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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 9 Jul 1993

Vol. 433 No. 8

Vote 44: An Chomhairle Ealaíon.

I move:

That a sum not exceeding £11,500,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of December, 1993, for grants (grants-in aid) to An Chomhairle Ealaíon.

Six months after the formation of the new Government, I am glad to report that we have made an excellent start. The economy is improving, confidence is being restored, our programme is being implemented efficiently and expeditiously and major reforms are being carried out.

This partnership Government is a new departure in Irish politics. It is working extremely well, and is producing results. It has already demonstrated its ability to take and carry through difficult decisions. I would like to pay tribute to all my colleagues in Government for their hard work and success in their portfolios, indeed to those colleagues in the Fianna Fáil and Labour parliamentary parties, who have given steadfast support in this crucial formative period in the life of this new Government. We have already had to confront together hugely complex problems and to make painful choices, and that no doubt will continue. That is what a Government is elected to do, and we have shown political courage, commitment and determination. The political philosophies of Fianna Fáil and Labour and our policy priorities have the degree of compatibility that has enabled us to work effectively and cohesively together on behalf of the country, building on the positive achievements since 1987, but also branching out in new directions. The people voted for change. They wanted change; they are getting change.

We have made excellent economic progress over the last six months, far greater than anyone would have imagined possible last January. The one month interbank rate has fallen from around 40 per cent at the end of January to under 6.5 per cent today. Most mortgage holders have seen interest rates fall from around 14 per cent to around 8 per cent, while the rate for personal borrowers has fallen from 19.25 per cent to 12.5 per cent. The rapid fall in interest rates, with the Central Bank cutting its short term facility rate on 13 successive occasions to its lowest level since 1979, has been in good measure due to the combined result of a carefully constructed budget and a successful devaluation bolstered by the credibility won by the earlier sturdy defence of our pound over a period of months.

Devaluation, though unfortunate in itself but in the end unavoidable, was well executed and timed, and was accepted on that basis by the international markets. The best evidence for this is that the Irish one month rate I referred to is for the first time below the corresponding German rate. Indeed, we have achieved an excellent outcome from devaluation, with inflation and interest rates falling rapidly. An earlier devaluation could not have restored confidence to the same extent or ensured the stability of our exchange rate. We would not have achieved this outcome, if we had followed the line of least resistance advocated by some. As it turned out, we have secured the best of both worlds. We have improved our competitiveness in the larger European markets, and we have to a large extent restored our competitiveness with the UK compared to pre-September levels.

The income gains most people will have made, from pay increases under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, from mortgage and interest rate reductions, not to mention the additional mortgage relief in the budget, and the 3.5 per cent increase in social welfare rates this month, will have ensured that, with inflation so low, people's living standards in real terms will improve virtually across the board in 1993.

The important thing about the budget is that it gave out a clear signal that this would be a fiscally responsible Government. Our borrowing level is one of the few in Europe to have stayed within the European Monetary Union criteria at around 3 per cent, which is necessary given that we have a high long term debt still to unwind. Our prudence will stand to us, as economic conditions improve. We hope, within the Maastricht budgetary convergence criteria, to be able to resume the process of tax reform and tax reduction, not least as an aid to improved competitiveness and continued consensus on pay moderation, while sharing the ESRI's view that radical tax reform is not a panacea for employment.

Ireland has been one of the best performing economies in Europe during the current international recession. Almost alone, we have succeeded in maintaining an average rate of growth in output of about 3 per cent since 1991, in contrast to the drop of output at different stages in most other countries. The latest world competitiveness report ranks us in terms of domestic economic strength third behind only the US and Japan. This relative strength has allowed us broadly to maintain the net gains of about 46,000 in employment made between 1987 and 1990, as against substantial job losses in some of our trading partners, and in contrast to the earlier years of in the 1980's, when the level of employment fell by nearly 80,000.

Since the budget we have revised downwards our average unemployment projection in 1993 by 9,000. Unemployment itself declined four months in a row from February to May, and seasonally adjusted shows no significant change since January.

We currently have the lowest inflation rate in Europe at under 1 per cent and we are likely to finish with the lowest annual rate in Ireland for over 30 years at less than 2 per cent. The balance of payments remains in large surplus, the highest in the EC apart from Luxembourg. While accommodating some reordering of priorities, the improved management of the economy instituted in 1987 is continuing without interruption. This is a necessary condition to solving the unemployment problem, but not of course a sufficient one.

Raising the level of employment, and reducing the numbers unemployed is the Government's top priority. For the first time this has now been made the Community's top priority by the European Council in Copenhagen, something we had strongly urged. It was also the major preoccupation of the Group of Seven countries meeting in Tokyo this week.

To help underpin employment this year, we adopted the biggest ever public capital programme of £2.3 billion, making use of the new EC Cohesion Fund agreed at Edinburgh as well as other available resources.

The next major item on the employment policy agenda is the completion of our National Development Plan, which has been the subject of extensive consultations inside and outside Government. The plan will have a major impact on our employment prospects and our competitiveness. It represents a unique chance for Ireland to catch up over a seven year period. These funds will enable us to modernise our transport network, upgrade our environment, increase sectoral investment and productivity, and provide better third level and training opportunities. They will also enable us to tackle unemployment with particular reference to long term unemployment and social exclusion, by imaginative policies concentrated where they are most needed.

In this connection a key part of the National Development Plan will be a local development programme to be implemented on a local, community-linked basis for the long term unemployed and those, especially the young, in danger of becoming long term unemployed, to enable them to counter the economic and social disadvantages that arise for them. Nobody must feel excluded.

There will be an integrated approach comprising initiatives in the areas of education, training, community development, work experience and enterprise creation. This has worked very successfully in the 12 designated areas operating the area-based strategy for the long term unemployed under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.

In the integrated approach there will be a major focus on the expansion of the community employment development programme, which will generate benefits to participants by way of training and work experience, and to sponsors by the development of facilities and services to enhance the economic, environmental and recreational features in the areas concerned.

My Department, as the secretariat of the Central Review Committee and acting closely with the Tánaiste's office, and in consultation with the new National Economic and Social Forum, will have the co-ordinating role in the implementation of the local development programme, in association with other relevant Departments and State agencies.

Since the next tranche of Structural Funds, which will include this programme, will not become available until January 1994, the Government has decided to provide a sum of £10 million to commence the initiative forthwith. These funds will be used to provide, on an integrated basis, economic, social and community development, and enterprise creation for the long term unemployed — and those in danger of becoming long term unemployed — both through local development companies and through relevant agencies.

EC Structural and Cohesion Funds will be equitably distributed to all regions. They will help us to improve transport networks in Dublin and around the country. The Government is equally committed to the prosperity of our capital city and of the regions, to employment and better social conditions in our towns and cities, as well as the maintenance of the fabric of rural life.

The Government want to see all parts of the country doing well. Dublin city in a recent survey was expected to be the second fastest growing city in Europe after Barcelona in the 1990s and over the last six or seven years it has flourished as never before, with projects like Temple Bar and the International Financial Services Centre and the refurbishment of buildings such as the Custom House, Government Buildings, and the interiors of our national cultural institutions, including the establishment of the Irish Museum of Modern Art at the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham. Whether we come from Longford or Kerry or Donegal, we should take pride in our capital city, because it belongs to us all.

But I am also glad to note that in the 18 months that I have been Taoiseach farm incomes have improved very substantially. Following an increase of over 18 per cent last year, a substantial increase is again in prospect this year, cancelling out the income falls in 1990-91, and restoring the large income gains of 1987-97. I noted with interest that the President of the IFA, Alan Gillis, writing to The Irish Times this week, said that he would be glad to accept 1993 as a base year to measure future income trends in farming, following Common Agricultural Policy and GATT reform. We have introduced a broader policy of rural development, and we have fought strongly in Brussels and elsewhere for the essential interests of Irish agriculture. The farming community will of course get its fair share of EC funds.

I now want to turn briefly to the decisions the Government has had to take to ensure the survival of Aer Lingus and to prevent a crash landing, that would have put thousands of jobs at risk. Our unequivocal backing for Aer Lingus is underlined by our decision to inject £175 million into the national airline, subject to the agreed implementation of the cost reduction plan. The decision to seek to modify the Shannon stop-over in the renegotiation of the Ireland-US bilateral air agreement was taken in the best long term interests of the Shannon region. We have preserved the stop-over in its original form, as long as it was possible to do so out of regional policy considerations, and some would argue longer than was strictly defensible in terms of the overall national interest. The status quo was no longer a real option beyond the end of this year.

There comes a point, when the inevitability of change has to be faced up to. The determining consideration was the imperative survival of the national airline. If you do not have Aer Lingus, you will not have a Shannon Airport. The stagnation of tourist and business traffic from North America over a number of years together with the few airlines prepared to serve Ireland under existing conditions was also a related cause of concern. Blanket protectionism of this kind in the face of pressing commercial realities can only be sustained for so long and at an escalating cost. It was an anomaly, difficult to defend in current economic conditions, for all airlines to be forbidden to fly direct to our capital city, a situation that obtains virtually nowhere else in the world.

Respected voices in the Shannon region, like "Mr. Shannon" himself, Brendan O'Regan, the first chairman of SFADCo, recognise that change is an inevitable part of life. The Government will continue to build up and promote the Shannon region, and treat the airport as integral to its prosperity and as a major national asset. I would appeal to the people and the public representatives of the Shannon region to adopt a constructive attitude and innovative spirit, to rise to the challenge once more, as happened 30 years ago when foreign commercial airlines began to overfly Shannon. Governments must always decide in the national interest and do their best for all regions in the country.

The decision will allow us to develop a more all-year round tourism industry. Shannon will be able to compete far more freely in the marketplace without the handicap of compulsion. We will use Structural Funds to promote vigorously the development and growth of the Shannon region, to concentrate resources on international marketing, and to improve its basic infrastructure.

A broad political agreement on an increase in the level of EC resources and how they would be allocated for the years 1993-99 was negotiated at Edinburgh. The present Government as a whole has sought to ensure that the detailed allocation, to be decided in conjunction with the regulations now near adoption, would be in keeping with the conclusions and the spirit of the Edinburgh accord. A major diplomatic battle has had to be fought over the past two years, to ensure that Ireland would benefit properly from the doubling of structural and cohesion funding for the four poorer countries, recognising that we have used previous EC funds well. Indeed, they have helped to bring our average per capita GDP income per head to close to three-quarters of the EC average, where it was around 63 per cent in 1986. In fact, according to the latest world competitiveness report, we had the highest GDP per capita growth in the developed world in the years 1987-91. Put in simple language, we are catching up fast, but we still have a considerable gap to bridge, and we must be allowed to continue that progress.

I have been criticised for vigorously standing up for this country and trying to obtain the funds that are so badly needed, as if this were somehow unseemly and unreasonable. I have always nailed my colours to the mast. Deputies will remember the ferocious barrage to which I was subjected a year ago, when I firmly predicted that Ireland would be able to get £6 billion. Even then, there were the anonymous EC officials, ready to whisper in the ear of any receptive Brussels correspondent, saying that this was counting chickens before they were hatched.

There have been all too many who have been eager to undermine the national case at every point and to pour cold water on our claims that are well justified, particularly in the light of our very high level of long term unemployment and our peripherality. Let me illustrate with a few examples. The Leader of Democratic Left, Deputy De Rossa, in the Dáil on 16 December last predicted after the Edinburgh Summit: "We are talking in terms of a maximum figure of between £6 billion and £7 billion over seven years". He told the Dáil on 23 October last the likelihood was that the £6 billion will not materialise. The £6 billion figure, he said, was always an exaggeration.

In the Cork Examiner on 11 June 1992, the same Deputy said: “there was virtually no chance of Ireland gaining the full £6 billion in EC funding”. This limp lack of fight comes from the leader of a party, full of former trade union activists, that is supposed to be a vigorous champion of the rights of the less well off.

At the other end of the political spectrum, Deputy Cox originally predicted we would get £4.5 billion, according to press reports.

For how many years? The Taoiseach did not quote it all. He should not be selective.

The Deputy can swallow his medicine.

(Interruptions.)

Let us hear the Taoiseach without interruption. Deputy Cox will have his chance to contribute to this debate.

On 30 June 1993 he was quoted as saying to the Cork Examiner, “in fact, I was very surprised at what happened at Edinburgh, because it was so much against the apparent odds”.

Now we know what the programme managers are doing — reading newspapers.

He is worried that if Ireland were to get the £8 billion, someone else would have to lose. Perhaps people who think like that should next time stand for election to the European Parliament in Spain or Greece or Portugal, since they obviously have a much better understanding of their case than they do of our own.

That is cheap enough to be worthy of the Taoiseach.

Then we had John Cushnahan MEP, shedding crocodile tears on behalf of Fine Gael, quoted in the same report as saying: "I would obviously like to see Ireland getting the maximum, but it now appears to be between £5 billion and £6 billion." If Deputy Bruton is looking for defeatism, he should inspect his own ranks. Before he criticises my negotiating tactics, let him remember by way of comparison that between 1973 and 1986, during which Fine Gael was in charge of Ireland's EC negotiations for more than nine years, Ireland received a grand total of only £1.8 billion in EC structural assistance.

There was no Structural Fund during that period. What is the Taoiseach talking about? The European Regional Development Fund was not introduced——

FEOGA was there and there were others.

The Taoiseach should not display his illiteracy in matters of history.

The truth always hurts. In 1989-92, we did get £3 billion and more, despite the severe doubts cast on it at the time. So we have been very much more successful in recent years in obtaining meaningful funding, all of it badly needed.

As Taoiseach, I am not prepared to sell the country short. Of course, I have made things more difficult for myself. If I had not stuck my neck out on each occasion by setting high targets, we would now have to content ourselves with a great deal less. Left to themselves, there were elements in Brussels who were never prepared to give us voluntarily more than about £5.5 billion at most. But I am determined to ensure that Ireland will get what it is entitled to on foot of the Edinburgh agreement — £8,000 million pounds.

Before someone criticises me for speaking only about what we get out of Europe, let me remind people of some of our recent contributions to Europe: our last EC Presidency, which remains one of the most successful of recent times, made a major move forward towards European Union; in last year's referendum, we played a key part in rescuing the Maastricht Treaty, not just for Ireland, but for the people of Europe; last autumn, we contributed, at considerable cost to ourselves, to the defence and survival of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism against the onslaught of international speculators determined to destroy it; our performance in terms of adherence to the convergence criteria for European Monetary Union is one of the best in the Community.

In a wider sphere, the Government, with the President, were instrumental in highlighting the appalling famine in Somalia, and in ensuring that the world would act. We have made a start in fulfilling our commitment, which I first set out at Bodenstown last autumn, of raising our official development assistance to 0.2 per cent of GNP this year and by 0.05 per cent each year therefter.

When our National Development Plan is settled, we look forward to entering into negotiations for a new national programme to succeed the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and the Programme for National Recovery. Social partnership since 1987 has made a huge contribution to economic and social development. If it could be criticised, it would be because it did not provide for the direct representation of the unemployed and other deprived groups. The Government hopes that the new broader National Economic and Social Forum will promote a balanced view of the interests of all sectors of society, including the weakest. We cannot allow any particular sectional interests to preempt too large a proportion of our national wealth. My aim is a fair deal for everyone.

The concentration of any new programme must be on the priority of increasing employment. Those fortunate enough to be in jobs, expecially the better paid ones, must not by their actions make it impossible for those who are unemployed ever to acquire jobs. I endorse suggestions from prominent members of ICTU at their annual conference this week that we should look more closely at the contribution that work sharing, career breaks, and the reduction in overtime could make to reducing unemployment, without pretending that these constitute the sole or the main solution.

We are taking many other initiatives to promote job creation. I and several of my Ministers have been active in promoting foreign investment, foreign trade and tourism into this country, as well as improving links between multinational and indigenous industry.

Our cultural development can be a good supplier of new jobs. The whole cultural scene is flourishing. We have reestablished the Irish Film Board, and provided a favourable tax regime for film making, recognising the achievements and potential of the Irish film industry in recent years. We have made generous provision for independent producers, when removing the cap on RTE.

We have made progress in implementing the Culliton report, establishing the new industrial agencies. We are setting up the county enterprise partnership boards, as part of a bottom-up approach to promote small local enterprise. A new task force on jobs in services will address the need to focus more on our job creation effort in this sector which, world wide, is the most productive in terms of new employment. We are also providing incentives in this year's Finance Act to increase the number of start-up business firms and to encourage the growth of indigenous firms.

In our first six months in Government, we have made major progress in reforming Dáil procedures with the result that we have processed 24 Bills, some of them controversial, many of them major. Innovations, like set speaking times, and the new select committees, are helping to expedite legislation while making sure that it is thoroughly examined. A number of Bills can be considered simultaneously in committee, and an effective committee system means that the Dáil can continue its work in committee during the recess. All Departmental estimates have been discussed in full for the first time. I appreciate the comment from Deputy Bruton, himself a pioneer of Dáil reform, on the Order of Business earlier this week, paying tribute to the handling of the tax amnesty legislation by committee, which resulted in all amendments being discussed.

The Taoiseach is embarrassing me. I must examine my conscience.

The purpose of the amnesty, which was also Fine Gael policy in the very recent past, is to bring more people into the tax net——

It is a disgrace.

——and to reduce evasion by a combination of stick and carrot approach and thus to achieve in time greater overall equity in the system, as well as pass on the benefits of the amnesty to hard-pressed taxpayers. The establishment of the Foreign Affairs Committee, which has been long sought, is also a major reform.

We have also made progress on social and legislative reform. My promise last year to let in the light is being fulfilled. We have finally completed the reform of our family planning legislation, taking account of the reality of AIDS. We have brought our Victorian laws on homosexuality into line with the European Convention on Human Rights, adopting an enlightened and non-discriminating approach. We are preparing the way for the holding of a divorce referendum by, for example, giving spouses an equal share of the family home. We are moving into a new era, when the onus to act in a socially responsible manner will lie more with the individual, recognising that in the present day personal morality, while it should be encouraged by society, is not something that can any longer effectively be enforced by the criminal law. I believe strongly in giving the individual more personal freedom and with it more personal responsibility.

We have also made a start on our broader social agenda with the increase in child benefit and the allocation of extra resources to education, public housing, hospital waiting lists and the treatment of physical and mental handicap. The long standing problems delaying the start of the Tallaght Hospital have been resolved, while the ethos of the Adelaide Hospital has been fully protected. We have adopted as a guideline the appointment of at least 40 per cent of women on State boards. We are also introducing important law reforms, such as the recent Criminal Justice Bill, designed to make the streets safer by confronting criminals and dealing with thugs, hooliganism, and racketeering. People, especially old people, are entitled to be safe and feel safe in their own homes.

In addition to unemployment, the other main priority of this Government is to establish peace in Northern Ireland. We need to find a formula for peace that will encourage all the people of the North to put their faith in the democratic political process. We have seen over the last few months how a perceived political vacuum can lead to a dangerous heightening of tensions and violence. We will continue that search for peace.

While the Anglo-Irish Agreement has provided a valuable means for consultation on progress between the two Governments, our aim remains a broader agreement which would involve the participation of the Northern Ireland constitutional parties as well as the two Governments in new institutions. It will be for consideration, as to whether the two Governments should seek to give greater momentum to the talks process by setting out a framework.

I am confident that with sufficient goodwill on all sides a means can be found of restarting the process of political dialogue. We are seeking a balanced accommodation, which will create a new atmosphere of co-operation on this island, and regulate those differences that cannot be resolved now. All this will present a major challenge over the months ahead, to which all parties must devote themselves.

Overall, substantial and wide-ranging progress is being achieved by this Government. Ireland continues to move forward, even in difficult times. The Government has an ambitious programme to fulfil over the next four years. We aim to complete it. A confident start has been made. We can and will successfully manage change.

If a Government, like any other enterprise, is to be successful it must have a known strategy, one followed by all its Ministers and by all who serve it. On the key issues facing this State for the rest of this century, this Government have no known strategy. It has no known strategy to deal with chronic unemployment. For lack of such a strategy, many of the Government's decisions either increase the cost of creating a job or reduce the incentive to take a job.

It has no known strategy to reconcile the two traditions on this island and create a structure of permanent peace. For lack of such a strategy this Government simply waits for events expressing the hope that talks will somehow resume but without following any course of action that will bring that about.

This Government has no known strategy for Ireland's role in the new Europe. For lack of such a strategy the Government focuses all its attention on the amount of money it will receive from Europe rather than on how it will mobilise the best brains in the country to make ours a truly self-reliant and prosperous European nation by the end of this century. Nor has this Government any known strategy to give moral leadership to the urgent renewal of the institutions essential to a civilised society. There has been an unprecedented loss of confidence in authority — confidence in authority in politics, in law, in the churches, in business and even in the family itself. As a nation we need to renew and rebuild faith in our ability as a people, through collective action—whether through politics, law, business, church organisations or even within the family — to achieve common objectives. If we do not rebuild that confidence, individualism and cynicism will become the hallmarks of Ireland in a new century. That is the road we will go unless confidence in our institutions, authority and one another is restored.

The greatest failure of this Government is not at a managerial or technical level, not the number of laws it has passed or the number of functions its Ministers have attended. Its greatest failure is the failure to use the biggest Dáil majority in the history of this State to mobilise the hearts and minds of the people to achieve a common objective. There is no sense being created by this Government that it has any shared vision for Ireland at the end of this century.

That is what, for example, differentiates the political status of the President from that of the Government. Notwithstanding recent events, she has offered a vision to the people of a nation reinvigorated and empowered through voluntary and community organisations. The Fianna Fáil-Labour Government, on the other hand, offers no complementary or competing vision. That is the vacuum at the heart of our political system — the emptiness that engenders public disillusionment with politics and, indeed, a dangerous yearning for simplistic solutions.

I wish to address some of those issues in turn. In the two and a half years since I became leader of the Fine Gael Party I have endeavoured to place one single issue at the top of the political agenda — namely, the jobs crisis. In those two and a half years the crisis has deepened while, at the same time, practical job creation on the political agenda has dropped.

We have a major structural problem. The Taoiseach's speech demonstrates that the Government does not understand that unemployment is a structural problem. It is not a problem of lack of initiatives, or of a lack of icing on the cake, it is basically that the recipe for the cake is the wrong recipe. Our tax regime diminishes the incentive to create jobs and our welfare assistance programme insists on idleness as a pre-condition for qualifying for benefits. Surely the most telling commentary on this Government's performance and its lack of a strategy is provided by the recent ESRI report which highlights that despite good economic growth, which we all must acknowledge, this economy will not create any new jobs this year. It claims to have placed job creation at the top of its agenda. It is always highlighted in Government speeches but the issue is not at the top of its practical agenda when it comes to addressing the problem. I defy this Government to outline any specific measures it has introduced since coming into office to deal with the inherent structural anti-jobs bias in our economic system. The only initiative it has taken in this area is to introduce a 1 per cent levy on jobs. This has made the problem even worse because it is a further tax on employment and an additional disincentive to the creation of any new jobs.

As many Members of this House will be aware, Fine Gael last year published a widely acclaimed policy document entitled "The Jobs Economy". Its proposals are highly relevant to today's problem. I do not propose to read this document into the record although I would recommend everybody on the Government benches to read it. However, I would like to highlight three or four specific measures advocated in that document by Fine Gael which would change the structure of our economy to make it more favourable to job creation.

First, Fine Gael wants to encourage business start-ups by allowing employees who wish to set up approved businesses to withdraw, tax free, the accumulated value of employee and employer contributions to pension funds to invest them in a new business. Second, we want approved new businesses to be allowed to defer income and corporation tax for the first two years of operation without incurring penalty interest, thus helping them over the initial cash flow problems that strangle many viable small businesses during infancy.

Third, we want to introduce, on a phased basis, a tax break on labour intensive services delivered to people's homes whether in the area of child care, nursing care, home repair or home help. Fourth, perhaps more importantly, we want to introduce a working dividend, payable through the PAYE system, that would guarantee a minimum take home pay, after all deductions to anyone taking a job, of £25 per week minimum over and above what they would receive on social welfare.

Apart from those four there are many other recommendations in that document. They are all specific measures that could be introduced to remove the structural bias in our system against the creation and the taking of jobs. I challenge this Government to indicate what policies or proposals it has to reduce the cost of job creation and increase the incentive to work. Previous Finance Acts and industrial development legislation did not include specific elements to remove the anti-jobs bias in our system. Building bureaucracies and rewarding tax cheats seems to have a higher ranking in the priorities of this Government than helping people to create or take a job for themselves.

As the Minister for Enterprise and Employment is a member of the Labour Party, one would have thought that he would have been aware of the jobs crisis yet he has not had the political courage to implement the unpopular parts of the Culliton report. He has "cherry picked" the Culliton report, to coin a phrase of one of his ministerial colleagues in another context. He has failed to act on the Culliton recommendations in regard to the tax system, shifting resources from foreign industry and moving from the whole grant culture.

