenue is being diverted out of the Irish economy. I am very concerned that revenue should have to be diverted to foreign stations because of an artificial distortion of the Irish television advertising market. While there are differences of opinion as to the amount actually being diverted to non-Irish stations so far, there is no doubt that non-Irish stations are aggressively seeking advertising business here and it must be accepted that the current situation allows the real possibility of significant diversion with its related job effect.

The majority of the concerns expressed to me are genuine and need immediate attention if the situation is not to get progressively worse and significant job losses throughout the economy are to be avoided. However, I have to say that I have not seen any convincing evidence that would support the view of the national newspapers of Ireland that a significant part of frustrated television advertising revenue would divert from RTE to them if the 1990 Act is not amended. Any benefit which might accrue to the newspapers would come at an unacceptably high cost to the other sectors which I have already mentioned and to the economy as a whole. It is for these reasons that I am proposing the repeal of section 3 of the Broadcasting Act, 1990, as an immediate measure.

Turning to the independent television sector, this is a sector which has already proved itself to be capable of producing a range of high quality programmes. The sector has a strong export orientation and I believe that, to realise its full potential, the sector must have a guaranteed domestic base through RTE services, as the national, and at present, only television broadcaster. More and more reliance is being placed by broadcasters in other countries on the output of the independent production sector. The sector in Ireland is capable of high profile morale boosting success and a mature sector has the capacity to sustain substantial growth in skilled jobs. We are all aware of the phenomenal screen success in recent years of the Irish film makers and Members of the House will want to join me in congratulating them. We must ensure that everything possible is done to nuture and release this great reservoir of talent.

In one sense creative talent is a national resource like mineral wealth, agriculture, or natural gas resources. Talent provides the opportunity for wealth creation and jobs if it is exploited properly and sensitively. It is unique in that it cannot be measured in terms of population size, nor is its potential dependent on market share. It does not depend on geography or geology nor on the size of a country. We can truly say that we are as rich as any other country in this resource. Accordingly, it is not simply sensible that we invest in our creative talent resource, it is imperative. Irish film makers have already demonstrated their abilities. What makes their case so urgent in these times is the potential for the creation of highly skilled employment. We must provide a strong domestic base to enable them to build on their international success. It is no longer appropriate, given the importance of the sector, to leave its development entirely at the discretion of the RTE Authority.

As part of my longer-term proposals for the restructuring of Irish broadcasting I plan to create a regulatory environment which will further foster the development of the sector. However, immediate statutory provisions aimed at ensuring its short term survival and development are necessary. To this end I am proposing a provision whereby RTE will be required to make available specific amounts of money each year for programmes commissioned from the independent sector. I should emphasise, of course, that money available for commissioning programmes cannot be confined to the Irish independent production sector but I am confident that the Irish sector will be able to secure the maximum number of commissions consistent with the resources available to it. I will now deal with the main provisions of the Bill.

Section 2 provides that the total daily times for advertising and the maximum times for advertising in any one hour on RTE services fixed by the RTE Authority shall be subject to the approval of the Minister. This is, in effect, a restoration of the situation which obtained under the Broadcasting Authority Acts before the enactment of the Broadcasting Act, 1990.

Section 3 provides for the repeal of section 3 of the Broadcasting Act, 1990, with effect from 1 September 1992. RTE would have reached the limit on revenues imposed by that section after this date.

Section 4 of the Bill provides that RTE must make specific amounts of money available in each financial year for programmes commissioned from the independent television production sector. The amount to be set aside for this purpose will be £5 million in 1994, rising in stages to £10 million in 1998 and to 20 per cent of television programme expenditure in 1999 and thereafter or £12.5 million, whichever is the greater. The amount of £12.5 million will be adjusted annually in line with changes in the consumer price index.

Under this section, the RTE authority will be required to keep a special account — termed the "independent" television programmes account"— into which the moneys to be made available under this section for programmes to be commissioned from the independent sector are to be paid. The funds in the account can only be used for this purpose. In each financial year the amounts specified above must be paid into the account and all the funds in the account must be spent or contractually committed in that financial year, unless it is impracticable to do so. The requirement to spend all the money in the independent programmes account is not, therefore, absolute. I believe that RTE must remain in control of its own schedules and must be responsible for determining the quality of the programmes which it transmits. An absolute requirement to spend a specific amount of money in each year or indeed a requirement to devote a particular quota of broadcasting hours to independently produced programmes could lead to a situation where money was being spent on independent commissions regardless of quality. However, I should stress in the strongest terms possible, that I do not foresee any realistic prospect of any significant amount of money being left unspent at the end of any year because of lack of capability in the independent production sector to meet RTE requirements. I expect RTE to work closely with the sector so that independent film makers are commissioned to provide quality programmes across the whole range of RTE output.

Subsection (5) of section 4 provides that if any of the moneys in the independent television programmes account remain to be expended after the end of the financial year in which they were paid in, the amount not spent must remain in the independent television programmes account in addition to the following year's allocation unless I, as Minister, authorise RTE to withdraw the unspent portion. Under section 6 RTE will have to make a special report to me on the operation of the independent television programmes account each year, including its activities as respects the commissioning of programmes and any other matter which I may direct. It is my intention that this report shall contain a complete list of the programmes and programme makers commissioned in each financial year. The section also provides that the report shall be laid before both House of the Oireachtas. This will ensure that the independent programmes account is operated in a completely transparent manner.

