Vol. 439 No. 6
3 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs his policy on timing and conditions for the resumption of three-stranded talks between constitutional parties and the two Governments in relation to the Northern Ireland problem, North/South relations and Anglo-Irish relations.
12 Miss Harney asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the Government's view of the proposed talks initiative by the Northern Secretary, particularly in view of his statement on 7 February 1994 regarding the need for peace first and negotiations afterwards; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
34 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the proposals, if any, he has received from the British Government to restart the political talks process in Northern Ireland; and his attitude thereto.
38 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs in view of the continuing failure by the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin to signal an acceptance of the Joint Declaration by the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, Mr. John Major, of 15 December 1993, the proposals, if any, he will make to facilitate political progress in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
39 Mr. M. McDowell asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs whether he proposes to suspend or reschedule the Anglo-Irish Conference in the context of any new constitutional talks between parties in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
58 Proinsias De Rossa asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he has received proposals from the British Government, drawn up by the Northern Secretary, Sir Patrick Mayhew, to restart political talks within Northern Ireland; if so, his response to the proposals; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
78 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the basis on which he would like to see an early re-start to the wider talks process on Northern Ireland as referred to in the Taoiseach's speech of 10 January 1994, to the Irish Association.
79 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, in view of the Taoiseach's speech on Northern Ireland to the Irish Council of the European Movement, his views on talks between the constitutional parties, in the absence of a cessation of violence.
86 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the proposals, if any, put forward by the Government in regard to modalities for bringing about devolution in Northern Ireland in accordance with Article 4 (C) of the Anglo-Irish Agreement.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 3, 12, 34, 38, 39, 58, 78, 79, and 86 together.
The Government is working actively with the British Government for an early resumption of the three-stranded talks process. Both Governments wish to relaunch a process of dialogue on the terms agreed on 26 March 1991 with the widest possible participation of the main political parties in Northern Ireland which are committed to exclusively peaceful and democratic methods and wish to share in dialogue about the way ahead.
The natural point of departure for such dialogue is the Joint Declaration. The Declaration sets out a framework of principles and realities within which the two Governments believe that a lasting political solution of the Northern Ireland problem can be found. It has achieved very widespread support, including across both communities in Northern Ireland and in both islands. I would like to see talks building on that solid and valuable foundation. I believe they should focus clearly on the need for a deep and comprehensive settlement which would give practical and institutional expression to the principles articulated in the Declaration and produce new and satisfactory arrangements across all three strands.
The Government's policy on the timing and conditions for talks is clear and consistent: We are ready to enter talks as soon as a basis for them has been agreed among the participants. For our part we are anxious to do so as soon as possible and without preconditions of any description.
Public opinion on this island, North and South, has signalled in the most unmistakable terms, its support for the resumption of dialogue between the two Governments and the Northern Ireland parties. The majority of people of both traditions want to see their elected representatives sit down around the negotiating table and hammer out an agreement.
We have made clear at all times that we regard the peace process and the talks process as complementary. It is of course obvious that the prospects for negotiating a just and lasting settlement would be greatly enhanced in a climate free of violence or the threat of violence.
We hope that the republican movement will pay heed to the clear message coming to them from the Irish people of all traditions and open a way for comprehensive negotiations in an atmosphere of peace. At the same time, we have made it abundantly clear that no group will be allowed to exercise a veto on political progress.
There are recent indications that the Unionist parties are retreating more and more from the position they agreed in the March 26 statement, and reverting to the pursuit of an internal settlement.
The position of all other parties in the talks process, and indeed the experience of Northern Ireland itself, suggests that such an internal strategy is unlikely to command much interest or support in any other quarter. Its most likely result will be to marginalise the role and influence of the leaders of the unionist community, at a time which could be of considerable importance for the future of this island.
I think that is regrettable and I hope that the leaders of the unionist tradition will reflect very carefully on their position. Their rightful place is at the negotiating table. Recent opinion polls suggest that that is where their own electorate, as well as the two Governments, wish to see them. I will continue to pursue the goal of constructive political dialogue with leaders of the Unionist community in every way open to me. It is of course ultimately the responsibility of the two Governments to achieve the kind of political progress which will bring lasting peace and stability.
We are in regular contact with the British Government on the prospects for a resumption of political talks. Preparatory work on this issue is proceeding at official level. I had detailed discussions with Sir Patrick Mayhew on how best to advance the process, and I shall be continuing this work at an informal meeting to be held shortly, and at the next meeting of the Anglo-Irish Conference.