The Minister seems to believe that job creation is about spawning new public funded public service bodies. In just six months in office this Minister has spawned two new national industrial bureaucracies and 37 new county industrial bureaucracies. At the same time as the NESC is pointing out that a fatal weakness in Ireland's policy is the lack of a national system of innovation, this Minister and the Government cuts what little innovation there is by reducing by 27 per cent — a truly false economy — the allocation for industrial research and development. Greater detail on the weaknesses of the Government's job strategy will be outlined by other speakers, including our spokesperson on enterprise and employment, later in this debate.

Will the Government continue to rely on foreign industry to solve our unemployment problem? Does it propose to replace grants with equity as recommended by Culliton? Does the Government accept that it must abandon reliance on manufacturing as the core of employment strategy and move towards a wider services base?

I will now turn to Northern Ireland. Before dealing with those aspects of Northern Ireland policy on which the Government has no clear policy, I compliment the Taoiseach on his unambiguous statement here last week that there should be no contact by agents of the State with front men for organisations which continue to kill innocent people to achieve their ends. I endorse what the Taoiseach said, British Governments of the past may have had contact with terrorists but Governments of this State have never had any such contacts and never should. There must be an incentive to give up violence. That incentive is provided by the fact that political recognition can and will be extended to those organisations when, and only when, violence is forsworn by them.

The lack of policy, direction and vision in regard to all other aspects of Northern Ireland policy of this Government is very evident. There have been no initiatives on Northern Ireland from this Government, no urgency, no sense of purpose and no indication that it wishes to speedily deal with the problem. The reasons for this inertia probably lie in a suppressed conflict between the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste on this subject. We witnessed the bizarre situation where the Taoiseach announced in this House a few days ago that the Government's strategy for dealing with Northern Ireland is to proceed with talks upon a three strand basis involving the parties in Northern Ireland. Yet, only days later the Tánaiste, in an article in a British newspaper, indicated that the Irish and British Governments should formulate a plan and present it as a fait accompli to the parties in Northern Ireland, negotiated over their heads. Which of these statements represents Government policy? Is it any wonder Seamus Mallon of the SDLP said that there is not likely to be a resumption of talks in the foreseeable future when one of the key players — I acknowledge that the Government is one of the key players — appears to be so confused about its policy on this crucial life-threatening issue.

The most significant development in Northern Ireland in recent times has been the publication of the Opsahl report. This report was based on thousands of submissions from members of both communities throughout Northern Ireland. It said there should be a change of approach. Instead of the pursuit of the dramatic gesture or a comprehensive breakthrough on all issues Opsahl recommended we should opt instead for a slow build-up of trust and respect between both communities. That is where the priority should lie. The report highlighted that the strategy of `nothing is agreed until everything is agreed' should not hold up the adoption of immediate confidence building measures between the two communities. It highlighted specific recommendations in the areas of policing, the operation of the security forces, integrated education, integrated housing and the protection of human rights. Action should be taken on those issues now through the Anglo-Irish Conference by the Irish Government regardless of whether talks are resumed. We cannot wait for an overall solution; we must take steps now to build the confidence and climate that will bring about an overall solution.

As the violence continues and further landmarks are reached in the number killed and maimed the Government must bring forward concrete proposals in this area. The Opsahl report provides the basis for these proposals. They may not solve the more fundamental, legal and constitutional problems which are of interest to constitutional theorists and many others, but they do help in the painstaking rebuilding of trust and confidence destroyed by 20 years of violence between the two communities in Northern Ireland. Without confidence and trust no ambitious constitutional goal can ever be achieved.

It should not be forgotten by Members of this House that joint authority means joint responsibility, joint sacrifice, joint financing and joint loss of loved ones. Joint authority can only work in practice if the fundamental principle set out in the Opsahl report is fulfilled, that is that a majority in both communities in Northern Ireland are willing to accept it. In the same way no other solution will be viable except on that basis. Rather than talking about issues such as those we should be concentrating our efforts on the small steps that can be taken to build confidence between the two communities, by removing the sense of injustice, hurt and powerlessness that exists in the two communities. That is where the Taoiseach should concentrate his energies rather than on postulating scenarios for some ultimate solution to the problem. Ultimate solutions are irrelevant if there is no basic trust between the two communities in the first place. Rather than concentrating on the dramatic gesture I advise the Taoiseach to concentrate on the practical steps that can be taken next week and next month to encourage the two communities in Northern Ireland to respect and have some affection for their neighbours. That is where the real work should be done and I hope the Taoiseach takes that advice in the spirit in which it is offered.

I wish to return to the subject of Europe, the other area in which the Government has no clear strategy. The fact that the sole European policy of this Government seems to be that of getting £8.8 billion in Structural Funds is an indication of a lack of strategy on other issues. I hope the Taoiseach achieves the £8.8 billion, and I would remind him that anything less represents a reduction in Ireland's share of Structural Funds of 13.5 per cent. Nothing has happened since 1989 to justify a reduction in Ireland's share of Structural Funds. Yet, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance said on radio they have already moved down to £8.4 billion and are willing to move further. Therefore, the Taoiseach, and the Minister for Finance, have already agreed that we should accept less than the 13.5 per cent we got in 1989. That is why I characterised the Minister for Finance's remarks on radio as defeatism. Both he and the Taoiseach have moved away from the fundamental principle that Ireland's share of 13.5 per cent or £8.8 billion should be maintained. Once you move away from that fundamental principle you are on a slippery slope, and that is the error the Taoiseach has made.

Welcome on board, even belatedly.

It appears that the tactics of the Taoiseach and his Ministers have unnecessarily undermined Ireland's European credentials and its respect in Brussels. This has been evidenced in the insulting and humiliating remarks reportedly made by EC officials about the Taoiseach. That such remarks could be made is humiliating not only to the Taoiseach but to the country.

And the Deputy would like to help them.

I do not believe the Government is fairly presenting our case in Brussels or to the media. To take one example, Community fishing fleets currently take fish under common EC policies to the value of £1,400 million a year out of Irish coastal waters while Irish boats take only a tiny fraction of this amount. When the figure of the value of fish taken by other Community countries out of our coastal waters under common policies which we accept is set against the amount we receive in Structural Funds, under common policies we are net contributors in that area. That is a case which has not been made by the Taoiseach in any of his comments on this issue.

I endorse what has been said about the fact that we have a higher dependency ratio, a higher unemployment rate, higher reliance on agriculture and hence a higher potential loss through Common Agricultural Policy reforms. All those cases are more valid now for the retention of a 13.5 per cent share than they were in 1989. Therefore, why has the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance been willing to accept a reduction in our share even before the meeting with Mr. Delors that is to take place this week?

The Deputy is fooling himself.

The Taoiseach is throwing in the towel.

If I am fooling myself, as the Taoiseach says, he was fooling the Irish people after the Edinburgh Summit.

Welcome on board. The Deputy is at last making the case.

The Taoiseach would be better off not intervening in the debate in this way because he is only contributing to his own discomfiture.

Europe faces many difficult decisions in the years ahead and these have not yet been addressed by the Government parties. There are proposals on the table for a large scale enlargement of the European Community, bringing it to a Community of perhaps 21 members. These proposals will dramatically increase the problems of democratic accountability and efficient decision-making in Europe. There is need to streamline and open up the decision-making process and to implement fundamental institutional reform before enlargement of the European Community. I was surprised at the response of the Tánaiste to a question about this matter. The Irish Council of the European Movement had recommended that a committee of three wise men be established to look at the political constitution for a new enlarged Europe. It recognised that whereas there was coherence in the Maastricht Treaty on the issue of economic and monetary union because it was preceded by a Delors Commission study, there was incoherence on political and foreign policy because there had not been an equivalent prior study of that issue.

It is important for Ireland that the political structure of Europe is at the top of the agenda before enlargement, because otherwise we will have a Europe which will be so confusing in its political structures, so slow in its decision-making and so remote from people in its representative constitutions that the people will turn against Europe, something that is in their own interests, because the political structure will not be right. I urge the Taoiseach to persuade the Minister for Foreign Affairs to change his policy on this matter and to agree to a fundamental examination of the political and institutional structure of the new Europe by a group of three wise men or women well in advance of the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference.

The question of faith in our public institutions is very important. In a few months this Government has done more to undermine the credibility of what politicians say to the electorate before elections than any previous Administration in the history of the State. The credibility of the Taoiseach has been seriously undermined by the Structural Funds row. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and his Labour Party colleagues have undermined trust in politics generally by the patently false promises they made before the election with regard to Aer Lingus, the Shannon stop-over and the issue of fair taxation. The "golden circle" has reappeared with Labour in Government in the form of the Mespil flats saga and the tax write-offs for cheats. That directly contradicts what was said before the election by the parties in question and it undermines politics and politicians generally. It is much more important to ethics in politics, about which we have heard much in this Dáil, that politicians be sincere in their promises to the electorate than it is to force them to get their spouses to say what is in their bank accounts.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

It is important to be able to trust politics so that this House can be seen to do its work in a timely and considered way. The Taoiseach and the Government through the bad timing and guillotining of some Bills have undermined the credibility of the House.

Earlier this year the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs condemned as unpatriotic the activities of many people buying foreign currency, yet they do not see anything unpatriotic in offering a lower tax rate than that available to those who pay their taxes on time to people who are known to have cheated the State. These dual standards do nothing for the status of politics.

Respect for the effectiveness of law and order has also been seriously undermined by recent events. How can we be proud of a country where every day tourists are mugged, robbed and beaten up in broad daylight? These muggings take place not only on the streets of our capital but in tourist offices as well. The House may recall that during the last period in which Fine Gael were in Government the capital city had a problem with joy riding. Action taken by my colleague, Deputy Michael Noonan, as Minister for Justice ensured that this matter was dealt with within weeks. Why can the present Minister not take decisive action with regard to the shameful attacks on tourists in this city?

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Respect for the family is slowly breaking down. This is not solely or even primarily the responsibility of the Government but it is something which the Government should address. This breakdown in respect is occurring with the assistance of the Government through the social welfare system which encourages old people to live alone, young unemployed people to move out of the family home in order to qualify for benefit, and which in some cases recently highlighted in the minority report of the Commission on the Status of Women encourages married couples with children to remain apart if they have separated rather than be reconciled because they would lose money. By inadvertence or intent our Government system is destroying respect for the family, the most important institution of our society.

That decline in respect for institution is extended to other areas. Respect for the Dáil is being diminished by false election promises, and through the revolving door system and the inability of the courts to deal adequately with crime, the court system is being undermined. It is clear that the Government does not have a strategy to address this malaise. The Government does not offer any vision of a saner and more co-operative Ireland in the 21st century. We need such a vision and we expect if from the Government. The Government has no idea of the role it wishes to play in Europe, its role in dealing with the crisis in Northern Ireland or how to solve the jobs crisis. The country is becoming demoralised because of the lack of any clear vision from the Government.

There is more to Government and politics than the implementation of yesterday's agenda and the Government's joint programme is only a recitation of yesterday's agenda, not an agenda for the future. The hallmarks of the first months of this administration have been a higher tax burden for all, a 1 per cent levy on taxpayers earning over £173 per week, a 21 per cent VAT increase in clothes and shoes, increased hospital charges, increased VHI charges, social welfare cuts, a 400 per cent increase in local telephone charges and, to add a final insult, a 2 per cent death tax. The relentless rise in the tax burden on families and those at work is going on as this Government endeavours in its joint programme to implement yesterday's agenda because it has no vision for the future. For the remainder of the Dáil we in Fine Gael will strive to present a vision for the future and we will continue to set the agenda, putting jobs at the top until action is taken by the Government or it stands aside and allows us to take action.

Today's adjournment debate marks the conclusion of one of the most perverse and cynical periods in modern Irish politics. It may only be of six months duration, but the cynical, wrong-headed and unjust behaviour of the two parties now in Government has been so extensive that it will have negative and damaging repercussions which will persist for many years. Above all else, this country has now endured six months of hard labour at the hands of a party and its would be Messiah-like leader, who only last November in the general election hoovered up support all over the country under the banner of "putting justice into economics and trust into politics". How hollow and tawdry that slogan looks today when we consider the cynical decision of the party to sustain in office a Taoiseach who was totally discredited during the same election campaign, principally by the Labour Party. Obviously, that was putting trust into politics Labour Party style.

One could also take the more recent decision of that party to underwrite and pass into law one of the most disreputable Acts in the history of this State — the tax cheats' charter — which mocks the compliant taxpayer and offers a cloak of legitimacy to tax evaders and law breakers for a pittance of 15 per cent of their due taxes. Clearly, that is what the Labour Party means by putting justice into economics and by putting J & N McMahon before the ordinary, hard working taxpayers.

It is clear that the unprincipled political manoeuvring that culminated in today's unprecedented Coalition arrangement has evoked considerable public hostility, to judge by successive opinion polls. Looking at this week's MRBI poll in The Irish Times, for instance, it is interesting to note that the Government, with its historically high majority and massaged by its expensive retinue of special advisers and programme managers, still commands only a 30 per cent approval rating, and that in what would normally be seen as any new Administration's honeymoon period. It contrasts interestingly, for instance, with the 42 per cent and 43 per cent average ratings of the Government's predecessor in 1991 and 1992 but, for all the cynicism implicit in the U-turns of the Labour Party, culminating in the formation of this Government, I have no doubt that the general public would ultimately forgive, if not forget, if this bizarre new political arrangement delivered sound economic government.

That of course has been its greatest failing to date because no amount of glossy Government programmes and blueprints, expensive PR launches or a bloated network of advisers can compensate for the fundamental failure of economic policy and direction which characterises this Government. The real litmus test for the Government is its response to the unemployment crisis and while, admittedly, it is early days, a number of fundamentally wrong decisions have already been taken which will have negative long term consequences.

The budget was the first of these flawed departures. In the previous couple of budgets, and very much under the direct influence of the Progressive Democrats' tax reform strategy there were steady moves to reform the taxation system by simplifying it, cutting down on the multiplicity of reliefs and exemptions, and essentially by reducing the burden of taxation on work through getting the standard tax rate down to 27 per cent and a single upper rate of 48 per cent. Under the programme pursued by the Progressive Democrats when in Government those tax rates were set to fall further in this year's budget, to 25 per cent and 44 per cent respectively, but under the new Fianna Fáil-Labour Party regime not only was there an abrupt end to this pattern of income tax reduction there was a cynical imposition of yet another new tax on work, enterprise and initiative in the form of the infamous 1 per cent income levy. This is equivalent to having raised the standard rate from 27 per cent to 29 per cent.

This has been a devastating blow not only to everyone lucky enough to have a job but further depresses the ability of Irish enterpreneurs to generate the thousands of extra jobs needed to meet the legitimate entitlement of the long term unemployed to participate in the economic life of this country. We should remember that it has been the so-called party of the working man which has facilitated this retrograde development.

This adverse development has further compounded the anti-work bias in our tax system and further complicates and deepens the poverty and employment traps where the worlds of work and welfare interface. The perversions of the system spawned by the lack of a coherent tax-welfare reform strategy, which the Progressive Democrats had begun to tackle when in Government, are now graphically summed up by the appalling reality that a married man with four children earning a gross £15,000 per annum is worse off, in net take-home terms, than if he was earning only £8,000.

How will we tackle the unemployment crisis when we tolerate and compound perversities like this in our tax system? How can we expect men and women to take up even lower paid employment opportunities when this barrier of injustice against them is deliberately sustained by Government policy and action? Yet, this week the Minister for Enterprise and Employment, Deputy Quinn, addressing the annual conference of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions in Galway, had the gall to declare that "one of the serious obstacles to the creation of future employment in this country is the tax system, particularly in so far as it interacts with social welfare payments".

That is one of the script writers the Deputy left behind in the Department.

Perhaps they did not have the time to prepare the speech and took something off one of the word processors.

It would not have been the first time.

Who does this man think he is fooling? Does he take the workers of this country for fools? He is part of a Government which has deliberately pushed up taxes on work, exacerbated the tax wedge on work and compounded the tax-welfare anti-employment trap and then he turns around and pretends to bemoan these same facts. This kind of double speak has to be exposed.

Hear, hear.

Unfortunately, this same Minister has also been the author of the effective jettisoning of the Culliton blueprint for reforming the failed industrial policy that has operated for far too long. It was precisely because of the depth and persistence of the unemployment crisis and the failure of indigenous industry in particular to respond to it that I set up the Culliton committee in June 1991, that expert group produced a comprehensive report in record time, just six months later.

It is true that the core of the Culliton prescription to reform our industrial policy and boost job creation is to make our economy more internationally competitive, expand exports and traded services, create a climate where enterprise, risk-taking and legitimate financial rewards will flourish but Culliton also highlighted the need to radically overhaul the governmental apparatus so essential to facilitate on the one hand and also to push this much desired and urgently required industrial revolution. Moreover I have always made it clear that the implementation of this series of bureaucratic reforms, namely, the rearranging and amalgamation of Government Departments and agencies, is only one part and by no means the most important part of the overall Culliton blueprint, but is an important dimension and thus has this pivotal importance, namely, that if one does not put the overseeing governmental apparatus, in the form of a clear departmental and agency chain of command, in place one has no hope of reversing the failings of past policy.

Judged against that objective, the decisions of this Government and the Minister for Enterprise and Employment represent a total perversion of Culliton and they are set to compound and worsen the totally inadequate performance of industrial policy and the administrative tools for achieving it. Where Culliton had rightly prescribed agency integration and rationalisation we have got instead agency proliferation and further dispersal of responsibility and accountability in the form particularly of establishing a separate Department of trade.

Not only has this happened, we also have a new National Economic and Social Forum to be added to the Programme for Economic and Social Progress Central Review Committee and the National Economic and Social Council and no fewer than 36 county enterprise boards. On top of all that, the Taoiseach in his speech referred to yet another initiative of this kind, another one of these boards, another co-ordinating action by his Department to utilise the further additional funds being made available in the Supplementary Estimate for his Department.

I also note that the Government has established a task force to prepare a charter for small businesses to be completed by October next and to make recommendations on facilitating the growth of small businesses. Of course, this is more cyncial Government manoeuvring. It would appear that the Government has substituted an agency creation programme for a jobs creation programme. We all know the problems handicapping the growth of small business — the excessive level of taxation, the added burden of the fifth tax on work which the 1 per cent income levy represents and the perverse 5 per cent increase on VAT on labour intensive sectors such as footwear and clothing. The excessive State bureaucracy and red tape will be another inevitable finding of this task force, being compounded daily by this administration. No doubt this task force will also find that input costs for most small businesses will be adversely affected by the grossly excessive increase in telephone charges which they will have to bear on their internal calls from September next.

We have had enough task forces, commissions and special reports on our unemployment and other social problems to last a lifetime. What we sorely need is some inspired, courageous and practical Government action. The particular problem which needs to be tackled by the Government is the clearly excessive level of public expenditure. The Estimates we are discussing today give me no indication of the Government's willingness or anxiety to tackle this problem.

At the outset I said that the Government was characterised by cynicism and injustice. These qualities have been clearly evidenced by the more recent handling of the infamous tax amnesty legislation. This is just one example of the tyranny of the majority that this unprincipled Government is able to utilise given its unprecedented Dáil majority. That such a fundamentally important measure as the tax amnesty should have been bulldozed through the Oireachtas in such a short period, clearly to avoid the level of sustained public scrutiny and debate which it rightly deserves, represents a black episode for our entire parliamentary process. Indeed, much of this current Dáil term has been characterised by a cynical and indifferent Government effectively telling the Opposition parties, and the Irish people, that they have the numbers to make whatever measure they like stick and to hell with well reasoned and legitimate objections and alternatives.

In that regard, the introduction of the so-called tax amnesty represents a new low in Government behaviour. It is effectively telling the great majority of the people of this State who are law abiding and fair-minded that they are fools and would be better rewarded by the State if they cheated, welshed on their obligations and parasitically availed of essential State services such as policing, public health care and various utilities without paying anything towards their cost.

Compounding the creation of this landmark in State injustice has been the nauseating spectacle of various Government Deputies — most notably, members of the Labour Party — publicly protesting how unacceptable this measure is and how much it is resented by their constituents and then meekly voting for it. They cannot have it both ways. There is little doubt that their attempts to camouflage their disreputable voting behaviour by verbal declarations to the contrary will not wash. The Progressive Democrats Party will not be slow in seeking to highlight their duplicity.

Perhaps the only positive feature of this Administration to date has been its reform of a number of what are generally termed social policy issues to do with personal freedom and rights. These include the reform of the contraceptives law and, in particular, the law on homosexuality. The Progressive Democrats Party welcomes these reforms and sees them as a maturing of our political process in the sense of coming to terms with the reality of Irish life. However, I have to note with regret the unseemly haste with which these reforms were catapulted through the Dáil, obviously for fear that the undoubted opposition to them from many Deputies and a sizeable number of ordinary citizens would get an airing. This is an unhealthy feature of Government. We should have the maturity to fully debate contentious issues like these and allow all sides to put their point of view. The application of what my colleague, Deputy Michael McDowell, has accurately described as a legislative epidural to get these measures through is essentially a cowardly departure which says little for the maturity and openness of this Government. It is further evidence of the bludgeoning way in which an excessive majority can be wielded in Government.

I am fascinated at the speed with which the Government, led by the Taoiseach, has given priority this year to certain measures which just 12 months ago the Taoiseach said were at the bottom of his legislative programme and legislative priorities and clearly signalled would not be reached for as long as he was Taoiseach.

I never said that. The Deputy should put the record straight.

It makes me wonder about the level of commitment and the ideology, philosophy or meaning which lies behind the making of these reforms and whether there is any actual belief in them or whether they are simply seen as being expedient at this time. Unfortunately, that is all they are.

An image creating exercise; a new image.

The Government must also be criticised for the lack of openness in relation to tackling the Aer Lingus crisis. It is incomprehensible at this stage that the Cahill report has not yet been published so that all the people affected by its proposals can rationally and fully assess it and try to establish the basis for its various recommendations. What is now being contemplated by the Government on foot of the Cahill plan is so far-reaching and irreversible for the livelihoods of literally tens of thousands of people, some of them directly employed by Aer Lingus and many more of them directly dependent on the welfare of the airline and, in particular, the continued viability of Shannon Airport, that we simply cannot take a leap in the dark so far as these issues are concerned.

There is now deep-seated and totally genuine fear and concern in the entire mid-west region and in the West generally over the capacity of Shannon to remain viable in the face of any change in the existing North-Atlantic flight arrangements. There is no doubting but this is a kind of Pandora's Box because once the present policy is changed the status quo simply cannot be restored.

I know there is great pressure in the Dublin area to allow direct transatlantic flights to Dublin, but I sincerely feel that the full implications of such a policy change have not been worked out either by Aer Lingus, the Government or anyone else. The most fundamental concern relates to the revision in the existing Ireland-USA air agreement to allow direct flights to Dublin. The danger flowing from this change is that a number of US and other airlines would commence a predatory pricing war on flights in and out of Dublin, and in the wake of this not only Shannon but Aer Lingus itself would be devastated.

That is why it is absolutely essential that the Government before any alteration is made in the existing policy, must ensure through bilateral negotiations with the US authorities that if it is going to change its transatlantic aviation policy then any change must be legally binding, be fully enforceable and impose the same restrictions in regard to flights to Dublin and Shannon on every other airline as is now proposed for Aer Lingus.

In the short time at my disposal I will say a few words about the Structural Funds. In particular I note the attack made by the Taoiseach this morning on my colleague, Deputy Cox, who will be contributing later.

I am glad to hear that.

He is more than competent to defend himself against attacks from any quarter, so I will leave it to him. He is widely regarded as the Irish member of the European Parliament who over the past four years has made a bigger contribution than any other member and whose contribution has certainly outshone that made by the Fianna Fáil members of that Parliament.

——and with double the intelligence too.

——who have little to offer and some of whom would not exactly be the standard bearers that one would have wished for on behalf of the country. Whatever they are noted for, it is not for their ability to contribute positively to debates on behalf of this country in the way that Deputy Cox, in particular, can do.

This country, for better or for worse, is engaged in an unseemly scramble in Brussels in which the Taoiseach has allowed himself by his own conduct to be dragged down to the level of some kind of horse dealer.

A good negotiator, but the Deputy would not understand or recognise that.

The Taoiseach is a good negotiator. He would negotiate with any party to stay in power.

The fundamental reason this country now finds itself in this unfortunate position has its roots in the Edinburgh Summit of last December, to which a discredited Taoiseach went and engaged in some kind of discussions behind the scenes and came out and said: "I have an agreement that I am going to get £8 billion on behalf of this country". Suddenly the whole scene changed. The Labour Party, were foolish, gullible and naive enough to buy that. That is why it is so frantically essential, not from the point of view of Ireland's welfare but for the Taoiseach's welfare and the future welfare of this Government, that something like this should ultimately come out. Either there was an agreement at the Edinburgh Summit or there was not; if there was an agreement at Edinburgh, why have we had six or seven months of unseemly arugment about the matter since then? Why is it still open to negotiation? If we had an agreement there should be evidence of it. If there is no evidence of that agreement it is not unreasonable to suggest that there was not one. If there was not one, why did the Taoiseach say what he said?