The Bill goes to considerable lengths in section 5 to define "independent television programme". The essence of the definition is that an independent television programme is a programme made by a person who has control of the participants, the persons involved in making the programme, and the equipment and facilities used in making the programme, and is neither a subsidiary nor a holding company of a broadcaster.

I regard the provisions in the Bill as interim measures designed to address specific issues that are immediate and to give prompt effect to the commitments on broadcasting in the Programme for a Partnership Government. I am aware of concerns expressed by some local radio operators to the effect that while the 1990 cap imposed on RTE had no identifiable beneficial effect on their sector, to restore the pre-1990 situation without any further measures to assist the local radio sector will damage the growth of independent broadcasting. Fears have also been expressed that the restoration of the pre-1990 situation would allow RTE to use unfairly its dominant broadcasting position to undermine local radio stations.

Let me be quite clear about this. I will not stand for any abuses by RTE of its position in Irish broadcasting. The sources of funding available to RTE under the Broadcasting Authority Acts are intended to allow RTE as our national station to provide a range of broadcasting services that is responsive to the needs and desires of the nation. RTE was not established to set up markets, to target audience segments or to crush other broadcasters. The Irish audience has shown time and time again that it wants intelligent high quality programmes and that it wants a choice of services. Indeed, I was very heartened to hear from certain independent radio broadcasters that their listeners are demanding a significant output of news and current affairs programming of high quality and of interest and relevance to the communities they serve.

After the enactment of this Bill the total daily times for broadcasting advertisements fixed by the Authority and the maximum periods so fixed to be given to advertisements in any hour shall be subject to the consent of the Minister. I will have no hesitation in withholding my consent if I feel RTE is abusing its position in any way. I wish to emphasise that I am personally committed to the undertaking in the Programme for a Partnership Government to the effect that measures will be taken to ensure the continued viability of local radio and I will be looking, in particular, at what I consider to be the crucial role of community radio which, perhaps, has not been adequately addressed until now. However, in general, I believe that there are few immediate measures that can be taken to meet the objectives of developing a strong independent radio sector. Such measures that might appropriately be taken are of a more long term nature and should be dealt with in my proposals for the radical restructuring of the broadcasting sector as a whole.

The Bill before the House has been the subject of particularly ill-informed comment in one newspaper yesterday. Deputies will appreciate if I am slow to praise the investigative qualities of the newspaper in question for having managed to get sight of a Bill which was presented to the Oireachtas and published over a week ago.

In the article in question, it was suggested that while the Bill, if enacted, will lift the 1990 cap on RTE revenues, it will also give me as Minister a new sinister power to approve or disapprove RTE advertising rates. This is not the case. As I have explained, section 2 of the Bill simply restores the situation to that which obtained since 1976 right up to the enactment of the Broadcasting Act, 1990. Section 20 of the Broadcasting Authority Act, 1960, as amended by the 1976 Act, provided that the total daily times and the maximum time in any one hour for broadcast advertisements fixed by the RTE Authority shall be subject to the approval of the Minister. I fail to see how the restoration of the situation which operated from 1976 up to 1990 can be seen as a new power with sinister undertones for the future of RTE.

My record in the defence of RTE as our national broadcaster is clear. I have always believed that RTE has done a magnificant job in providing a national broadcasting service both on radio and television that is public service oriented and which is relevant to and popular with Irish audiences. I could list all RTE's major achievements down the years, but I do not think this is necessary as I am sure there is no argument in this House on the subject. RTE has nurtured some of our very best broadcasters and film makers. The credit for the revival of interest in our enviable traditional music culture, for example, can be fairly ascribed to a number of dedicated individuals in RTE.

With regard to another comment in the article to which I refer, Deputies who have given the Bill even the most cursory examination will be aware that there is no power to sequester funds from RTE contained in the Bill.

Turning to the independent television production sector, the suggestion that my proposals requiring RTE to make specific amounts available for programmes commissioned by the independent sector is an attempt to privatise RTE programme production is patently ridiculous. As I have said, the independent production sector has shown itself capable of producing a range of high quality programming. Irish programme makers in this sector must have a stable domestic outlet for their talents if the independent production sector is to realise its potential. RTE is, in any event, under EC law required, as with any other broadcaster in Europe, to devote a proportion of its output to independently produced programmes. RTE is already committed to increasing independent productions on its services. My proposals simply formalise the position and set down a reasonable time table for reaching a reasonable output. These proposals will create high quality sustainable jobs in this exciting sector. It is not an attempt to privatise RTE in any way. RTE remains in control of its schedule and is the arbiter of the quality of the programme proposals made to it. Money is not being diverted from RTE; the money will have to be spent on making programmes in any case.

I was also amazed at the suggestion that a carefully drafted provision in section 5 defining exactly what is meant by an independent television programme is seen as a sign of distrust of RTE. What would the anonymous writer have preferred? I read, with sadness, that anonymous appellation, a special correspondent who must have been so afraid of what I was doing that she or he could not put their name to the article — what a sad development in The Irish Times. Would the anonymous writer have preferred a loosely worded provision? I repeat I do not distrust RTE. I simply want to make my intentions absolutely clear to this House in the first place. I make no apologies for carefully drafted or tightly worded legislative proposals.

Sa bhfad-théarma, is i an phríomhaidhm a bheidh agam ná deimhin a dhéanamh de, feadh mo chumas, go mbunófar na struchtúir chuí a fhéachfaidh chuige go leanfaidh na seirbhísí chraolacháin sa tír seo de bheith ag freagairt do riachtanais agus do mhianta lucht féachana agus éisteachta agus go dtabharfaidh siad léargas ar na gnéithe éag-súla atá mar chodanna dár gcultúr.