The best chance of securing a successful outcome to talks lies, in our judgment, in preserving the confidentiality of our exchanges. I do not believe it would be helpful, accordingly, if I were to make public the details of proposals which we may put forward or may receive. The Government of course remain fully committed to Article 4 (c), as we do to all other provisions of the Anglo-Irish Agreement.
There was and is no question of a suspension of the Anglo-Irish Conference to accommodate talks. The question of whether the Government might again be willing to adjust the schedule of Conference meetings in this context is a matter for discussion between the two Governments if and when a basis for new talks is agreed.
The purpose of new talks, as the Taoiseach made clear in his address to the Irish Association on 10 January, is to achieve agreement among the people of Ireland. We wish to see renewed dialogue, starting from the Joint Declaration and leading, in the words of the Declaration, to "a new political framework founded on consent and encompassing arrangements within Northern Ireland for the whole island and between these islands".
Would the Tánaiste agree it is regrettable that there has been a political vacuum in Northern Ireland for the last 15 months in that there has been no forum or mechanism whereby constitutional parties who do not and have never used violence can talk to one another about their common future? What did the Tánaiste mean when he said that the Irish Government was ready to enter into talks as soon as a basis for them is agreed between the participants? Does that mean that one or more of the participants by withholding agreement can veto the commencement of the talks?
It is in everybody's interest that there should be a political initiative on Northern Ireland available at all times. Nobody wants to see the constitutional politicians in Northern Ireland not being in a position to contribute to political life in Northern Ireland. As I made clear in my reply and in many public statements since assuming office, the Irish Government is anxious to resume dialogue on Northern Ireland, to seek talks resuming and to see the constitutional process engaged in. It is regrettable that that has not proved possible in the course of the last 12 months. We will continue with our efforts. We are ready, willing and available and it is in everybody's interest that the more people we can bring to those talks the better. The wider the consensus one can establish on the need for talks and on the outcome of the talks the better are the prospects of having a successful outcome. At the same time, no individual or party has a veto on the resumption of talks. Both Governments are working towards a framework to set out a prospect for talks.
Would the Tánaiste agree that it is desirable that talks should be started before the European election campaign gets into high gear so that parties in Northern Ireland do not say things in the course of campaigning which will make the resumption of talks after the election more difficult, that it is desirable that we have at least some point of contact established between them even if relatively little progress can be made before the election, so as to moderate the potentially divisive language that may be used in the campaign in the absence of such a point of contact?
I have no difficulty in agreeing with that suggestion. It is extremely important that the prospects for talks should be developed and that both Governments would find themselves in a position to outline the ingredients necessary for talks to resume. The Government has welcomed the generally careful and constructive line taken by the Official Unionists in relation to the Declaration. I sincerely hope that electoral considerations will not promote any modification of that line. The prize of peace which the declaration holds out is far too important to be exploited for party political manoeuvring in the context of European elections.
Does he agree that the document published by the Official Unionist Party does not of itself reject the three-strand talks, but that it was rejected in an off the cuff reply to a question at a press conference? Does he further agree that it would be very foolish of the Official Unionist Party, from the point of view of their own constituents and everybody on the island, to reject the three-strand approach because it is the only one that accurately reflects all the dimensions to the problem? It is very important that the Government uses every contact to dissuade the Official Unionist Party from going down a political cul-de-sac, to use the apt words of the Taoiseach if it is unwilling to accept Strands II and III. Will he agree it would be useful to table proposals on Strands II and III because there is a feeling in Northern Ireland — I know this from talks I had with politicians there — that the Irish Government is not really serious about Strands II and III because it has not tabled proposals on them? If the Government did so, it would indicate a measure of seriousness that some suspect — although I believe they are inaccurate — is absent.
Let us not forget the time limit attaching to priority questions. We have dwelt to an inordinate extent, on these questions to the disadvantage of others.
The remarks by Mr. Molyneaux on the publication of the document on Monday last were regrettable and very disappointing. Over the past 12 months we have tried to build up a working relationship with the Unionist parties because of the important role which they will have in the future of this island. I do not believe, and Deputy Bruton agrees, that a strictly internal narrow solution would or can work. We have tried to make that very clear and to establish the Government's serious concern about a solution in Northern Ireland. I believe the people of Northern Ireland want a solution to the conflict and the Irish Government will do everything possible, including handing over papers on our ideas on solutions to the problem, to make sure that the doubters among the Unionist community will have their doubts resolved. Time and time again, I have said that the Unionist community has nothing to fear from working with the Dublin Government and I hope we can convince them of that.