Proof of the pudding.

It should be said, in fairness to the European Commission, that consistently since Edinburgh it disputed the Taoiseach's version of events and what is happening now seems to bear out its disputation of his version of events.

On the question of Northern Ireland I have the gravest doubts about what was proposed by the Tánaiste yesterday——

And the manner in which it was proposed.

Exactly. I am all for the Government and the Tánaiste taking initiatives in these matters but if there was one fault — and clearly there was — with the 1985 Agreement, it was the exclusion from the process leading up to it of at least two of the parties in Northern Ireland. Having learned that lesson the hard way are we in 1993 not just to repeat it but increase the number of parties whose views will be disregarded? What possible hope is there of forcing through a referendum a set of proposals which were agreed above the heads of the elected representatives of the people of Northern Ireland? The appropriate way to approach the matter is not on the basis of a completed agreement to be put to the people but on the basis of joint proposals that might be put by the two Governments to the parties. This might form an agenda for those two parties in talks which hopefully might be started for that purpose. I cannot see talks of the kind that happened last year being resurrected successfully. An initiative of the kind I have suggested might help to bring it about. If any impression given to the parties of either side in Northern Ireland that they are going to be disregarded and trampled on in a way that is inherent in the suggestion by the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs yesterday, we will go nowhere except to strengthen still further the hand of those with a self appropriated mandate for violence that the small number of violent people on both sides have taken upon themselves.

Precisely.

That is why I think what was done yesterday was very unwise and I am not surprised it led to what is apparently the most acrimonious meeting of the Anglo-Irish Conference held since 1985.

The past six months have brought their fair share of controversy not just for the Government but for me and my family. I am glad the people have responded to a well orchestrated campaign emanating from the highest places with the contempt that it deserves. Despite the best efforts of some, public confidence, in so far as public opinion polls and personal experience can be relied on, has grown strongly in the Progressive Democrats Party and in my leadership of it. I am grateful to the Irish people for the increasing confidence they place in this party and I wish to assure them and the Members of this House that the Progressive Democrats intend to respond in full measure to the opportunities which the new political situation has created. We will not be deflected from our task in that respect. I am encourged that I stand here today leading a party whose popular support is significantly more than double what it was in the general election of last November.

Last November, the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, had many telling points to make about the then Government led by the Taoiseach, Deputy Reynolds. During the confidence debate he spoke of a Government "beset by scandal ... obsessed with so-called fundamentals which have always failed to include the people who elected them". He accused the Government of cheapening and debasing one of the highest callings there is and of dishonouring those who serve the public in public life. He was particularly critical of the Taoiseach:

This is the Taoiseach who promised open government, but whose Government fought in the Supreme Court to establish a system of Cabinet secrecy that flies in the face of that promise... This is the Government who talked about a government for all the people, but whose policies have been viciously cruel to many thousands of people who live on the margins of our society. This is the Taoiseach who talks about consensus, but who governs behind closed doors ... This is the Taoiseach who says over and over again that the buck stops with him, but who makes every effort he can to ensure that the buck lands in the lap of the civil servants who work for him on behalf of the State. This is the Taoiseach who preaches about respect for the institutions of State in this House, but who has lost the ability to conduct himself with dignity in any crisis.

The current Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs then referred to the principal monument left by that Government as the "300,000 unemployed people whom they have betrayed by their inaction and meanness of spirit".

As further evidence of meanness of spirit Deputy Spring, cited the "dirty dozen" cuts in social welfare. He then referred to a striking example of the philosophy of the Government's attitude to public enterprise when he said:

If it is not nailed to the floor, this Government believes it should be sold. If it cannot be sold, it must be weakened, harassed, under used, and abused.

Speaking of the impending general election, Deputy Spring revealingly ruled out co-operation with one party in particular when he said:

I believe one political party in this House have gone so far down the road of blindness to standards and of blindness to the people they are supposed to represent that it is impossible to see how anyone could support them in the future without seeing them first undergo the most radical transformation.

Who said that?

The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring. In January Deputy Spring led the Labour Party into a partnership Government with Fianna Fáil that has yet to undergo that most radical transformation.

The key to the new Government's approach we were told at that time was to develop a strong sense of partnership, not only in terms of political structures, but throughout the economy, our society and our community — a partnership that would be dynamic and creative and geared totally towards confronting the major challenges that lie ahead of us.

Economic prosperity, social justice, social consensus, social solidarity, local initiative, openness, integrity and the highest level of democratic participation were to be the hallmarks of the new Government, the senior partner of which Deputy Spring, now Tánaiste, had berated for the lack of these very qualities only two months previously.

Perhaps it was a case of Spring hopes eternally or, perhaps the Tánaiste genuinely believed that the Labour Party could socialise Fianna Fáil and transform that lumbering Civil War relic into a modern democratic entity. Perhaps the Tánaiste contemplated enrolling the Fianna Fáil parliamentary party in the Tom Johnson Foundation and arranging for the Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht, Deputy Michael Higgins, to supervise a crash course in social democracy for the erstwhile `legion of the rearguard'.

And culture.

Or, perhaps, it was simply that the pragmatic tendency of the Labour Party led by the Minister for Enterprise and Employment, Deputy Quinn, and the Minister for Health, Deputy Howlin, won out. Although this Government is only six months old, it has nothing new to offer other than some concessions to the liberal agenda. The Democratic Left party actively campaigns for and supports all concessions to the liberal agenda. We stand for a secular republic.

The employment levy, the tax amnesty, Aer Lingus and the Structural Funds saga add nothing to the reputation of a Government which promised the sun, moon and the stars. Instead this Government has delivered us into the twilight zone. Nothing illustrates the double standards of this Government better than its approach to the dirty dozen and to social welfare in general and to the tax amnesty. Opposition to the dirty dozen was one of the main planks of the Labour Party's election campaign last November.

Yet the Minister of State at the Department of Social Welfare, Deputy Burton, seems to have taken on the role of apologist in chief for the social welfare cuts and has made particularly sweeping statements in this regard. A systematic examination of the 12 cuts identified by her party last year shows that all are still in place in one form or another and only minor changes have been made to a number of them.

That is total commitment.

The failure of the Labour Party to honour commitments to have the cuts reversed and their deliberate attempt to mislead the public has been one of the most shameful features of this Government's first six months in office.

Equally shameful is the conspiracy of silence on the part of the Minister for Social Welfare and his Minister of State aimed at depriving tens of thousands of Irish women of social welfare alleviation payments which the European Court has ruled they are entitled to under EC social welfare equalisation directives. Likewise the abolition of unemployment assistance for students is shameful. That in itself was bad enough but the Minister tried to pass it off as a progressive development, describing it as a move to provide new job opportunities for students, when the real purpose is to artificially reduce the numbers on the live register which he has successfully done, and to save money.

The same Minister has attempted to pull an outrageous con-job on the public by implying that the last social welfare amnesty brought in up to £200 million and that the repeat amnesty announced by him would bring in a similar amount.

It is now evident that the social welfare amnesty was a political afterthought, designed to give a bogus veneer of fairness to the outrageous tax amnesty and is an attempt to salve the consciences of the Labour Party Ministers who so meekly went along with the Taoiseach's proposals to wipe the slate clean for tax cheats. The social welfare amnesty will not, in any way counterbalance the basic injustice of the tax amnesty, nor will it do anything to ease the sense of anger felt by PAYE workers and those in business who have been meeting their tax obligations to the community.

In similar evasive manner, the Minister for Social Welfare and his Minister of State have continually denied that major changes have been made in regard to exceptional needs payments under supplementary welfare allowances. In addition, they continue to deny to Members of the Dáil copies of the circulars governing these payments.

Since the former Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy McCreevy, issued a circular last July severely restricting payments to people with ESB, Gas. Co. and rent arrears the public has been denied payments which were formerly available. The Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy Woods and the Minister of State, Deputy Burton have now withdrawn the McCreevy circulars, but a new circular has been issued, No. 7/93, which continues the cuts and people below the poverty line are being forced into the hands of moneylenders.

In contrast to the mean-minded begrudging approach to social welfare, the tax amnesty is generous to a fault. The beneficiaries of the generosity are not the poor, but those who have cheated, lied and withheld taxes due from them to support our health services, our education system and job creation programmes.

Within the past few years we have had a general tax amnesty, a tax amnesty for unpaid capital acquisition tax, unpaid PRSI and unpaid stamp duty. However, the Waiver of Certain Tax, Interest and Penalties Act, 1993, constitutes the biggest ever bonanza for tax dodgers. Originally, this was the Taoiseach's amnesty for big-time tax cheats who had lied to the Revenue Commissioners and salted away their gains in tax havens abroad, in bogus accounts here or in financial institutions outside the State.

It blatantly rewards the tax cheat and insults the tax paying citizen. In our political culture it seems all the wealthy have to do is keep the Revenue Commissioners at bay for a few years and the chances are there will be another amnesty around the corner.

The Programme for a Partnership Government states:

To restore confidence in the democratic process, by encouraging greater openness and participation at all levels, by improving public accountability, transparency and trust, and by ensuring the highest standards in public life.

It is clear, six months into the life of this Government, that these fine sentiments are today seen by the public as pure double speak, and they see the authors as no better than the tax cheats they have befriended.

Aer Lingus proves another example of the glaring contrast between promises and performance by this Government. Again, it was the Labour Party that was loudest in its promises to Aer Lingus workers. Led by the Tánaiste, candidates trooped out to Dublin Airport and left the staff with the impression that a vote for Labour would secure the airline's future and their jobs.

Labour Deputies now say that they were unaware of the extent of the crisis in Aer Lingus. They insist that they will not take the easy way out. They will not resign for the sake of a headline, although they were not shy of headlines in November. No, they are going to fight tooth and nail to ensure that there are no compulsory redundancies. They say 1,500 redundancies are now OK as long as they are not compulsory. There is not the slightest possibility of 1,500 volunteers for redundancy in Aer Lingus. Will the Labour Party Deputies actively support the Cahill plan now that it is Government policy by canvassing for redundancies as it canvassed for votes last November?

The threat to jobs in Aer Lingus highlights the wider crisis of unemployment in Ireland and it further highlights the need for a common industrial policy in Europe. In the absence of such a policy, it is imperative that the best possible use is made of the next allocation of Structural Funds with the objective of assisting job creation.

This would be in line with the conclusions of the European Council Meeting in Copenhagen which appeared to indicate that the next round of Structural Funds should be used specifically to assist job creation. There are a number of references to the requirements of peripheral regions and their relation to the centre of the Community.

The Government must ensure that this new recognition of the need for action on unemployment is responded to effectively. They must ensure that Ireland, as a peripheral region, gains the necessary support from Community funds to at least develop our living standards beyond the `two thirds' status in which we have languished relative to the EC average since joining the community two decades ago. But we must also ensure that that catching up is not done by enriching the rich as has happened up to now but by improving the lives of the poor and the powerless.

The Copenhagen Conclusions contain an interesting proposal to consider the use of EIB loans as a bridging facility to assist development and jobs, as an additional measure in advance of the Structural and Cohesion funds coming fully on stream. While the loan repayment would be drawn from future Structural Fund allocations, there could be merit in judicious use of this option as means of funding job creation projects. I would be interested to hear in more detail why the Taoiseach so readily disregarded the proposal. He has been quoted as being unwilling to accept any measures which might increase the national debt, but investment in development should not be spurned so readily.

I would also like to hear the views of the Labour Party on this issue. During the last general election campaign Labour argued strongly on the need for investment borrowing as a means of boosting the economy.

Apart from the importance of how much European money we will receive, equally important is how we use the next set of Structural and Cohesion Funds which will be crucial to tackling the problem of unemployment. While these funds are in one sense very substantial, they are not an automatic panacea. The last Structural Funding of £3 billion, paid over a shorter period, was accompanied by an escalation of unemployment to unprecedented levels. Unless the current funds are linked to a clear pro-jobs strategy, we will certainly witness a further increase in the jobs crisis. There has to be a recognition by Government that economic growth as currently understood will not solve our job crisis and that mantra-like repetition of the failed economic dogma of the 80s will simply condemn growing numbers to poverty.

A further concern is that any review of employment creation policy must not be used as an opportunity to water down social legislation in the Community. There is a constant clamour for changes and reductions in social legislation as a means to create jobs. However, the evidence does not point to any success when this approach is implemented. Britain, which has for more than a decade pursued a systematic assault on workers' rights to the extent of opting out of its obligations under the social chapter of Maastricht has one of the weakest economies and highest unemployment rates in the Community.

I again emphasise the need for a Community industrial policy, which would ensure that funding is linked to a concerted drive by the Community to assist real and sustainable development in the peripheral regions. The Government must insist that funding for major projects is allocated to Ireland. As an example, I cite the success of the Portuguese Government less than two years ago when they negotiated £450 million in grants to bring a major car manufacturing project to that country. The project is estimated to bring 5,000 direct and 7,000 indirect jobs to that country, where one would not expect to see such an industry established. However, finance from the European Regional Development Fund was sufficient to convince a major car manufacturing company to set up a plant outside the traditional home territories of the Ruhr, Paris and Turin.

I want to refer briefly to the question of the £8 billion in Structural Funds to which the Taoiseach referred this morning. In doing so he quoted selectively from statements I made in this House but I do not propose to waste time correcting him. During the Maastricht referendum campaign the Taoiseach invited Jacques Delors to this country to promise that we would get £6 billion Structural Funding over a period of five years. There was no talk of a Cohesion Fund at that stage. Subsequently, following the Edinburgh Summit the Taoiseach stated he had achieved £8 billion over a period of seven years. That £8 billion included £1 billion in Cohesion Funds. Therefore, £7 billion in Structural Funds were achieved over a period of seven years as against £6 billion promised over a period of five years during the Maastricht campaign. Even a seven year old child would be able to work out that £7 billion over a period of seven years is less than £6 billion over five years. I am sure even the Taoiseach could manage to work that out. The Tánaiste is doubtful about the promises and perhaps he is correct.

It is time the Taoiseach stopped codding the public about his great success as a negotiator. The proof of the pudding is in the eating. Even if he is promised £8 billion today in his telephone conversation with Jacques Delors, taking into account devaluation, that will still be less than the £8 billion he promised last December.

It is a great deal more than the £5 billion the Deputy said we would receive.

The Tánaiste should read the record to get the facts. Taking into account devaluation and a seven year period, if the Taoiseach is promised £8 billion today it will be much closer to £5 billion over five years which I indicated would be available. In any event, it will be the people at the receiving end of the money who will know the truth when the projects they have put forward are cut back. That is when people will realise they have been codded.

In many parts of the world new nation states confidently emerge; yet, nearly everyone acknowledges that we are now in a truly international era marked by global interdependence. At the same time, the initial optimism about a new international order has largely evaporated. The Gulf War and the wars in the Balkans, the various civil wars in Africa and Latin America call into question the entire system of collective security.

The prospect of wars between the major states in the international system have all but disappeared. Instead there are many vicious local wars where the combatants are armed with weapons of horrifying sophistication and destructiveness. Yet the part the United Nations has played in the prevention of war and peace creation has been halting and inconsistent at best and has more often reflected the interests of powerful member states than any commitment to international law or the UN Charter.

Obviously, we need a thorough overhaul of collective security systems to meet the threats of peace from the myriad dirty local wars and a powerful arms industry hungry for customers who are supplying not alone the United Nations peacekeepers but also the combatants in the civil wars. It is interesting that some of the member states who are participating in peacekeeping and peace enforcing missions are also supplying arms to those engaged in the wars. The latter point must not be lost sight of because of current concerns about the former Yugoslavia and Africa.

While to Europeans, the savagery in former Yugoslavia and in some parts of Africa is awesome, the global view must also include Asian and Latin American instances of equal or greater institutionalised savagery, state terrorism against progressive forces from death squads stretches from Guatemala to Brazil. The emphasis here must be on a more active UN role in the uncovering and punishment of the massive violation of human rights — not based on ethnic identities, but on institutionalised injustice of the state against its people.

A consistent and coherent approach must be found. It is crucial that the conditions that immobilise the UN as a autonomous actor on the world stage are removed so that its credibility as a peace creator can be restored. In particular it must not be seen as a mere pawn of mighty power brokers.

However, it has to be emphasised that economic despair, structural injustice, external debt and political oppression are still the root cause of insecurity and must be the ultimate targets of UN efforts to preserve and strengthen peace. Therefore, the long term objectives — its more fundamental ones — must not be neglected while important regional or local dirty wars are dealt with.

Any possibility of the reform and democratisation of the UN system will depend on the goodwill of the very powers that have, up to now hindered its proper functioning. Therefore, only systematic political pressure from citizens and governments is likely to lead to change. The role of the Commission of Human Rights based in Geneva should be radically altered. At present, only 1 per cent of the UN budget is spent in this area.

The Commission should have extended powers so that it can send in investigators immediately into a conflict to ascertain the truth. Further, it must have powers to act as an early warning system for the international community to alert them to imminent conflicts involving threatened violations of human rights.

A further proposal is the establishment under UN auspices of a permanent international criminal or war crimes court where criminal responsibility of individuals and groups could be established and their punishment demanded. The enforcement of the court's decisions would have to remain at the moral level for the present. However, its establishment would be the most important step. Cases would be referred to it from groups of victims or relatives of victims whose rights were violated. The establishment of such a court might also serve as some form of deterrent and indicate how seriously the UN views violators of human rights.

The lesson of Yugoslavia, surely is the need to adhere strictly to international law before attempting to change the national boundaries of states in the north, south, east or west. Proper application of minority rights, mature agreement by the parties to such change, independent monitoring are all necessary as is the support of neighbouring states in such changes.

There must be a new collective security system put into operation where ethnic minorities, oppressed groups, the economic dispossessed do not have to resort to arms and fundamentalism based on culture, religion or ethnicity to have their security protected. They must all be guaranteed that their fundamental human rights will be respected and promoted within an integrated society and there must be some means for example an international court, to which they can appeal if their rights are violated or threatened. Such a court must have the powers to investigate such complaints and be seen to act with justice.

I wish to deal now with Northern Ireland. The recent local elections in Northern Ireland should serve as a chilling reminder of the numbing and brutalising effects of protracted violence. It is all the more chilling when one considers that the principal perpetrator of violence — Sinn Fein and the IRA, claim 10 per cent of the vote in Northern Ireland through its front organisation, Sinn Fein.

This is a point addressed by Fr. Denis Faul in a letter published in the July-August issue of Fortnight which states:

There is a smell of fascism in the air in Northern Ireland after the elections and the explosions in the four towns. Sinn Fein looked for votes on a vague and indefinite "peace process" that it was sponsoring...

What is this "peace process" which Sinn Fein talks so much about, but the IRA ignores? It is mysterious and one is glad that John Hume is trying to unravel the mystery in the hope there may be some substance for hope there. I am afraid there is no substance, but shadow — deep, dark menacing shadow.

The IRA and the leader of Sinn Fein have no time for anybody who disagrees with them. Twenty-two million pounds worth of damage affecting the businesses and jobs of innocent citizens is a blunt way of saying, "You have no rights, if you don't agree with our peace process we shall blow your lives sky high!" Destruction by "peace" is a new and deadly tactic.

Talking to Sinn Fein would only add insult to injury. From the evidence available, the talk would go as follows: "The British must go by fixing a definite date for withdrawal — Brits out!"

Fr. Faul knows what he is talking about. I have heard that the talks between John Hume and Gerry Adams centre on a British withdrawal by the year 2003 in return for an IRA ceasefire. I believe that would be disastrous.

John Hume should realise that his current talks with Mr. Adams, just like his previous talks in 1988, will yield no positive results. They are simply grist to the IRA propaganda mill and provide Sinn Fein with a political platform and an effective veto on progress.

Democratic Left does not believe that there is any simple formula which would constitute a solution to the problems of Northern Ireland. Absolutist solutions of the "British out" or "total integration" varieties fail to take account of the complexities of the problem and the legitimate aspirations of different sections of the community. We do believe, however, that there are certain steps which could be taken to eliminate or at least reduce the level of violence and permit a healthy political culture to emerge.

If a permanent peace is to be found, politicians generally will have to be prepared to demonstrate a new flexibility and willingness to compromise. The people of Northern Ireland have not been well served by politicians who show the unwillingness to compromise and whose ritual response seems always to be to blame the other side.

We believe that the talks process should be restarted as soon as possible. If the process is to be successful everyone involved must be prepared to compromise and to demonstrate a vision for the future that will take account of the legitimate aspirations of all the people in Northern Ireland. The failure of this Government to state that it would even hold a referendum on Articles 2 and 3 was a major cause of the collapse of the talks. While signs of flexibility on Articles 2 and 3 within sections of the Labour Party are welcome, there are, however, still too many signs of unreconstructed traditionalism on this issue in both Government parties. The British Government's unique contribution would be a declaration of intent to enact a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland, which would guarantee individual and group rights and provide the framework for the creation of new political institutions in Northern Ireland.

We reject the sloppy thinking that every Catholic is a nationalist, thirsting for unification, and the counter notion that every Protestant is a British nationalist seeking total integration. The great majority of people in Northern Ireland seek a solution which will guarantee their legitimate aspirations and want a healthy political climate concerned with legitimate social and economic issues. As Mr. Maurice Hayes, former Northern Ireland Ombudsman, wrote in the Irish Independent on 16 June 1993:

Perhaps we could redefine the problem not as a search for a settlement (especially not for a particular settlement) but as a quest for peace in Northern Ireland. Peace, of course, is easy. Everybody wants it. It is when you begin to define the term that you get into trouble, as the Peace People found out.

Let us define peace in Northern Ireland as the ability of people to live together there, in reasonable harmony and mutual respect, in safety and security, with a fair sharing of people, goods and the means of livelihood, and an opportunity for all to participate in the running of affairs.

It is time that we in this House replaced the old nationalist adage that "Ireland unfree shall never be at peace" with a new one, "That Ireland without peace shall never be free".

It is also time that due consideration be given to all proposals concerning the future of Northern Ireland — including those made by the Tánaiste in recent days although I disagree strongly with his particular line. The time for knee-jerk reactions is long past. All proposals should be considered calmly and carefully. There will be disagreement among democratic politicians but they should be addressed in a manner which prevents them from being exploited by the paramilitaries. Our concern must be that the dialogue resumes.

This Government, particularly the Labour Party element, was elected on the promise of change. But its record is one of failure. It has failed to make any impression on the unemployment crisis. It has failed the vast majority of taxpayers who pay their fair share by rewarding those who do not. It has failed to scrap all of the dirty dozen cuts in social welfare. It has failed the workers of Aer Lingus. It has failed to develop a new approach to Northern Ireland. And it has failed to cast off the old begging bowl approach to Europe.

The promises of this Government have largely been discarded. This may be a partnership Government, but it is not a partnership of equals. Fianna Fáil is very much in command, and this Government is virtually indistinguishable from any of the Fianna Fáil Governments which have preceded it. Indeed, the Fianna Fáil and Labour components of this Government have become virtually indistinguishable. The stirring strains of "The Watchword of Labour" have been drowned out by the monotonous beat of country and western.

If there were prizes for monotony I would offer them on the spot. The day the Democratic Left Party finds something positive to offer to the people will be the day it may increase its number of seats.

Put it in the papers next Sunday.

In the short time available to me in this debate, it is appropriate that I should reflect on the relatively short period since the present Government was formed.

This has been one of the most productive Dáil sessions in the history of this House. Not only have we managed to complete more legislation than in any comparable period, we have completed almost as many Bills as in the whole of last year. A great deal of that legislation has been long awaited, long promised and much needed.

This has been a truly reforming Dáil session. More than that, it has established the pattern which this Government intends to follow for the remainder of its term. I am more confident now than ever that by the time this Government faces the people in an election in 1997, we will be able to say with justification that this has been the most reforming Government in the nation's history.

In addition, this will be remembered as a Government which has dealt effectively with a number of crises and above all as a Government which has kept and is going to keep its promises.

A few short months ago, when this Government was formed, a number of commentators and, of course, a disappointed Opposition wrote off the Government. Many of them are now eating their words, privately if not in public. They see now that this Government is set for a long course, and that it is set to achieve a great deal in the economic and social spheres.

Paradoxically, as we enter this debate the political commentators are much more interested in what is happening to the Opposition in Ireland. For the last six months, the Fine Gael Party in particular has twisted and turned in a frantic and futile effort to try to catch the prevailing wind of public opinion. There was a time when people used to know — like it or not — what Fine Gael are for. Nowadays it is impossible to figure out what they are against. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the Fine Gael reaction to the negotiations on EC Structural Funds. For months it has undermined Ireland's position by arguing that we could not justify the retention of our present share of those funds. For months it has argued that £8 billion was nothing more than a figment of the Government's imagination.

Last Monday at 8 p.m. when it saw the Government taking a firm position in defence of Ireland's interests, it suddenly described the full allocation as Ireland's entitlement, to quote Deputy Jim O'Keeffe, and any talks of compromise or negotiation as defeatism — to quote Deputy John Bruton.

The Tánaiste never looked more uncomfortable. He went to every length to avoid——

The Deputy should listen for a change.