Molaim an Bille don Teach.

Consumers are always told that they should read the small print of any contract and on the packaging of any purchases. This advice is given because even the most blatant operators tend to stick by the big print — the major claims and slogans by which they attract customers. However, in this lightweight Bill we are looking at a reversal of that process. Most of us remember the big print of the general election. The big print claim of the Minister's party was change — change for the better — but it was change for its own sake. This was the Minister's chance to demonstrate a commitment to change. It was an opportunity to demonstrate that commitment on a personal and party level and on the part of the partnership Government. There are few areas where a commitment to radical change would be more welcome by the legislators than in the area of broadcasting where we have had a pattern of ad hoc interference which has set back the development of the mass media by perhaps a decade. We were entitled to expect change in this area, particularly from the Minister, but the disappointment in this regard is great. This Bill does not provide change; it provides more of the same interference in RTE's affairs on an ad hoc basis. The former Minister, Deputy Burke, interfered with RTE and clamped an irrelevant and ineffective cap on its advertising. It is interesting that Fine Gael's predictions in relation to that measure have come true. This Bill also interferes in RTE's affairs by proposing the removal of the cap on advertising.

It is hardly the same.

It is not the same but there are several questions still unanswered. The Minister is way ahead of the former Minister because the cap on advertising was one of the silliest moves ever taken; it was a move but not a policy. We have not seen enough policy in this area.

The Minister stated in his speech that we have not had a review of national broadcasting for some time and it is badly needed. We have seen reactive moves, not quick reactive moves but very slow moves to deal with the range of problems. For example, pirate radio was well established before any decision was made to address the problem. RTE's dominance of the market was well established before any action was taken in relation to the cap on advertising. The Minister is removing that cap but does this Bill reflect a better understanding of broadcasting and the media generally than the legislation which introduced the Common Agricultural Policy? I would say not. This Bill is a holding mechanism, a knee jerk reaction. Would the Minister not agree that this is a piecemeal legislation for dealing with urgent problems?

No, I do not.

It is a piecemeal response to broad spectrum problems. The Minister mentioned consultation. We need much greater consultation in relation to the development of broadcasting. Is the Minister waiting for Peter Brook in the UK to introduce his legislation? I am sure the Minister is aware that there is full consultation in this regard in the UK involving a wide group of public and political organisations. The Minister will claim that his planned review will involve much consultation but in the meantime what will be done? The Minister is oiling the squeekiest wheels, RTE and the independent producers, but he is postponing everything else.

The Minister is behaving as if his current action has no effect on the wider issues. He is behaving as if he can implement this Bill and the rest of the media in Ireland will sit in freeze frame until he has carried out his review. That will not happen. First, the Bill will have effects other than those planned. I agree that the Minister is correcting some of the worse features of the recent Fianna Fáil Act, particularly by removing the cap on RTE advertising. This is a sensible move but there is no evidence that the Government has given any thought to the hard pressed local and national newspaper industry or to the independent radio sector.

RTE, which has a vision of its function has already indicated that, while grateful for the removal of the cap, it is wary of being precipitated, by this ostensibly sensible Bill, into a pattern of operation and a set of circumstances which may impinge on its funding, planning, programme and ability to deliver. The independent producers have not protested, as that would be looking a gift horse in the mouth.

This legislation on the fact of it has two beneficiaries, one of which is saying "thank you" and the other saying "thank you, but". That is not a great pay-off for the Minister's first moves in this important sector of broadcasting. The Minister has chosen to disregard the wider issues and to put to one side all the other interested groups. He has chosen to postpone consideration of the impact on viewers, listeners and readers and he has unravelled something, as if that would bring us back to where we were some years ago. The Minister might call this a specifically female insight, but when one unravels knitting, for instance, one does not end up with wool similar to the wool from which the garment was originally made.

One of my sons knits.

One ends up with wool which is permanently distorted. This Bill will unravel an appalling aspect of our broadcasting history but it leaves the fabric distorted. The Minister is also assuming new powers without addressing many broader connected questions, for instance the whole question of cable and satellite television, future financing, pan European broadcasting, the North/South dimension and the case for reforming the Independent Radio and Television Commission.

I am talking about reforming an agency which is only a few years old but the Independent Radio and Television Commission operations clearly need to be examined. In the excitement of their national tour they publicly interviewed potential owners and managers for the local radio franchises, then there was the allocation, and after that silence and a reduction in importance. This is not as it should be. The Independent Radio and Television Commission should have been structured as a serious development agency. The notion that broadcasting with its employment potential should be considered apart from the context of industrial policy generally is ludicrous. Clearly this is a very important area for job creation and development having regard to international developments in broadcasting. It must be linked to our industrial policy. The reform of the Independent Radio and Television Commission should be total. That organisation should be free to become a fully fledged development agency. Not only can it help to develop the commercial potential of the local stations, it can develop a series of satellite industries. It can deal in a real way with standards and training. There is a substantial role to be fulfilled in the development of local and community broadcasting but it is not currently being fulfilled. As currently constituted the Independent Radio and Television Commission cannot possibly deliver on the sort of development agency task I talk about.

Another urgent concern is that of many local radio stations about the question of national and international news. While a source of news is available and used by some stations it does not fill all needs and there is a strong case for examining the potential to develop a separate, fully staffed source of news and current affairs programming. The Association of Independent Radio Stations, the organisation representing the interests of the local radio stations has raised this question of public service radio in a submission to the Government on this area. The Bill fails to take this into consideration which is regrettable.

It is possible for a local radio station to make money and carve out a niche with a maximum of music of a particular kind and minimum speech. Many of the people running local radio stations have a broader and deeper interpretation of their role. They see local radio as an essential tool of local democracy and believe that local radio stations should be truly local, that over-dependence on popular music takes away from what is local and pushes them in a direction in which ideally they would not wish to go. Many of them also believe they can provide a vital public service function — information, public debate and education specially related to their area — but they know that it costs money. Even when they had such programming in their original plans they were hampered by constraints which they could not have foreseen. Transmission costs have been grossly in excess of what they might have expected to pay and these have had a knock-on effect on the scope and excellence of programming. Some stations have taken the obvious route and relied more on music than they would have liked if they had complete freedom of choice.

The financial constraints will not go away. We are not talking about something that just reduces the profits earned by entrepreneurs. We are talking about a reduction in the funding available to the programme planners and, inevitably, that means a reduction in the public service element of what is broadcast. Transmission and maintenance costs are too high. The Minister has not made the smallest gesture of concern in regard to these problems in the Bill, these constraints have huge implications for local broadcasting.

AIRS indicated well in advance of the Minister's action that the RTE cap should only be lifted with the diversion of approximately 6 per cent of licence fees to the Independent Radio and Television Commission or another body. This is one-sided action. Local broadcasting has huge potential and huge gaps. For example, drama is virtually non-existent in local broadcasting. I am sure the Minister agrees that matters because drama is a constant vibrant aspect of provincial life. Some drama groups have sustained amateur live theatre and given several generations the experience of seeing the works of the great writers of Ireland and other countries performed live on the stage. Yet, local radio stations rarely, if ever, have anything to offer in the area of drama. This is not because they are not interested but because drama production is so expensive.

As an aspect of cultural life, local radio should be empowered to include drama in its programming. Drama is just one of many areas of special interest to programming which are currently not in the lexicon of local radio, because of costs.

In some ways, what we have here is "Ray Burke, mark II". It is a scary prospect, not so much because of what is in the Bill but because of what is not in it. The Bill does not address the role of public service broadcasting. Its role is assumed. It is often criticised and an ambivalent approach is often expressed but, in many ways, the issue is unaddressed in a changing context. We need public service broadcasting. We should consider what we expect from it, what it means now, what it should cost the nation and how far it should be built in as an integral factor in our consideration of all mass and local media. We should consider to what extent the disbursement of the licence fee should influence public service broadcasting. This Bill does not address public service broadcasting and its repositioning at this critical time in broadcasting. The Minister in his speech acknowledged that the face of broadcasting has changed dramatically over the last ten years and will continue to change in the near future.

The Bill does not address the question of overseas marketing of material commissioned from independent production houses. Who will market these programmes? Who is in control? Who will pay? There is a general acknowledgment of the Minister's concerns and clearly he is seen as a man of culture, idealism and vision in this area but this Bill does not do justice to the sort of thinking I expected.

There is no vision here, no over-arching view of public communication which is needed at present, which would fit our media to serve the needs of the next century. There is, for example, no suggestion of an overall broadcasting authority. RTE will continue as it is and the independent sector will continue as it is, even though the most cursory glance at both areas would indicate that the pattern of control, of influence, of standard-setting and of planning at what could be called the "board level" of independent broadcasting is hugely different from the pattern at the policy-making level of RTE.

Many of the independent producers have told me that while they welcome what is, in effect, a directive to RTE to spend sums ranging to £10 million on independent production, they are concerned about its implementation. Independent producers fear that where there is much money to spend but no particular specifications as to the way it is spent, it is possible that a number of distortions could happen. We want a viable, professional and well resourced private sector in this area. Much will depend on how the programmes are commissioned and the standards applied. New productions must encompass a broad spectrum of programmes. I am not saying RTE would disburse these moneys in a whimsical or irresponsible way but RTE is an organisation with a history of monopoly which has been set in competition with other media in recent years. It is also an organisation with a strong internal skill base.

Are independent producers made more independent and more viable if RTE has to spend more money on them? There was a real opportunity here to radically restructure broadcasting in a way that would get the best from every area, so that RTE was freed to build on its marvellous track record and become a branded producer of world class and so that independent producers could develop projects which would be subjected to objective specifications and standards for purchase, influenced by the fact that the purchaser was also a competitor.

RTE is an unequalled national asset, as the Minister stated, not just in the way it has delivered on its brief to inform, to educate and to entertain but in the way it has reinvented itself, constantly adapting to a changing Ireland and a changing pattern of technology. As the Minister said, it has gone over and above what could be expected of it in many ways. It has a commitment to young people in sharp contrast to emerging tendencies in other European countries. RTE has given encouragement and has been the start of many careers in popular music. It has been a very powerful force in encouraging and supporting young composers and musicians. RTE programmes have recognised the crafts of the people of Ireland. RTE has nurtured and popularised cultural activities in a way that no other agency could and that few broadcasters do.

It makes no sense whatever that this Bill makes no proposed changes in the managerial structures within RTE. In marketing terms, the Minister is doing what is called line extension. However, even with simple products, line extension is a dodgy proposition. Just because a company makes a good photocopier does not mean that it will necessarily make a good computer, or succeed in selling it.