It is time Fine Gael took some lessons in political consistency.

(Interruptions.)

The Tánaiste should go back to Dublin Airport and talk about political consistency.

We will deliver £175 million in equity. The Deputy would close it down tomorrow.

I would not. The Tánaiste should have spoken to the people outside the gate yesterday.

(Interruptions.)

The Deputy would close it down tomorrow if he had his way. I know how he operates.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Dukes will have an opportunity in 20 minutes to speak. I would ask him to desist and not to invervene when another Member is speaking.

Obviously as negotiations on the Structural Funds are taking place it would not be appropriate at this stage to spell out the details of Ireland's position. I assure the House that the Government is firm in its resolve to obtain a fair and just allocation of Structural Funds for the development of our economy in the medium-term. Unlike some politicians who can never make up their minds where they stand we have not wavered on this issue and we do not intend to.

While I am on this subject, I want to say a few words about this mythology of Ireland bringing a begging-bowl to Europe. The only people who ever accuse Ireland of proffering a begging-bowl are a few Irish commentators, and one or two carping politicians.

Every member state in Europe, with the exception of Luxembourg, will benefit from the next round of Structural Funds and will use those funds to address problems of disadvantage in their own countries. None of them regards the allocation and use of Structural Funds as a begging-bowl. All of them have expressed their respect for an understanding of Ireland's position as it was outlined at the last Foreign Affairs Ministers' meeting in Brussels. Every member state is fighting to be fairly treated, and to maximise the allocation they receive.

Structural and Cohesion Funds are an essential instrument in the economic and social integration of Europe. They are a mechanism for greater equality, not a charitable handout. The key issue in relation to Structural Funds is that we use them wisely and well. We will get no respect from anyone, in Europe or at home, for doffing the cap and telling Europe that we are prepared to accept whatever they are prepared to offer. The fight for a fair allocation is a fight for our proper and fair place in the development of a closer and more integrated European economy.

The people of Ireland voted overwhelmingly for European integration on every occasion when they have been asked to do so. They voted in the certain knowledge that Ireland would not be the first economy in Europe to benefit automatically from the increase in prosperity and wealth that comes from the removal of barriers to trade and from closer economic integration. They voted in the knowledge that we have a lot of catching up to do — that is what Structural Funds are for.

The settlement we are aiming for from the allocation of Structural Funds will give Ireland a 72 per cent increase over the last round. Other cohesion countries, like Ireland, have a great deal more catching up to do and we recognise that. That is why a fair settlement would give Greece 100 per cent of an increase, Portugal 100 per cent and Spain more than 120 per cent. I do not believe, against that background, that anyone can honestly accuse Ireland, either of begging, or of being avaricious in relation to the funds.

Since I became Minister for Foreign Affairs in this Government, my principal preoccupation has been the effort to secure a new dialogue in Northern Ireland. The Programme for a Partnership Government states a simple and powerful truth when it says that the future welfare of all the people of Ireland is overshadowed by the conflict in Northern Ireland. All of our destinies are linked inextricably to the resolution of that conflict. We will never be able to realise our full potential as a people for as long as the violence, the suffering and the instability caused by it continue. Direct and indirect costs have had to be borne on a staggering scale. The waste of resources and opportunities for both parts of the island is tragic.

There are few more daunting challenges facing Irish society today than that of finding a lasting solution to this tragedy. The search for a solution is a central objective of the Government. Since taking office we have pursued every possibility of making progress in the direction of a solution. We have taken numerous opportunities to underline our commitment to the early resumption of round-table dialogue on the future of Northern Ireland.

We have used our contacts with the British Government and with the other participants in the process to set out our vision of a comprehensive political accommodation between the two traditions in Ireland which would bring lasting peace, stability and reconciliation. The only way forward lies in a fair and honourable agreement between nationalism and unionism which will reassure each tradition that it enjoys parity of esteem with the other and will be treated on equal terms with the other. This principle was enunciated clearly in the Forum report, which recognised the need for both identities to have "equally satisfactory, secure and durable, political, administrative and symbolic expression and protection.

Furthermore, in the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the Irish and British Governments formally recognised "the need for continuing efforts to reconcile and to acknowledge the rights of the two major traditions that exist in Ireland, represented on the one hand by those who wish for no change in the present status of Northern Ireland and on the other hand by those who aspire to a sovereign united Ireland achieved by peaceful means and through agreement". That remains the only basis on which true progress is possible. I believe that, with sufficient goodwill and determination on all sides, a settlement on those lines will be possible, but it will not be achieved easily or quickly or without sacrifices from all concerned. No negotiation can succeed without a willingness on the part of all participants to show flexibility in the pursuit of a balanced outcome.

The essential ingredient in the first instance is a willingness to sit down at the negotiating table without preconditions and to engage in an honest and open-ended dialogue. The Taoiseach and I have made clear to our prospective negotiating partners that we are ready to address all of the relationships involved in an open and innovative spirit and that we are ready to discuss all constitutional issues and to initiate and incorporate change in the context of an overall settlement.

Turning now to the office of the Tánaiste, I am taking this opportunity to set out before this House the context for the new office and the reasons it was established.

As part of the Programme for Government and to help deliver on that programme, we realised that we had to build an engine for change. We needed new political and administrative structures. We needed to create a radically new focus and direction for the development and implementation of policy. We needed to seek out an act on new ways of doing things. That is why we created a number of new Departments, why we introduced the programme managers system, and why we established the Office of the Tánaiste.

I now turn to the specific responsibilities of my office. They include the provision of advice and briefing on all policy matters, monitoring the implementation of the Programme for Government, responsibility for the recently established National Economic and Social Forum and liaison between the forum and Government and participation in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress Central Review Committee and the Inter-Departmental Committee for the Co-ordination of EC Affairs.

Such bureaucracy.

The Deputy need never be concerned about the office.

Stick around.

The office has achieved a lot in a relatively short space of time and I fully acknowledge the hard work of all concerned. The Minister of State, Deputy Dempsey, the Office of the Tánaiste and the Department of the Taoiseach have joint responsibility for the implementation of key programme provisions in respect of broadening our democracy.

A proposed ethics Bill is at an advanced stage. Consultations with Government Departments on the matter are ongoing and it is my intention that a Bill will be published later this year. While precise details remain to be finalised, I can confirm that we will fully meet the commitments outlined in the programme, including a register of Members' interests.

The office is also considering the issue of freedom of information. Draft proposals on the matter, which were originally prepared in the Department of Finance, are being further developed in the office and I hope to be in a position to put proposals to my colleagues in Government later this year. The office has also core responsibility for the recently established National Economic and Social Forum, the launch of which was successfully piloted by the office over recent months. The forum embodies a new concept of partnership in public affairs and its main aim is to forge a consensus of economic and social issues, with a major focus on measures to tackle unemployment.

The forum brings together members of the Oireachtas, the social partners including unions, employers and business interests, farming organisations, representatives of women's organisations, the unemployed, the disadvantaged, and other groups who traditionally have been outside the consultation process.

This new partnership arrangement and the search for a broader base of consensus seeks to build on the positive experiences for the partnerships forged under recent programmes. The lesson of recent years has been that consultation and partnership between all interests in our society is an essential ingredient for progress. The forum is applying that lesson and, in broadening and enhancing partnership and consensus, will make a major contribution to positive change in the economic and social development of our society.

Minister of State, at the Department of Finance, Deputy Eithne Fitzgerald, represents the Government on the forum and, through me, this ensures direct liaison between the forum and the Government.

The office of the Tánaiste has also played a strategic role in development and advancing the local development programme which was recently approved by Government. The local development programme, which will be part of the national development plan and will attract EC funding, will focus on communities where to hold a job is the exception and where chronic unemployment spans the generations and is associated with multiple disadvantage. The programme will build on the work being done in such communities to fight these problems and will bring together all the key partners, local and national.

Local needs will be indentified and met through the provision of training and work experience opportunities for the unemployed and enterprise, education and community development initiatives. A major concern will be to ensure that State agencies develop local strategies to meet local needs, so that training and other programmes are not simply designed at headquarters and imposed on the local community We are determined to bring these communities back from the edge, to where they can play a full part in creating a better life for themselves and their children. The office of the Tánaiste's involvement was crucial to the development of this very important initiative and is a concrete illustration of the valuable strategic role which the office can and will play in the future.

In short, I believe that the substantial achievements made by this Government so far are largely due to the new structures and new ways of doing things that we have put in place. The office of the Tánaiste has been central to this process and is making a positive difference in Irish public life. It is my intention that the office will continue to play a useful and constructive role in bringing about the kind of change which the people of this country want and need.

Before completing, I wish to say a few words about foreign policy. I believe that the Irish people expect our foreign policy to be attuned to new developments and profoundly want our country, which has enjoyed the privilege of independence only in this century, to contribute constructively to the world society that can now take shape. Our standing in Europe, our empathy with those who have lived under colonial rule, our involvement in building the United States and other modern nations, and our commitment to democracy and human rights, mean that if we have the courage to be heard, we can play a significant role.

Support for the United Nations has been a pillar of Irish foreign policy. Behind our overall approach to the United Nations lies our commitment to justice for the individual. The individual's right to live in freedom and dignity, the right to control his or her life and destiny, and the right to freedom from hunger, want and oppression, are guiding principles which give coherence to our policies across a wide range of issues.

In proportion to our resources, Ireland has always made an exceptional commitment to the activities of the United Nations, and particularly to UN peacekeeping operations In recent years, the UN's peacekeeping role has been broadened to cover new forms of activity. In Cambodia and in Somalia, to give two different examples, the United Nations has stood at the side of nations emerging from what can only be described as an historical nightmare.

Against that background, I welcome the support of the House for our decision to take part in UNOSOM II, the UN's current mission in Somalia. That decision was in keeping with our long standing support — support which is entirely consistent with Ireland's equally long standing policy of military neutrality. Perhaps, most of all, that decision reflects the keen sense of solidarity with the people of Somalia which has been consistently demonstrated by the Irish people since their nightmare began.

There is an analogy between our commitment to UN peacekeeping, and the commitment in the Programme for a Partnership Government to increase our overseas development aid. Our strong contribution to the international debate on human rights is given added weight by our acceptance of responsibility at home. One example as how we intend to give expression to that responsibility is through the development of policy towards the treatment of refugees, asylum seekers, and immigrants, that will meet the highest international standards. Work on the development of such policy is going on at present, and I expect that the Government will be able to bring forward proposals in this area in the early autumn.

In the wider area of overseas development aid, I intend to publish shortly a new strategic plan for the consolidation and growth of our activities in this area. That plan will include support for democracy, human rights, and the position of women, as an integral part of Ireland's overseas development aid programme.

We have all shared the frustration and the pain of watching the tragedy of former Yugoslavia unfold, and of recognising that the existing policy instruments available to the European Community and others were not sufficiently developed to meet this horrific challenge. The European Community has spared no effort in seeking to bring about an equitable solution in former Yugoslavia. The Community has promoted negotiation, underwritten an enormous humanitarian effort, accepted thousands of refugees, and contributed personnel to the EC Monitor Mission and UNPROFOR. Through sanctions and in other ways, the Community has sought to put pressure on the parties. Ireland has played a full part in all these efforts and will continue to do so. The outcome must respect the principles which have been upheld by the international community throughout this conflict. In particular, the Croats and Serbs must not seek to dictate a solution at the expense of the Bosnian Government and the Muslims.

The position on the ground has deteriorated alarmingly in recent days and I am deeply concerned at the grave situation in which the humanitarian relief effort now finds itself. There is an urgent need for action by the international community to increase aid, and to ensure that the aid gets through. We will be discussing this in coming days with our Community partners.

Possibly the most important lesson of Yugoslavia is the need for a far sighted, preventative approach. Ireland has long been an advocate of this in such fields as non-proliferation, disarmament, and conflict prevention. It is time to give more attention to the long term approach across a broader range of issues.

The conflict in Bosnia reminds us that throughout central and eastern Europe, relationships of interdependence lack a commensurate clarity as to the appropriate political arrangements, potentially overlapping claims of ethnic groups exist in the absence of basic political consensus.

The perspective for central and eastern Europe or closer relations with the European Union, and eventual membership, is in itself an incentive to find long term solutions. On the other hand, a failure to make economic progress in central and eastern Europe could exacerbate regional and ethnic problems. Against this background, the European Council in Copenhagen took a significant step forward in the field of the Community's relations with the six co-called "Europe Agreement" countries. Our general approach here and in the broader context of the CSCE, will be to give what support we can to laying secure, democratic foundation for a peaceful Europe.

In conclusion, this Government has four years left to run. It will face many economic and social challenges but it will face them with cohesion, effectiveness, and imagination. We will leave this economy stronger than we found it, and we will leave our society more tolerant, more open, and more united than we found it. The reforms we will introduce will change forever the quality of political activity in our democracy. We have embarked on a course of change from which we will not be deflected.

I have been interested to notice the change in the way the Tánaiste deals with interruptions in the House. There was a time when he was good humoured about it, now he seems to specialise in a particularly bilious kind of irritation.

The Deputy is the one with the problem.

He feels that he must perform in front of his colleagues.

(Laoighis-Offaly): At least he has colleagues.

Every time they hold a parliamentary party meeting they pass by my office door and the comments I hear are anything but good humoured.

A Deputy

Which leader do members of Fine Gael follow at this stage?

I will endeavour to obtain some quite for the Deputy.

I can understand how the Tánaiste might feel a little exposed because when it comes to this kind of occasion——

A Deputy

Are we disturbing the Deputy?

——partnership in Government seems to stop at the door of the Chamber. There is not one single Fianna Fáil Deputy here to listen to the Tánaiste——

(Laoighis-Offaly): There are not many Fine Gael Deputies either.

——but the Labour Party Deputies are here to listen to him.

I will settle for one party.

They would prefer that they did not have to wait until the next appalling revelation in the Sunday newspapers to find out his policies. It is interesting that they feel they must keep such a close eye on him.

A Deputy

Especially when they publish the opinion polls. We are fully behind him.

I also notice that the Labour Party Whip is present. He rides a very close shotgun for the Labour Party members of the committees of this House. There is very tight marking in the Labour Party these days.

Jealousy will get the Deputy nowhere.

Perhaps there is a reason, apart from concern for what they will say or do.

The Deputy is running with the hare and chasing the hound.

Perhaps the Labour Party has decided, in light of what has been going on recently, that it is better to hang together than to hang separately, although Deputy Bhamjee is nowhere to be seen. Has he gone away somewhere to try to hang himself separately? He is very much out on a limb these days both in the Labour Party and in Clare.

The Deputy should read the speech he has been given.

Will the six Labour Party Deputies who were very worried on Wednesday night report to the House?

My concerns in this debate are for a part of the country forgotten by the Labour Party, rural Ireland. I spent four years of my life, from 1968 to the end of 1972, travelling the length and breadth of the country. My next intensive foray around the country was in 1979 when I travelled the province of Munster. I was delighted with the change in rural Ireland in that period, it discovered for the first time what the consumer society was all about and throughout the 1980s progress was maintained. However, the picture today is totally different. I am in a position, particularly as I am spokesman on Agriculture, to spend much of my time in rural areas talking to people about their lives and how they see the world. These people are not cheerful because the Government is presiding over the suffocation of Irish agriculture and the dismemberment of rural society.

What about the £100 a week subsidy per family?

Deputy Broughan should fix his mind on his Dublin constituency. Nobody expects the Deputy and most of his colleagues to have a conception of what life is like in rural Ireland.

I come from rural Ireland.

The Deputy should keep his head down because he is in the firing zone.

Unlike Deputy Dukes, I am not from Drimnagh.

Nowhere are the problems of rural Ireland to be seen more clearly or more poignantly than in the work of voluntary community groups who work under Leader and other programmes. These groups bring to their work great dedication and imagination. They are not in a position whereby they can realistically build up or expand communities. They are trying to repair the worst damage to their communities by unemployment and emigration. There is no conception in the Labour Party of what that is about, and Fianna Fáil does not want to know. Those groups are not working for expansion; that is not a realistic option for them. They are trying to adjust communities to what they conclude will be a long term decline in rural life. This Government does not seem to understand that. Leader groups are working throughout the country——

How many families left the land when Deputy Dukes was Minister for Finance? I think it was 40,000.

I will come back to that matter. The Deputy should sit still, keep his mouth closed and open his mind to some of the problems ignored by his party. The Leader groups are doing excellent work. One of these groups experienced great difficulty some months ago. I am not apportioning blame, that is not my concern. It is no surprise that a problem emerges at the beginning of a new endeavour, one which I hope succeeds — the signs so far are good. The reaction of the Government to the emergence of that problem was to wave the bureaucratic big stick and require all the other groups to go through umpteen administrative hoops before they were allowed to proceed with their job. It took months of meetings and agitation to persuade the Government, particularly the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry and the Minister for Finance, to move from the rigid position they had adopted which would have required almost every one of these groups to carry out an audit several times a year, which would be welcome in many Departments even once in three or four years. The Government intended to stifle the work of these groups.

The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry has a masterful policy of genial delay. He smiles a lot but nothing much happens.

He is prepared to veto the GATT.

The Deputy will be vetoed at the next election because he will not be forgotten in Dublin Airport.

To take an example of what is happening in agriculture, there are delays in the milk restructuring scheme, the allocation of reserves of milk quota, suckler herd and sheep quotas, payment of grants, submission for review of the disadvantaged areas scheme and the TB eradication scheme. Any measure that would have a positive effect on farming or the well-being of farm families is delayed, and some of these delays have been evident for a long time.

I have correspondence from the Milk Quota Action Group which was set up to deal with a problem that emerged in 1987. However, the group is still waiting for action to be taken. As these ordinary private citizens cannot persuade the Government to take action — they made a very simple request — they are taking a case to the European Court of Justice. Ireland recently received only an extra seven million gallons of quota, because of the prevarication of the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, much less than that received by the Spaniards and Italians. The Minister must not have been awake when negotiations were taking place on this matter. That extra quota is to be used to restructure existing quotas. One and a half million gallons are to be used for mulder tree producers whose legitimate claims also had to be established in court.

The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, Deputy Walsh, stated that the Milk Quota Review Group has been asked for its recommendations on the distribution of the balance of quota. However, that was at least a year ago and no decision has been made since. There is no reason for such a delay in the allocation of quotas. The Minister knows he will not be able to meet all the requests made to him and, therefore, he makes no decision because that is the safest thing to do. Meanwhile people who should be able to plan their farming operations are held back and do not know what the future holds for them. This delay has very serious adverse effects on farming families throughout the country and the people most affected are those with the smallest quotas. The Minister and the Labour Party have no conception of what this is about. They take the traditional urban hillbilly view of rural Ireland.

The announcement of the farm retirement scheme which has been promised on many occasions has also been delayed. We were told the announcement would be made early in the summer, then we were told it would be made late in the summer. I expect we will soon be told the announcement will be made early in the autumn.

By September, it will be announced for late autumn. We will find then that the Minister has played the same trick again — he half announces the scheme every couple of months. He says the scheme will come, what kind of scheme it will be, when he expects it to come, and then he says he has had second thoughts about it and outlines what he expects will be in the scheme. Meanwhile time is passing and something like 27,000 people who could avail of the scheme are not getting an answer. That will go on and on; it will be put on the long finger and we will be lucky if we have a decision on this farm retirement scheme by next year.

Anything that could have a positive effect is being delayed but there is a startling difference in schemes that impose restrictions, make demands or apply penalties to farmers. There is no delay in those schemes. The Minister showed the callousness behind the genial smile earlier this year when he pressed ahead with the nonsensical integrated administration and control system for farmers and set out this famous form which required farmers to declare almost everything they had. It was even worse than the kind of thing one must declare to the Department of Social Welfare. Not only did they have to say how much land they had and in what townland it was located but they had to draw pictures and maps of the ditches and if they were tillage farmers they had to estimate the area along the ditches which they could not cultivate.

What is wrong with that?

If one has a fence or a wall one does not have to estimate any area beside it which is uncultivated, but one had to estimate the area of headlands and thanks to some genius in the Civil Service who stuck up his hand at a meeting in Brussels and asked if we should not require farmers to declare the area of rock outcrops on their farms as well, they must declare rock outcrops, ponds, lakes, concrete paths, buildings and all these famous ditches and uncultivable areas besides ditches. There was no delay in implementing that scheme. The Minister came in with the full force and majesty of the law and imposed it. It took two months of argument in this House to get him to agree to adopt the simplified form for livestock producers. The deadline was 1 July and we do not know how many farmers have applied. The Minister, five days after the deadline, could not tell us in the House how many people had sent in applications. He was not able to say whether there was anybody in his Department who could even count the applications although the applications had to be in by the deadline.

There is no delay in imposing the set aside system and there is no chance of any understanding there. There was no delay in rushing to tell us that set aside land would have to be increased by one third for the next season. There is delay anywhere money or assistance is to be given because the Government has not yet made up its mind or is still negotiating or reflecting or waiting for another working group, another one of this endless succession of bureaucratic committees to advise it, but when it comes to putting the screws on the farmers there is no delay. That can all be done immediately.

There was no delay on the part of the Minister for Agriculture in applying the new intervention weight limit of 380 kilos from 1 July, a limit he said would never apply. The Minister has gone to court about it. Is there any question of delay in the operation of that scheme? Not a chance.

How does the Deputy account for rising farm incomes?

The weight limit came in on the button, on 1 July. Now we are told that there has to be a new trimming scheme for beef carcases that will take another 10 per cent or 12 per cent of the weight out of the carcase before the farmer gets paid for it. There is no delay in implementing that. Because the EC Commission apparently does not trust either itself or member states to apply the schemes properly, the latest mad scheme obliges us to debone carcases and cut them in a way that bears no relation to the kind of cuts that the market wants. I do not see any effort by our Minister for Agriculture and Food to tell the European Commission the truth. Only in Belgium is meat commercially being sold in the European Community. There it is cut along the muscle rather than across the muscle. We are now being told that if we are to debone meat for intervention it must be cut in this new way and not as we have always cut it, so that it is not a commercial product any more. I do not know what the result of that will be when the Community finally puts together its next scheme for selling beef out of intervention.

There was criminal delay by the Taoiseach and the Minister for Agriculture and Food in adopting even a mildly critical stance on what is being proposed under the GATT agreement. The Taoiseach broadly smiling told us that he now has a strategic alliance with President Mitterrand to oppose these things in the GATT.

So he has.

That was left late in the game, and if instead of interrupting rudely in this House Deputy Broughan read his newspapers he would find that the prospects for that alliance lasting or amounting to much are virtually nil. They are about as good as his prospects of getting re-elected——

Worry about your own seat, Deputy.

——because the French are now giving all the signals of caving in on the GATT and the Irish Government will again end up in the same kind of splendid isolation as on the Structural Funds issue. We have not heard the full bizarre nature of that story. We debated that GATT issue in the Select Committee on Enterprise and Employment some weeks ago when we were discussing the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture. That was before the Taoiseach went off to conclude this strategic alliance. God bless him, we should have the 1812 Overture playing when he comes in with that. Before the Taoiseach went off, I made remarks about GATT similar to the ones I am making now. The agreement which will be hammered out by GATT will do endless damage to agriculture, to the processing industry and to all the people in our economy who depend on agriculture. It will even affect Deputy Broughan's constituency.

The Deputy should get on to his colleague, Mr. Peter Sutherland.

The Deputy's crowd are the ones taking credit for appointing him. The Deputy should be careful.

(Interruptions.)

I made these points during that debate, and who rose up to criticise me only mighty mouse himself, Deputy Kemmy, who in his usual sanctimonious and platitudinous fashion accused me of steering a very dangerous course. He said I wanted to start a trade war which would be very damaging to Ireland and that we should agree with these GATT proposals because we cannot have a trade war. Perhaps Deputy Kemmy read a book lately which said that trade wars are bad things, but I have never heard him talking about this before. He decided in the context of that debate on the Agriculture Estimate that GATT was a good thing and that I was to be slapped down and discouraged for encouraging trade wars by mutinying against GATT.

Deputy Kemmy was the first to congratulate the Taoiseach when he concluded the strategic alliance. Where is the consistency in that? Earlier the Tánaiste talked about political consistency. I do not see any there. My constituency colleague, Deputy Stagg, in Opposition as the Labour Party spokesman on agriculture was the friend of the small farmer, but he has not a word for them now except that he wants to impose the most drastic and stupid planning laws on them when they want to erect a building. The Minister of State requires buildings made of concrete and steel to be insured or clad so as not to be capable of going on fire. I do not know what things are like in the Labour Party, but they must have some fairly blistering debates if they can set concrete on fire.

We stick together.

The Government is ignoring reality.

This morning the Taoiseach spoke about the changes in farm incomes, in terms of percentages. Any shady accountant could juggle percentages the way the Taoiseach did but does he know, did the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry tell him or does anyone in the Labour Party even care that the vast majority of farm families are living on incomes substantially below the average industrial wage? Have they any conception of what this means for rural communities?

What about the 40,000 families who left the land when the Deputy was Minister for Finance?