Similarly, just because RTE has a splendid broadcasting track record does not mean that it is necessarily good at purchasing or commissioning independently produced programmes. The programme making area of RTE is run by the same management group which has the power to commission externally generated programmes. That is a confused mission. In fact, it may sometimes be an impossibly confused mission. New structures are needed to deal with programme proposals that go to RTE. There is no provision in this Bill to ensure that this happens. That opportunity has been lost and ignored. It is legitimate to ask why this has happened.

The previous Minister came under considerable pressure, towards the end of her time in the Department, because she had not come up with comprehensive legislation to deal with the many issues affecting mass media. She indicated she would not deal with this in a fits-and-starts way, that she would review the whole broadcasting scene and that there would be many change. In fact, there has been no change. In the meantime, we have seen changes in the title of Departments and civil servants have moved from Departments.

In the world of broadcasting there has been remarkably little change. The many papers prepared for that review by interested parties, at their own expense and in their own time, are still relevant. The Minister had all that data at his disposal. He could have spent the last month consulting with his partner Minister, who comes from the same county and shares his concerns about the Irish language and broadcasting. He had access to all the data gathered previously, altered the information where necessary and brought it before the House. Instead, he ditched that process and put action on the back burner for months, if not years. That is disgraceful. He should have taken the time and introduced legislation which genuinely set a course for the future, as opposed to bringing forward a quick-fix Bill which ignores the many structural problems I have outlined and which are very serious for broadcasting.

This Government is meant to be an all-change Government. Yet, if we look at the facts, rather than the slogans, we see in this Bill a recipe for continuation of a lethal pattern for broadcasting of ad hockery and quick fixes that never really fix anything. This Bill leaves many questions unanswered for RTE, for the independent producers around the commissioning of the programmes and it does not address the other sectors I mentioned. There is no evidence of the partnership Government here. There is no evidence that the previous Minister and the present Minister shared one idea, one objective, one insight. We have all these new structures with programme managers and facilitators to make sure things happen speedily yet the evidence of this Bill is that when it comes to an aspect of Irish life which affects, directly or indirectly, every citizen of this State, the Government with all its programme managers can only come up with a corn-plaster of a Bill and a promise of postponement when apparently so much work had been done. Why could it not have been presented to us in a more comprehensive way instead of in this piecemeal fashion?

It is a sad performance from the Minister and is let down in this critical area. Fine Gael will not be supporting this Bill. The Minister has failed to address the many issues facing broadcasting which I have outlined and this Bill is not the way to proceed. We need a broadcasting policy within which the industry can develop confidently. The Minister's current approach carries the danger that it will not provide the sort of long term framework within which RTE, indepdenent broadcasters, film-makers, independent radio and others can plan for a solid future.

I wish to register my disappointment at the Bill. Admittedly, the Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht, Deputy Higgins, said it was an interim measure and presented it as such but that has only added to my disappointment. If ever a Dáil needed substantial legislation to get its teeth into it is this one. Minister Higgins is known to be a creative, energetic and innovative thinker and politician. My hope was that he would have presented a comprehensive wide-ranging Bill which is what everybody in the broadcasting media wants.

I am disappointed with this Bill because it is too narrow, and limited in scope although many of its proposals are laudable. I support measures to enable independent programme makers and people who have the talent and creativity so poetically described by the Minister to achieve the full potential in broadcasting terms. However, such a measure should be brought forward in the context of a comprehensive broadcasting Bill effectively described by my colleague, Deputy Frances Fitzgerald.

Instead there are two simple measures, one of which does not have any real concern about the impact it might have on the independent radio stations. Even though I fully support the lifting of the cap on advertising, I would like to have seen it discussed in the broader context of how it will impact on local radio stations. The second measure is to require RTE to make a definite payment on a staged basis over a number of years. That is put in place with no real thought as to the capacity of RTE to sustain that degree of loss of revenue or the capacity of independent programme makers to deliver. These are two major deficiencies in the Bill.

The issue of broadcasting and national broadcasting policy is extremely complex. There are many interpretations of the whole question. These include, for instance, the role and broadcasting position of RTE which is a wholly Stateowned company. Until recently it enjoyed a monopoly in radio broadcasting and still enjoys a monopoly in the provision of national television service. There is the impact of television stations located outside our jurisdiction, notably in Britain. There is the role too of the independent film making sector, the independent local radio stations, and the newspaper industry and how it interrelates with and is impacted upon by RTE with its dominant share of the national advertising cake. These are just some of the key issues in the national broadcasting field.

In addition there is the philosophical question of the nature of broadcasting policy and what its priorities should be at this juncture as we move towards the turn of the century and beyond. We should also consider the role of the State in dictating broadcasting policy and the extend to which the greater degree of competition and diversity of opinion and thought is facilitated by a vibrant and professional broadcasting network.

I cite some of these considerations simply to convey the complexity of the issues that arise when broadcasting policy is debated. Moreover, I do so to underline how very disappointing this first legislative proposal is from a new Minister in charge of broadcasting. Given the amount of debate generated here since the Broadcasting Act, 1990, I am disappointed that the Minister, as his first legislative initiative in this area, brought forward such a selective and limited set of proposals.

I want to outline the policy approach of the Progressive Democrats to national broadcasting and relate that to the proposals before the House this evening. I want to explain the degree to which we find the intentions of the Government reasonable, but also how they represent a lamentably inadequate initiative to deal with fundamental questions in this area.

The Progressive Democrats favour competition in all strands of the media. The need for this is self-evident. Nobody would suggest that our interests would be served if people's choice was confined to just one national daily newspaper. We should keep the experience in relation to newspapers in mind when discussing broadcasting. Until recently there was a State monopoly in radio and television through the medium of RTE. The advent of competition from local radio stations throughout the country has been of enormous benefit. It has given people in local communities a greater range of programming and enabled a range of local community issues to be ventilated and debated, something that would have been impossible with a single national broadcasting station like RTE.

Competition in radio has also been good for broadcasters. It has allowed a host of excellent broadcasters, who were formerly solely reliant on RTE, to explore their talents and gain fulfilment with these local stations. It has provided employment opportunities for many more broadcasters and journalists than would have been possible if there had been only one national station. The outcome is generally healthier and is preferred by the vast majority of people in this State. There is no doubt but that local communities have been enlivened and enriched. However, there is scope for further growth.

Deputy Fitzgerald spoke of the potential for the growth of drama on local radio stations. That is just one area where there is scope for further development. What impact will the lifting of the cap on advertising have on the potential for growth and development? I hope the Minister will answer that question because that cannot be ignored. We should encourage the growth of local stations and if it can be demonstrated that the lifting of the cap on advertising would have no adverse effects on such stations then the Minister has done a great day's work. I loathed the concept of a cap on advertising from the outset, but I have no doubt the Minister will demonstrate that the lifting of it will have no adverse effects on local stations when replying on Thursday next.

An attempt to create an alternative independent radio station has foundered but it is important to remember that the Radio and Television Act, 1988, together with the Broadcasting and Wireless Telegraphy Act, 1988, created a structure for the emergence of both independent television and radio and for the Independent Radio and Television Commission as the overall industry regulator. That mechanism still exists. The demise of Century Radio, the alternative radio station, was due to many factors, but undoubtedly the main factor was the dominant position of RTE radio in the marketplace. To state this is not to criticise RTE but, in the case of its radio services especially, it is a compliment to the fact that it had developed personalities and programmes which were so popular with the general public that Century Radio simply was incapable of wresting a significant and viable proportion of their audience from them.

To a large extent, therefore, history will probably record that the Century Radio experiment was relatively stillborn and could never get off the ground. In every respect, compared to the expertise, track record and popular appeal of RTE radio, it was a mere minnow which RTE was soon able to gobble up.

We are all well aware of the attempts by a previous Minister for Communications in 1990 to seek to address some of these questions, and indeed the very important and allied question of the competition between RTE and the newspaper industry for advertising revenue. At the core of his approach was the infamous cap on RTE's advertising revenue and the associated proposal to deflect some of RTE's licence fee revenue to the alternative national broadcasting stations on radio and television.

Every party in this House came to the conclusion a long time ago that that particular experiment was both ill-judged and a failure. Indeed, that Minister's successor in Government had prepared alternative proposals to amend the 1990 legislation which were not brought forward.

At the core of any debate touching on national broadcasting policy, therefore, for good or ill, is the dominant position that RTE commands in relation to broadcasting both on radio and television and the associated matter of its dominant position in the advertising market place. Stating this is not for one moment to adopt an anti-RTE position. Indeed, this country has been well served by RTE down the years. Its overall track record has been outstanding, and through both its radio and television service, it has maintained a high standard of all that is best under any definition of public service broadcasting. Its range of current affairs programmes, on radio in particular, is outstanding and the station's capacity to do programmes of special interest, including the interests of various minorities, is exemplary.

Therefore, when I advance the Progressive Democrats desire for choice, competition and variety in broadcasting at national level for both radio and television, I do so in the context of the age in which we live where the consumer has come to demand — and expect — choice and variety, particularly in the matter of opinion-forming and entertainment. Furthermore, as a modern, sophisticated and democratic State, we should respond to that desire on the part of our people.

To refer again to the matter of newspapers. I do not believe anybody would seriously suggest that the Irish people would be best served if we only had one national daily newspaper, however outstanding it was. People want a diversity of opinion, outlook and approach which simply could not be encompassed within a single publication. The argument is even more sustainable where radio and television are concerned because these media are more powerful and more immediate in their impact. We have, as I have noted, a degree of competition in radio, though I would prefer to see a viable national independent radio service also available to the Irish people that would compete directly with RTE.

In the matter of television programming, this country would be much better served if we had a independent television channel competing with RTE in the provision of programmes, particularly in the fields of news and current affairs.

I know that RTE makes the point repeatedly that it is in a very competitive environment in so far as the beaming-in of British stations is concerned. That matter raise serious issues concerning the financial viability of RTE, but it does not address the more fundamental matter of the provision of a rich and varied choice of news and current affairs programmes of particular Irish interest.

Let me put it another way. In the newspaper sector, reliance on a single national newspaper here would not be adequately explained away by pointing out that people could buy English newspapers if they wanted an alternative viewpoint. The reality is that in areas like news and current affairs, British television stations do not, generally speaking, interest themselves with Irish affairs.

That is the core argument of the Progressive Democrats. We want to see the provision on a competitive basis of alternative broadcasting services here and particularly in the field of television. This is especially pertinent when we talk about current affairs programming because, unlike many other areas of activity by RTE, that station's present record in current affairs programming is not as satisfactory as it was in recent years and this needs to be addressed.

I am well aware too that this is a view shared by many concerned programme-makers within the station. Only a few years ago we had a serious vibrant current affairs programme, "Today Tonight", which broadcasted three nights a week. More recently this was replaced by a mish-mash of three programmes, whose timetable has not yet been fully communicated to the people.