They do not know and they do not care. They have abandoned rural Ireland which cannot wait for the chance to abandon this Government.

That was an enjoyable and refreshing debate across the floor of the House.

This Dáil session has been a busy and productive one. Substantial progress — on any objective terms — has been made in the Programme for a Partnership Government. We have taken immediate action to support and strengthen provision for pensioners and families who are out of work through illness or unemployment. Family income support for children has been given a major boost, with an extra £50 million a year being channelled to mothers through child benefit, starting from the beginning of September.

The workers' social insurance fund has been consolidated. The restrictions on receiving certain benefits from the PRSI fund have been reversed, or eased considerably, and the PRSI amnesty, with the new PRSI collection drive, will result in better compliance by employers and workers who owe money to the fund. This will lead to the fund being strengthened and increased.

Increase of the order of 3.5 per cent to 11.7 per cent in weekly social welfare payments, for which the Government has provided an extra £180 million a year, will come into effect over the next few weeks. These are real increases. We currently have the lowest inflation rate in Europe at under 1 per cent and our annual rate is likely to be less than 2 per cent. Over 800,000 people and their 700,000 dependent spouses and children who depend on social welfare payments each week will benefit from these increases.

In general, weekly payments, including long term payments such as pensions and payments for people who are long term unemployed or invalided, go up by 3.5 per cent. In addition a special increase of 4.9 per cent in all short term payments will mean a substantial step towards achieving the priority rates recommended by the Commission on Social Welfare for people on short term payments who are ill or on supplementary welfare allowance — all long term payments already exceed the priority rates recommended by the commission. An extra £12 a week family income supplement will give a significant boost to workers bringing up families on low pay — this will be paid later this month — the carer's allowance goes up by 11.7 per cent to £59.20, the long term rate of social welfare payments — the Acting Chairman will welcome this increase given his continuing interest in carers - and child benefit goes up from September to £20 per child for each of the first three children and £23 for the fourth child on.

Child income support is a key feature of the Government's commitment to families. Child benefit is a universal payment which goes to almost one million children, irrespective of the income of the household. Over the next few years, the Government is committed to increasing child benefit, as the economy grows, and ensuring that families who need it will benefit most.

Our experience in recent years has shown us that additional increases for children as part of benefit payments have tended to create barriers for workers wishing to return to the workforce, especially for those with large families. Consequently, our objective for the future is to develop child benefit as the main element of child income support, especially as it is payable to families regardless of their work status.

Impacting as it does on such a vast number of people and families, the scale of the operation involved in delivering social welfare services around the country is huge. There is always a need to ensure that services are delivered in an effective and efficient way and using the most up-to-date technology and methods.

As set out in the Programme for Government, we are transforming all our employment exchanges which traditionally dealt with unemployment payments into one stop shops. One stop shops provide a fast, efficient and comprehensive service to all our customers. In the one stop shops pensioners, widows and lone parents will be able to get advice and information about their entitlements, people who are ill will be able to have their medical certificates recorded locally, thus speeding up payments and employers will also be able to get practical advice about their PRSI liabilities. This new approach to service delivery for our customers involves a number of developments, including the upgrading of offices for customers and staff. I recently opened three new, state of the art, cashless social welfare service offices in Bray, Carlow and Kilkenny.

These new offices will provide a better service for unemployed people by offering a range of more convenient methods of payment, such as by cheque in the post or at the local post office with the added bonus for the customer of only having to attend once a month to sign on. The "cash out" policy at my Department's office will also relieve security risks to our customers and our staff. Any queuing for cash payments at social welfare offices will be a thing of the past by the end of 1994. It will also leave staff free to spend more time with customers attending to their needs. This is the way forward to a modern, people friendly service.

I have introduced a number of initiatives in recent years to facilitate people in receipt of welfare payments to make the transition to employment, or second chance education, or self-employment. The Government has given approval to my proposal for the introduction of a jobs facilitator in each of my Department's main offices. This initiative is of tremendous significance in the context of our efforts to provide jobs and enterprise opportunities for unemployed people.

The introduction of the jobs facilitator breaks new ground for my Department in meeting the needs of unemployed people. This is in keeping with the cashless office approach in providing a better service and more time in meeting the needs and tackling the difficulties that people face. In all, 50 of our offices will have facilitators who will have a strategic role in helping unemployed people to seek options for themselves whether through job opportunities or improving their job prospects through better training, education or work experience. Every possible avenue will be explored in seeking options for unemployed people. Facilitators will operate, on a local level, liaising with voluntary organisations, community groups and providing practical support to small indigenous enterprises trying to get off the ground.

In this context, I am convinced of the contribution which the community development programme can make to economic development and access to jobs for disadvantaged groups and communities. In 1990, I introduced this programme and we now have 30 projects around the country. The range of activities under way in these projects covers everything from self-development and education initiatives to small enterprises.

The community development programme can mobilise communities, enable them to address the social and economic problems facing them and put them in a position where they can benefit from growth in the economy and employment creation. This year the Government has allocated a total of £4.73 million for community and voluntary services.

Following the decision to do away with unemployment assistance payments to students during holiday periods I introduced the summer job scheme for students, Deputies will be aware of the background to the setting up of this innovative scheme which is proving to be a great success. The purpose of the scheme is to cater for those students who in previous years had come to depend on social welfare when they could not get summer work. The latest statistics show that over 6,300 students have applied for 8,800 jobs which have been offered by 2,000 sponsors. The new scheme is now fully operational and will run for a period of ten weeks. Students can earn up to £400 over that period. I will be keeping the scheme under review to ensure the most effective matching of students with jobs. A survey of 300 sponsors around the country conducted by my Department this week showed that 205 of them have already taken on 739 students.

The National Pensions Board is completing its final report which will address pension issues arising well into the next century. I expect to have the report in the next few weeks, and it will be available for discussion in the autumn. One issue which I plan to address immediately the report is available is the question of social welfare pension provision for women working full-time in the home. It is estimated that over half a million women have opted for the role of homemaker.

In 1988 I brought self-employed people into the protection of social insurance cover. It is very interesting to read the debates which took place at that time — I was told I would not get any additional money, there was no money available which could be contributed. I am sure Deputies will be happy to know that some 120,000 self-employed people are now eligible for pension on retirement and they contribute £73 million a year to the Social Insurance Fund. In 1991, I extended cover to 27,000 part-time workers, mostly women. Women working full-time in the home are the last remaining group of workers who are effectively excluded from social security protection. I plan to bring forward proposals to redress that situation in the context of the National Pensions Board's report.

In addition to extending cover for pensions to all workers, I am anxious to ensure that those who have to travel abroad or emigrate to find work should receive the benefit on retirement of whatever time they spent working in Ireland. Irish workers already have this benefit within the European Community but I want to see our emigrants who have to travel further afield having the same advantage.

I recently signed a new bilateral social security agreement with New Zealand which will give pension entitlements to people who have worked and paid social insurance in Ireland at one time and who have also lived in New Zealand. This will be of benefit to the 10,000 Irish people who have emigrated to New Zealand in recent years. The practical effect of the agreement is that these people will not be at a disadvantage when they reach pension age because their working record was spread over two countries. In addition, they will have the option of bringing their New Zealand pension with them if they decide to return to Ireland on retirement.

This is the fifth bilateral agreement which I have entered into with countries outside of the European Community. We already have agreements with Austria, Canada and Australia. The agreement with the United States will come into force in September and I will conclude an agreement with Quebec later this year. Negotiations are also taking place with Switzerland and the United Kingdom in relation to the residents of the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man who are not covered by EC regulations.

All of these developments are planned to provide better social welfare services and greater security for people — taxpayers, employers, pensioners and families who for one reason or another are out of work. Sophisticated technology has helped us to meet payment priorities and has also helped us to develop the capability to respond to the changing needs of people who call on our services. The core of all this development is, of course, the statutory entitlements of people as set down in law.

This week I brought before the House a major Social Welfare (Consolidation) Bill. The Bill will codify and bring together all the social welfare legislation to date. It will simplify the task of legislators and provide easy and direct access to the up-to-date law for those who give advice and information about social welfare. This Bill will be scrutinised by the select committee over the next few weeks. I plan, on its enactment, to publish a layman's guide which will be readily available to professionals and customers alike.

The progress which has been made in our social welfare services this year underlines this Partnership Government's commitment to safeguarding the position of those who depend on our services. Increase in payments, including family income supplement and child benefit, and the back-to-school payments for children will all come into effect over the summer months. A significant amount of work will be undertaken by the Minister of State at my Department on the integration of the tax and social welfare systems. I will be introducing the respite care trust fund to provide respite breaks for carers and a new scheme to assist lone parents get access to second-chance education and thus get back into the workforce.

This Dáil session provided the groundwork for these developments and the Government programme in relation to social welfare has taken a significant step forward. Much remains to be done, but with the help of constructive contributions and the goodwill of Members of the House we are well positioned to continue progress in the interest of all those who depend on social welfare.

In conclusion, I should like to pay tribute to the 4,000 staff of my Department throughout the country for the good work they have carried out in the delivery of social services. I also wish to pay tribute to the programme manager and staff in my office who deal with the many queries raised by Deputies. They have shown a great capacity for flexibility and adaptability in meeting the changing needs of those who depend on social welfare. This is a very broadly based and important area. Considerable progress has been made since the budget. I am in the course of implementing those changes and developing the system further to ensure that it serves the real needs of those who depend on it. I am very anxious in doing this to ensure that we are both pro-active and supportive. This is why I appointed the job facilitators. The appointment this week of a national co-ordinator for the job facilitators will lead to a considerable output of work from this area in the future.

I wish to share my time with Deputy Yates.

, Carlow-Kilkenny): Is that agreed? Agreed.

As the Minister for Social Welfare, Deputy Woods, is still in the House I take this opportunity to compliment him on the very caring way he handles his portfolio. I agree with him that much more needs to be done. I have said here time and time again that officials in the various Departments act like robots. They appear to be programmed to respond to queries with "yes", "no" or "maybe" and do not seem to be able to use their discretion. It is impossible to draw up a set of guidelines that will apply to every case because different families experience different problems so it is important that an official can look at a situation and make up his own mind. Some officials stick to the guidelines and say their hands are tied. That is not good enough.

People are able to think and use their heads and this should be borne out on the ground. When an official comes across a case that does not conform with the guidelines he should be able to adjudicate, there should be give and take but that is not happening. For example, family members are not eligible for a carer's allowance to look after their own family. There are many reasons elderly people will want only a niece or nephew to come into the house. They have personal reasons for not wanting a stranger or the neighbour down the road to look after them. The Minister understands that as well as I do, although it may not apply as widely in cities as in rural areas. I have a case where an elderly couple of 80 and 85 who are almost bedridden need help. Their son of 60 who lives at home is also almost bedridden because of a hip condition yet he has to do the best he can to look after his parents. They want a daughter-in-law, the wife of another son, to look after them. I do not think it is too much to expect that she should get a carer's allowance as she is not a blood relative. However, the officials say: it is not paid to a member of the family. The alternative to this couple being cared for in their own home may mean having to care for the three people in State institutions, where they may not be happy, at enormous cost to the State. I am asking the Minister to take this on board.

A member of the family can get a carer's allowance but has to live in the house.

In this case she is living down the road.

That is where the problem lies. We have extended the allowance to include a husband, wife or member of the family on condition that the person lives full-time in the house.

Will the Minister look again at this case because the carer lives down the road from the couple? Although this is not all that common, it arises from time to time. This gives the Minister an opportunity to show his compassion.

In his speech this morning the Taoiseach said the economy was improving, the balance of payments ratio was extremely healthy and that borrowings as a ratio of GNP were never better. If the Taoiseach is listening I invite him to come to Cavan, Belturbet, Cootehill, Bailieborough, Emyvale and Castleblayney, in my constituency and to make that statement to the people on the dole queues. I cannot guarantee his safety. It is an insult to those people to talk in that airy fairy fashion. Many people are anxious to work but cannot get jobs, which would not be the case if the economy is as healthy as the Taoiseach states. I accept there have been improvements but we still have a long way to go. I do not believe this Government has the ideas or the willpower to lead the people in the direction that will secure reasonable employment. If the economy is so healthy why are 50 acres of land up for sale in Ballyhaise Agricultural College? Why is this State owned land in my constituency being sold off? Why is Teagasc so hard pressed that it must dispose of 50 acres of land and start the break-up of that excellent institution that serves the north-west region? If the economy is sound why did I attend a parents' meeting last night in Ballinagh, County Cavan to protest that their children have to attend a school infested with rats and mice which is damp and the floor-boards rotten? The children must keep their lunch in their schoolbags because it would be nibbled away by the rats and mice during the day. They are entitled to a new school. Why am I receiving numerous calls from people who cannot get from their home to their place of employment or transport the produce of their farms to the main roads because of the condition of the roads in my county if the economy is as sound as the Taoiseach says?

The Taoiseach spoke about a fair distribution of wealth, this is the first time I heard him make such a statement. After the Edinburgh Summit he claimed he had £8.5 billion in the bag — there is now a big hole in the bottom of it so we do not know how much we will get — but in all his talk of how this major tranche of moneys from Europe would be spent there was no mention of the north-east or north-west region. In his speech this morning he got as far as Longford and Donegal but there was no mention of Cavan-Monaghan, the north-west and the north-east region. The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, made a major statement on the Government's proposals for spending this money to generate activity but there was not one word about the north-east or the north-west. There are major programmes for development in the areas of dense population but this will only increase the problem as it will attract people to the areas of population. Rural Ireland will be decimated.

We need to address this problem, it is an insult to people's intelligence to try to fool them and they will not take it any longer. There is a great deal more I would like to say about health care, social welfare and education but my time is curtailed. The Adjournment Debate should not be curtailed because it gives backbenchers an opportunity to raise problems and important issues. There should be a two day debate so that everybody can make a contribution.

This Government has been in office for six months. Already the trend of its economic policies is clear, the most damaging trend is the increase in taxation. The publication last week of the half-year Exchequer returns shows that tax revenues will rise by 7 per cent this year, £600 million more will be paid in taxes this year than last year. This must be seen in the context of the present rate of inflation of less than 1 per cent and economic growth at 2.5 per cent. In effect this means that all the fruits of economic growth are absorbed in increased taxation and, even worse, the proportion of taxation as a percentage of GNP is rising sharply.

Put simply, this Government is increasing State dependency, increasing the public sector and expanding bureaucracy. Unfortunately this is only the start: we have already had the creation of the enterprise boards, the new Economic and Social Forum, new regional authorities and new industrial agency for FÁS. This has been mirrored by a plethora of appointments of special advisers, assistants and programme managers. More schemes and agencies are the last things this country needs. This must be paid for and that burden stifles enterprise. This is far removed from the enterprise culture promoted in the Culliton report. The increased tax burden will depress the prospects for economic growth.

This year we have had a range of tax increases: the 16 per cent VAT rate has increased to 21 per cent and the 10 per cent rate has increased to 12.5 per cent. VAT on adult clothing and footwear is now 21 per cent and this will result in the loss of 3,000 jobs in the clothing manufacturing and retail sectors. Over 800 jobs have been lost already and approximately 30 shoe shops have closed in the first few months of this year. The UK VAT rate is 17.5 per cent. The entire sector employs 35,000 people. However, the much promised relief for the manufacturing sector has not materialised. The 1 per cent income levy represents the fifth tax on work. Being set at a threshold at £9,000 it impacts at two thirds of the average industrial wage and creates another disincentive to work. It is equivalent to a 2 per cent increase in the standard rate of tax. No reliefs or allowances are available against it. Ordinary workers know that it is a smash and grab raid on their pay packets and it must be abandoned early next year.

The probate tax is outrageously unjust. This is a 2 per cent tax take on all estates over £10,000 and amounts to a death tax on windows and orphans. It is the first tax of any kind on transfers between spouses. Payments on life assurance policies will be liable to the tax where there is an unnamed beneficiary. There is no means test threshold to avoid hardship. The family home in certain circumstances will be liable, as will the contents. The tax is payable in advance of availing of the proceeds of an estate. The severe interest charges mean that the tax level will double every seven years.

The position is worsened when one considers the inevitable expenditure commitments which have not been provided for in this year's budget arithmetic. No provision has been made for the equity in Aer Lingus. The double Christmas social welfare bonus of £34 million has not been provided for. Only £1 million has been provided for the Tribunal of Inquiry into the Beef Processing Industry when it will cost in excess of £20 million. New childcare provisions to the extent of £15 million have not been provided either this year or next year. The extension of the disadvantaged areas through the appeal process and the farm retirement scheme have not been properly provided for and will cost an additional £10 million. The promised equity injection into GPA for SFADCo at £16 million is not provided for in the Estimates.

The underlying increase in the borrowing requirement this year was £400 million. The Central Bank in its annual report stated that with the Exchequer borrowing requirement at 3.4 per cent of GNP we have stretched to the limit of what is prudent. I strongly endorse the view of the Central Bank that the only way to maximise economic growth is through low inflation and order in the public finances. This is the recipe to improve competitiveness to increase the sale of Irish goods and services abroad.

We have achieved both.

I do not think that an Exchequer borrowing requirement this year of £760 million masks the true reality because the receipts from Greencore and Irish Life have been used to disguise an Exchequer borrowing requirement of over £1 billion. You cannot mask the deterioration in the public finances. A significant budgetary hole to the extent of £520 million is now emerging for the 1994 budget. This comprises additional public sector pay of £216 million deferred to 1 January and lack of access to the receipts from privatisation which amounted to £174 million in 1993. The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, said in Cork that we cannot sell any more State assets. The abolition of the 1 per cent levy will cost £130 million. This excludes a further equity injection for Aer Lingus next year, the cost of the new pay round and the implementation of any of the commitments in the Programme for a Partnership Government.

These factors were, of course, the real reason for the tax amnesty. This desperate and grubby attempt to raise revenue by 14 January next year indicates that it is short term once-off money going to prop up long term problems in 1994.

The combined effects of the Programme for National Recovery and the Programme for Economic and Social Progress from 1987 to 1993 show that the public sector pay bill has risen by two and a half times the rate of inflation. Over the period inflation increased by 18.9 per cent, average industrial earnings rose by 28.5 per cent and public sector pay increased by 46 per cent. This does not include the £216 million deferred to next January. The total public sector pay bill has risen from £2.7 billion to over £4 billion. It is interesting to note that public sector numbers have reduced in the same period.

Given that there are 300,000 people unemployed and an additional 20,000 school leavers seeking jobs each year we must acknowledge there is a direct trade off between pay increases and job opportunities.

Excessive public sector pay increases mean three things: more wage inflation, more taxation and additional pressure on the public finances. Fine Gael believes that future pay increases should be brought about by linking tax reductions to pay negotiation. This would mean that tax deductions would facilitate net increases in pay, benefit all workers in the public and private sector, improve competitiveness and reduce the tax wedge.

I believe there is scope for payroll neutral changes which would facilitate pay increases on the basis of new work practices. This could assist promotion of the lowest paid workers in the Civil Service. The framework for arbitration on special pay increases needs to be reformed. New criteria should be specially modified to include direct regard to the state of the public finances, the ability of the taxpayer to pay and most especially the rules laid down in the Maastricht Treaty for economic convergence.

I am suggesting that the Government should seek a new pay deal, but not at any price. There should be a pay pause in 1994 followed by pay increases in the following two years, not to exceed inflation. Real pay increases can be facilitated through progressive tax reductions. The most important aspect of Government policy that can improve employment prospects is tax reform. Successive reports including those from Culliton and the NESC have stated that the tax burden on work is a significant reason economic growth has not been reflected in employment growth. The tax wedge, i.e. the difference between gross and net pay, stands at £3 to £1. This means that gross wage costs are 4 per cent higher than in the UK and Northern Ireland. It also means a married man with four children cannot take up a job unless it pays over £173 per week. This year's budget has worsened the situation. It is imperative that we have genuine tax reform which will switch the burden of tax away from tax on work. The Government has shown no appetite for this area. I believe this cannot be postponed and a framework for alternative tax revenues and controls on current public expenditure must be incorporated into the 1994 budget.

The past year has seen an unprecedented currency crisis since we joined the EMS in 1979. When sterling fell out of the system and devalued by 15 per cent the Government pursued a policy that was untenable.

The previous Dáil.

The market forced the Government to devalue in the most humiliating circumstances. Fine Gael acknowledges the long term benefits for an open trading economy in having a strong currency. It facilitates low inflation and interest rates, which improves investment prospects and competitiveness. A hard currency increases the real value and worth of increasing exports. However, we cannot minimise the importance of our dependence on the UK economy. Not only does it account for 30 per cent of exports but we are also susceptible to British imports if we are uncompetitive. The Government's preoccupation with foreign debt has meant that indigenous enterprise can be neglected.

What is the policy for the future? The Government has no policy. What if sterling devalues again in the future? Will we ignore it and pursue convergence towards European Monetary Union? The current ad hoc policy does not give the stability that exporters require. Empty rhetoric about fundamentals has proved to be useless. The Government must set out a clear coherent exchange rate policy.

The Taoiseach is either guilty of carelessness or of having made false claims arising out of the Edinburgh Summit last December. If definite commitments were given to the Government, why were they not given in writing? If they were not given he should not have made false claims. Ireland has an excellent case for its fair share of funds given our open island economy. We have one of the highest rates of unemployment and dependency ratios. The Taoiseach is guilty of failure to launch a major diplomatic campaign to secure funding over recent months. This resulted in a rearguard veto being necessary which may be counter-productive. The Government must obtain the maximum entitlement and should not shrink from the present stance. The money should be spent predominantly on developing the productive potential of the Irish economy. We cannot depend on net transfers of 6 per cent of GNP for current day to day purposes.

The Fianna Fáil and Labour Parties have an ideological logjam when it comes to the operation of semi-State companies. The recent statement by the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Spring, in Cork that no more State assets would be sold is inflexible and illogical given the sale of shares in Greencore and Irish Life this year.

The Government's proposal for a third banking force is fraught with dangers. Both the ACC and the Trustee Savings Bank are totally opposed to this link-up with the ICC. This country does not need a political bank of last resort. Further competition in the financial services sector can be achieved in other ways.

The Attorney General's report into the débAcle between the Department of Finance and Davy Stockbrokers over the Greencore share sale should be published without delay. This whole sorry saga did nothing to enhance the reputation of the Irish Stock Exchange or our reputation as a financial services centre.

This Government has the largest majority in the history of the State. It has commenced what could be a four to five year term. It has the unique opportunity radically to reform and modernise this economy and its public institutions. Apart from liberal reforms in the social area there seems to be no coherent plan in this regard. The net result of this Government is peace and survival at any price. This mediocrity fudges tax reform, discipline in the public finances and public sector reform. Those missed opportunities in the long run will be the most serious indictment of the present Government.

I would like to respond to some of the points made by Deputy Yates. I take it Fine Gael is recommending a pay pause in 1994.

I am on record as stating that.

I trust the Deputy has consulted his party Leader in that respect and that when the relevant motion is introduced in Private Members' Time next year the position adopted formally by Fine Gael now will be noted and adhered to consistently.

It will not be a Private Members' motion.

It might be introduced by the Deputy's erstwhile colleagues in the Progressive Democrat Party who introduced a motion in regard to teachers' pay in 1986. I note that, unlike the federalist position of the European People's Party, the Deputy is urging that given the choice the Irish Government should follow sterling out of the exchange rate mechanism and not pursue Economic and Monetary Union.

I did not say that. I asked what was the Government policy.

The Deputy might have another opportunity to consult his party Leader and let us know his position in that regard.

I wanted to know the Government's policy.

In regard to the diplomatic offensive which the Deputy urged the Government and the Taoiseach to undertake in securing the best deal for Ireland in respect of the Structural Funds, the Finance spokesperson in Fine Gael should recognise that there is a long standing political convention that any representative of the Government abroad seeking to maximise the interests of this country should not be sniped at. It is difficult to take seriously the urgings from Fine Gael to mount a diplomatic offensive abroad in respect of securing the maximum take of EC funds when we hear its negative criticisms.

The Government made a mess of it.

It should have got it in writing.

In respect of your point about the Tánaiste's statement regarding the disposal of State assets, particularly strategic State assets — I refer specifically to companies such as Telecom — it might surprise Deputy Yates, who is familiar with European politics, that his fellow conservative party in Government in France has chosen to privatise all companies with the exception of two, the French electricity company and the French telephone company.

The Tánaiste said there would be no more sales of State assets.

Acting Chairman

This is not a Committee Stage and only some interruptions are acceptable.

I appreciate this is not a Committee Stage, but we must not forget that this is a debating Chamber.

We have a high tax and a high spending Government.

The budget we introduced against a difficult background has been more than vindicated, as witnessed by the statistics set out in the Taoiseach's opening contribution on behalf of the Government this morning.

This partnership Government took office last January at a time when there was great instability and uncertainty throughout the economies of Europe following the UK's withdrawal from the ERM and the subsequent attacks by speculators on the currencies of other member states, including Ireland. The budget which the new Government had to introduce was designed to send a signal to the markets that we were determined to secure the position of the public finances while at the same time encouraging maximum growth in the economy.