More recently, one of these programmes has gone off the air. Has anybody noticed? It is fairly common ground now between anybody interested in current affairs and politics here — be they political practitioners, journalists, broadcasters or concerned citizens — that the range, quality and depth of current affairs broadcasting on Irish television is not as good as it was or ought to be.

It has never been the same since they lost Pat Cox.

I will not disagree with the Deputy on that. The point I have made illustrates the need for an overall comprehensive debate on all aspects of broadcasting here and points to the necessity for competition. If there was strong vibrant competition to RTE there would not have been the lapse we have seen in recent times. If we had a vibrant alternative channel which presented lively current affairs programmes on three or four evenings a week, RTE would sit up and take notice and compete vigorously. We would all benefit from such competition. This is a concrete example of the point I am making in support of my party's belief that competition in broadcasting is essential if broadcasters are to attain their full potential and audiences are to get the kind of television they seek and deserve. Moreover, greater competition would provide more employment opportunities for professionals and ensure that politicians and interested members of the public are given a better service and a greater variety of opinion forming debate.

Another practical example of the deficiencies in RTE's coverage of news and current affairs, peculiar to election time, is the effective stop-watching of reportage of the various political parties which takes no real account of news value. Smaller parties in particular have suffered from this practice as they tend to be at the end of the queue. Clearly the only reason such a situation pertains is because RTE has a monopoly. For example, during the general election campaign last November RTE predetermined the days in which it would record television and general news coverage on radio of the election campaigns of the various political parties. The Progressive Democrats Party might as well not have launched its significant, thought-out policy documents on key matters of public concern, such as unemployment and crime, if they were not launched on the day predetermined by RTE to give them coverage. If, for example, my party only got coverage on the fourth, ninth and thirteenth days of the election campaign, it might as well have been silent all the other days. This is not good enough from the point of view of the listeners or democracy. This could not happen if RTE did not have a monopoly. I should like to see this practice discontinued.

I wish to refer to some of the specific proposals in the Bill. Ironically, the Bill stems directly from the monopoly enjoyed by RTE. It is a recognition of one of the unsatisfactory consequences of this monopoly, namely, the existence of an independent non-RTE film programme making sector which, in the present circumstances, is almost utterly reliant on RTE for its survival and livelihood. Many independent film makers formerly worked on RTE but left for a variety of reasons. It is fair to point out that it has been RTE's consistent policy to commission programmes from the independent film making sector. However, its capacity to do this was severely constrained by the imposition of the advertising cap in 1990. I understand that RTE had planned to increase its intake from the independent sector at the rate of 10 per cent per annum before the 1990 Act was brought forward. My party does not have any objection to the principle of making fair provision for independent programme makers. Incidentally, it is a principle we totally support and would like to see promoted much more strongly.

Our disagreement with the Bill is fundamental. It is too narrow in its focus, this issue should be addressed in the context of an overall Bill which would put forward reform measures and put in place a broadcasting policy which would take us to the turn of the century and beyond. All these issues are inter-related and there is a risk involved in isolating them. This Bill addresses a very small segment of the problem and the Minister should go back to the drawing board and formulate a much more comprehensive Bill which will make us look again at the problem and the potential of public service broadcasting. When the Minister was out of the House I said he had the creativity and capacity to do this, and I ask him to do so now.

Finally, will the Minister urgently examine the predicament of Cork local radio, 89FM? This radio station has been forced to operate under the most stringent and stifling restrictions since its inception. For example, it is prevented from broadcasting at weekends. As a result, coverage of sporting events, etc., is excluded from its agenda. The implications of this in terms of programming and revenue from advertising are self-evident. This is a good radio station which has a creative and responsible approach to the coverage of current affairs at both national and community level.

The Progressive Democrats Party cannot support the Bill for the reasons I outlined. The changes proposed in the Bill should be included in a much wider broadcasting Bill, which I ask the Minister to formulate and introduce in this House as quickly as possible.

I congratulate the Minister on bringing forward this Bill. This debate marks the end of one of the most shameful episodes in our broadcasting history. The Broadcasting Act, 1990, was conceived in malice, motivated by political cronyism and rammed through the Dáil in June 1990 with a degree of political ruthlessness which was virtually unprecedented. This Bill will largely undo the damage caused by that Act.

The publication of this Bill represents an astonishing U-turn by Fianna Fáil. It must be particularly humiliating for the former Minister for Communications, Deputy Ray Burke, a principal author of the 1990 Act who put so much effort into steamrolling the legislation through this House. If the Bill is a humiliation for the then Minister, Deputy Ray Burke, it must be very satisfying for the current Minister to bring it forward in view of the shameful way he was treated in this House by Fianna Fáil during the debate on it.

The 1990 Act had nothing to do with providing a better broadcasting service for the public. That Act had two aims. First, it was designed to penalise RTE for — what many Fianna Fáil Ministers believed — its too critical approach by news and current affairs programmes to the then Government. Second, it was also an attempt by Fianna Fáil to rescue a handful of mainly rich investors in private radio stations, some of whom had close connections with Fianna Fáil, from the results of their own commercial mismanagement and misjudgment.

The original proposals announced by the then Minister, Deputy Burke, in the Dáil debate during Private Members' Time on 29 May 1990 would have been particularly disastrous and could, if implemented, have spelled the end of public service broadcasting. He proposed to divert £3 million in licence revenue to private stations, to cap RTE's advertising revenue and to effectively end 2FM's role as a popular music station. He had clearly underestimated the reaction of RTE employees, the trade union movement and the listening and viewing public to his proposals. Such was the strength of the reaction, the Minister was forced to back down on the proposals to divert licence revenue and radically alter the format of 2FM. Indeed, when the legislation finally made its way through the Dáil in relation to RTE, it had been pared back to the single but key element of a severe cap on RTE's advertising revenue, a unique formula which displayed a very odd attitude to a public sector company. At a time when all such companies were being urged to improve their efficiency RTE was to be penalised for being successful; the more successful it was the more revenue it earned and the more it was to be penalised.

There have been a number of import-and developments since the passage of the 1990 Act. In the first place, the then Government clearly underestimated RTE's resilience, resulting in a considerable growth in both their licensing and advertising revenues. Advertising was not generally diverted from RTE to the private sector. In addition, the main outcome of the cap was to divert approximately £17.5 million which would otherwise have been available for programme-making into the Exchequer's coffers. Also, many people involved in the private stations have discovered that running a successful radio station requires a lot more skill and management expertise than simply organising a pop concert or managing a showband.

The cap on RTE's advertising revenue did nothing to save Century Radio which went to the wall. I regret that, although I predicted, in the course of the debate on the 1990 Bill, that there was unlikely to be space for a third national telestation or indeed a third national television station. Unlike a number of local stations, Century Radio made a genuine effort to provide something more than a diet of non-stop pop and patter. In particular, Century Radio provided a first-class news service which compared admirably with that provided by RTE. However, it is significant that, since Century Radio went to the wall in November 1991, the Independent Radio and Television Commission has been unable to find any contractor to run a national commercial radio service. In addition, the proposed independent television channel, TV3, which the 1990 Act was designed specificaly to facilitate, seems unlikely to feature on our screens.

Given these developments it seems likely that, for the foreseeable future, RTE only will provide national television and radio broadcasting, with the 21 commercial stations continuing to cater for local needs. It is not a satisfactory position; there are gaps in the service. There is a demand for genuine community radio as distinct from plain commercial, local radio. It is wrong for Members of this House to confuse the two services. By and large local commercial radio is not community radio, its objectives are different in many respects. There are plenty of groups nationwide prepared to provide a local radio service comprising something more than continuous music with the odd item of local news thrown in but they have not been given an opportunity to get off the ground, with the odd exception, such as Anna Livia Radio in Dublin. A limited range of music is played on RTE and the commercial stations. For instance, those people who prefer to listen to classical music are not very well catered for by FM 3 which broadcasts within very limited hours in the early morning and evening.

Of course, RTE is a popular target of critics and, in some cases, criticism is merited. For example, recently a pre-recorded interview with the Minister of State at the Department of Social Welfare, Deputy Joan Burton, was broadcast on the Sunday news programme, when she effectively accused me of being a liar in this House when I claimed that the McCreevy dirty dozen social welfare cuts had not been reversed. RTE did not bother to contact me between the time the programme was recorded and broadcast to ascertain whether I had anything to say, or any refutation of a fairly serious allegation. If I had not heard the programme in question and telephoned RTE nothing would have been done about it. In fact, even then, they said it was too late for them to do anything on that programme but, that if I telephoned a statement through to them, they would carry it on subsequent news programmes, which they did for the remainder of that day.

The point I am making is that, in many respect, news programmes often contain allegations which RTE journalists should make some effort to substantiate before being broadcast. I have been the victim of similar allegations on live programmes which are not easily controlled by the programme managers and broadcasters. I do not propose to go into details because I know it might upset some people. In any event, the point I am making is that RTE is not above criticism. Certainly I should like to see some more effective method of ensuring that news programmes are lively and controversial and challenge views, but some effort should be made to ensure that the main objective is fairness. That being said, in some cases, such criticism is merited but any fair and impartial assessment of RTE's performance generally would conclude that it has done reasonably well.

In 1985 the then Government sent in international consultants, Peat, Marwick and Mitchell, probably the most eminent consultants to the broadcasting industry to sort out RTE. Those consultants gave RTE a clean bill of health on all the major aspects of business efficiency. Since then RTE has had to face competition in the radio sector, originally from Century Radio and currently from many local commercial radio stations. In the television sector RTE has faced intense competition as the four British channels became more widely available; extra channels were provided by Cablelink and more and more satellite dishes sprouted from the sides of houses. It appears that arguments that RTE does not face competition are spurious and do not accept the reality of the environment within which RTE exists and operates. That was true in 1990 when the cap was introduced on its advertising revenue and is probably true today, given the current development of cable and satellite channels.

Despite increased competition and Government attempts to obstruct it over the past five years RTE has witnessed a 20 per cent increase in licence revenue and a 36 per cent increase in advertising revenue in real terms, achieved without any increase in the licence fee since 1986. There are those who argue that RTE should not need a licence fee. For example, they point to the United Kingdom as an example, where the BBC has a licence fee revenue only and ITV advertising revenue only. The important distinction to be drawn between the United Kingdom and here is the size of our respective populations, there are approximately 20 million licence payers in Britain compared with approximately one million here. To put the matter in perspective, the BBC spends in excess of £100 million on its news service alone whereas, for not much more, RTE provides not just news but two complete television channels and several national radio services.

With regard to the funding of broadcasting in Europe the United Kingdom is the exception while RTE is the norm. Nearly all small and medium-sized countries finance their national broadcasting by a combination of licence fees and advertising revenue.

Debate adjourned.
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