To that extent the Government's strategy has been vindicated. In particular, the dramatic fall in interest rates over recent months has surprised all economic commentators but was no doubt encouraged by the Government's budget strategy.

During the negotiations on the Programme for a Partnership Government it was decided to give a new focus to Government policy on job creation by establishing a Department of Enterprise and Employment which would have responsibility for all the action aspects of industrial policy, including planning, the development of new plans for indigenous industry, and for implementation and co-ordination of new labour market measures, including training. The regulatory aspects of business and industry— including the monitoring of EC funds allocated to industries such as the food industry — and responsibility for industrial relations and protective legislation were also vested in the Department of Enterprise and Employment. In addition, the Department was charged with the promotion of consensus in industry — at national level and on the shop floor — with the development of competition in every sector of enterprise, and with consumers' rights.

The formulation and implementation of industrial policy will in future encompass all areas of public policy which have a significant impact on the creation and maintenance of competitive enterprises in the industrial sector, including internationally traded services in Ireland. These include not only the traditional instruments of policy in the form of direct incentives and advice from State agencies, but the important areas of taxation, infrastructure provision and costs, for example, ports, roads and transportation, telecommunications and postal services, environmental services, education and training, competition policy and monetary, fiscal and Government budgetary policies generally which affect the taxation of business enterprises and their employees, inflation, interest rates and exchange rate stability. All those matters have an impact on industrial policy.

The support of enterprise and employment will be the business of all Government Departments, with particular responsibilities for the new Department of Enterprise and Employment and for the other economic Departments.

Possibly the most significant achievement to date, with far-reaching consequences in the long term for job-creation and enterprise policies, was getting the Government to agree to, and take decisions on, their response to the Moriarty Task Force on the implementation of the proposals in the Culliton report. This process involved the establishment of a Cabinet sub-comittee — which I chaired — to review the Moriarty recommendations and to propose a comprehensive response to them by Government. This response was published in Employment through Enterprise at a press conference in Dublin Castle on Monday 3 May, 1993, less than four months after we took up office.

In setting up the new agency structures for industrial development, I have also taken steps to ensure that important issues such as linkages and cluster development are adequately catered for. In addition, I am committed to stimulating the growth of our expertise in the industrial policy area, using a sound base of industrial experience, evaluation and hard factual data. Under the Industrial Development (Amendment) Bill which passed through both Houses of the Oireachtas and was signed into law by the President last Wednesday, all of these issues will be addressed by Forfás, which will be the co-ordinating body for industrial development in Ireland. Forfás will have its own board and chief executive, and will play a key role in linking the actions of the development agencies — IDA Ireland, Forbairt and An Bord Tráchtála.

IDA-Ireland will be empowered to attract internationally mobile investment to Ireland. Inward investment will be strongly promoted in a more cost-effective and specialised manner with the objective of achieving increased employment in Ireland from such investment, both directly and indirectly, through greater linkages within the Irish Economy.

Forbairt, the other body which will be established under the legislation, will have a key role in bringing together IDA's indigenous industry functions and the technology development responsibilities of Eolas. More and more, business analysts are focusing on the internal capabilities of firms as the key to growth. Intervention at this strategic level demands that firms should be stimulated into thinking about product development, about competitors and about a more creative and long term approach to business generally. Forbairt will bring this changed emphasis to industrial development and will work closely with an Bord Tráchtála in this task.

Under the Programme for Government it was agreed that arrangements would proceed for the establishment of county enterprise boards which will be empowered to seek funding to assist local development and the start-up of small enterprises in all sectors of the economy.

The objective of the county enterprise boards will be strategic and the funding available to them should provide a new source of much needed support for local enterprise initiatives not already covered by the State industrial development agencies. The new boards will complement the work of those agencies and will not displace or duplicate local enterprise initiatives.

On 26 May 1993, I wrote to city and county managers asking them to undertake the task of nominating a panel of members for the new boards to be established in their respective county and city areas. Each board will establish an evaluation committee for project appraisal purposes. The evaluation committee will include a nominee of Forbairt and persons with banking and accountancy experience. It will have a critical role to play in making recommendations to the board on the most appropriate level and form of assistance for projects and in exploring the prospects for maximising the resources available for particular enterprise projects by attracting other sources of funding such as those pledged by the banks and other financial institutions in support of the Government's plans for local economic development.

There is a further work to be undertaken in relation to the establishment of the enterprise boards, in particular the development of harmonised procedures governing the boards' status, organisation and conduct of business including the need for a clear framework of management and financial controls. The new boards will carry important responsibilities for the management of public funds and will, in due course, be incorporated with a separate legal identity, independent of both local and central Government. They will be required to account to their local areas for their performance and to publish an annual report. I hope the membership of the new boards will succeed in harnessing the vital ingredients for local development — leadership, partnership, vision and organisation.

I have set a target of end October 1993, as the date by which the boards will be fully operational.

In the context of the Government's response to the Moriarty Task Force on the implementation of the Culliton report, I am pleased to report that the first deadline under the education and training chapter has been met. In this regard a permanent co-ordinating group involving the Departments of Education, Enterprise and Employment, FÁS and the industrial development agencies has been established and has held its first meeting. The task of this group is to secure better co-ordination of the overall training effort in the country and to ensure the continued relevance of training to the needs of Irish industry. The group has put in train, as a first task, a schedule of work aimed in the first instance of identifying existing modalities and arrangements by which training needs can be identified and also undertaking a stocktaking of training measures provided or supported by various State agencies.

One of the critical deficiencies identified in the Culliton report was the existence of a "skills gap" in Ireland compared to best practice in other competitor countries. One initiative which it is hoped will have an impact on the problem is the national training scheme. It is proposed that the national training scheme will provide structured training both off and on-the-job for those leaving school who do not wish to enter third level education. The aim of the scheme is to integrate young people into the workplace, and ultimately into viable employment, with independent validation and certification at the end of the training period.

A key institutional change to underpin the rationalisation of training will be the establishment of a single national education and training certification board which will provide one nationally and internationally recognised certification system. It will be charged with the task of ensuring that courses or modules are not necessarily duplicated. It will also oversee a system which will allow progression, through different providers of training, from one level of competence to the next.

Following the agreement which was reached in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress for a revised apprenticeship system, FA/S developed and finalised proposals for a new apprenticeship system which was officially launched on the last day of April by the Minister of State with responsibility for labour affairs. Pilot schemes for motor mechanics and bricklaying have now commenced and other trades will be added as circumstances permit.

I regard the maintenance of a favourable industrial relations climate as essential to the economic and social well-being of society. It is a pre-requisite for the maintenance and creation of employment. In recent years our industrial relations environment has been characterised by consensus under the Programme for National Recovery and the current Programme for Economic and Social Progress. Both have contributed to a significant improvement in our industrial relations and, as a result, we have experienced a period of relative industrial peace. By way of illustrating this improvement, I need just mention that in the five years prior to the Programme for National Recovery, an average of 339,000 man-days per year were lost due to industrial action, while in the five year period to the end of 1992, days lost averaged just 139,000.

We cannot afford to be complacent. Much more needs to be done to avoid the damaging effects of strikes. It would be foolish to expect that just because we have broad consensus at national level this will translate automatically to enterprise at local level. There must be a greater and developing consensus at enterprise level. The introduction of appropriate communication, information and consultation arrangements and developing greater levels of trust between management, trade unions and employees is a priority. Coupled with that there must be the mechanisms in place to ensure that, where differences between employers and employees arise, they are resolved without recourse to industrial action. The general adoption of the sensible and practical procedures in the code of practice on dispute procedures, including procedures in essential services, would go a long way to providing this safeguard.

One of the main priorities of the Government is to extend and consolidate the principle of social partnership as the best means of achieving economic and social progress. It is a key objecive of my Department and of the Government that this partnership approach should be built-upon and that a further programme should be negotiated to succeed the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. Negotiations on a further agreement will not be easy, but I believe that given goodwill and commitment on all sides, it can be achieved. This will be an important element in the creation of the right environment of sustaining and creating viable employment — the number one national priority.

My Department is responsible for the administration and enforcement of a broad range of protective labour legislation. The legislation covers such areas as holidays, unfair dismissal, minimum notice and terms of employment, protection of young persons, payment of wages and shift work.

The proper discharge of my responsibilities in this area requires that procedures are in place to monitor and review the operation of the relevant legislation. As Deputies are aware, commitments were made in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress and in the Programme for a Partnership Government to review certain labour legislation. My Department is, at present, reviewing the Holidays (Employees) Act, 1973, the conditions of employment legislation and the position relating to agency workers in line with commitments made in the programme.

A discussion document on the review of the holidays legislation, which was promised in the Programme for a Partnership Government, will be published shortly. In publishing the document I would hope that many interested parties will submit their views on this legislation so that they may be considered in the context of the general review of the Act.

I am pleased to report that the Unfair Dismissals (Amendment) Bill, 1993 has passed all stages in both Houses of the Oireachtas and now awaits signature by the President. The commitment to bring forward this Bill formed part of the Programme for a Partnership Government. The new Act will come into operation on 1 October 1993.

The new legislation will implement a number of important changes to the original 1977 Act. It extends the coverage of that Act to include persons employed through employment agencies and to persons engaged under certain types of fixed term and fixed purpose contracts. It provides for a new basic award of up to 4 weeks pay where the dismissal of an employee is found to be unfair but where no financial loss has been incurred. The list of grounds for dismissal which are deemed to be automatically unfair has been extended to include the sexual orientation of the employee, the age of the employee and the employee's membership of the travelling community. The claims and appeals procedures within the Employment Appeals Tribunal are also being improved.

The amending legislation continues the principle of providing for third party scrutiny of the fairness, or otherwise, of the treatment of employees in the matter of dismissal. The availability of such independent scrutiny in dispute situations is, I believe, one of the marks of a civilised society. A fair and acceptable code of employment rights legislation is pertinent to the success of our industrial policy. The existence of satisfactory statutory unfair dismissals machinery — as provided for in the amending Act — is an important element in this context.

The Programme for a Partnership Government also committed the Government to appoint the first Monday in May to be a public holiday with effect from 1994, in recognition of the centenary of the foundation of the Irish Trades Union Congress. In deciding to introduce a new public holiday, the Government also took account of the fact that Ireland, with 8 public holidays, ranked among the lowest of all EC member states with regard to the provision of public holidays and that nine of our EC partners have a public holiday early in May. Deputies will be aware that this commitment has already been implemented with the making of the necessary regulations at the beginning of April. Thus May Day is now set to become the first bank holiday weekend of the summer and will give not only working people but tourism, hotel and catering interests a welcome and much needed boost.

Over the past six months important progress was also made in implementing the European Community's Social Action Programme. A common position on the draft Directive on the Organisation of Working Time was agreed with Ireland's support at the Social Affairs Council on the 1 June. When this Directive is adopted later this year, it will require the implementation of a new statutory framework for the regulation of working time which will update and replace a number of existing Acts which have been under review for some time.

The first six months of 1993 have also seen considerable development in the area of occupational safety and health legislation.

Ireland became the fourth member state to implement the new EC Framework Directive on workplace safety with the signing of the Safety, Health and Welfare at Work (General Application) Regulations, 1993, which came into force on 22 February. These regulations also implement in a consolidated manner six related directives concerning safety in the working environment, the use of machinery, visual display units, personal protective equipment, the manual lifting of loads and the health and safety of temporary workers. The Regulations also revise and update existing legal requirements covering the safe use of electricity, first aid facilities and the reporting of accidents and dangerous occurrences.

The launch of these regulations was marked by a two-day conference organised by the National Authority for Occupational Safety and Health at the Royal Hospital Kilmainham in March 1993, which also marked the end of the European Year of Safety, Hygiene and Health Protection at Work. The success of this conference, which was attended by representatives from all sectors of Irish industrial and commercial life, as well as by representatives of the European Commission, augurs well for the continuing commitment of both employers and workers to the improvement of health and safety in the workplace in Ireland.

In addition to this, the Safety, Health and Welfare at Work (Carcinogens) Regulations, 1993, which give effect to an EC Directive on the protection of workers from the risks related to exposure to carcinogens at work, were brought into force on 26 March.

A major element in the Government's strategy for job creation is the promotion of enterprise at local level in an effort to increase the number of small business start-ups. Available data for the US and the European Community point to small business as being the main generator of new jobs. In the European Community 62.5 million people are now working in small and medium sized enterprises, that is firms employing fewer than 500, a figure which represents 70 per cent of the jobs in the non-agricultural, private sector. Some 75 per cent of all jobs created in the Community between 1989 and 1992 were in small and medium sized enterprises. The average firm size in the Community is six people. There are nearly 16 million small and medium sized enterprises while the number of large firms employing over 500 is somewhere in the region of 12,000.

Within the figures I mentioned, the major proportion of both existing and new jobs is in very small business. Data on Irish small business are deficient. It would, however, be fair to say that we have in the past neglected the small business sector in our development and employment programmes. Against this background, the Government has established a task force comprising 12 independent small business practitioners, to draft a charter for small business with the aim of identifying the factors which impede business start-ups and reducing the burden of bureaucracy and form filling and unwarranted interference and hindrance by the State on small businesses, thus enabling them to operate more efficiently and competitively.

To assist them a technical group, drawn from Government Departments and agencies will research and advice on the application of the ideas generated by the task force. I have directed the technical group to hold widespread discussions with representative bodies about the proposals which will be put forward by the task force.

The charter for small businesses will be completed by the end of October. It will contain a set of initiatives that can be implemented in the short to medium term to facilitate start-ups and expansions.

As Deputies will be aware the inspector's report into the Telecom Éireann affair was received by me just before midnight on Wednesday, 7 July last. In the interests of transparency and having regard to the history of the investigation, I decided to publish the report immediately.

Having noted the inspector's conclusions I decided to refer the report to relevant Government Departments and bodies, including the Director of Public Prosecutions and the Stock Exchange, for consideration of any action they might consider necessary. Furthermore, my Department will be assessing the report in the context of a review of existing arrangements under the Companies Acts relating to the conduct of investigations generally.

The cost of this inquiry has from time to time attracted some adverse publicity. The inquiry has proved complex and lengthy, involving a substantial amount of litigation and the difficulty of securing information in other jurisdictions. I firmly believe, however, that the public interest demanded that the full circumstances surrounding this matter had to be brought into the open. I am satisfied, therefore, that the public good was well served for the public expenditure involved.

The single most important task facing the Department of Enterprise and Employment is to develop and implement policies which will help to provide jobs for the almost 300,000 people who are unemployed. I assure the House that my Department and I will do everything in our power to carry out that task.

I would like to share my time with Deputy Durkan.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome the Government's decision to refer the Glackin report to the Select Committee on Enterprise and Economic Strategy. However, as Deputy Creed said earlier, that committee will not be able to assess the report as it is not empowered to call people to discuss the implications of different activities and hear evidence. I ask the Minister and the Government to extend the terms of reference of the committee so that it may be empowered to call people to discuss this report. An examination of the report will not be conclusive if it is discussed in a vacuum. At the very least the Minister should answer the questions of the committee.

I will undertake to answer questions. Perhaps the Opposition spokespersons will consult the chairperson of the committee to discuss the procedures to deal with this matter?

The procedures are set by the Dáil and the chairperson of the committee is not empowered to change them.

It is galling for the Minister to suggest that the fall in interest rates resulted from a Government master plan. The Government may forget but many will remember the reality. Days before the devaluation the Minister and his colleagues said that devaluation would lead to a rise in inflation, the cost of servicing our foreign debt would increase, the premium on domestic interest rates would rise and add£40 million to our annual debt service and that to devalue at that time would undo the good work undertaken since 1987. The Government tried to excoriate Fine Gael who suggested devaluation was a foolish strategy and would lead to thousands of job losses. Unfortunately the Government continue to deceive themselves in this regard but they do not deceive the public with such statements.

I am disappointed with the Minister's speech. It could have been made by the previous Minister for Industry and Commerce or his predecessors. It does not represent any new thinking in the area of economic strategy. Disillusionment with this Government is most acute in the area of employment policy. This is the first time a Labour Minister had responsibility for a new Department and had wide-ranging powers. We understood the Labour Party was bristling with new ideas and willing to introduce new schemes outlined in its policy manifesto. Various schemes were promised including work sharing schemes, commissions on the financial sector, national job placement schemes and job protection schemes. Employers were also to be given an incentive of £5,000 a year to take people off the dole. None of those schemes has materialised. There has not been a decisive lead from the Minister.

He had the important responsibility of steering through the Culliton report and he must take the blame for his lack of courage in making the necessary challenging decisions arising from the recommendations of that report. There is depressing continuity in respect of failed policies which is unsatisfactory against the background of 300,000 unemployed. The hopes expressed in the Minister's conclusion will be dashed, he will not succeed with these policies.

Since this Government took office the number unemployed has reached 302,000 and is continuing to rise on a seasonally adjusted basis. One in four of our workforce is now unemployed and no distortion of figures will conceal that fact. Employment levels are falling in manufacturing industry in the financial services sector, the public sector and the building industry. Some 8,000 jobs were lost in the building industry since last September. The Minister for the Environment, Deputy Smith, made the ludicrous suggestion during the week that this industry is picking up but he is deceiving himself. After the budget we were told 9,000 extra jobs would be created in the building sector as a result of budget initiatives, instead 8,000 jobs have been lost. There has been a dramatic rise in notified redundancies since this Government took up office and the overall figure for redundancies may be 20,000. Approximately 500 people are emigrating each week and virtually all school leavers will have to find work overseas. This has been a silent attrition. There were no rescue plans, no task forces and no special redundancy packages to address this problem. It was exacerbated by the gross mismanagement by the Government of the currency crisis.

The mishandling of the Culliton report is an error this Government will rue in the long term. The call for decisive change in our industrial development policy was converted into a bureaucratic nightmare. Industrial reorganisation is a shambles, responsibility for this area has been split between two Ministers and it would have been better if it had been left to one Minister. The superfluous Forfás has been established, the hump of the camel, on top of the other two agencies. The exclusion of An Bord Tráchtála from Forbairt does not make sense and flies in the face of recommendations by Culliton and Moriarty.

The call for a vigorous competition policy has been shunted into a siding. I am not sure if the Minister is aware of the reports and studies carried out on competition policy and the potential of an effective policy to produce favourable results. A recent study revealed that £265 million of real gains could result from an effective competition policy which would reduce barriers to employment and open up job opportunities. Ireland is the only country in the EC which has a Competition Authority without teeth. Is the Minister aware that the competition law he implemented is restrictive? It has no power to receive complaints from third parties, to initiate investigation or to prosecute offenders. That is a recipe for an ineffective competition policy and it is endorsed by the Government.

The call for a better tax framework to promote enterprise is a sick joke. Culliton's hope that enterprise would be rewarded by a tax scheme has been dashed by anti-employment taxes, reward for riskless investment and amnesty for those who have thumbed their nose at those who have paid their taxes, during the years. Under the present policy the poverty and unemployment traps have got deeper and a sense of despair is engendered where people believe nothing can be done about employment.

Has the Minister even read the NESC report on innovation? I see the Minister is leaving us at a key moment. Not only has he not read the report, he is not even interested to know what it contained. It indicated a fatal weakness of national systems of innovation in Ireland and it is ironic that in the year of the publication of that report this Government should prune 27 per cent off the allocation for industrial research and development. In the very week that EC President Jacques Delors sought to increase investment in research and development among all European countries, we decided that our investment, which is already only one-third of that in other European countries, should be slashed by 27 per cent. This is eating the seed potatoes of tomorrow and I believe the Minister for Tourism and Trade will realise that that is a shortsighted decision.

What happened to the Labour Party's strategy to reduce long term unemployment to 25,000 by the end of this decade? The job protection unit has produced nothing, the work sharing scheme has disappeared, all of their schemes have disappeared like the snows of winter. Instead, we have witnessed cutbacks in the few crumbs that come across the Minister's table to assist the unemployed. The jobs subsidy was abolished by stealth on the eve of the budget. Recruitment to the social employment schemes was stopped. School leavers are denied the opportunity to participate in any training work or even to sign on the register. Despite this Minister's recognition of the problems of Dublin he has failed to establish a proper task force to ensure job replacement for the loss of jobs that will occur in Aer Lingus. Instead of producing alternatives. Labour is scrambling around trying to increase redundancy packages to destroy jobs.

The Minister, Deputy Quinn, seems more concerned about giving the appearance of change than with the substance of change. On any of the critical issues such as the role of foreign industry, the shift to equity, the extent to which we should be developing the service sector now, the way to support genuine subsidiarity in enterprise creation, the Minister has no strategic approach. He is flying by the seat of his pants, announcing decisions first and groping afterwards towards a rationale.

It was truly pathetic to witness the Minister defend his industrial reorganisation. Before we set up a dedicated agency to support foreign industry, we should know where the Government intends to go. What is its policy? The IDA is currently paying 66 per cent more to create a job in foreign industry than in an indigenous industry, despite the fact that these foreign companies source far less of their industrial materials in Ireland, devote a far lesser proportion of their sales to Irish wages or bought in services and, while more profitable, they involve themselves in little research and development. There is no future in that and Culliton rightly said we must squeeze the budget for foreign industry, but the Minister has not announced that he intends to do anything in this regard. In contrast, the amount of our industrial budget going to foreign industry has increased progressively over the past five years.

Culliton recommended a decisive shift from grants to equity and that the IDA would become an aggressive venture capitalist, prepared to take up to 60 per cent shares in companies if necessary. He recommended board representation by the IDA and a separate division for seed capital. This was to be a dynamic approach to our indigenous industry but we have not heard from the Minister whether that is his policy. When asked in the Dáil recently about the use of equity to support indigenous industry, the Minister claimed that half of all investment was equity. He did not even read the figures. The real figure was 6 per cent. He was 44 per cent out in his calculation. The reason is the Minister is bewildered as to the true instruments of policy. He is more concerned with creating a bureaucratic empire than dealing with critical policy issues.

Forty four per cent was not a bad shot.

There is a very serious question as to whether we should continue to rely on the manufacturing sector as the core of our Employment strategy. We are spending £600 million each year in supporting industry in Ireland. FÁS predict that in another five years we will have, in all, 12,000 additional jobs to show for this investment. That will represent a net cost of £0.25 million for each of those jobs. That must stop us in our tracks.

Culliton showed that of the number of jobs approved only 42 per cent were realised and sustained seven years on. That is what is happening in our manufacturing sector. By contrast the service sector is the source in which we are obtaining major employment growth while receiving no support from Government. Instead most of the service sector carries 21 per cent VAT, 21 per cent PRSI, 48 per cent income tax and 40 per cent profit tax. At the end of the day for every pound spent by a consumer the Government takes 60p in the service sector and leaves less than half of that money to pay the workers and the business people. The Minister, Deputy McCreevy, who is an accountant, must recognise that that is a ridiculous way to support this vital sector.

There is a need for bottom up development. Anyone examining the approach we have taken to economic development over the years will recognise that Merrion Street has had an undue influence and has not allowed local community talent to develop. The proposal for county enterprise boards is not based on any assessment of how successful regional strategy can be evolved. No research has been done. We have seen the appointment of various boards without being made aware of what they will do, what grants they will allocate and what headings they will provide. It is the old story of patronage first and then, when we get the office with the brass plate on the door, and when we are seated comfortably in our boardroom chairs, we will decide what will be done. That is not acceptable. People are no longer deceived by that type of approach. I am in favour of bottom up development but people in the community must first be consulted as to the best way to go about this. We must have a proper Dáil debate with a strategy put before us and not announcements made over the weeks whenever they can obtain a political advantage. That is not acceptable.

The failure of vision in the Department of Enterprise and Employment since it was established is all the more surprising when one recalls what was promised in the Labour Party manifesto. We have turned policy-making on its head in the space of a few months. Before he considers what new policy he will implement, this Minister expects us to accept the introduction of Byzantine bureaucracies. That is not good enough. These were political compromises and that approach cannot and should not continue.

Words fail me to describe the performance of this Government over the past six months.

The Deputy can sit down now.

It is best summed up by the attitude of the Taoiseach in the past few weeks when he suggested that there was not sufficient support from the Opposition parties for the £8 billion which he suggested would come from Brussels. It reminds me of the man who goes into a pub and discovers late at night that he has ordered more drinks than he has money to pay for and who then suggests that the barman should pay for them. That is the only comparison I can make.

Let us examine the performance of this Government. A year ago certain people in this House were saying that this was a time for change, the people wanted change and they would get change.

They got something different but I am unsure as to whether it was change. The Minister knows well what I am talking about. The motto of this Government should be "We are going to get you". They are certainly going about this in a forthright fashion. Virtually ever sector in the community has already experienced the wrath of this Government. The real problem is that people never expected such difficulties. They thought there would be transparency, that it would be a caring, accessible Government. What have we got? We have a Government with a very large majority which could not care less about the Opposition and care less for the people outside this House. By a series of measures they have set out to make life as difficult as possible for every sector in the community from agriculture to industry, from the young to the elderly to the children at school. Any sector that has not yet been hit by this Government can be assured that they will not escape.

The "dirty dozen" was the main talking point a year ago. Since then it is more like something from one of the Dubliners' songs, "The Seven Drunken Nights". There has been a revamp of the "dirty dozen" and I am not sure whether the number is now 13 or 14, but certainly it is sufficient to make up a baker's dozen.

When this Government took office it appointed national handlers, called programme managers, as well as special advisers and special assistants. All these people run the country while Government Ministers travel around in carnival mood, to coin the phrase of one of my colleagues on this side of the House. Ministers are bringing good news to the electorate, the kind of therapy they believe is necessary in order to allow the business of Government to take place behind the scenes.

With the introduction of the budget every sector was affected. Worst hit was the clothing industry — VAT on clothes was increased to 21 per cent. The Government believed that this industry was getting away too easily and decided to hammer them hard. It then introduced the 1 per cent levy which applies to people on an income of more than £9,100. The next step was the increase in telephone charges — by next October telephone charges will have at least doubled and in some cases they will have trebled. Everybody will be affected by this increase, including old age pensioners and young people living away from home.

Considering the increase in crime levels, anybody not affected by the Government measures will be caught by the criminals. If by chance the unfortunate populace escapes all the other measures dished out by the Government they will be caught by way of the probate tax. Therefore, anyone who thinks they have got away scot free and are not affected by the measures introduced is mistaken because probate tax may have to be paid on their estates when they die.

I am tempted to applaud my good friend, Deputy Durkan, on his very enjoyable speech. I am sure the Deputy will agree that one important change that has been made in the last eight months is the appointment of our mutual colleague, Deputy Stagg, as Minister.

That is not the only change that took place.

It is my intent, this afternoon, to give the House a brief summary of progress in the tourism and trade areas. I will first turn to the tourism sector. The true potential of tourism as a contributor to economic development and job creation in Ireland is now being realised. Since 1987 Ireland's share of the world tourism market has improved by nearly 60 per cent; the number of overseas visitors to Ireland has grown at an annual average of over 9 per cent, more than double the world average for the same period; annual visitor numbers have increased by 1.1 million, up 53 per cent on 1987; tourist spending has grown at an annual average of 12 per cent almost 70 per cent up on 1987; home holiday spending has increased by £250 million or 150 per cent; and the tourism sector has now advanced to the point where it sustains almost 8 per cent of total employment.

A number of factors contributed to this growth. Government policies have kept our inflation rates among the lowest in Europe; a liberal competitive air and sea access policy led to a reduction in fares and the opening of new routes into Ireland; the largest ever investment programme in Irish tourism was undertaken with EC Structural Funds assistance accompanied by expanded and more focused marketing by Bord Fáilte and the industry.

The year 1990 was a landmark year for Irish tourism — in that year we broke the three million visitor and £1 billion revenue barriers. After three years of record growth, culminating in the 1990 performance, the sector has had to cope with a major slowdown in tourism and travel worldwide because of the Gulf War and deepening economic recession. Nevertheless, overseas visitors in 1992 rose by 4 per cent over the 1991 figure to 3.128 million, a new all time high. Overseas revenue from tourism rose by 1.3 per cent to £1.229 million, an increase of £500 million since 1987.

I am hopeful that the 8 per cent growth in overseas visitors to Ireland in the first three months of this year is an indication of a return to strong growth levels in the industry. Reports from the industry suggest that while bookings are slow the eventual outturn is proving to be better than expected. Bord Fáilte will be doing their utmost in the markets to ensure that we continue to increase our share of outbound travel from them.

The Government's commitment to tourism was re-affirmed in the budget and recent Finance Act. For example the budget did not impose any increase in excise duties on petrol and alcohol, both of which are important elements in our tourism product.

The Finance Act has introduced some very welcome initiatives to increase the availability of hire cars by improving the fiscal environment for that industry. In addition to the scheme of partial repayment of vehicle registration tax for cars in the short term hire fleet announced in the budget, operators will also be able to avail of a further relief whereby duty on new cars will be deferred. The net result will be a considerable improvement in the cash flow of car hire firms, particularly during the peak months of July and August when tourist demand for car hire is at its highest. An earlier proposal to increase VAT on car hire to the standard rate of 21 per cent with effect from September 1993 has been deferred.

The renewal of the BES for a further three years with removal of the previous lifetime cap for investors will also be of benefit to the sector, as will the new investment incentive schemes.

The best way to market Irish tourism is through identified market niches and segments. Bord Fáilte's increased grant-in-aid for 1993 of £21.804 million will be supplemented this year by a further £15 million contribution from the European Community and by a £10 million industry marketing programme which will also be assisted by the EC. Bord Fáilte is working on the development of product marketing groups and co-operatives. Some have already been established, for example, Golf Partnership Ireland, Irish Country Holidays, and Heritage Ireland, and work is well under way to establish and consolidate others in the activity, special interest and accommodation product areas.

One of the primary factors in the performance of Irish tourism is the quality, high standard of service and professional skills of its workforce, be they managers, supervisors or staff. CERT is playing a key role in ensuring that the standards of product and service on offer to tourists meet the highest international requirements in the rapidly developing and highly competitive tourism market. Over the past ten years £56 million has been invested through CERT in training the tourism workforce and more than 85,000 people have pursued full-time and short term training programmes. Almost 10,000 tourism and catering personnel were trained by CERT in 1992 through college and industry based courses and it is expected that a similar number will be trained this year as a result of the increased Exchequer and European Social Fund allocations.

Our tourism strategy in recent years has been to provide significant investment in product infrastructure together with expanded and properly focused marketing. This has been very successful and the result has been an increase in the number of jobs. The 1989-93 operational programme provided more than £160 million in EC aid. As we enter the final six months of the programme, the success achieved over the past few years is there for all to see. More than 470 projects such as improved conference facilities, new heritage centres, golf, equestrian and angling facilities are being developed throughout the country on a scale never witnessed before. Both the public and the private sectors have availed of the grants available and have become committed to the long term development of our tourism industry. By the end of this year, capital investment of over £400 million will have taken place under the programme.

Under the operational programme £77 million in European Regional Development Fund assistance has been committed to public sector project developments. These funds have been allocated to the Office of Public Works and to various local authorities and tourism agencies for the development of a wide range of tourism amenities. Navigational improvements on our inland waterways, the development of designated national walking and cycling routes, the improvement and development of access to Bord Fáilte branded angling waters, the development of visitor and interpretative facilities and enhancement of theme towns are some examples of the areas where assistance has been provided to the public sector.

Over £56 million has been allocated to various private sector projects, ranging from the development of leisure facilities such as sailing, cruising, angling, equestrian and golf to conference facilities, language learning schools and heritage centres. Over £250 million will have been invested by the private sector in tourism projects, assisted under the programme, by the end of this year.

This massive investment in product development was complemented by a major marketing effort, for which nearly £17 million in European Regional Development Fund grants has been made available in the five year period ending December 1993.

The Operational Programme for Tourism also provided for £33.8 million in ESF assistance, which is being used to provide an adequate number of trained personnel with the skills necessary to match new employment opportunities.

In addition to the main Tourism Operational Programme, funding for tourism development has also been made available through the INTERREG initiative. This promotes the creation and development of networks of co-operation across internal borders and more specifically assist internal border areas of the European Community in overcoming the special development problems arising from their relative isolation within national economies and within the Community as a whole.

To date, some £9 million in European Regional Development Fund funds has been committed to some 50 tourism projects related to the six southern border counties. These include both capital projects, the most significant of which is the restoration of the Ballinamore-Ballyconnell Canal, and marketing initiatives designed to promote cross-Border tourism development in the region. These projects are helping to raise the profile of the Border region. I have no doubt that the opening of the Shannon-Erne Waterway in 1994 will help further to realise the tourism potential of this area.

Tourism will play a pivotal role in our economy as this decade draws to a close and a new millennium begins. With the wholehearted commitment of all involved, I look forward to developing further this exciting industry. The opportunities are enormous. In no other sector have we such natural advantages. No other sector offers the potential for job creation. It is one industry where machines will not replace people.

The next round of EC Structural Funds will be a critical factor in the achievement of my targets. I am at present putting together a new development plan for the tourism sector for the period 1994 to 1999. The plan will be designed, taking the needs of the industry into account, and will allow us to build on the successes of the industry in recent years and help tourism to achieve its full potential in the Irish economy.

My Department, as well as pulling together the tourism related functions of Bord Fáilte, CERT and Shannon Development, is already giving the section enhanced international dimension. This is vitally important when one considers that tourism is forecast to be the single biggest sector in all developed economies by the year 2000.

Before I conclude I would like to refer briefly to the financial crisis now facing our national airline and to reiterate the Government's commitments to ensuring the commercial future of Aer Lingus in the interests of both our international tourism and trade sectors. The package of measures approved by the Government this week and which are designed to ensure the airlines future include: an injection of £175 million in equity to Aer Lingus over a three year period commencing in 1993; endorsement of the broad strategy set out in Aer Lingus's strategic plan for the future of the company; and changing the Shannon Stop policy.

Unfortunately, ensuring the survival of the company comes at a price which all of us would prefer we did not have to pay. The reality is that Aer Lingus needs to achieve a net reduction of £50 million in its annual operating costs if it is to return to viablity. In this connection the Government has approved a voluntary retirement severence package to help achieve this.

It is not surprising that the Aer Lingus staff and unions are very concerned about the reductions in numbers which are an essential part of the rescue plan but I urge them in the long term interests of the company and the workforce to successfully and speedily conclude their negotiations with Aer Lingus management. I hope that the Government's substantial financial commitment to the company and acceptance that employees should have a stake in the future success of the company will facilitate the discussions.

A change in the Shannon stop policy is an integral part of the Aer Lingus strategy to return the transatlantic operations to profit. Losses on these operations are expected to amount to over £22 million in 1993-94. I assure this House and the people of the west and mid-west that the Government took full account of their understandable concerns in regard to this issue. The change in the Shannon status is not a "sell-out" by the Government. Our commitment to this region remains resolute. My colleague, Deputy Brian Cowen, Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications, has already assured the House that the change will be managed in a constructive manner and will include measures to ensure that Shannon will be sufficiently developed to a point where it can stand alone as an airport operation; the existing level of air services to the region will at least be maintained; and proposals in the Aer Lingus strategy concerning the maintenance of its transatlantic fleet at Shannon are honoured.

Bringing about the change in the Shannon stop policy will require re-negotiation of existing bilaterals with the US and I am confident that in an environment where the pace of liberalisation continues to increase this will result in more air traffic into Shannon and Ireland. In this connection a special traffic development task force has been established for the airport with a budget of £1 million over the next two years.

I am also confident that the Shannon region will continue to retain its share of national tourism business in the future. The mid-west has many unique tourism assets including the world famous Cliffs of Moher, The Burren, Bunratty Castle, Lough Derg, the River Shannon and Lahinch Golf Course, to mention but a few. Over £70 million has been invested in new tourism infrastructure and product development in the mid-west under the Operational Programme for Tourism, further strengthening and enhancing tourism in the region. The Government commitment to substantially increase investment in other transport infrastructure in the region under the new national plan will further facilitate tourist access.

Let me now turn to the trade area. This year our total exports are expected to reach a new record level of over £17 billion. This follows last year's excellent performance when, in spite of increased competition, recession in key markets and the currency crisis, exports increased by 10 per cent as compared with an overall growth in world trade of 4.5 per cent. An outstanding feature of our trade in recent years has been the performance of indigenous companies. Last year, indigenous exports were worth £3.7 billion and the annual increase of 11 per cent maintains the pattern of the past five years of strong growth by indigenous industry.

Exports are the lifeblood of the Irish economy. Today, some 60 per cent of the output of Irish industry is exported and two-thirds of our manufacturing jobs are dependent on exports. I want to see us maintain and accelerate the excellent export performance, particularly by indigenous industry.

I do not underestimate the difficulties of increasing sales in overseas markets when, across many of the countries where we do business, trading conditions continue to be difficult and the signs are that economic recovery will be a slow process. However, we are succeeding. In 1992, despite the difficulties, Irish companies increased their market share in our principal markets — Britain, Germany, France and Holland. Our recent very successful trade missions to China, Malaysia and Mexico have shown we can win business, particularly in niche markets, with our considerable expertise in areas such as health care, aviation, education and infrastructure projects. I have set An Bord Tráchtála the target of a 50 per cent increase in indigenous exports — to a figure of IR£5.5 billion by 1996. This target is ambitious but attainable.

A successful conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT talks is vital for Irish business. It would give a timely boost to business confidence and stimulate growth in world markets. It would stabilise the trading environment in relation to trade dispute problems of the type we have recently seen. These are important developments for us, given our strong reliance on trade. The Government is working to achieve an early, balanced and global conclusion to the round and we have been encouraged by the renewed impetus given to the process earlier this week in Tokyo. I see this as involving concessions by all while adequately protecting our trade interests including agriculture and textiles. Any proposals for a conclusion to the round must meet our concerns in these regards.

Aside from international trading conditions, we must not lose sight of the need to compete successfully in the domestic market. To succeed in world markets, it is vital that Irish industry has a solid base of consumer support in Ireland. Very few Irish companies can go straight from setup to export. They start in their own domestic market to achieve initial growth, gain marketing expertise and track record and build up the resources for moving into larger markets.

The support of ordinary people and of the business community are major factors in the success or failure of local enterprises. We all need to repeat the message that our individual purchasing decisions directly affect the safeguarding of existing Irish jobs and our ability to get more people back to work. This, unlike international currency rates and economic recession in foreign markets, is something we can entirely control ourselves. We can all make a better effort.

We still have too low a level of local sourcing in the Irish economy. The fact is that hundreds of millions of pounds of Irish industry inputs, which could be supplied in Ireland, are sourced abroad. There is a great deal of scope for improvement.

We must increase net foreign earnings. Policy will be directed by the Department of Tourism and Trade. The new Department provides a single, co-ordinated, integrated focus to generating net foreign earnings through tourism and external trade as the most effective means of increasing national prosperity and creating new jobs.

Irish exporters must aggressively pursue a policy of market diversification. Last year's sterling devaluation raised the question of too heavy a dependence on the British market. It is important that we have the right perspective on this. Having a major next-door market such as Britain is a valuable trade asset. However, our dependence on Britain has been falling steadily, from 65 per cent of all exports when we joined the European Community in 1973 to the present figure of around 30 per cent. Our objective must be to maintain — and increase — our sales in Britain while, at the same time, accelerating growth in other markets, particularly mainland Europe.

I would urge every Irish company to make maximum use of the wide range of support services provided by An Bord Tráchtála and my Department. I have set up a Single Market unit at my Department to be the central Irish co-ordinating point on Single Market issues. This unit gives advice and practical assistance to companies and people experiencing difficulties due to the way other member states may be applying Single Market legislation and provides general information on Single Market issues.

An Bord Tráchtála is identifying new opportunities, providing services for both new and experienced exporters in the marketplace; securing business leads, organising group promotions and trade fairs and providing specific one-to-one incentives and consultancy.

An Bord Tráchtála will implement the next round of Structural Funds support for marketing. The Market Development Sub-Programme of the 1994-99 Industry Operational Programme will aim for an increase of 12 per cent per annum in exports of indigenous industry. In the longer term, the programme will aim to increase the diversification of Irish exports to the main European markets and to sustain growth in Ireland's market share throughout Europe. The programme will work to exploit our potential in international services and will strengthen the market arm of firms in the textile and clothing sector to help them succeed in the face of stronger international competition.

Specific measures will include aid for the marketing capability of indigenous Irish firms, increasing the awareness of Irish products overseas, support for small and medium-sized firms to develop their capacity to introduce new products and services in the marketplace and assistance in market development for companies already established or seeking entry to national or regional markets. Earlier this year, I introduced the Europlace scheme as part of this new, more vigourous, marketing effort. The Programme for a Partnership Government identified the lack of Irish salespeople abroad as a major constraint on the growth of our overseas sales. It is estimated that each new salesperson could generate in the region of IR£3 million per annum in new business when fully operational.

I am convinced that cross-Border trade and business co-operation can be improved to everyone's benefit — both the business community and the consumer. To this end, and arising from the meeting of the Anglo-Irish Conference in March 1993, a major seminar on cross-Border trade will be held later this year in either Belfast or Dublin. It is envisaged that the event will be jointly sponsored by both the Irish and British Governments and the emphasis will be on ways of putting trade co-operation on a vigorous new level.

I am pleased to have the opportunity to take part in this debate. Indeed, I asked my party, if the opportunity arose to have a second speaker, that I be given some time to make a contribution. Since the legislation dealing with the tax amnesty was laid to rest in legislative terms I have spent the past few days in Brussels inquiring as to the current state of play with regard to the Structural Funds. I will return to the issue of the amounts involved but that was not the key issue to which I gave my attention yesterday and the day before.

The current round of negotiations on the Structural Funds has reached a critical stage. On Monday next, prior to the plenary session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg the European Commission, the Council, and the European Parliament will, unusually, have a special conciliation meeting in Brussels to decide what they should do in regard to the Framework Regulations relating to the Structural Funds. We have now reached a critical stage in terms of deciding on the amount we should seek or to pull back.

The key issue is whether the European Parliament will be in a position to consider, legally, the Framework Regulations relating to the Structural Funds. In this regard I wish to refer to the meeting of the General Affairs Council which the Tánaiste attended on behalf of the Government on Friday last. That meeting continued until the early hours of Saturday morning. It has been widely reported — this phrase was used by the Taoiseach today — that we used our veto. While we did not use our veto we did refuse to give our consent with the result that there was not unanimity.

I wish to refer to the European law under which we refused to give our consent and point to the implications in terms of our current bargaining position. When we decided not to give our approval to the Framework Regulations relating to the Structural Funds we did so under Article 130D of the Single European Act as appended to the Treaty of Rome. That Article states inter alia that the Council shall act unanimously within a period of one year after consulting with the European Parliament and the Economic and Social Committee. That reference relates to the position adopted in 1989 when the Structural Funds were doubled following the ratification of the Single European Act. The bargaining on the new Framework Regulations is currently taking place under that Article.

Last weekend there was not unanimity because Ireland, for strategic reasons, said "no", that it did not agree to those regulations because it did not agree with the allocation offered. Therefore, because there was not unanimity the Council has not adopted a common position and as a result I believe that, legally, the European Parliament would be acting ultra vires in giving an opinion to the Council. Arising out of the briefings I received yesterday from people in Brussels I understand the Government has no difficulty with the technical details of the Framework Regulations; they are being used as a political device in arguing that we want more money.

The meeting on Monday does not mark the end of the line by any means but it is important in the sense that it will be the last ordinary plenary session in the current cycle until September. When the Parliament reconvenes in September or October the Maastricht Treaty should be ratified. The process is being held up in the British House of Lords. However, this should be a formality given that the key battle has been won in the House of Commons. It is regarded in British political circles as just that, a formality. It is also being held up in the Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe in Germany. That court is expected to adjudicate on that case by the end of September. The German President should then be in a position to deposit the German instrument of ratification.

It is critical that we look at the current position. If the European Parliament resumes in the autumn and the Maastricht Treaty is ratified it will not be dealing with framework regulations to which we have objected under Article 130D of the Single European Act; rather it will be dealing with a framework regulation under Article 130D of the Maastricht Treaty which says that the Council should act unanimously, which is similar to before, and that the assent of the European Parliament is required. It is much tougher to get the assent of the European Parliament than an opinion of the European Parliament through consultation, which is required under the existing law. The power of assent will, in effect, give the European Parliament the right of co-decision with the Council of Ministers. One of the areas where the Parliament would have the power of co-decision is in regard to the Structural Fund regulation. Article 189C of the Maastricht Treaty sets out the procedures to be followed on co-decision. Without reading all these procedures into the record, I will simply say that the Article is one page long and involves an extremely complex and time-consuming set of possibilities.

The Government will be at a very critical juncture this weekend. Until now we have had the cards in our hands and we have played them close to our chest. However if in the autumn a ratified Maastricht Treaty gives the European Parliament the power of co-decision we will not be able to hold the same deck of cards in our hand; we will not have the same variables within our control. My opinion for what it is worth — I say this as someone who has a reasonable feel for the institutional side of European politics— is that there is a time when one is bargaining to tough it out and take a stand. The really wise part of bargaining is to know when to cut a deal. In terms of the complexities of what we are contemplating, the Government must know when to cut a deal. If we let this matter run until the autumn the variables which we can control in terms of our national interest could diminish. I do not make this point in any partisan way — rather it is a piece of friendly advice to which the Government should have some regard.

When I read the newspapers last weekend after the standoff in Brussels I was puzzled to see lots of references to the European Parliament but no explanation of its significance. I have explored this significance and it is potentially substantial in terms of its implications for this State. Regardless of the decisions which are made this weekend, it is critically important that this significance is taken into consideration prior to the conciliation meeting with the Parliament in Brussels on Monday morning. I hope that the type of development I have described is fully appreciated in terms of its potential knock-on effects. I do not have any great experience of negotiations but as a politician I have some experience of two very detailed rounds of negotiations, both of which involved the Taoiseach when he was Minister for Finance. As someone who has eyeballed the Taoiseach across the table on many occasions, I wish to emphasise the importance of knowing when to review one's position when one is bargaining. I offer that advice in a non-partisan way.

It is extraordinary that we should find ourselves in the position where we are discussing negotiating tactics approximately seven months after the Taoiseach came into this House and told us what had been achieved at the Edinburgh Summit. He stated:

The agreement now reached ensures — and I say this with complete confidence — that Ireland will obtain in excess of IR£8 billion over seven years. This will comprise up to IR£1 billion from the new Cohesion Fund and more than IR£7 billion from the Structural Funds.

That is the absolute and unequivocal commitment given in this House by the Taoiseach following the Summit. Regardless of whether the amount is £8.8 billion because of devaluation, £8.6 billion because of devaluation plus inflation or £7.5 billion, the amount on the table last week, the Taoiseach should not let it get in the way of cutting a deal with his European partners at the appropriate time. We should not let this plague of the £8 billion which has so dominated the debate put us off our stride and affect our judgment in terms of where the national interest really lies.

There has been enormous confusion about these figures for the past 12 months. I do not wish to go into this issue at great length other than to say that the confusion can arise very easily because most people who like to bandy about figures on the amount we will get from Europe do so with a certain abandon and with little regard to where the figures come from or to what they relate. I find it deeply regrettable that, with no reference to the funds involved or the time period to which they relate, the Taoiseach should have come into the House today, plucked a figure from the air and proceeded to assert that it represented the total amount we would receive under the Structural Funds. In a sort of "wrap the green flag round me" exercise he pointed to his own prescience and brilliance in gaining £8 billion and did not know how anyone could stand over figures which were much less than that and which would somehow be at odds with the interests of Irish people. He went on to say indirectly to me and other people who have raised questions with him:

Such people should next time stand for election to the European Parliament in Spain, Greece or Portugal since they so obviously have a much better understanding of their case than they do of our own.

If that is an endorsement from the Taoiseach that I should stand for the European Parliament, I find it interesting. That commentary is cheap, contemptible and unworthy. It trivialises the proper focus of this debate which is less about the plus or minus £200 million at the tail end of a figure and more about getting the timing right and cutting a deal while the going is still good. The fact that we are having such a debate means that the £8 billion was not in the bag and the matter was not unequivocally sewn up as we were led to believe.

It is worth noting that the Structural Funds involve three major sets of figures. The famous figure being bandied about by the Taoiseach will be made up of three major component parts. The Cohesion Fund will deliver to us until the end of the century, starting this year, more than £1.1 billion. If we get £8 billion, there is a sum of £6.9 billion to be explained. Of the £6.9 billion left, I understand from what was tabled in Brussels last week that we will get approximately £1 billion under Community initiatives.

The Minister referred to some of the Community's initiatives in regard to tourism; when we take account of that £1 billion we then have to account for approximately £5 billion which will go into the ordinary Structural Funds, Regional Fund, the Social Fund and the guidance section of the Agricultural Fund. At the Edinburgh Summit it was agreed they would be paid over a period of seven years from 1993-99, inclusive. When we debated the Maastricht Treaty we discussed the payment of moneys over a five year period and the payments under the Community initiatives were not included as part of the package. When figures are picked without reference to the context, the years or the fund involved, it is very easy, as the Taoiseach did today, to trivialise and try to make little of the contributions of people who want to have a rational debate about the import of what he is saying. However, the Office of Taoiseach is trivialised by his comments.

I reject a point made this afternoon by the Minister for Enterprise and Employment, Deputy Quinn — I was listening to the debate in my office — who said it was wrong of people to make an issue of public policy matters and Structural Funds while Ministers were out of the State doing their best. For the past two decades — in that period we had three referenda — we have opened up the Irish Constitution and the process of law making to the full rigour of complete participation in Europe. We are part of a single market. We signed on by ratifying the Maastricht Treaty to be part of an emerging political union. Ireland is Europe and Europe is Ireland in that context. It is nonsense for any Government Minister to regard as tantamount to treachery or treason——

Or sabotage.

——persons in this House raising questions.

It is a matter of not questioning Ministers.

Members cannot ask questions. I recall the atmosphere surrounding the devaluation debate, it was McCarthyite in regard to asking questions. I refuse to submit to that kind of nonsense. It is an affront to the legitimate role and working of this House. European politics is now nothing more or less than an extension of domestic Irish politics and every criticism and question can be viewed in that regard.

What I found least convincing in the Taoiseach's speech was his response to unemployment, apart from the Estimate for £10 million for a set of schemes dreamed up as some kind of palliative. There has been no fundamental attack on unemployment. The lacklustre budget was followed by other measures such as an extra tax on work in the 1 per cent levy; a bargain basement 15 per cent write-off for tax cheats and dodgers; a probate tax on the surviving spouse, something we had done away with two decades ago. That is the only tax reform on the Statute Book. Some Members — I think the Minister for Finance is among them — are intellectually convinced of the need for tax reform but what has been put on the Statute Book is an insult to any such intellectual conviction. Other Members are equivocating, one day they are for it and the next day against. The Taoiseach said again today that he believed tax reform was not a panacea. Neither I nor my party ever argued that it was a panacea for curing unemployment but the Taoiseach, when addressing a Fianna Fáil function this year, said that tax reform to cure unemployment was a quack cure. We must tackle fundamentals like tax reform and its impact on employment.

The Minister for Finance was due to be called at 3.40 p.m. Perhaps it is in order that the Minister commences his reply to the debate.

In my address to the House this afternoon at the end of our Adjournment debate, I want to set out the economic performance of the Government in its first six months of office, and address the challenges that face all sectors of the economy as we tackle our high unemployment in the midst of global recession. Unemployment is now seen and accepted as a global problem. Both the G7, meeting in Tokyo this week, and our partners in the EC have placed unemployment at the top of their agenda. At the Edinburgh Summit the Taoiseach clearly enunciated the structural difficulties that underpin Ireland's particular problem in creating employment, generating economic growth and competing in a fair and equitable way with our European colleagues. Last week the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs reiterated those arguments vigorously in Brussels when he restated our well-founded arguments for an appropriate allocation of Structural and Cohesion Funds. To a great extent, our future economic performance will depend on appropriate EC funding combined with Exchequer spending, in the context of a practical European growth initiative, co-ordinated into a global drive for employment creation and resolution of the Uruguay round of GATT negotiations. That is the context in which we must foster fiscal rectitude, ensure our competitiveness, maximise our tax revenue, encourage investment and enterprise, support our social services and sustain employment. Those who, either within this House or from outside, claim that there are simple one line answers to these complex challenges, do a disservice to those who most need our help and encouragement. Simplistic slogans are no substitute for detailed planning and total commitment to harnessing all the energies of the State in pursuit of national prosperity. This Government has demonstrated clearly in its first half year in office that it is willing and able to legislate for economic and social progress, and bring forward structural changes necessary for the implementation of new strategies and programmes.

Ireland is part of a wider world. We live by trade, and so are dependent for much of our success on the pace of progress in the international economy.

This year, international expectations are that total jobs in the EC will contract by 0.75 per cent, and in the European countries of the OECD will contract by 1.5 per cent. Their forecasts for Irish employment, with which I agree, are that total jobs here may remain unchanged or rise marginally. We seem set to outpace our neighbours and competitors in this respect in 1993.

This year, international expectations on economic growth are for a decline of 0.5 per cent in the EC, and a decline of 0.25 per cent in the European countries of the OECD. Their forecasts for Irish growth range either side of 2.5 per cent; again I would not quarrel with these assessments — their figures seem to me to be of the right order of magnitude. We seem set to catch up a little more this year, in terms of GDP per head, on our neighbours and competitors.

In terms of jobs and output per head, the Irish economy continues to outperform the rest of Europe and the EC. The "dry statistics" to which I referred earlier underpin this view. The strong growth of Irish manufacturing output, which rose by over 10 per cent last year, has carried through into 1993. In the first quarter of 1993 manufacturing output was up by 8.5 per cent compared with the same quarter of 1992. Retail sales, which rose by 3 per cent in volume last year, are again moving ahead following a period of uncertainty around the turn of the year as a result of the currency crisis and the resultant fall-out. That slowdown is being made good. Over the first four months of this year it seems that the volume of sales was about 1 per cent higher than in the same period in 1992.

The sharp fall in interest rates over the last three months will further improve prospects for consumer spending — as will the good inflation figures. The consumer price index fell in May, bringing the annual inflation rate to below 1 per cent — the lowest in the European Community. This, of course, reflected falling interest rates. However, allowing for that, the underlying annual inflation rate in May was just 1.4 per cent, making the pound in everyone's pocket that much more valuable than it would have been with higher inflation.

The news on the employment front is similarly encouraging. The data available show that manufacturing employment here has held its level over the last two years——

Who is the Minister fooling? The redundancy figures are up 25 per cent.

——while falling elsewhere. The numbers engaged in the financial services area continue to edge upwards. While building and constructon employment still appears to be declining that trend should change as demand responds to falling interest rates.

Eight thousand jobs have gone in the building industry in the first six months this year.

Tax yields suggest that overall jobs performance in recent months — for which the usual employment statistics are not yet available — is in line with expectations.

The unemployment prospect has also improved. At the end of last year the live register was 25,000 higher than a year before, and about 30,000 higher allowing for definitional changes meanwhile. By end-June the year-on-year increases has fallen to 12,800. These figures point to a better outturn in 1993 than the budget time live register forecast of 309,000. I am now pencilling in a figure of 300,000 for the year. I note that the ESRI is taking the same view in its latest Quarterly Economic Commentary.

In overall terms, therefore, the domestic situation looks more promising than it did at budget time. However, the international growth prospect, in the aggregate, has deteriorated. The EC Commission's latest forecast of a 0.5 per cent contraction in European Community economic activity this year, to which I referred a few moments ago, compares with its previous forecast of a modest expansion of 0.75 of a per centage point. This will inevitably limit prospects for Irish exports in 1993, but so far as output figures give a pointer we seem to be on course for further gains in market share during the course of the year.

Accordingly I now think that output growth could be slightly stronger than projected at budget time, based on more vigorous domestic activity than earlier expected. The improvement in the domestic economy — signs of which are there already — should outweigh effects of the recession in the Community economy. On other aspects of performance, we can take satisfaction from factors such as our continuing very low inflation rate, our continuing disciplined fiscal stance and our strong balance of payments position.

The end-June Exchequer returns showed that, leaving aside any equity injection for Aer Lingus and any revenue impact from the tax amnesty, the budget Exchequer borrowing requirment of £766 millon should be achieved. While there is no room for complacency or for soft-option expansionary ideas, neither does there appear to be a need to introduce a mid-year correction package to keep to the 1993 budgetary targets.

These developments are all the more noteworthy given that, six months ago, we were in the middle of an international currency crisis and interest rates had moved up to intolerable levels. The fact that the crisis was not of our making was no comfort. By end-January our position had become untenable because of the imminent threat of further increases in retail rates, and there was no alternative to devaluation.

The general expectation at the time was that interest rates would move down slowly and that by end-1993 we should be back to the levels in operation prior to the crisis.

Since our devaluation at the end of January the turnaround has been excellent despite the initial negative background in the EMS. It was imperative that our statement of budgetary strategy would give the markets an unambiguous signal of our monetary and fiscal policy. We stated clearly that the finances of the nation would comply with the Maastricht criteria and that we were committed in the short, medium and long term to sound fiscal policies and retention of our position within the narrow band of the EMS. Those rigorous disciplines we set ourselves have borne fruit. True, there were great forces at play in Japan, the USA and in Europe led by the Bundesbank's conviction that the era of high interest rates was over — at least for the present. None of those external positives could ever substitute for Irish negatives if we had breached the strict fiscal parameters that we ourselves deem essential for our economic well-being. The results have confounded the predictions of many so called experts. To illustrate the point — from a level of around 14.5 per cent at the end of February, the key one month interbank interest rate fell to around 9.5 per cent at the end of March and since then it has declined to its current level of around 6.5 per cent. Over the same period, the Central Bank has reduced its key lending rate — its short term facility rate — by a total of 6.25 percentage points. This rate is currently at 7.5 per cent, which is its lowest level since its inception in 1979.

This sharp fall in interbank interest rates, which are now at levels not experienced since the late seventies has brought Irish interest rates down to among the lowest in the ERM. Indeed some key Irish interbank interest rates are now more than a full percentage point below corresponding German rates. This is a major achievement for the Irish economy.

The dramatic reductions are due to a combination of factors. The firm fiscal stance of the Government adopted in framing this year's budget was crucial in signalling our intent to the markets. Interest rates in Europe generally were simply too high before the crisis erupted in September; this reflected the response of the German authorities to domestic problems and also unease about lack of progress towards convergence in some member states of the European Community. The markets are now satisfied that stability is being restored to the European Monetary System. In our own case, there is renewed confidence in our currency and a recognition by the markets of our intention to maintain a stable position within the narrow band of the exchange rate mechanism. The defence of our currency over an extended period reinforces our commitment to a stable currency position and indeed our sustained defence gave a new international profile to the Irish currency which has attracted new investment into this country. The Irish financial institutions have responded to the evolving situation with progressive reductions in retail rates. In fact there have been eight rounds of retail rate cuts since early March. This has provided large savings on their interest repayments for both small business and for personal borrowers.

Mortgage holders, in particular, have benefited from the decline in interest rates. Following the eight rounds of cuts in retail rates, variable rate mortgages will be around six percentage points below the peak they reached during the currency crisis. For a typical building society mortgage holder, with a mortgage of £40,000, this will represent a reduction of around £160 in the monthly mortgage payment, some £80 per month less than it was before the currency crisis. It is because of developments like this and very low inflation, that the Government feels confident we can anticipate a strengthening trend in consumer spending.

In summary, the Irish economy has been expanding steadily despite the difficulties thrown up during the period of currency turmoil and despite the ongoing international downturn. It looks set to continue expanding. It is not surprising that the effects of the much reduced interest rates have yet to be felt in domestic activity. It was inevitable that consumers and business agents would be slow to respond. We are confident that, as the year progresses, the improvement in interest rates will begin to have a very significant impact. Once the new conditions are seen to be enduring, the real economy response will be forthcoming.

At the macroeconomic level, this Government's intentions remain unchanged.

Exchange rate policy continues to be to maintain the new bilateral rates of the Irish pound within the narrow band of the Exchange Rate Mechanism. Exchange rate developments since devaluation have been very satisfactory, with the Irish pound trading comfortably at the top of the ERM narrow band. The financial markets clearly appreciate the soundness of the Irish economy and of Irish economic management. We remain committed to the ERM because it offers the best prospects for the future. We have gained, and we will continue to gain, from respecting its disciplines. Quite apart from the inherent merits of that course for our own progress, participation in the ERM is also a pre-requisite for participation in Economic and Monetary Union. Our view of European Monetary Union is clear and simple. Ireland's future lies in the European Community, and the future of the European Community lies in European Monetary Union. Our intention is that when the time comes, Ireland will be among the first group of member states to participate in Economic and Monetary Union.

The Government appreciates that any broad macroeconomic policy stance, however sound it may be, is not enough. It is not enough, for example, that the Government aims at a budget deficit which is consistent with employment and economic growth. The balance within the budget must also be supportive of employment. That is why, as I have frequently stated, this year's budget had at its very core measures to generate and sustain employment by improving the long term growth potential of the economy and by promoting local enterprises and wealth creation. Policies such as these, underpinning a sound strategy on the key matters I have just mentioned, can deliver real and lasting progress.

I have absolutely no doubt that our budget of February 1993 will enhance the prospect of increased employment creation both in 1993 and, more importantly, over the longer term. It set desirable and prudent financial targets for the year despite, at the time, an unfavourable economic climate. This key element of our budget strategy sent an unequivocal message to the markets that we will not relax our strict financial discipline, helping to creat the conditions for lower interest rates and stability in exchange markets.

It incorporated an increase of almost £500 million in capital spending, up by more than a quarter on last year's level. The major infrastructural investment programme involved will prepare the ground for accelerated growth in the future — as well as generating economic activity in the short term. On the taxation side there were measures aimed at improving private sector investment. Stamp duty has been adjusted to assist the building industry generally. The improvements in mortgage interest relief will also be of assistance, particularly in combination with the decline in interest rates. As part of the effort to assist the construction industry, the urban renewal incentives were extended to allow delayed projects to qualify.

A third aspect of Government strategy in the budget and Finance Bill was to foster private enterprise and initiative. It must be clear to all that Governments cannot be the sole, even the main, source of sustainable employment opportunities. Jobs based on taxation are no more sustainable than the tax flows on which they depend. The private sector, responding to market demand and sales opportunities at home and abroad, will always be the key to expanding viable jobs. In order to assist the private sector to contribute further to the job-creation needs of the economy, we introduced this year a number of targeted and focused measures aimed at supporting and stimulating enterprise on a broad front.

The Government was determined in this year's Finance Bill to encourage investment for enterprise creation in imaginative, generous and innovative ways. I would like to outline a few. To stimulate entrepreneurship, I have introduced a new seed capital scheme designed to help those in employment who are considering leaving their jobs and setting up a business. It will work by giving up-front tax relief by way of a tax refund on the amount invested in the new business. The relief can be in respect of up to £25,000 income per annum for three of the previous five years. The scheme will also be available to the unemployed and those who are made redundant. The BES is now available for existing early-stage entrepreneurs who wish to put their money into their own small company. For established business people interested in moving from an existing company to a BES-type company, rollover relief from capital gains tax is now available on the sale of shares. For employees investing in new shares in their employer's company, the tax relief available has been increased from £750 to £3,000.

A second set of incentives is designed to encourage outside investment in Irish firms. Again, each incentive is designed to cater for a different part of the market. The BES was extended for three years and the lifetime cap on investment was lifted. In addition, the BES company limit was increased from £500,000 to £1,000,000. To help new BES companies in their start-up phase, research and developments is now regarded as trading for BES purposes. The pension funds have agreed to the principle of investing in developing Irish companies. The special investment accounts provide a special low tax regime for investment products with a large Irish equity content. Together these measures address in a very fundamental way the so-called equity gap, in so far as the tax system is concerned.

The foregoing tax measures have potential application across a broad spectrum of business. There were, in addition, measures focused on particular areas of economic activity. A number of important changes were made to help boost investment in the Irish film industry and to help establish Ireland as a reputable centre for film production. There was a substantial increase in the amount of tax relieved investment allowed for corporate investors in qualifying Irish films. Investment by individuals was brought into the scheme, and the qualifying period for relief was extended by a year. In addition, changes were made to facilitate the making of films under co-production agreements with other countries.

The old stock relief scheme for farmers, which lapsed on 5 April 1993 was replaced by a new scheme of relief for a two-year period from 6 April 1993 to 5 April 1995. In the light of changes in the Common Agricultural Policy, and to avoid the related difficulties that could arise for farmers with declining stock values, clawback arrangements under the old scheme were abolished.

Apart from seeking to assist employment prospects in the adjustments I made to direct taxation, jobs were also a critical consideration in my approach to indirect taxation. However, before pointing to some instances of my concern for jobs in decisions on indirect taxes, I would like to make a general point. In the past year there has been a revolution in the way in which the VAT and excise arrangements for dealing with intra-Community trade are conducted. It is a tribute to the professionalism of traders and administrators alike that the recent transformation has gone so smoothly. I would also like to extend my thanks to the motoring trade for the manner in which they co-operated with the introduction of the vehicle registration tax.

The 1993 budget effected a major consolidation and simplification of the VAT rating structure, consistent with the provisions of the Community Directive on VAT rates adopted last October. The 10 per cent and 12.5 per cent rates were consolidated into a single reduced rate of 12.5 per cent. As community agreements permit the application of only one rate in excess of the agreed standard minimum level of 15 per cent, our 16 and 21 per cent rates could not continue to co-exist.

While the primary purpose of indirect tax increases in the budget was revenue raising, in the majority of areas facing such increases the Government took measures to cushion the impact on those concerned, ensuring that the increases were implemented as sensitively as possible and with the minimum of disruption. For example: the increase to 12.5 per cent in respect of holiday accommodation and short term car hire does not apply to contracts already entered into prior to budget day. Similarly, in the case of building, account was taken in the provisions in the public capital programme to ensure that the local authority new house building programme and the voluntary housing programme would not be adversely affected by the VAT rate increase. Because of the effect that the increase would have on the cost of new homes, the grant to first time house buyers was increased from £2,000 to £3,000. Furthermore, where house building contracts with private individuals existed prior to the budget, the earlier 10 per cent VAT rate applies. These typify the actions of a Government which has the employment needs of the nation as its highest priority.

The National Development Plan is being prepared by the Government. This will form the basis of negotiation with the EC Commission on the next Community Support Framework for EC Structural and Cohesion Funds.

As Deputies are aware the Government's central objective in preparing the plan is the creation of conditions for sustainable growth in output and employment. During a recent debate in the Dáil on the plan, I outlined the work undertaken to date including the widespread consultation process. I described also the range of issues under consideration by Government in selecting investment priorities for inclusion in the plan.

The timing of the completion of our work on the plan is being kept under review in the light of developments at EC level. As the Taoiseach indicated earlier, the Government is seeking to ensure that the detailed allocations of the Structural and Cohesion Funds will be in keeping with the conclusions and the spirit of the Edinburgh European Council.

As I said, Governments cannot be the sole, even the main, source of sustainable employment opportunities. The aim of the various initiatives I have outlined is to create a better basis for business with entrepreneurs and employees working together to build their firms, expand their markets and "grow" their employment. This year's budget further improves the basis for business expansion in Ireland. It calls for a positive response from the private sector, to use the better business climate now offered for the benefit of both firms and, ultimately, of the wider economy.

There are some points I would like to make in this regard. The Associated Banks operate a voluntary matrix system whereby their highest retail rate will not exceed a certain margin above the one month interbank rate. This is a sensible arrangement that has worked well over the years. The matrix approach has allowed for a range of retail rates which recognise the different categories of borrower. In the latest rounds of reductions, however, I note that some categories of borrower are being moved closer to the matrix ceiling. In particular, I feel that the AA borrower — typically, the small business or farmer — may not be receiving the full benefits of the reductions and I would hope that their position can be restored.

The provision in this year's Finance Act removing stamp duty from the issue and transfer of corporate bonds will provide further depth to the Irish financial system and give a major boost to what was a virtually dormant area of financial activity. I am pleased to note that one financial institution has already availed of this development to successfully launch a new corporate bond two weeks ago. One of the notable features of many developed economies is the high proportion of private sector debt, both corporate and personal, which is at fixed rates of interest. Up to recently most private sector borrowing in Ireland was at floating rates of interest and, as we have recently seen, this can cause major problems for borrowers during periods of international turmoil. The removal of this stamp duty presents an opportunity for the development of fixed rate lending which, I hope, will be exercised.

At a more general level, we will be faced, in the period ahead, by the need to make choices which will crucially affect our future well-being. We must take the right choices, even if they appear at first, unattractive. As we move towards the close of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress period the groundwork must be laid to continue the advances made possible by the policy courses we chose over recent years.

In recent years, we have put the future first — we have chosen options designed to secure longer term progress, rather than pursuit of immediate, most probably counterproductive, gain. We must continue that preference for securing the longer term.

Similarly, in recent years we have steeled ourselves to rise to the challenge of living in a world of more integrated and more competitive international markets. We must strengthen our resolve to make our own actions still more consistent with the requirements for success in such markets.

Perhaps more important, we have opened up serious debate about whether some long-standing approaches and practices within our economy are necessarily consistent with maximising prospects for growth in jobs. I see this as one of the most healthy developments of recent times. The world around us is changing. We must change in response, or see our progress falter. Old ways may have suited past times, but they may not be appropriate any longer. Those who seek to hold back the tide of change risk disappearing beneath the waves of technological, innovative and organisational change rolling in from outside.

There are areas where we have still to move forward from old positions. Our recent past has benefited from looking at ourselves more critically, with a view to positive change. In this context, a number of issues may be raised.

I would point to the fact that both the US and Japan have substantially outpaced Europe in jobs growth — but with a difference. Japan has speeded jobs growth by consuming less, and investing more in self-sustaining projects, than other developed countries. In the US, faster jobs growth in recent decades has tended to come through relatively lower income increases than elsewhere. The implication is that we need either to raise levels of productive investment, or to lower our sights in terms of income increases if we want to emulate their faster jobs growth — which we assuredly need to do. Are we prepared to face up to those implications?

It is vital that all those involved in discussions on incomes developments should bear this in mind later this year. Choices are made, in such discussions, which over time exercise a large influence on the pace of jobs growth.

In summary, it is clear that we have kept pace and even surpassed our European partners in terms of jobs and GDP per capita, that we have nevertheless greater challenges that them in tackling our unemployment, our peripherality and our infrastructural problems.

This Fianna Fáil-Labour partnership Government has worked extremely well over the past six months with unanimity of purpose and common endeavour. Our record shows this clearly.

The Finance Bill, the implementation of the Culliton report, the county enterprise partnership boards. the new task force on jobs in services, our tax amnesty legislation, the National Development Plan, the National Economic and Social Forum, our determination to ensure the survival and future progress of Aer Lingus — all these and many more show a decisive programme of Government action. Not simplistic slogans to catch cheap headlines but firm positive and concerned action.

The Government has demonstrated firmly that it is determined to face up to every challenge, facing it in a positive and pro-active manner. We will continue to do so for the life of this Government. Let there be no doubt about that. We have many reasons to be confident of our abilities as a nation and of our prospects for the future. Much has already been achieved in a short period and we will continue to address our economic challenges in a similar vigorous and successful manner.

Votes put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 71; Níl, 37.

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Dermot.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Ahern, Noel.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Bell, Michael.
  • Bhreathnach, Niamh.
  • Bree, Declan.
  • Brennan, Matt.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Broughan, Tommy.
  • Browne, John. (Wexford).
  • Burton, Joan.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Connolly, Ger.
  • Costello, Joe.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • Dempsey, Noel.
  • Doherty, Seán.
  • Ellis, John.
  • Ferris, Michael.
  • Fitzgerald, Brian.
  • Fitzgerald, Eithne.
  • Fitzgerald, Liam.
  • Flood, Chris.
  • Gallagher, Pat.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Haughey, Seán.
  • Hilliard, Colm M.
  • Howlin, Brendan.
  • Hughes, Séamus.
  • Hyland, Liam.
  • Jacob, Joe.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Kemmy, Jim.
  • Kenneally, Brendan.
  • Kenny, Seán.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McDaid, James.
  • McDowell, Derek.
  • Moffatt, Tom.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Moynihan, Donal.
  • Mulvihill, John.
  • Ó Cuív, Éamon.
  • O'Dea, Willie.
  • O'Donoghue, John.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Keeffe, Batt.
  • O'Keeffe, Ned.
  • O'Shea, Brian.
  • O'Sullivan, Gerry.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Penrose, William.
  • Power, Seán.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Ryan, Eoin.
  • Ryan, John.
  • Ryan, Seán.
  • Shortall, Róisín.
  • Stagg, Emmet.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Walsh, Eamon.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Woods, Michael.

Níl

  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Boylan, Andrew.
  • Bradford, Paul.
  • Browne, John (Carlow-Kilkenny).
  • Bruton, John.
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Carey, Donal.
  • Clohessy, Peadar.
  • Connaughton, Paul.
  • Connor, John.
  • Cox, Pat.
  • Crawford, Seymour.
  • Crowley, Frank.
  • Currie, Austin.
  • Deasy, Austin.
  • De Rossa, Proinsias.
  • Doyle, Avril.
  • Dukes, Alan M.
  • Durkan, Bernard J.
  • Flaherty, Mary.
  • Gilmore, Eamon.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Harte, Paddy.
  • Keogh, Helen.
  • McDowell, Michael.
  • McGahon, Brendan.
  • McGrath, Paul.
  • McManus, Liz.
  • Mitchell, Gay.
  • O'Donnell, Liz.
  • O'Malley, Desmond J.
  • Quill, Máirín.
  • Rabbitte, Pat.
  • Sargent, Trevor.
  • Sheehan, P.J.
  • Yates, Ivan.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Dempsey and Ferris; Níl, Deputies Boylan and Keogh.
Votes declared carried.

It would be remiss of the House on the day the Dáil is adjourning for the summer recess not to recognise and acknowledge the service of a loyal servant of this House, Mr. Peadar Lawless. He has been employed as an usher for 38 years in this House and is retiring today. He has been employed in the public service for 54 years. I am sure the Ceann Comhairle will join me on behalf of Deputies in wishing Mr. Lawless and his wife a happy retirement.

And so say all of us.

I wish to be associated with the remarks of Deputy Davern. Peadar Lawless has given magnificent service to the country and to all the Members of the House. We wish him well in his retirement.

I hope the committee Members enjoy their weekend because they will be back at work next week and I hope to see the other Members on 21 July 1993.

The Dáil adjourned at 4.20 p.m. until Wednesday, 21 July 1993.

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